5 > L 0  3^
THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION 
IN EKITILAND, 19iS - 1951
BY
TUNDE SUNDAY ADELOYE, B.A. (Hons.) Ibadan, M.A. (Ife)
A THESIS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY SUBMITTED TO 
THE FACULTY OF ARTS IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE 
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN, IBADAN.
AB5TRACT
The thesis focuses attention on the development 
of British Administration in Ekitiland fron 1915­
1951, It discusses the British occupation of Ekiti- 
land and analyses the efforts made by the British to 
consolidate their adrainistration through the creation 
of a centralised political authority. It examines the 
administrative structures evolved and observes that 
the Ekiti Oba were generally used as Instruments of 
British Administration, It is shown that under the 
new political dispensation, the Oba virtually became 
ciphers in the hands of British Administrative Officers,
It is argued that some of the responsibilities assigned 
to the Oba eroded their traditional power, authority» 
Status and prestige,
The thesis also examines the efforts made at 
creating a central Administration in Ekitiland between 
1920 and 1936, The attendant problems of this political 
experiment are discussed. In particular, the political 
agitations for secession» autonomy and other political 
reforms by some communities such as Ado-Ekiti, Akure, 
Igbara-Odo» Ilawe» Osi etc between 1938 and 1946 are 
discussed, It argues that these agitations not only 
threatened political Integration in Ekitiland but
"* i i
also contributed largely to the fallure of central 
Administration put in place by the Colonial Govern­
ment. The re-organisation efforts made by the 
British to re-invigorate their tottery administration 
in Ekitiland between 1946 and 1951 are analysed. The 
new political dispensation, which was a shift from 
a rigid centralisation of political authority that 
was unpalatable to Ekiti Oba to that of loose centra- 
lised Administration which allowed them (the Oba) to 
retain their sovereignty, succeeded to a large extent 
up to 1951. - 3 r
The economic dimensicon of British Administration
in Ekitil' aind during th© study period is also examined*
While contending that British Administration was 
largely exploitative and resulted in a monumental 
disruption of the pre-colonial economic structure of 
the Ekiti soclety, it identifles certain sectors where 
the British Administration achieved some measure of 
development.
The study concludes that though the British 
Administration tried to consolldate Itself in Ekitiland-, 
their Initial objective of rigid political centrali­
sation that would have brought Ekiti Kingdoms under one 
central authority was not realised. Furthermore* it
observes that British Administration was a mixed
blessing to the people of Ekltiland. The Ekiti 
accepted some of the changes considered beneficial to 
their society while rejecting those they considered 
detrimental to their well-being.
The thesis has complemented the existing studies
on British Administration in Nigeria cin general and 
has also revealed the abysmal failure of British 
attempt to create a Central Administration in a socie^ 
which was hitherto apparently segmentary.
;
<<
- iv -
DEDICATION
I dedicate this Thesis to my parents: 
Mr« William Ogunmola Adeloye
Mrs ALydila* Oluwayemi Adeloye 
for their moral and financial suppori 
towards my acqulsitlon of a Doctorate 
degree*
V
ACKNeWLBDGBMEWT
I wish to express gratitude to all the people 
from whom I collected Information during the fiel<$ 
work on which part of this thesis is based. I am 
particularly grateful to many Oba in Ekltiland whor 
in spite of thelr crowded royal duties, granted me 
oral Interviews in thelr respective domains,
I also express thanks to the Baale» Chiefs, 
Religious and community leaders as well as some pasfc 
functionaries of the British colonial admlnistratlom 
who supplied me Information durlng the period of data 
collection. I owe inexpressible thanks to the other 
Informants who supplied Information on this research 
work. In particular, my post-humous indebtedness is 
due to the late Msgr. A.O. Oguntuyi who granted me 
Interviews on eight different occasions on varlous 
aspects of this study.
I also wish to appreciate the invaluable asslstance 
and hospitality extended to me by people, too numerovig 
to mention individually, who I came across during the 
field work especially in towns where I had to spend 
the night. My deep appreciatlon also goes to Chief 
J.A. Arokodare and Mr. J.A. Faloye for allowing me to 
consult their Private Papers during the research wor!t~
My immense thanks go to the Staff of the Kenneth 
Dike Memorial Library, University of Ibadan, Hezekiah 
Oluwasanmi Library, Obafemi Awolowo University, H e ­
lfe and the National Archive«?,Ibadan for giving me
the opportunity to consult the documents
in their custody which are relevant to this research 
work. I would like to express my sincere gratitude 
to the officials of the Ministry of Information, Youth, 
Sports and Culture, Akure for making available to me 
some of the Government Publications which served as 
part of my source - materials for this thesis.
I am grateful to my Supervisor, Dr. G.O. Oguntomisin 
who meticulously and diligently supervised the thesis*
I wish to underscor« my appreciation of his encourage- 
ment and unsparing criticism of the work. I am also 
greatly indebted to Prof. J*A. Atanda, formerly of the 
Departmen t of History, University of Ibadan, who read 
the draft of the first two chapters of the thesis and 
offered constructive criticisms and valuable suggestlons 
feared toward its improvement. I appreciate immensely 
the general interest taken by Dr. G.A. Akinola,
Senior Lecturer and former Co-ordinator of .Postgraduate 
Programmes in this Department, in the research work
vii
as well as his invaluable advice during the prepara™ 
tion of the thesis. However, I wish to state that 
any survlving iraperfections In the work are entirely 
my responsibility. ;
I would like to place on record my indebtedness 
to Mr. J.O. Ojo, who taught me History in the Sixth 
Form at Ondo Boys’ High School, Ondo for giving me 
the initial Inspiration to study the subject at the 
üniversity level. In the same breath, my post-humous 
gratitude goes to the Late Dr. A.O. Anjorin, formerly 
Senior Lecturer at the Department of History, Univer- 
sity of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo üniversity) for 
kindling my Interest in pursuing historical research 
to a Doctorate degree level.
I would like to express deep appreciation to 
Mr. C. 0. Akomolafe, formerly Principal Lecturer,
Grade I at the Ondo State College of Education, Ikere- 
Ekitl, for his moral Support as well as unrelenting 
and sustaining encouragement during the tedious, 
hectic, exacting, agonising and time-consuming period 
of data collection for thls thesis. I am Indebted to 
my bosom friend and boss Prince 'Fioye Bajowa, Secretary 
to the Ondo State Government as well as Mr. Lafinhan
viii
Olagunju, a highly dependable close associate who is 
currently the Director-General, Ministry of Finance, 
Economic Planning and Budget, Akure, for their much- 
needed encouragement and moral support throughout the 
period of the Postgraduate course. I am also grateful
to my other colleagues in the’Ondo Sta te Civil Service
for their keen i-nterest in my welfare as well as in 
the study. In particular, I thank Dr Ayo Ojo, Messrs 
Adekunle Mibiola, Ayo Adakeja, Akin Akinde, Mrs Mabel 
Omotoriogun and Dr (Mrs) Bola Fakunle whose words of 
encouragement and raotiwation facilitated the successful 
completion of the research work.
I seize this opportunity to record my huge indebted 
ness to Mrs Adenike Agbaje, my former Secretarial 
Assistant at the Local Government Service Commission, 
Akure, who commenced work on the typing of the first 
draft of this thesis. I also express my profound 
gratitude to Miss Jolaade Babalogbon, my Senior Secre- 
tarial Assistant at the Hospitals' Management Board 
and later at the Ministry of Wofeen Affairs and Social 
Welfare, Akure, who had sleepless nights in typing the 
final draft of the thesis. Indeed, words are inadequate 
to express my thanks for the great despafcch, over-
whelming enthusiasm and painstaking mannor wlth which 
she carried out the assignment»
Finally, I would like to express my profound 
gratitude to my wife Olubunmi, a Senior Community 
Development Inspector in the State, for her co-opera- 
tion, affection, encouragement, fortitude, forbearance?
understanding, unflinching su'pport, unpaar sied de­
votion, deep solicitude for my welfare as well as 
providing me with a conducive atmosphere in the home 
which facilitated the preparation of this Doctora! 
thesis« I am also grateful to our children particularly
der-
check on the other younger ones in their desperate bid 
to encroach on my work at my study when I had to give 
virtually all my time to the completion of this 
research work«
X
C E R T I F I C A T I O N
I certify that this work was carried out by
MR. TUNDE SUNDAY ADELOYE in the Department of History,
G.O. OGUNTOMISIN, B.A., Ph.D. (Ibadan) 
Senior Lecturer,
Department of History,
University of Ibadan,
IBADAN.
JULY, 1995.
xi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
— — — ■ W ' H iuiii« w  tw m iu  ■ inatu j . i ’ "
PAGE
Abstract ............ i
Dadication .......... iv
Acknowledgement .....
Certification ......
Table of Contents ... 
List of Abbreviations 
Preface ••••••••••••• xv i
ECKHIATPITEEXRF TOON "EB:E FUIHNET"R'OTDHUgC"T~IÄÜO7NW: r OF THE BRITISH 1
1.1 The Origin of the people of Ekitiland 6
1.2 Political Organisation in Ekiti
Kingdoms ....................... . 35
1.3. Indigenous SoScial Organisation .... 76
1.4 Traditional Economic Structure in
Ekitiland ......................... 94
CHAPTER TWO: THE ADVENT OF THE BRITISH 
AND THEIR OCCUPATION OF EKITILAND.
1553-i§iS " ‘ ” " 138
2.1 Antecedents of the British occupa-
tion of Ekitiland.......... . 138
2.2 The factors responsible for the 
British occupation of Ekitiland .... 172
2.3 British occupation of Ekitiland .... ieo
xli
PAGE
CHAPTER THREEt THE ESTABLISHMENT OP 
B19R1I5T I-S H 1A9D2MQlT NiSfRÄ.T.i ON"i.N ~E~KITILÄND. 186
3.1 Imposition of Colonial rule 186
3.2 The Constitution of the Ekiti King- 
doras into a District under British
Administration & 212
3.3 The Bmergence of Ondo Province .... 215
3*4 The genesis of the Indirect Ruvl eV
System and reasons for its adoption.» 218
3.5 Native Courts Systems historical
OverView and application to Ekiti- 
land................ ........•••••• 231
3.6 Introduction of direct taxation •••• 253
ACDHFAUPNTlETRf RFÄOfUlROS^ :C O_NCSROELAITDIAONT IOONF  ÄOF~ CEBNRTIRTIASUHT  SED 
POLITICAL AUTHORITY IN EKITILAND. 1920-1936 273
4.1 The attempt to make the Ewl of Ado-
Ekiti the Sole Authority for the whole 
of Ekitiland ....................... 274
4.2 The Establishment of the Ekiti Confe- ■
deration Council (Pelupelu) in 1920 •• 278
4.3 Ekiti Oba as political instruments
of British Administration •••••••••••• 283
xiii
PAGE
CHAPTER FIVE? ATTENDANT PROBLEMS OF 
CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION AND BRITISH
REORGANISATION.POLICY’ IN EKITILANP,
1938-1951 ™ 316
5.1 Agitations for secession, 
autonomy and other political 
Reforms by some communities in
- Ekitiland, 1938-1946 .......... 316
5.2 Re-Organisation policy under :9. ?
British Administration, 1946-1951 .. 343
CHAPTER SIX* THE ECONOMIC DIMENSION OF 
BRITISH ADMINISTRATION IN EKITILAND,
1915-1951 361
6.1 Introduction of a monetary
economy .... 362
6.2 Development of Communication .... 376
6.3 Architectural. Innovation •••••••• : 383
6.4 Emergence of Wage Labour ....... 384
6.5 Introduction of cash crops ....... 392
6.5.1 Palm Produce 392
6.5.2 ,399
6.5.3 Rnhhor *____ *A*  <±1 Qy
6.5,4 rrs(-fcnn ____ . . 427
6.5.5 Abolition of the Land Tenure
436
- ni
PAGE
CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSION 445
Appendices....... ......... .........«... 451
Appendix I* List of important towns in
Ekitiland .... ...........  451
Appendix II* Map Of Ekiti Division of
Ondo Province • •..... 455
Appendix HI* List of District Officers
v/ho served in Ekiti Division
of Ondo Province between
1915 and 1951..... . 456
BIBLIOGRAPHY...... ................... 461
/
XY
D#0* Districfc OffAcer®
A •D.O® Assistant District Officer«
BEN»PROF* Benin Provincial Files»
D.C* District Coramissioner.
C.M.S. Chwrch Missionary Society.
0 '
C • 0 • Colonial Office®
C • S . 0 • Chief Secretary's Office, Lagos® 
J • A • H • Journal of African History. 
J.H.S.N. Journal of the Historical 
Society of Nigeria®
N.A.I. National Archives, Ibadan®
0®A.U®L* Obafemi Awolowo University Library. 
ONDO PROF® Ondo Provincial Files.
0Y0 PRO2F,7 z Oyo Provincial Files.
pp* British Parliamentary Papers. 
P.R.C.I® Proceedings of the Royal 
Colonial Institute.
U.I.L® University of Ibadan Library. 
SP. Sessional Paper
W.E.A.D.M. Western Equatorial Diocesan Magazine.
xri -
P R E F A C E
A cwrsory lookate the works that have emarga^! on 
British Administration in Nigeria vfculd reveal three 
groups of writers on the sufeject. The first group 
comprising eariy writers tend® to emphasise the 
legal framework of the Local Government System called 
Indirect Rule. Prominent among the group are Margery 
Perham in her book tltled, Native Administration ln 
Nigeria« (O.U.P., 1937), Lord M. Hailey, Natlye 
Administration ln British Afrlcan Territories P^rt III. 
(London, 1951), A.H.M. Kirk-Greene, The Prlnciples of 
Native Administrativ in Nigeria: Selected Documenta,
1940-47, (London, 1963), W.N.M. Geary, Nigeria wnder
British r' ule, V(London, Frank Cass and Co. Ltd., 1965) 
and I.F. Nicolson, The Administration of Nigeria 1900­
1960; Men. Methods and Myths, (Oxford, 1969).
The second group comprises scholars who hare 
written on some aspects of British Administration in 
Nigeria. A few of these writers focus attention on 
a global vlew of British rule in Nigeria while some
XTll
others devote a few chapters of thelr works to th© 
swbject. The remainlng others wrlte on some aspecfcs 
of British Administration» The scholars in the 
category and their works are as follows: T.M* T?invn©r 
The evolMtion ofthe MlqarlanStftta» The Southern 
Phase. (Longman, 1972), J.F.A. Ajayi, Christian 
Missions ln Nigeria. 1841-1891« (Longman, 1965),
E. A, Ayandele, The Mlssionarv irnpact on Mpderni Nigeria-, 
1875-1914. (Longman, 1966), O.A. Adewoye, The Judlclal 
System ln Southern Nigeria. 1854-1954. (Longman, 1977),
0. Awolowo, Path to Nlqerian Freadom. (London, 1947),
A.O. Anjorin, "The British eccupation and the develop­
ment of Northern Nigeria, 1846-1914, "(Ph.D. London, 
1965), J.C. Anene, Southern Nigeria ln Transition. 
(Cambridge, 1966), A. Burns, Historv of Nigeria. (London,
1958), M. Crowder, The Story of Nigeria. (London,
Faber m d  Faber, 1962), J.J« White, "The Development 
of Central Administration ln Nigeria, 1914-1935,"
(Ph.D. Ibadan, 1970).
The third category is made up of scholars who have 
examined in detail how the general Ordin«ces promwlgated 
by the British officials worked in partlcular localitles*
«viü
In their respecfclre case Stuhles, they emphasis® 
the response of the indigenous people fco British
Administration as well a® its Impact on ihslr 
polifcical, social and economic lifo, Scholar® vrho 
fall into thls category and their work® are as 
follows: 0. Ikirne, Niger Delta- Rivalrv: Ifcsekiri- 
Urhobo Relatlons an^ the European Presence»1884-1936. 
(London» Longman, 1969» 1977), A.E. Afigbo, Th§
Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule ln South eastern Nigeria
1891-1929. (Longman, 1972), J.A. Atanda, The new.Ovo
Empire? Indirect Rule and Change in Western Nigeria» 
1894-1934. (London, Longman, 1973), B* A. Agiri, 
"Development of Local Government in Ogbomoso 1850-1950", 
(M.A* Thesis, Ibadan, 1966), C.O« Akomolafe, ”Akoko 
under British rule 1900-1935”, (M.Phil.Thesis, If®,
1976). A*I. Asiv/aiu. Western Torubaland under European 
Rule 1889-1945: A comparative Analysis of French and 
British Coloniallsm. (Longman, 1976), P.A. Igbafe,
Benin under British Administration: The Impact of 
colonial rule on an Afrlcasn Klnqdom 1897-1934. (Longman,
1979), and A.O. Olukoju, "A History of Locseü. Government 
in Akokoland, 1900-1962: A Study in Political Integ­
ration and change”, (M.A. Project Essay, Ibadan, 1982)-,
xix
Since this study ls based on the approach of ihe 
third group of writers referred to above, I would 
like to make sotne passing remarks about thelr works» 
Plrst and foremost, all the scholars agre« in their 
respective areas of study that the British colonial 
Administration introduced far-reaching changes into 
the polifcisal, social and economic life of the peopls» 
Secondly, they (except Asiwaju who focuses attention 
on the comparison of the British and the French Admlnl- 
strations) emphasise the importance of Native Courts 
and Native Treasuries as effective Instruments of the 
British Administration* Thirdly, in most of the works, 
it is abundantly clear that direct taxation led to 
riots and disturbances in many areas in Nigeria* Also, 
there is a consensus among the scholars that the Status 
of Paramount Chiefs changed considerably during the 
period of British rule* While Afigbo, Ikime and Igbafe 
emphasise msdLnly the excesses of Warrant Chiefs, Atanda, 
Agiri, Akomolafe and Olukoju stress how the authorlties 
of paramount Chiefs were bolstered up by the British 
who brought other towns and villages hitherto independent 
under their suserainty, a pher*»menon that generated 
discord, ill-feelings and disaffection not only between 
the people of those towns and villages send the new
XX
sweerains but also against the British Colonial 
authority.
However, one area of disagreement is discernifele 
among some of these scholars. While Professor Igbafe 
believes that British Administration in Benin was 
nothing more than a 'direct' one, Ikime, Afigbo, Atanda, 
Agiri, Akomolafe and Asiwaju firmly believe that the 
British actually practised the Indirect rule System 
in the respective areas of their ®tudy though they 
express the reservation that the degree of 'Indirect 
rule' practised in these areas feil short of what 
obtained in the Northern Provinces.
From the review of Literature undertaken above, it 
is obvious that no attempt has been made to undertake 
an in-depth study of British Administration in Ekiti- 
land. In fact, apart from Professor S.A. Akintoye's 
article entitled 'Obas of the Ekiti Confederacy since 
the advent of the British' in M. Crowder and O, Ikime 
(eds), West African Chiefs: Their Changinq Status 
under Colonial Rule and Independence. (University of 
Ife Press, Nigeria, 1970), there is no In-depth and 
comprehensive work on British Administration in Ekiti- 
land. Prof. S.A. Akintoye only undertook a study of the
xxi
*Ekiti Parapo and the Kiriji War* and his Ph.D.
Thesis submitted to the University of Ibadan in 1966 
has been published as Revolution eand Power Polltics 
in Yorubaland 1840-1898: Ibadan Expansion and the 
Rise of Ekltlparapo. (Longman, 1971). Dr. G.O.I. 
Olomola, ln his Ph.D. Thesis, Ife, 1977, studied the 
*Pre-colonial patterns of Inter-State Relations in 
Eastern Yorubaland.* The present study is, therefore, 
designed to fill the existing gap in the historiography 
of British Administration in Yorubaland. It is diffe­
rent from the earlier studies in that it seeks to 
explain the failure of the British attempt to establish 
Central Administration in a politically segmented 
society.
All the seventeen kingdoms in Ekitiland were auto- 
nomous of one another before the advent of British 
Administration. There was no centralised political 
umbrella under which all the Oba in Ekitiland were 
brouqht. In view of the political Situation, some 
pertinent questions arise in analysing British Admini­
stration in Ekitiland. These are: How did Ekiti Oba 
perceive British rule which attempted %o bring them 
under a centralised political authority? How did thelr 
subjects react to the various policies introduced in
xxii
Ekitiland by the British? What were the attitudes 
of the British polltical officers to the Oba in 
Ekitiland? Did they behave like Gaptain W.A. Ross 
in the Oyo Province? What were their concrete 
achievements, if any, in their areas of Jurisdiction? 
Having regard to the peculiar political evolution 
and administration of the Ekiti kingdoms, did the era 
of British rule forge political cohesion among the 
Ekiti Oba? Or did it result in disunity, acrimony 
and disaffection among them? Why did the Ekitiparapo 
Council which emerged with the advent of the British 
Colonial Administration fail to endure to the present
day as a corporate and windivisible entity? What was 
responsible for the failure of the British experiment 
of rigid central Administration in Ekitiland?
It is crystal clear that in view of the political 
evolution and administration of the Ekiti Kingdoms 
before the advent of British administration, answers 
to these questions cannot be derived frora Prof* 
Atanda's findings on the indirect rule System in Oyo 
Province* Consequently, the need for an independent 
and detailed study of British Administration in Ekiti­
land between 1915 and 1951 cannot be over-emphasised.
xxiii
In this regard, it is of paramount importance to 
note that unlike in Oyo, Ijebu and Abeokuta Provinces 
where the Alaafin« the Awu1ale« and the Alake were 
the most dominant paramount Chiefs in their respective 
domains, Ekitiland had no such recognised Paramount 
Chief who towered over and above other Chiefs. All 
the sixteen crowned Oba in ppe-colonial Ekitiland 
were independent of one «siother. This thesis, there- 
fore, addresses the threat to the British Administra­
tion by the problem of existing non-centralised Admini­
stration in Ekitiland. As earlier pointed out, there 
has not been an in-depth study of British Administration 
in Ekitiland hence by prodding into the political and 
economic changes which occurred in the area. as well as 
the people's reactions to the policies enunciated under 
the new dispensation, the thesis affords the opportunity 
for the understanding of the unique problems confron- 
ting the British Administration in Ekitiland. It 
also illustrates that it is not in all areas of Nigeria 
that the British policy of rigid political centrallsa- 
tion succeeded.
The study begins from 1915 and ends in 1951. The 
year 1915 was a great landmark in the history of 
British Colonial Administration in Nigeria in general
xxiv
and Ekitiland in particular. It was in this year 
that the Native Courts Ordinance was applied to the 
Ekiti Division of Ondo Province like most parts p»f the 
Southern Provinces of Nigeria, Consequently, a ,!C" 
grade court was established in sonne parts of Ekiti 
Division notably Akure, Ado-Ekiti, Oye and Ogotun, 
Indeed, it was the year 1915 that the Ekiti and Ondo 
Divisions were merged together to form the Ondo 
Province, Although the Ekiti Division had been created 
as far back as 1913, it was placed in the newly formed 
Ijebu Province following the amalgamation of the 
Southern and Northern Provinces on Ist Jssnuary, 1914»,
At that time, the headquarters of the Ekiti Division 
was situated at Ado-Ekiti but following the creation 
of Ondo Province in July, 1915, Akure became the 
headquarters of the Province. Consequently, since no 
significant event took place from 1913 to 1915 in the 
Ekiti Division, I have decided to adopt the year 1915 
as the starting-point of the thesis,
The year 1951 has been taken as the end of our 
period of study because it was that year that the 
Seven Provinces of Lagos (Colony), Abeokuta, Ijebu, 
Ibadan, Ondo, Benin and Warri (Delta Province in 
1952) became the Western Region after the adoption
-  XXV -
of the MacPherson Constitution. Also, elections 
into the new Western Regional House of Chiefs took 
place between August and December 1951. Thus frora 
this year, Ekiti Oba began to senjd representatives 
to the Regional House of Chiefs at Ibadsari. Since 
Ekitiland had no Paramount Oba. election of repre­
sentatives was through the Electoral College System, 
The foregoing hlstorical landmarks prepared the 
ground for the 1952 Local Government Law which vested
the control of Local Government ^odies in the Regional
Government which could set up Councils by Instrument 
and appoint Local Government Advisers (formerly called 
District Officers). The significance of this Enabling 
Law will be appreciated if it is realised that it 
made far-reaching changes as it transferred the control 
of Local Government from the British to a responsive 
government (comprising Local Government Councillors). 
Against this background, the year 1951 had been seen 
by writers as the end of the Indirect rule System and 
the beginning of the ’era of Councillors.' In view 
of the significance of the year 1951 to Nigeria in 
general and Ekitiland in particular, it is, therefore, 
a convenient point to end the thesis©
CHAFTER QNEj
INTRODUCTIOW: EKITILAND BEFORE THE ADV
■O■T—Ff H'MIT IWH E"Bi» BRITISH
For a proper «ppraisal of the development &S
British Administration in Ekitiland, it i® perti&QS 
to exarain* th« historical background as weil ao 
socio-politicai and economic System of the Ekiii 
people befor* the adv©nt of th« British®
Ekitiland was one of the five Administrative 
Divisions1 in th« defunct Qndo Province of Nigeria-, 
It lied within Longitude 4° 45' East of the
Greenwich Meridian and Latitude 7° 15« n and Q° ^ 0
N North o f the Eqwator* 2 It was boimded by the 
Ilorin Division to the North, the Kabba Division t ?  
the North-East, the Ow» Division to th® South «nd* 
1* Other Administrative Divisions wcre Oyjo, Akofeo 
Okitipupa and Ondo*
2. Harold Füllend, 
(Phillips, 1971);p.6S.
2
fche Ilesa Division tei the West« Ekitiland covered 
an area of 2,359 squ©re miles (3,774 kilometres) . 
According to the 1931 c&nsus, the population of
Ekitiland was 200,143 coraprising 58,472 Adult Malxes
and 70,994 Adult Females and 70,677 children. ßy 
1963, the population of Ekitiland had rissn te 
1,44Q,926.5
In the present-day set-up, Ekitiland covers 
twelve out of the 26 Local Governments in Ondo State« 
These are Irepodun/Ifelodun, Emure-Iae-Orun, Ido/Osi, 
Ekiti-West, Moba, Ekiti East, Ado-Ekiti, Ikere, Ikole, 
Ekiti South-West, Ijero and Oye« Their population,
3. Prof* G.J.A« Ojo put the area of Ekitiland at 
about 2,100 square railes (3,360 square kilometre®). 
See G.J.A. Oje, Ypruba Palacesi A study ofthe 
Aflns ln Yorubaland. { London. 19667, p.25.
4« (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, The Broad Outllnes of the
ebruarv. 1934). p.7. It should be noted that at 
the time these ffigures were estimated, Otun District 
was still part of the Northern Provinces.
5. State on the Move. (Published by the Minlstry 
>cal Government and Information, Akure, 1977), 
pp.14-15.
«» 3
according to the 1991 c@n©us Provision«! figure, was*
put at 1,623,603. 6 This representa 41.9 percent ef fchs 
total populatlon of Qndo State*
Th« hilly nature of Ekitil&nd 1s tha moet ®tri~ 
klng physical feature. A great part of tho land iss 
elther studded witfo large granlte formation® or 
dominated by chains of rugged Hills. In facfc, th@ 
name "Ekiti" ia darived from "Okiti" (mound) whlch 
denot*» the rugged mountainous nature of the
country. This hilly region f.r« . valuable wates'«* 
shed discharging strearas which flow to th® Creek
districts. A very pronounOcevd ränge of hill© run®
6 . Owena News« Sunday, 26th April - Saturday, 2nd 
May, 1992,P«5. See also Col, Ahmed Ugman
MDynlal tmmism-.A dS^^mtp^l£lc^ittOy £aAnd-^ nFldram3neHysr (Publishad 
by the Ministry of lnforwation,' Youth, Sport® 
and Culture, Akure, 1995), p.8*
7. Msgr. A« 0— , Hlstorv of Ekitl frotn the 
beginninq to 19?9) /"p*"^.,' Öev» S, Johnson, 
fha History of the Yorubas from the Earliest 
Times tci "the™ beginn lag of the British Prot ec- 
töraffe .""('Lagos.C.S.S. "Bookshopa7 ’ l921).
pp.22-23 and G.J.A. Oj©, Yoruba Culture^ 
(London and Ife University Pressi' 19^6), p.208.
4
through the Western and Southern parts of Ekiti 
with lofty hills in Efon-Alaaye, Okemesi, Ogotun, 
IJare, Ikere and Ado-Ekiti, all ranging from 440 fco
670 metres above the sea level.® Another ränge of
hills runs northwards from Ijero and Eastwards through
Usi, Ifaki and Ikole to Isinbode The hill tops and 
rugged environments served as pl aces of refuge during
the period of the 19th Century wars. Ekitiland also 
lies within the thick decidous forest which is 
fairly rieh in mohogany and iroko trees in its 
Southern part.8 910 in places like Akure, Ikere-Ekiti 
and Ado-Ekiti, the most notable features are steep- 
sided dome-shaped inselbergs rising abruptly from
8. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, CS026/29734 , Intelligence 
Report on Ado Distrlct. Ekiti Division, Ondo 
Province, 1933. Vol.l. pp7l2-l3 N.A.C. Weir." 
CS026/29762, Intelligence Report on Oqofcun 
Distrlct .Ekiti Divi«donrÖndo Provlncc, (1934). 
pp.5&6 and W.H. Clarke Travels and Eaploratlons 
in Yorubaland 1854-1858. (ed) J.A. Atanda 
(Ibadan, Ibadan University Press, 1972), pp*144-
145.
9. Ibid. See also G.J.A. Ojo, Yoruba Culture. op*, 
cit.* p.209.
10. G.J.A. Ojo, Ibidj^ p.115.
- 5 -
the surrounding country and displeying bare rock
faces* 11
The people of Ekitiland are monolingual. Thay
speak »utually intelllglble dialect* with tonal
differences of the Yoruba language which belongs t.o 
the Kwa group of the Niger-Congo farally, These 
mutually Intelllglble dialects made Rev. H, Dallimore, 
who had earller worked for a number of years in Oyo 
before his long raissionary career in Ekitiland, to 
coounent in 1930 that "there are numerous words still 
in use in Ekitiland which do not appear to hav« 
connection with YorubaJ^* Also, Fadipe, in his 
Classification of Yoruba dialects, has grouped the 
people of Ekitiland with the Ife and Ijesa people as 
people of Eastern Yorubaland who speak siinilar 
dialects as distinct front Oyo people in the $est.13
11* S*A* Akintoye, Revolution and Power Polltlcs ln 
Yorubaland 1840-1893. (Lonoman. 19^1). p*l*
12* Rev* H.Dallimore, 'The Rellgious beliefs of the 
Ekiti people' in Western Equatorlal Afrlcat 
Church magazlnes rcpresentlnq the Dloceses of 
Lagos and the Niger. March 1930, p.feO.
13* N.A. Fadipe, The Socloloqy of the Yoruba, (eds ) 
F*0* Okediji ähd C.0* Okediji, (Ibadan Universalfcy 
Press, 1970), p*37.
- 6
Similarly, Adetugbo ha* classified the people of 
Ekitiland with the Ife and IJesa people who «peak 
the Central Yoruba dialect as distinct from the 
north-western dialect spoken in Oyo, Ogun, Osun, 
Ibadan and the northern part ©f the Egba territory®^
The Oriqin of the people of Ekitiland
b^ i w  M,t  js*1 j v *
The aborigine* of Ekitiland came from different 
part* of Yorubaland in search of land for farming 
and hunting. They had occupied and lived in their 
present place* of abode establishing several mini«» 
States before the Sixteenth Century when the Oduduwa 
group came from Ile-Ife and imposed its rule on the®* 
It *eems obvious that there already existed well 
deve4®ped political System* in Ekitiland before the
coming of the Immigrant settlers called the Oduduwa
group. F< instanc®* Ourokutu and hi* brother
H
14. A. Adetugbo, "The Yoruba Language in Western
N Nigerias Its major dialect areas" in S.O. Biobaku (ed.), Sourcesof Yoruba History^ 
(Oxford, Clarendon Press| 19?M| pp. 183-185 
and 192.
7
Omoloju, who were th® chlldren of Yangeda, the 01u 
of Epe, a town about fourteen kilometres from Ondo, 
had evolved a centralised political System in Akure
before Asodeboyedo, the leeder of the Immigrant» 
from Ile-Ife, supplanted him as the leader of the 
Community after a six~month struggle for political 
supremacy.^5 Similarly, according to tradition, the 
first Ewi of Ado-Ekiti referred to as Awamaro, is 
said to have found, on arrival at the present-day 
Ado-Ekiti, a flourishing kingdom called Ilesun. Th« 
Kingdom is said to be a large polity incorporating the 
villages of Isinla, Isao, Ulero, Ulegemo, Aso,
Ulamoji, Agbaun (near Igbimo), Ikere and Ifaki. *I,16
15. T.S. Adeloye, The Oriqln and Development of the
monarchy in Akure from the earllest times to 1897, 
(M.A. Thesis, Ifet 1981), pp.5-6. See also Chief 
J.O. Atandare, Iwe Itan Akure atl Aqbeqbe re, 
(Akure, Duduyemi Commercial Press, n.d.), p.15.
16. A.O. Oguntuyi, A short History of Ado-Ekiti PartII, (Akure, Aduralere Printing Works, 1952), p»8 
and I, Olomola, A thousand vears of Ado History 
and Culture. (Ado-Ekiti, Omolayo Standard Press 
and Bookshops Company Nigeria Limited, 1984)f 
pp.3-4.
8
The Ilesun people are sald to have developed a 
centralised political System headed by the 
before the arrival of the Bre~irn  wh#«w wlth the asslo•Rt w " 
tance of the Odoloflm one ©f the Chiefs of the 
Elesun, subjugated the latter after an Inten^a :a
atruggle for political mastery between the tv?o of
them. 17 s3
After beheading the Elesun. according to tradl^ 
tion, Awamaro who could no longer see due to the 
darkness whlch had enveloped his own quarter ln the 
town, carried the head of the Elesun and shouted, 
"Eml eru Elesun nl 1s the slave of the
Elesun that is comlng). Thereafter, he buried the 
severed head of the Elesun at a spot where re-enact- 
ment ceremonies of the Oqun Ilesun (the battle of1 78
17. A. 0. Oguntuyi, op. clt.. p.11 and I. Olomola, 
op. clt.. p.5. Dr. G.O.I. Olomola has dated 
tnis eplsode to about 1310 A.D. ,
18. A. 0. Oguntuyi, op. clt.. p.ll.
9
Ilesun) between the •Er"1wi and the Elesun are still
perforraed at the old site of Ilesun whenever a new 
Ewi is to be installed in Ado-Ekiti today,1^
Awanaaro thus laid the foundation of a new kingdom.
He unlted the people - the rump of Ulesun and his 
followers at Oke-Ibon129 02 1and became their ruler. 
Awamaro then named the Settlement *Ado*21 (Her® w® 
encampl. Also, oral traditions Claim that the first 
Alara of Aramoko, the first Al er® of Ijero as well as 
the first Elekole of Ikole found some older »ettlers
_______
19. Ibid,. p. 
See also Oduduwa'
in ODU, Journal of Yoruba and related Studies, 
n.d. t p*29»
20« Its present location is ©pposite St, Paul*»
C, A, C. Chureh, Qdo-Ijigbo Street,
21, JIDu
n
» l
tyervi5 -, 1
e9w8.© , MsgSree  A,a0l,s o OgIu, ntOuÄyoim,o lao,n  o4gt.h clt,.
10
at Aramoko,*^ Apa^3 ancj o k e - I ß o l©  ( A s l n ) ^ ^  r e s p e c t l v e l y  
on t h e i r  a r r i v a l  at  those p l a c e s .  Msaiy o f  the 
r u l e r s  o f  these communities wore r o y a l  anc c h i e f l y  
r e g a l i a  and performed r e l i g i o u s  and p o l i t i c a l  f u n c t i o n s  
b e f o r e  the  advent of  the i m m i g r a n t s . ^
Moreover, evldence in oral- traditions about 
ancient communities in parts of Ekitiland has been 
corroborated by the discovery of relics of stone age 
habitation at Iwo Eleru, 40 kilometres north of Akure.
22 . ( N A I ) ,  H . F .  M a s h a l l ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ara
_Dist rlct., Ekit-i  Div;ision. Ondo Province. (l932). 
23. F. Alufa, Itan Kukuru nipa Hero ati Orile-ede Ilero-Ekiti. (Ado-Ekltl. li'örl"Prlntlnq,'LServlcet 
195T)7T^20 and H.U. Beier and L. Levi (eds), 
'BefoI re•  Od^uduwa' o p. cit.1 p.29.
24. Information collected from Chief J.O. Filani,
82, the Rewa of Ikole on 2nd Aps>il, 1986.
25. See (N.A.I), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Ado bistriet, op. cit» r p.22 and G.O.I. Oloraola, 
Pre-Colonial Patterns of Inter-state Relation^ 
ip Eastern Yorubaland,'(Ph.P. Theslg. Ifet 1977), 
p.37.
11 -
This pra-historic relic ha» been dated to 9,200 B.C.* 26 *
Also, the remains of human Skeleton found ln this 
cave has been described as that of the oldest Homo
sapiens ln West Africa and the oldest Nigerian yet 
discovered"^ jn fact, the age of the human skeleton 
is dated to 10,000 years.28 From the foregoing, it is 
apparent that human habitation at Iwo Eleru predated 
that of Ile-Ife. In fact, excavation carried out at
the site of Orun Oba Ado at Ile-Ife producta radio 
carbon dates indicating occupation only as from the 
Sixth Century B.C.
........ *
26, Thurstan Shaw, ‘Radio Carbon dating in Nigeria* 
in J»H.S.N,, Vol.IV, No.3, December, 1968, 
pp.458-9.
27. See D.G.H* Daniels, *The Middle and Late Stone 
Agen in Thurstan Shaw (ed), Lectures on Nlqerian 
Historv and Archaeoloav. Ibadan University Press, 
1969), p.27 and Thurstan Shaw, *The prehistory of 
West Africa' in Historv of West Africa. Vol. One, 
(eds) J.F. Ade Ajayi and 'pilT Crowder^ TLongman, 
1976), p.53.
28. M. Crowder, West Africa» An Introduction to its 
Historv. (Longraan, 1977), p.10.
2<9. 5 Ibld.
12
Furthermore, Oba, 30 a town of about five kilo- 
metres from Akure, appears to have a long history of 
antiquity. The origin of the early inhabitants is 
still, to a large extent, shrouded in obscurity«
However, according to Oba tradition, the aborigines 
of the land did not migrate from anywhere but found 
themselves where they were« It is said that the 
Oloba's tradition of origin is similar to that of the 
Ife mythology which Claims that Oduduwa descended 
from heaven with a Chain« Finding the 'whole world' 
covered with water, the Oloba poured some quantity of 
•afcth which he brought from heaven on the water and this 
led to the eraergence of land31 hence the Claim 
'Oloba lo nlle* (Oloba is the owner of land)«^
30« The narae of this town was changed to Oba-Ile 
in 1975 to differentiate it from other towns 
like Qba-Akoko, Oba near Onitsha in Anambra 
State, etc«
31.." See H« U« Beier, 'Before Oduduwa', op« eit«. 
p« ->0«
32« Information collected from Chief Jacob Alade- 
rotoun, (77), at Oba-Ile on Ist December,
1986.
13
Consequently, the people of Oba do not Claim
descent from Ile-Ife« They worship no god or goddess
except 'the earth' which is believed to have been
created by the Oloba« In fact, H« U. Beier has suggested
that the people were not only autochthonous to the
place but also that the ’conquering Ifes’ must have
adopted and transferred the myth of the origin 6f the
Oloba to Oduduwa, their ancestor, to legitimise their 
authority« 33 Besides, recent historical studies have
shown convincingly that Oba is an old Settlement; it is
as old, if not older than 34
From the foregoing, it is apparent that Ekitiland 
had been inhabited for a very long time« Most of the 
oral traditions of the people refer to some ancient 
inhabitants of unknown antlquity who were either
33« H« U« Beier, loc. cit.. p«30«
34« 5« A« Akintoye, ’The North-Eastern Yoruba District
and the Benin Kingdom' in J«H«S«N«« Vol.IV, No.4, 
June 1969, p.544 and T.S« Adeloye, The Origin 
and Development of the Monarchy ln Akure^ ojd*. cit*,.*, 
p«76«
f
14 -
subjugated or absorbed by the Immigrant settlers 
from Ile-Ife who later established their political 
authority o*ver them. Rev. H. Dallimore has inferred 
from these traditions that the Ekiti people "are 
remnants of the tribes which have occupied South™
Western Nigeria probably for a thousand years."^ 
Biobaku seemeto have corroborated the antiquity of 
the early inhabltants of Ekitiland by arguing that the 
migrants to the place met on arrival ’some thinly 
spread predecessors'.^®
It is plausible to argue that the raigration into
Ekitiland from Ile-Ife probably started with the
<ispersal of princes 37 by the end of the eighth or
the beginning of the ninth Century. 38 According to 63857
35. H. Dallimore, op. cit.. p.60.
36. See S. 0. Biobaku, The Orlqin of the Yoruba. 
(Humanities Monography series, University of 
Lagos, 1971), p. 21* Appendix II.
37. Rev. S. Johnson, The Hlstorv of the Yoruba.
2E*. p. 22. '
38. I. A. Akinjogbin and E. A. Ayandele, ’Yoruba- 
land up to 1800' in 0. Ikime (ed.). Groundwork 
of Njqerian Historv. (Ibadan, 1980), p.125.
15 -
Ife tradition, the chlldren of Oduduwa were given 
crowns by him and left Ile-Ife with a common consent-, 
after a meeting at a place still call®d MIta IJ@rQw 
(the place of consultatlon) in Ile-Ife, t@ founeü
new kingdoras in Yorubaland.3 9 Sorae
Ekitiland subjugated the pre-exist
System there and established thei 39
39. gIibvledn. . fopr. 12t4h.i s dVlasrpieorussa lo.t herF orr edaestoanisl sh avsee ebeen  
E. A. .kenyo, The Orlqln of the Proqenitor of 
the Yoruba race. {The Yoruba Hlstörlcai‘Research 
Companyj 1950), pp.16-19; W. Bascom, The Yoruba 
of South-Western Nigeria. (Holt, Rhinehart and 
Winston, inc 1969), p.11; N.A. Fadlpe, op. cit.. 
p.38, I.A* Akinjogbin, 'The Expansion of Oyo and 
the rise of Dahomey 1600-1800' in J.F. AS« Ajayi 
and M. Crowder (eds ), Historv of West Africa 
pp. cit.. p. 376-7, J.A. Atanda, An Introductlcn 
to Yoruba Hlstgrv. (Ibadan University Press, 
Ibadan, 198017 p.9, M. Crowder, West Africa. 
gj>jp cit.. p.33; I.A. Akinjogbin, 'Ife, the Homo 
of a New University', Nigeria Maqasine. 92,
March 1967, p.43; Oba Adesojl Adereral II, tho 
Ooni of Ife, Notes on the city of If®", Nigeria 
Magazine. No.12, 1937, p.4.f B. Idowu, Olodumar^, 
God ln Yoruba Belief, (Ibadan University Presß, 
Ibadan, 1962), p.2i; S. 0. Ojo, the Bada of 
Shaki, the Origln of the Yoruba: their trlbes-, 
lanquaqe and Native laws and Customs. (ibadan, 
Abiodun Printing Works, 1952), p.18.
- 16 «
The end-result ©f these conquests w&a th© ewierg^nc^ 
of the sixteon traditional crownod heads ©f 
Ekitiland who wer© aaid t© have brought their 
beaded crcvrns frora Xi©~l£®, Various view® hava 
been expreas®d ©n the exact rmmber ©f the kingdoras 
in Ekitiland in the pr«-c©loni&l er®. Rev. s. 
Johnsen mentioned only sixteen kingdomg namely, 
Otun, ijero, Ado» ikole, Ara, Efon, Xsaesi, Akur©8 
Ogotun, Ido, Aiyede, Oy©» ©km®, Ire, Iss© and 
Itaji.401 4 However, Prof. S.A, Akintoye and Msgr.
A.Oc O g u n tu y i  have put  the  nuambor a t  s e ve n te e n .  
They a re  o t u n ,  I k o l e ,  Ado,  Akur©, Oye,  I j e r o ,  i d » ,
Ikere, ise, Emure, Efon, Okemesi (traditionally 
Iraesi-Igbodo), Ara, laan, Itaji, Obo and ogotun« 41
prof. Akint —  ent further to assert that tha
40, Rev. s .  Johnson, op. clt», p.321.
41. S .  A .  Akintoye, Revolution and Power politics l n  
Yorubaland» ©p. cif.',' p.6 and A. Oguntuyi, 
Higtory ofEkTti~Trom the beqinninq to 1939,
©P. Cite, P.49Ö ' " '
17 -
e i g h t e e n t h  kingdorn, A i y e d e ,  emerged i n  the f i id d le
of the 19th Century. 42 Johnsen differs from 
Akintoye and Oguntuyi by including Aiyede, Omue 
and Ire in the list whiie excluding ikere, Emure,
Obo and isan from it. Also, Prof. G.J.A. Ojo43
has put forward the view that the number of Iking-
doras in Ekitiland was seventeen though he did not
name them. In the same vein, Chief 0. Atolagbe, the 
traditional historian of Mobaland, has posited that 
there were seventeen crowned Oba in Ekitiland 
coterminous with the seventeen kingdoms. He argues 
that the Qore of otun was their head*44
42. S. A. Akintoye, ©£. cit.. pp. 6-7.
43. G.J.A. Ojo. Yoruba palaces, (London. 1966). 
p.25.
44. See D. Atolagbe, itan Pore. Otunatl Moba. 
(Ibadan, Olanrewaju General Printers, 1981, 
Reprint), p.ll. Evidence would be provided in 
Chapter pour to controvert Chief Atolagbe*s 
Claim that the Qore was the head of the 
Ekiti Oba.
18
Ifc may »een problenatic trying to establish tho 
exact number of the original kingdoms in Ekifciland.» 
However, having regard fco the age as well as the 
pre-colonlal historical significanc« ©f the 
kingdoms enumerafced by Akinfcoye and Ogunfcuyit their 
confcenfcion fchafc fchere wer« originally 17 kingdoms 
in Ekitiland could be acceptable* Aiyede, omuo and 
Zre which Ogunfcuyi included in bis Classification 
are not known fco be among the early kingdoms in 
Ekifciland* In the same breath, Ogunfcuyi*s non* 
inclusion of Ikere, Ernura, Obo and Isan in his 
lisfc of early kingdoms would appear not fco hava 
bean based on any historical evidence* Besides, 
Prof* Afolabi Ojo seems to have correborafced Prof* 
Akintoye and Msgr Oguntuyi's Claim that there were 
17 kingdoms in Ekifciland*
Although all the Oba of the 17 Ekiti kingdoms 
Claim to have brought their beaded crowns from 
Ile-Ife, historical evidence afc our disposal shows 
that only a few of fchem actually derived their
19
beaded crowns from the place. First, there is no
consensus of opinion as to the number of Oduduwa’»
children who were glven beaded crowns in Ile-If*.
While one school of thought Claims that only
the seven grandchildren ©f Oduduwa were given beaded
crowns and despatched to found Kingdoms of their
own, another4^ contends that the number ©f princ^ss
.................... ...............................________________________________________________
45. It is suggested by this School of Thought that 
Oduduwa gave birth to only one son called Okanbi 
who in turn gave birth to seven children. See 
D.O. Fagunwa and L.J. Lewis, Talwo atl Kehlnds 
iwe Kerin« (Ibadan, O.U.P., 1$6$), pI2. HoW- 
ever, Rev. S. Johnson and Mr. E.A. Atilade 
contended that Oduduwa gave birth to seven 
children (two daughters, the mother of the 
Olowu, the mother of the Alaketu and five sons 
natnely the Oba of Benin, the Oranqun of Ila,
the Onisabe z j  sabe, the Olupope of Popo and 
Oranmiyan, founder of Oy@J• See Rev. S. John™ 
son, The History of the Yorubas. op. eit,,
PP•7-5 and E. A. Atilade, ÄVoka Yoruba Apa 
Karun. (Lagos, Amalgamated press of Nigeria, 
n.d.), pp.59-60. The list does not include 
any of the Oba in the 17 Ekiti Kingdoms.
46. They are enumerated as the Ooni of Ife, Alaafln 
of Oyo, Alake of Abeokuta, Awulale of Ijei>ü-ödö',
* Ajero of xjero, Alara of Aramoko, Osemawe of 
Ondo, oranoun of ila, Oba of BenlnT’oTowu of 
Owu, Ewi of Ado-EkitltHsIekole of Ikolei Pore 
of Otun, Alaketu of Ketu, Onisabe of Sabe and 
Alaafin of Oyo. See The Daily Sketch of 
September 3, 1975, p.6.
20
given beaded crowns was sixteen, What is more.
another school of thought argues that the nu®b®r
of Princes who derived their beaded crowns from
Ile-Ife was twenty-one. 47
47* tWoh enL agtohse  BOoynTin. e ObCao loAndiealle kaGno veOrlnumbuesnet,  tow asse fiefnevl̂i tefcdh« 8? 
question ©f whether, er not, the S^epe of Epo 
near Sagamu had the right to w©sr a beaded crown, 
Ooni Olubuse listed those who derived their crowns 
directly fr©m Ile-Ife as fellows: The Alflkg ©f 
Abeokuta, the O^owu of Owu, the Aqura of Gbagwra, 
the of Öko, the Alsketu of Ketw, the ^j&f£ra
©f Oyo, the Akariqbo of Ijebu-Rerao, the Ay^alo 
of Ijebu-Ode, the Osemaw of Ondo, the Olowo of 
Owo, the Oba of Ado (Benin), the Owa of Ijeea, tho 
Oranqun ©f Ila, the Olosl of Osi, the Oora of Otun, 
the Ololudo of Ido, the Ajer© of Ijer®, the, AjUra . 
of Ara, the Elekole of Ikole, the Alaave of Efon 
and the Ewl of Ado, See W. Bascom, The Yorwfta of 
Southwestern Nigeria. (New York, Reinhart and Win- 
stern Ine,, 1962), p.'ll, See also D, Atolagbe ,
Itan Pore. Otun ati Moba. o p . clt,. pp.15-16. 
Atolagbe Claims that the Pore came to the earth 
as an Obqi with a crown and lleke (beads) on his 
neck and arms* He seems to counter the notion that 
the Pore derived his crown fro» Ile-Ife, D,Atolagbe, 
Ibld,, p,2. Still on the enumeration of the Oba 
who derived their beaded crowns frora Ile-Ife, the 
Ooni Adelekan Olubuse on 24th February, 1903,
TTsted the following Oba and Olola: Ooni of Ife, 
Olowu of Owu, Alaafin ©f Oyo, Oba Ado (Benin),
Poreof Otun, Oranqun of Ila, Awulale of Ijebu-Ode, 
A1er© of Ijero, Ololudo of Ido, Alara of Aramok®, 
Elekole of Ikole, Ow£ of Ilesa, Ewi of Ad», 0 
of Oye, Alake of Abeokuta, Alaave of Efon, OXogot^n 
of Ogotun, Akariqbo of Sagamu, Oloyl of Ife
- 21 ~
From the last three liste enumerated above, 1t 
would be observed that only five or eighfc of the Ob& 
of the 17 Ekiti kingdoms are mentioned# Howevar, 
raajority of tho Obe, in Ekltiland still clai® that 
their beaded crown® are derived fror« Ile-Ife- In fact 
it ha® been difficult for historiai
between tradition® connected with ths
variou» Ekiti kingdom® and the tradition® of the 
origins of their kingship« For example, according to 
tradition, Ifaki was initially made up of four villagos 
of Iworo, Ilero, Ilogbe and Egun whlch cause 
Ile-Ife9 The four villagea later came together aa a
47 continued«
(Oyi Ife-Ijebu), Aqura (Abeokuta). Oqoqa of Ikere, 
Osemawe of Ondo, Oshile (Abeokuta), EZensur5 ©f 
Emure, ArTlRnrqebpaufbol iofc  IgbaJ©, Gbaloqun of Ajaae,Oba DadT ©f Benin;, Onlbara of Ibara,
Owa of Igbara-Odo, Id© (Ido Qsun). Oniserl of 
Iseri, Olola-Oke of Iraesi I, Olo^a-Ok© of Imesl I I ,  
Oloqere of Ogere, Olore ( O b a o u n Eleve of Epe 
Tnear Sag amu), Owalob© of Obo, Onlj.awe of Xlaw®, 
Onipokia of Iookla‘.' ’6n jtede (TediJ”  QlghaR 
Ohan"^ra (Erijiyan), Onire (Ire tiOyoF, Oloton 
(Oton Koto), Alapa (Agbonda), Olob^ o£ Oba 
((Anebaero kAuktuar e)S eeO niNr.oA. I(«I roI)b a OlEonctläo osfu reO taI I anidn  OOynotori  
Prof«1. 1372 Yoruba crowns? Right and Privileges 
to w a r  by certaln Chiefs«
22
result of inter-tribal wars ln order to present a
unlted front against external aggression. 48 The 
people of Ifaki claimed that the Olufaki derived his 
beaded crown frora Ile-Ife.^ Yet the Olufaki is not 
raentioned as one of the Qba who derived their beaded
crowns frora Ile-Ife. 50 Similarly, the Ilawe ßr^adition
Claims that the town was founded by Oniwe Oriade, a
grandson of Obalufon, one of the Oonls of Ife. 51 The 
Oniwe is also said to have brought a beaded crown frora 
Ile-Ife« This Claim has not been corroborated by any
past or Contemporary scholar on history. In
the same breath, the traditions of origin of the peopXe
K l — ■ — W W « — w — w w w w . .  n ~?i
48« Interview, Oba Agbaje Aladegbami, the Olufaki 
of Ifaki, aged 62, on 5th January, 1988. See 
also;, N.A. OJo, Iwe Itan Ifaki, (Ifaki, Ominira 
Printing Press, 1.9595 y p.4. ’
49. Ibid.
50. See the lists earlier enumerated.
51. Iangefdo rm82a,t ioonn  r6ethc eiJvaendua rfyro,r a 1M9r8.8 .O. Ajayi, 
- 23
of Orin-Ekiti Claims that Apelua, their ancestor,
was the son of the Oftrii of Ife. He is said to be a
hunter who settled near River Ero. Becauss the place
was fertile, he called it Ile-Irin which was later
changed to Orin. 52 It is also claimed that Apelua 
brought a beaded crown from Ile-Ife.5  ̂ This Claim, 
like those of Ifaki and Ilawe, has not been substan- 
tiated by any historical work ©n Yoruba history.
The people of Ikole-Ekiti are said to have migrated 
from Ile-Ife. According to this tradition, Akinsale,
who was later nicknamed Alakole, was the founder of
Xkole. He is said to be o\n e ?of the grandsons of
Oduduwa given 250 gods before leaving Ile-Ife* This 
tradition has it that when he was apparently not 
satiŝ :ieCi he was nicknamed 'Alakole' (Literally 
meaning a man that would not be satisfiecj ). This was 
later contracted to 'Elekole', the present title of 
the Obj» ©f Ikole-Ekiti.54* 53
52* Interview, Mr. E*0* Falodun, aged 63, on 27th 
January, 1988.
53. Interview, Mr. E.O. Falodun on 27thJanuary» 1988.
54. oIfn teIrkvoileew-.E kiOtbia,- Adone tuInslt a MaAyd,e le19y8e8 «»II, the Elekole
», * • *
25
crowns, was the first Onitali of Itaji. Agbagbede 
Edure is said to have settled at Ipole near Efon- 
Alaaye where he died. On his death, his son, Owasun ,
left Ipole to found Itaji. 56 Also, the people of Efon-
Alaaye are sadd to have raigrated from Ile-Ife. The 
migrants are said to have been led by Ij one of
the two sons of Oduduwa given sonie Okro plant
on their farms. The first, who is said to have re-
ported to Oduduwa that his seeds had not germinated,
was given the title 'Alara* while the second, Ijemegan
whose seeds had taken fcoot was given the title "Alaiye"
(literally meaning fruitful life). He is said t© have
left Ile-Ife later to found Efon-Alaaye. 57 The town 
itself is said to have been christened "Efon" by the 
the Edo people (Bini) who passed through the area 
(long after its establishAent) due to the nuroerous 
buffaloes ' that were present there.®® *57
5$. (N.A.I), N.A.C. Weir, EKITI DIV 1/1/223, Intelligence
iReportpt a i  rl Ta —sm.mm a
 —woyny   Ita?j3 i i i Dii n —s—ti—ri— c— t for Eki—ti —Di—v—iaswi—own.* — i a1«9w «3i i4»15-16, mmmmm i i r
57, (N.A.I,), R.A. Vosper, CS026/30/69, Intelligence
Report on Efon District of Ekiti Division of Ekiti 
Division of Ondo Provlnce, para. 28.
58» Ibid., para.30.
26
Similarly, the people of Okemesi Claim to have 
migrated from Ile—Ife. Also, the people of Ogotun— 
Ekiti and Ido-Ekiti Claim descent from Ile-Ife. The 
Oloqotun is reputed to be a descendant of one of the 
sons of an Ooni of Ife said to have been so loved by 
his grandfather who named him "Omo Owo Otun" (Child 
of my right hand) and gave him "Ogbolu", one of the
gods as its custodian. Cnv The first Olojudo called 
Obakuta is said to have arrived at the site of "Ido" 
(place to lodge or rest) earlier founded by Odofin 
Ogboye and Emila, a warrior who came from Ile-Ife.®^ 
Oye, Ire and Ikere-Ekiti have similar traditions of 
origin« It is claimed that the ancestor of the Oye
and Ire left Ile-Ife at the same time« While the 
Oye people first settled at Odo Ora before moving 
to the present site, Ogunlire, who led the Ire people
____
59. (N.A.I.), R.A. Vosper, EKITI DIV.1/1/252, Intelli­
gence Report on Okemesi District. para.4«
60. . <N.A. I«), CS026/29762, Intelligence Report on
Oaotun District of Ekiti Division of Ondo Province.
N ?  ara« _g_------------------------------------------- - 16
61. (N.A.I.), R.A. Vosper and A'.C.C. Swayne, CS026/ 
31015, Intelligence Report on Ido District of 
Ekiti Division of Ondo Province. para.13.
27
had a stop-over at Iremogun before moving to the
present site of Ire. Both the Olove and the Onlre
are said to have brought their beaded crowns from 
Ile-Ife. 62 Similarly, Oloje, who came from the 
Obaloran compound of the Ilodi quarter in Ile-Ife,
is said to be the founder of Ikere-Ekiti. He is said 
to be a farmer who appreciated the hilly site < Df the 
present Odo-Oja quarter of Ikere-Ekiti and settled 
there. Oloje later worshipped Olosunta, the
inselberg located in the place and thexreafter named
himself the Olukere^  ̂ It shoulId be noted that this 
tradition does not Claim that the Olukere brought a
crown from Ile-Ife. 623
______
62. R(eNp.oAr.tI. )o,n  At.hCe. CO.v e sDwl^snter icCtS 02i6n/ 3t1h3e1 8E.k ltIin teulilviiosei,o.  
or Ondo Prövlnce, paras 16, 17 and 20
63. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir CSO 26/29799, Intelligence 
Report on Ikere Dlstrict of Eklti Division of 
Öndo Provlnce 1934., para.4. Interview, Oba 
Joh« 't debusuyi, ' (Ö0), the Olukere of Ikere-Ekiti, 
on 5th March, 1988.
28
From the foregoing, it is apparent that most of 
the towns in Ekitiland trace their descent as weil as
the origin of their beaded crowns to Ile-Ife. The
reasons for this are not far-fetched, There is no
doubt that Ile~Ife occupies a significant place in 
the traditions of the Yoruba. The town appear* to be 
the earliest of Yoruba kingdoms to a t t a i n a v ery high 
level of Organisation and artistic excellence* In 
fact, the Yoruba believe that the "centre" of this worid 
was at Ile-Ife which was revered as the place where
all mortals came and to which they returned after
death, 64 As a result, virtually all the towns i.n
Yorubaland developed traditions tracing their origin 
and those of thefir dynasties to Ile-Ife*^ This is 645
64, See A.I. Mabogunje and J, Omer-Cooper, Owu in Yoruba 
History, op. cit., p.71; D. Forde, The Yoruba- 
spe^cinq peoples of South-Western Nigeria, (interna" 
tional African Institute, London, 19625i Reprint, 
p.4 and J.F, Ade Ajöeyi and R.S, Smith, Yoruba War~ 
fare in the Nineteenth Century. Second Edition,
(Ibadan, Ibadan üniversity Press, 1971), p.1.
65, T, Euba (Miss), 'The Ooni of Ife's Are Crown and 
the concept of Divine Head' in Nigeria Magazine. 
Vol.53, No.l, January - March, 1985, p.l.
29 -
also strengthened by their belief in a common descent 
from Oduduwa.®^ They also maintain some special 
relations for having come from the same Ebl (Family),
the °oni o f Ife being regarded as Olori ebi (head of
the lineage). This relationship is still maintained
tili the present day. 67 Also, Ile-Ife occupies a 
significant position in the religious tradition of the 
Yoruba. It is claimed that, in the undated past, all 
the Oba of the principal Yoruba kingdoms sent envoys
annually to Ile-Ife to perform kind of re-dedication
ritual at the shrine standin 687 duduwa’s grave. 68
66. Stoe e tOheb a D.AOd.e soIjfei,  Adt erOc____rI,,  .TO.To.nT.iT.  .oi.fn.  .I(.fN.e..,A .Im.o)m,orandum 
Yoruba crowns: Rights and Privileges to wear by 
certaln chiefs. Ovo Prof.2/3. 1^72. p.3;l P.C.Llovd. 
'Sacred kinship and government among the Yoruba,
Afrlca. XXX, July, 1960, p.223 and I.A. Akinjogbin, 
"The concept of origin in Yoruba History, the Ife 
Example", A seminar paper delivered at the University 
of Ife on 19th March, 1980, pp.70-71.
67. See I.A. Akinjogbin, "The Ebi System Reconsidered",
A seminar paper presented at the University of Ife, 
on lOth January, 1979, pp.17-18 and 24, I.A. Akinjo- 
gbin, Dahomey and its Nelqhbours. 1708-I8l8f (Oxford,
1967).pp.15-16. A. Oquntuyj. Ä Short Historv of Ado- 
Ekitl. op. cit.. p.119 and J.C. Olubobokun, Itan 
IXin, ojs^  c i t 9mim p.5.
68. G.O.I. Olomola. Pre-colonial patterns of Inter­
state Relations ln Eastern Yorubaland, op. cit..
p.81.
*t is also sötid that, *'it was customary with them 
(the Oba) to visit their father, Olofln. once a year 
to receive his blessings, to participate in the national
festivals and return with the tree called Q1u Iwa Iqi
If£ which is by the gate 6 9(of Ile-Ife). Frora the 
foregoing, it would appear that while some people were 
aborigines of Ekitiland, others were immigrants who 
came from Ile-Ife who later found new kingdoms and 
imposed their political authority on the autochtonous
inhabitants.
Apart from the immigrants from Ile-Ife, Ekitiland
was also subjected to the incursion of people from
Benin as from the 17th Century. Düring the period,
there were also immigrants from Ijebu-Ode and Oyo. 70
For instance, Oba Ewuare is reputed to have installed
the Oqoqa as the ruler of Ikere-Ekiti after the
latter had eupplanted the Olukere. 71 According to this9 0671
69. J.O. George, Historical Notes on the Yoruba country 
a2fnld  its— t—ribe-s^ (Baden, E. Kanfmann, 1895), pp.25-
70. Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, History of Ekitl. op. clt,. p.3.
71. Ibid.. pp.17-18 and R.C.C. Law, ’Traditional History*
in S.O. Biobaku (ed.), Sources of Yoruba History. 
o p. clt.. pp.34-35.
31
tradition, during the Ado-Ikere war (C.1444-71 A.D.) 
the Qlukere enlisted the support ©f Ogoga, a very 
skilful Bin! «lephant hunter wh© had llved for a
long time at Agamo near Ijare. Ogoga sent for 
Ewuare 72 who later conquered Ado and he (Ogoga)
subsequently supplanted the Qlukere as rulevr.V Ä
However, there ls the Akure tradition,of origin of
Ogoga which Claims that he was the son of Oba Imolumode, 
who, after losing a contest for the vacant stool of 
the Deli of Akure to his brother Oja-Iyara, left Akure 
angrily and settled at Agamo, a village between Igbara- 
Odo and Ikere, where he later became an Oba in that 
town (Ikere-EkitiX After the death of Obagbeyi 27
72. Chief J. Egbarevba dates Ewuare's reign to
C.1440-73. See J. Egharevba, A short History 
of Benin, (Ibadan, 1968), p.73.
73. See Rev. A. Oguntuyi, A short History of Ado-Ekltl» 
op, cit.. pp.17-18. The people of Are, Afao, 
Igbo-Omoba (Ilu-Omoba) and Agbado formerly under 
Ado-Ekiti were taken captives in 1815 to Ikere- 
Ekiti. This resulted in a great demographic 
change. Today, the descendants of these people 
occupy different quarters in Ikere-Ekiti. Interview 
Oba A. Akaiyejo, the Ogoga of Ikere-Ekiti, 55, i
on 8th June, 1988. See also A. Oguntuyi, cit,.
p. 43.
32
(C.1313-1363 A.D.), the eleventh De1i of Akure, 
Oqoqa.H« said to have been browght from Ikere to be- 
come the Dell of Akure. He reigned frora c.1363 to 
1393 A.D.* 74 *
This second tradition on the place of origin of 
the Oqoga is more plausible* In the first place, 
oral traditions in Akure and Ikere-Ekiti corroborate 
the Claim that Oqoga and Oja-Iyara were brothers and 
that the former reigned as an Oba over the two towns
at different times* 75 S-  econd••l y,  & lere is a courtyard
in the palace of the Deli of Akure today called Ua
Oqoga named after this Oba«, 76 Thirdly, both the Dell 
aaid the Oqoga share the same cognomen of ’Oloyemekun*•
74. See T.S. Adeloye, The Oriqln and Development of
the Monarchy ln Akure from the Earliest Times to
1897. op, cit.. p. 133.
75. Ibid.
76. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida III, Deli of 
Akure, on 2nd March,1987. See also J.O. Atandare, 
Iwe Itan Akure ati aqbeqbe re. op. cit.. p.26 
and G.J.A. Ojo. Yoruba Palaces: A Study of the 
Afins ln Yorubaland. op. cit.. p.103.
33
In fact, this is a living testimony to the fact that 
both Oba have the Same «»cestcr#77 78Against this back­
ground, it seerra plausible, therefore, to posit that 
Qgoda must have been an indigene of Akure who left the 
town for Agamo after losing a tussle for the stool 
of the Dell and later became the Oba in Ikere-Ekiti 
after enlisting the support of the Bini forces to 
crush the invading Ado army. He must have fought on 
the side of the Olukere during the war but later
supplanted him with the assistance of the Bini forces,
Apart from Ikere-Ekiti, Akure w'as infiltrated 
by refugees from Benin in the wake of the Akure- 
Benin war of C.1818 A.D. The Edo Community called
Ado-Akure settled at Igiso, Eyinke and Oritagun quarters 
in Akure, There were also some Oyo immigrants to Orau,
77, See S.A. Akintoye, 'The North-Eastern Yoruba 
District and the Benin Kingdom,' o£. clt,. p.540.
78. The Ado-Akure are still largely endogamous in Akure • 
They raaintain their cultural identity by worship- 
ping Bini traditional gods up tili today. The Adp- 
Akure also speak both the Akure dialect and Bini
(Edo) language fluently, See T,S, Adeloye, QP« cit., 
pp, 103-105 and R.S. Smith, Kingdoms of the Yoruba,̂  
(Suffolk, 1969), p.60.
34
Itapaji and Ikere-Ekiti. 79 In fact, following the 
fall of the Old Oyo Empire and the attendant ravages
perpetrated by the Fulani armies in the regions
South-east of Oyo, Ilorin and Igbomina refugees fled
to Ife, 80 Ibadan, Osogbo,f t 1x Ila, Ijesaland as well 
as some parts of Ekitiland notaply Ido, Ijero, Ikere 
and Ado-Ekitip®^ Also, from the third decade of the 79
79. Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, History of Ekiti. op. eit», p.6.
80. Chief J. Olufidipe, the Obalaiye of Ife, Brief 
Autobloqraphy. (Ile-Ife, Fadehan Printing Works, 
196$), p.5l.
81. See D. Olugunna, Osogbo, The Origin and Growth 
and Problems. (Osogbo, Fad's Printing Works, 
1959), p.27.
82. S.A. Akintoye, Revolution and Power Politics ln 
Yorubaland. 184Ö-1893. op. clt.« p.lO, (N.A.I.). 
N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Ado Distrlct 
C.S.0.26/29734, Vol.l, p.34. See also G.O. 
Oguntomisin and Toyin Falola, 'Refugees in 
'  T Yorubaland in the Nineteenth Century' in Journal 
of the Isreal Oriental Society. Vol.21, No.2,
July 1987, p.167 and Oba Alaiyeluwa Adegoriola I, 
Ogoga of Ikere, 'A note on the administration of 
Ikere before the advent of the British'in QDU. 
Journal of Yoruba and related studies, op, cit.. 
p. 19.
35
nineteenth Century, refugees fled the land of the 
Iyagba, Owe, Abunu and Aworo from the Nupe invaders
into »orae parts of Ekiti and Akokoland. Q O Thus 
before the imposition of the British Colonial Admini­
stration at the beginning of the 20th Century, the 
demographic composition of Ekitiland was made up of the 
autochtonous inhabitants now fus&d with the Oduduwa 
group from Ile-Ife, the Bini (Edo) immigrants as 
well as the Oyo and Igbomlna refugees who had 
settled in the place in the wake of the internecine
wars of the nineteenth Century. I would now discuss
*
th e  p o l i t i c a l  O r g a n i s a t i o n  in  E k i t i  kingdoms b e f o re  
B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
Political Organisation ln Ekiti Kingdoms
Like other parts of Yorubaland, the System of
government in Ekitiland was monarchical. Each of th©
seventeen kingdoms comprised a cluster of towns and
83. SSoeeu thD-. WeFsotrdeer,n  NTihgee rYioar,u boap-.s pecaltk.l«n q p.pbeüo plaensd  oK.fV. 
Elphinstone, Assistant Resident, Ilorin,
Northern Province: Gazettear of Ilorin Provlnce , 
(London, Waterloo and Sons Ltd.', ' 19215, pp.18-
19.
36
villages with a central town where an Oba (king)
lived. Thus, the central town was called Qlu-ilu
(capital town) while the subordinate town was refer-
red to as Ereko. 84 At the village level, we had the
0l©1a or Baale (uncrowned ruler).
The Oba in Ekitlland, like their counterparts in 
other parts of Yorubaland, were regarded as orainipo- 
tent rulers. Each Oba was the Chief Executive and 
the fountain of honour and justice in his domain. He 
wielded immense powers commensurate with that of an
envoy of God on earth. 84585 The Oba had a right to
84. See S.A. Akintoye, 'Obas of the Ekiti Confederacy 
since the Advent of the British' in M. Crowder and
0. Ikime (eds ), West Afrlcan Chiefs? Their chanq- 
inq status under Colonial Rule and Independence. 
(University of Ife Press, 1970), p.255.
85. Chief K. Balogun, ’From ssecred kinship to Democra- 
tic Gerontocracy: Impact of change on Yoruba Tradi- 
tional Political System' in I.A. Akinjogbin and
G.O. Ekemode (eds), The Proceedinqs of the Confe­
rence on Yoruba civilisation held at the University 
of Ife, Nigeria. 20th-3lst JÜlv. 1976^ p. 306.
See also W.D. Macrow, 'Natural Ruler - A Yoruba 
conception of monarchy' in Nigeria Magazine. Ho.47, 
1955, p.244.
37 -
wear Ade ( a crown with fringes) unlike an Olola86
or Baale who could only wear akoro(a crown without 
fringes). The Oba was not only regarded as an
earthly king but also a "companion of the gods". 87
His personality was considered too sacred to be gazed
at by strangers, hence whenever he appeared in public
the royal attendants would shout "So oju re nu. o 1o
k? .1° 88 (Do not gaze at him, does he 
look like your father or mother?). If he was greeted 
by anybody, he did not have to answer. He was not 
allowed to see either a corpse or blood. Consequently, 
the Olorl^ (Oba's wives) never had their babies in 
the palace. In Akure, the highest osEfch a person could 
take was to swear by the head of the Deji. If a 867
86. This term is normally used in Ekitiland to refer 
to a Baale. The word "Oloja" is coined from "Baba 
oni ile" (literally meaning Father who is the 
owner of a land or territory). See N.A. Fadipep 
The Socioloqy of the Yoruba . op. cit.. p.198.
87. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida, Del 1 of Akure, 
on llth January, 1988.
88. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida
38 -
housewife quarrelled with her husband, she could run
t® the palace shouting, "Dell, mo mo va e o" 89 (Deji« 
please save me). If he fancied her, the Deli would 
take her as one of hi* Olorl « If not, the Oba would 
sefctle the quarrel end the woman would be allowed to 
return to her husband after & ransora fee ©f ookanla 
(55 kobo) had been paid. Also, if two suitor®
quarrelled over a girl, the Oba would settle the
matter by simply taking her as a wif\e.> Adultery with
or seducing an Olori was viewed as a serious offene®
which attracted a Capital punishment or banishment 
from the town. 90 The Oba was so revered by the 
subjects that he was regarded as Uku Ekel! Orisa. 
Oluaiye« Olomiml. Aqboqbomola. a qbomo ollbuku orl"^  
(Death, Companien of the gods, Terror personified, 
the Supreme Judge who deals most ruthlessly with a 
bad Citizen). 8901
89. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida.
90. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida III.
91. Part of the orikl (praise-name) of the Dell of
Akure. See T.S. Adeloye, op^ clt., p<>56.
39
In each of the 17 Ekltl kingdoms, the Oba was 
addressed as ’Kabiyesi' His attribute was "Oba 
alage ekell orlsa" (The king, the ruler and
companion of the gods). In thoory, the Oba had the
power of life and death over his subjects whereas,
in practice, he was more or less a constitutional
monarch since he was bound to consult his Iqbimo g a
(Council of Chiefs) at Meetings on sensitive issues 
affecting the town. The Igblm® coraprised important 
senior lineage chiefs called Iwerefa rocfa* 9345 whom the
92* This t«rm is said to be a contracted form of Klabj 
vin ko sl (There is no question of anyone quering 
your authority). See J.A# Atanda, An Introductlon 
to Yoruba Hlstorv. op, cit.. pp.19-20.
93. Ibld. See «IsoP /«LCloyd, Local Government ln Yoruba 
town». (D.Phil.Thesis, Oxford, 1958), pp4.
94. This type of Council is called O y  Mesi in Oyo 
and Ilamuren in Ijebu. See P.C. Llyod, Yoruba 
Land Law. (London, O.Ü.P., 1962), p.39.
95. This is made up ©f the six most senior lare Chief®. 
The number of lare Chiefs vary from town to town.
In Akure, they were 21 in number while the number 
ranged from 18-21 in other Ekiti kingdoms.
40
Oba could not brush aside while taking decisions on
important issues. 96
In fact, the long process involved in the Instal­
lation and coronation of an Oba afforded him the op- 
portunity of being trained in the art of government.
A period of about three months normally ela
. ip»ed beitween
his selection and coronation. His selection was
normally done through consultation with the Ifa oracle
by the Afobales (kingmakers)• The names of all the
eligible Princes would be presented by the various 
ruling houses to the kingmakers who would consult the
k e r s  wl
Ifa oracle to select the best candidate.9'7' on an 
appointed date, the Oba-elect would be taken to the 
place set aside for the consecration and coronation of 967
96. This was not peculiar to Ekitiland. For instance, 
the Alaafin of Oyo could not take important deci- 
sion without reference to the Ovo Mesl. See J.A. 
Atanda, The New Ovo Empire: Indirect Rule and 
cLhoanndgoen,,  in1 97W3e;s,t erpn. 19N igaenrdi aK,e v.1 895.4 -1J9o1h4n.s on(,L oonpg,m anc,i t.. 
p. 20.
97. Information received from Oba Adegboye Akaiyejo, 
55, the Ogoqa of Ikere-Ekiti, on 8th June, 1988.
- 41 -
Oba wfcere certain rituals would be performed. In 
Ekiti and some parts of Yorubaland, the Oba-elect
would be flogged. 98 The objective of this was tro test
his power of endurance. It was also aimed at making
him experience the hardship of the poor so tha
his exalted position as an Oba, he would always be
mindful of the plight of the common
the Oba-Elect would spend about three months in 
confinement during which he was tutored on the history 
of his kingdom as well as his duties as the traditional 
ruler. The Oba-Elect would also be made to eat the* 9
98.
the other in Yorubaland* With regard to Oyo, see 
the process in Rev. S. Johnson, Ibid*. pp.41-46, 
P.A. Talbot, The peoples of Southern Nigeria. 
Vol.l»(London, Frank Cass & Co. Ltd., 1969), 
p*568 and for IJebu-Ode see (N.A.I.), T.B. Bovell- 
Jones, Intelligence Report on Hebu-Ode towns and 
zillagest Ije Prof. "2. No.0.55^1 it 1943?'.'*"
99. See G.O. Oguntomisin, New forms of Political
Organisation ln Yorubaland in the Mld-nineteenth 
Century: A comparative study of Kurunml’s Hayc 
and Kosoko's Epe» (Ph.D.Thesis. Ibadan, 1979), 
p.9.
heart of his predecessor 100
After all the traditional rites had been performed, 
the Oba received the sacred powers of all his predeces-
sors and his personality became sacrosanct. 101 From fchen
on, the Oba began to perform his traditional dutieso 
The objective of the induction was to ensure that the 
Oba-elect acquired the necessary mystic powers as well 
as to be tutored in the art of government so that he
might not resort to the use of arbitrary power. 102
After the induction, the Oba« throuqhout the 
period of his reign, could not afford to neglect the
Iqbimo (Council) because Duld take serious sanctions012 
100* Interview, Chief Kole Oluwatuyi, the Lisa of
Akure, on 5th June, 1987. See also P.C. Lloyd, 
•Sacred Kinship and government among the Yoruba* 
op^ d t . « p.227 as well as his article titled,
'Installing the Awujale' in Ibadan. No.12,
1961, pp.7-10.
101. G. O. Oguntomisin, op. cit.« p.9*
102. Interview, Chief Kole Oluwatuyi, on 5th June,
1987.
- 43
against him for misrule or oppression. 103 The power 
of the Oba ln Ekitiland were also checked by religious 
duties and taboos. The people of Ekitiland, like 
their counterparts in other parts of Yorubaland, 
believed thaet the general well-being of their community 
depended on the amount of favour bestowed on them by 
Heaven through the Orlsaa (gods) and their «ncestors«
In order to avert the anger of the gods which could 
come in form of misfortune and general crises like fa- 
mine, epidemics, etc«, the gods and ancestors had to
103« This is similar to the Situation in Oyo whereby 
the Ovo Mesl could formally reject the Alaafln 
for ruling tyrannically by taking political and 
religious sanctions against him so that he would 
be constrained to commit suicide« Among the 
Alaafin so rejected in the Mid-Eighteenth Century 
were Odarawu, Jayin, Ayibi and Ojigi. See Rev.
S« Johnson, op, clt«« p.20 and R.C.C.Law, 'The 
constitutional troubles of Oyo in the Eighteenth 
Century', J.A.H«, XII. 1971, p.32« Similarly, 
aanong the Ijebu and Egba, the Osuqbo or Oqboni 
could depose an offending Oba. See N.A« Fadipo,
The Sociology of the Yoruba. op. eit«. pp.243- 
245; S.O. Biobaku,'An historicaT sketch of Egba 
traditional authoritfes1, Africa XXXII, 1, 1952, 
p.38; A. Pallinda-Law, Government ln Abeokuta 
1830-1914 with special reference to the Egba 
Government 1898-1914. (Ph.D.. Göteborg. 1973).p.9. 
P.C. Lloyd, 'Government of Yorubaland: Political 
and social structure' in Sources of Yoruba Hlstorv. 
op. clt.. p«212 and L.J. Munos, 'Political Repre­
sentation in the Traditiona?! Yoruba kingdoms'
J.H.S.N.. Vol.10, No.4, June, 1981, p.26.
44
be constantly propitiated by festivals and sacrifices. 104
It was the duty of the Oba to see that these festivals
were observed and necessary sacrifices made. In
addition, the Aworos (Priests), through whom these gods
were consulted, often prescribed taboos that the Oba
must obey. The Chiefs and the Priests sometimes colluded
to use a taboo, for political reasons, to check despotism.
For example, in the Old Oyo Empire, a taboo that their 
Oba must not/bteouched by an equnqun (masquerade) was
used to get rid of Alaafin Jayi n in the Seventeenth
Cent. ury. 105
Thus there was no room for unfettered despotism 
in the political System of the Yoruba in general and 
Ekitiland in particular. In Ekitiland, the Chiefs who 
comprised the Iqbimo were themselves representatives 
of their lineage. After holding council meetings with
104. See G.O. Oguntomisin, op. clt.. p.13. See also 
Toyin Falola and Dare Oguntomisin, The Military 
in Nineteenth Century Yoruba Politics, (Ile-Ife«
1W47," p7ir.----------  -------------------------------
105. See J.A. Atanda, An Introduction to Yoruba 
History, op. cit., p.21.
45
the Oba. they often briefed their people usually through 
family or compound heads about the major issues discussed. 
It was through this Channel that the people expressed 
their wishes, where necessary, to the Chiefs for onward
transmission to the Iqblmo and to the Oba» 106 Thus,
the members of the Iqbimo not only represented their
own lineages but also the kingdom as a whole. 107
Consequently, in a sense, it can be argued that the 
government in Ekitiland was the 'peoples' government.
In Ekitiland, the more senior Chiefs were members 
of the Iqbimo. " In Ado-Ekiti, they were five in number
and were called the Olor1-marun 108 In Ikere-Ekiti,
they were three namely the Sao of IJo Uro, the Oloqotun
of Odo-Oja (after 1870) and the Sapetu of Okekere.978 610109
106. Ibid.
107. L.J. Munoz, ££. clt.. p.25.
108. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, CS026/29734, Intelligence 
Report on Ado District of Ekiti Division of Ondo
Province7 - u m r . ------------------------------ -
109. (N.A.I.), N.A.C.Weir, CS026/29799, Intelligence 
Report on Ikere District, Ekiti Division of Ondo 
Province. (l^34), para.lo.
46
In Efon-AIaaye, they were four namely the Obanla of
Aaye, the Obalola of Obalu, the Oisalloan of Ejigan
and the Alavo of Odemo (otherwise called Irayo). *1 *10
In Okemesi-Ekiti, they were seven rtade up of the Obanla 
of Odowo_ Obanla, the Odofln of Odowo Odofin, the Eiemo 
of Odowo, El emo of Odowo Odofin, the Aro of OlSoba, the 
Osolo of Odo Ese, the Saluku of Odobi and the Edumarun 
of Okerena.111 In Itaji, they were nine comprising the 
Odofin of Idofin. the Aro of Odo-E the Olu of Ijaiye, 
the Asalu of Idofin, the Obaleko of Atiba, the Alara 
of Idofin, the Elemo of Odo-Emo, the Edomorun of Atiba 
and the Ejigbo of I d o f i n , I n  Akure, they were six 
called Iwarefa mefa namely the Olisa, the Odopetu.
the Elemo, the Aro, the Olomu and the Asae, 012113
110. (N.A.I.), R.A. Vosper, CS02S/30169, Intelligence 
Report on Efon Dlstrict of Ekltl Division of Ondo 
Provlnce, para.19.
111. (N.A.I.), R.A. Vosper, EKITI DIV.1/1/252, Intel­
ligence Report on Okemesl Dlstrict of Ekiti Division 
of Ondo Provlnce, para.14
112. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, EKITI DIV.1/1/223, Intel­
ligence Report on Itall Dlstrict of Ekiti Division, 
para.34.
113. R(eNp.oAr.tI .)o,n  ANk.Au.rCe.  DWlesitrr,i ctC So©f2 6/Ek4i/t3i0 01D4l,v lsITnltone lolfi geunncdoe 
Provlnce, (l934),p.3. See also T.S. Adeloye, 
op. citTT p.136.
47
The Oba and his Iqbimo made laws for the town as 
a whole and took decisions on other matters affecting 
the welfare of the people. The Implementation of these 
decisions were entirely his responsibility. Evidently, 
government was not the concern of the Oba and his Chiefs 
alone. Each town was divided into wards or quarters 
called Oqbon or Aduqbo. Each Oqbon or Aduqix) was headed 
by the Olori Oqbon or Olori Aduqbo (Quarter Chiefs).
An Oqbon or Aduqbo comprised a number of Agbo-Ile 
(compounds), Each Aqbo-Ile (compound) was headed by 
Baale* 114 (compound head). The Baale. usually the eldest
man in the family, generally saw to the welfare of 
members of his compound. He was responsible for the 
Settlement of disputes among the members of his family. 
Other duties of the Baale included the mobilisation of 
the adult members of his compound for communal work,
114* This is an informal title borne usually by the 
most senior member of the family unlike the
title of Hove which required the approval of the 
Oba. See J.A. Atanda, 'Government in Yorubaland 
in the pre-colonial period', op. cit.. p.6.
48
taking care of the family shrine and distribution
of land among family rnembers. 115
The Olori Aduqbo (Quarter Chief) was usually 
appointed from the senior family of the quarter. He was 
responsible for the maintenance of discipline within 
the Quarter, Decisions taken by the Iqbimo were 
usually passed through the Quarter Chiefs to the people 
in different compounds, The people in turn also 
expressed their view» and wishes through their compound
heads to the Quarter Chiefs for onward transmission
to the Iqbimo. (Council), Also, some young men formed
Eqbe (age-grades) usually expressed their views
through their respective age-grades in the Iqbimo 
116
(Council) •
In order to facilitate the administration of 
justice, there existed three types of courts namely 156
115, oInn te2rnvdi eJwa,n uaHrry, , A.1 98O6l,a dapToh,i s (w6a0)s,  alats o Ecmourrer-oEbkoirtaited by 
Chief Michael Omotoso, 82, at Ogotun-Ekiti on 
14th March, 1986.
116, Interview, Mr. A. Oladapo and Chief M. Omotoso, on 
2nd January and 14th March, 1986 respectively.
49
Ile ejo ti Baale (Court of the compound head),
Ile ejo tl Ijove (Court of the Quarter Chief) and 
ile ejo ti Oba (the court of the Oba). Usually, the 
administration of justice begari in the compound.
The compound head was responsible for settling dis­
putes among the members of his c o m p o u n d . T h e  
Baale*s court charged no fees neither did it impose 
fines. In fact, the main concern of the court was to 
settle disputes by arbitration. Nevertheless, the
Baale often assisted in apprehending any offending 
members of the family for trial at higher courts. 
Appeal could be made from the Baale * s court to the 
court of the Quarter or Ward Chief.
The second court which was thäEt of the Quarter or 
Ward Chief tried all civil cases involving persons 
belonging to different compounds within his Quarter
or Ward. As a formal court, it iipposed punishments 178
117. D. Forde, op. cit.. p.23.
118. P. Brown, 'Patterns of Authority in West Africa' 
in Africa.XXI. 4, 1951, p.266.
50
mostly fines on guilty persons. Besides, the court 
conducted prellminary Investigation into criminal
cases which could only be tried at the highest court,
that is, the court of the Oba where civil and
criminal cases were finally settled# 119
Among the civil matters brought to the Oba * s
court were disputes over debt, matrimony, vmiKnor
assault and land. Criminal matters or cases brought
to the Oba for Settlement ranged from rape, adultery,
arson, stealing, witchcraft, murder or manslaughter. 120
Rape carried a fine of between Oke mell (W1.00) and 
Oke mell abo (ftl.50k) at Ikere.^-̂
Larcency (including yam stealing) was punishable 
by a forfeiture of pig while persons caught engaging 1920
119. See J.A. Atanda, An Introductlon to Yoruba Hlstory« 
op. clt.. pp.22-23.
120. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Akure 
Dlstrlct. op. cit.. para.68. See also (N.A^'li)f
N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Itaü Dlstrict, 
op. cit.. p.50.
121. Interview, Oba A. Akaiyejo on 8th June, 1988. 
see also T. S. Adeloye, op. cit.. p.57.
51
in Burglary were publicly flogged. Any person in- 
volved in incest was made to sacrifice a goat at the 
spot where the offence was committed. Also, in case
of adultery with an Olori ( Oba's wife), the two
parties involved were beheaded. 122 H.. owever, ad.u.l.tery
with another person's wife attracted a fine, a sum 
which varied from one town to the other. People 
suspected of witchcraft were subjected to trial by 
ordeal. In Akure for instance, the suspect would be 
given Obo which was administered by the Ikomo 
Chiefs. It was believed that if the accused was
innocent, he or she would survive the ordeal. 124
The use of this concoction for judicial inquiry was 
prevalent in Ekitiland* However, this System of 
judicial inquiry was subject to abuse. Wicked people2 413
122. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on 
Ikere District of Ekiti™Dlvlslon. op.~ cit.7~~ 
paras122-12i>. T. S. Adelove op. clt.. p.58.
123. This is a doncoction raade from sasswood.
124. T. S. Adeloye, op» cit.. p.58
52
seeking vengeance often levelled unfounded allegations
against their enemies who were subsequently compelled
to take the concoction to prove their innocence. In
this regard, the concoction could be poisoned so as
to eliminate the undesirable elements frora the
society. In Akure, it became an Instrument in the hands
of wicked Oba like Obarisan and Eye-aro to silence
any of their deviant Chiefs» Such Chiefs were called
upon by the Oba» "In Ujoye mi in a bo ya ra nu rin 
nu" 125 (come over my Chiefs to prove that you are not 
wizards)» In this who was a
wizard died after t n. Also, persons
convicted of murder were publicly hanged generally in
Ekitiland while kidnapping carried a penalty of
Icking a ear. There was no appeal against any judge-
ment passed down by the Oba * s court since it was the
highest court of the land. 126 This was the extent of 
the power which the Oba in Ekitiland wielded over 
their subjects up to the period of the imposition of the 
British colonial rule.1 256
125. Ibld» t p.59.
126. Ibid.
53
To enable them carry out their multifarious 
duties effectively, the Oba and Chiefs in Ekitiland 
derived revenue from various sources* In the first 
place, they derived revenue from the proceeds of their 
farms. They had many wives, children, personal 
servants, and pawns who worked for them on these farms» 
In particular, Oba in Ekitiland had a large number of 
slaves under their control who were either prisoners 
of war or fugitives who fled from lustice to seek
refuge in other towns. On arr at the town gates,
such people were usually en to the Oba who would
and ]
asset to the Oba who used them as farm hands to produce 
crops like yams, maize, plantains and cassava primarily 
for the maintenance of the inmates of the palace.
While the Oba could enlist the assistance of some age- 
grades to work on his farmland, the Chiefs often 
called on the members of their Quarters or Wards to 
render free labour on their respec$ive farms. 712
127. Ibid,. p.62
54
Proceeds from such large farms esarned the Oba and
Chiefs in Ekitiland a substantial income.
Secondly, the Oba received revenue from land
which he held in trust for the people. Land was
communually owned and apportioned to needy indivi-
duals by the Chiefs on the order of the Oba. Con-
sequently, whenever any allocation of land was made,
the Oba received Isakole (royalties) in form of food
crops such as yam, palm oil, etc. However, after the
seventeenth Century when cowries Shells were intro-
duced into the Yoruba country generally the isakole
was paid ,inter alia >in cash. 128
Thirdly, some payments had to be made before two 
people who quarrelled with each other could be allowed 
to se« the Oba for the Settlement of the dispute.
The amount paid varied from one town to the other in 
Ekitiland. Fourthly, a death-duty was paid to the 
Oba on the death of any rieh citisen in their respective 128
128. N.A. Fadipe, The Socioloqy of the Yoruba. 
op. cit.. p.58.
55
domains. Also, when an Oba died, his property as
well as his wives and alaves were inherited by his 
successor. 12c9
Fifthly, the Oba received gifts from time to 
time from their subjects. These gift^ mostly in kind, 
included yam, plantains and maize. Three suggestions
can be made to explain why such gifts werce given to
the Oba» In the first place, the gifts were given in
appreciation of the maintenance ̂ feace, stability and 
prosperity by the Oba. Secondly, since they were not
earning any salary or remuneir ati' on, their subjects
probably thought that the only way of maintaining them 
in the palace was by sending them gifts regularly. 
Thirdly, the people of Ekitiland probably sent gifts 
as bribes to their Oba to seek their favour on some 129
129. In Akure, for example, this tradition was con- 
fined to the Chiefs. The amount payable was 
also determined by the Status of the deceased 
Chief. Thus, a death-duty payable on the Iwarefa 
mefa was higher than that of other members of 
the lare. Interview, Chief Kole Oluwatuyi, the 
Lisa of Akure, on 5th June, 1987.
56
personal matters or cases pending before them. This
was aimed at mitigating the gravity of judgement
which they (Oba) might hand out to them for the
offences they might have committed. 130
Furthermore, tolls were other sources of revenue
to the Oba in Ekitiland before colonial rule. Tolls
were collected at all gates leading to all the towns.
Tolls were levied on all valuables brought into the
town® by the inhabitants as well as str«mgers.
Such valuables included slaves, horses, cattle, etc.
In most parts of Ekitiland, the Onlbode (Toll collec-
tors) were usually placed at the gates to collect
tolls. In Akure for example, each of the six gates
leading into the town was manned by an Olodl (Customs
Officer) who ensured that appropriate tolls were paid .
Before a man could become an Olodi. his ears would be
severed from hi s head. Consequently, the Olodi were the
most obstinate men in the town. 131* 130
130. Interview, Chief Kole Oluwatuyi.
131. Ibid.. See also T.S. Adeloye, op. eit,. p.60.
57
Moreover, the Oba derived revenue from the 
hearing fees paid by litigants who had cases in the 
Oba's courts, Fines were paid by culprits found 
guilty of certain offences. These fines and fees 
resulting from the administration of justice were
usually shared between the Oba and the Chiefs, the 
former taking a lion's dshare.132 134 In some parts of 
Ekitiland particularly Akure, cash collected as 
revenue,for the most part, was paid into a Treasury 
head which could be differentiated from the private 
purse of the reigning Oba principally because its 
disposition after their demise did not lie in the 
hands of theirnext-of kins or children.^'* Als®, 
the Oba in Ekitiland received gifts from their 
Chiefs on the occasion of major festivals as well
as during harvesting period, Tributes were also
paid by svibordinate rulers to the Oba, 134
132. N.A. Fadipe, op. clt,, pp.220-221.
133. Ibld.. p.222.
134. Interview, Oba Aderibigbe Agede Ogidi II, the 
Olowa of Igbara-Oke, on llth January, 1987.
58 -
A substantial part of the foregoing revenue 
accruing to the Ofra was spent in performing rituals 
for the welfare of their respective kingdoms.
Out of the funds, the Oba feasted the Chiefs 
regularly especially during major festivals. From 
the revenue accruing to thc$, the Oba also ^aintained 
a number of palace officials as well as entertained 
personal visitors. They also spent part of the 
revenue in dispensing largesses to friends and 
relatives, acquiring new wives and maintaining the
royal ward-ropes. 1*'3~ 6 . .
On their own part, the chiefs reG«ived gifts 
from members of their lineages as well as strangers 
who put themselves under their protection, Like
135, S(eLeo ndBo, n,I doLownug,m aOrTl,o d' u1m9ar6e7,J 'HGpo7d1 72i.n- -Y-orb -u-b-a- -Be-l-i-ef,
136. N. A. Fadipe, op. eit,. pp.222-223.
59
the Oba. the Chiefs derived revenue from the fines
imposed in thelr courts. They also u©«d part of the 
revenue accruing to them t© perform sacrifices to
the gods as well as feast the members of their
respective lineages during traditional f•eessttiv1als, 137
Apart from the Oba and Chiefs, Palace
Servanta also played a significant role in the 
adminiatration ©f towns in Ekitiland befere the 
imposition of colonial rule. The desire to have 
people in the palace to assist the Oba in their 
day-to-day administration of their respective 
kingdoms led to the emergence of palace servanta
, ^ _________________________________________
137* Interview, Chief Kole Oluwatuyi. See also 
N« A. Fadipe, ojd. cit.. p. 223,
i V  ✓
60
called Onjode-Owa^* 138 There were many ways by which 
one could become an Omode-Owa in Ekitiland.
138, They were given various names in some parts ©£ 
Yorubaland. In Ile-Ife, they were in two 
categories namely the Modewa and the Emese.
While the Modewa were palace Chiefs, the Emese 
the male royal servants recruited from the 
Modewa lineages. Thus they were lower in Status 
than the Modewa. See A. A. Adediran, A Descrlp- 
tive Analysis of Ife Palace Organisation (i?hy- 
Islcal and Administrative).An original Essay 
submitted in partial fulfilment of the require- 
ments for the B.A. (Special Honours) History of 
the University of Ife, Ile-Ife in June, 1975, 
pp.22-26. In Oyo, these Palace Officlals were in 
two categorles namely the Iwefa (Eunuchs) and
the Ilarl (court messengers). .The Iwefa were three in
number: Ona Efa (Eunuch of the right)." Osl Efa 
(Eunuch of the centre) and Otun Efa (Eunuch of 
the left). The Iwefa performed administrative, 
judlcial and religious functions in the palace.
But the Ilari. a grade lower than that of the 
Iwefa who could be male and female, apart from 
•enring as body guards to the Alaafin. they also 
performed some rituals for the Oba as well as 
served as court messengers. They were the 
equivalent of the Emese in Ile-Ife. See B. I.
Omole, Oyo Palace: An Historical Analysis of lts 
Organisation. An original Essay submitted in 
partial fulfilment of the requirements for the
B.A. (Special Honours) History of the University 
of Ife, Ile-Ife in June 1976, pp.19-20, K.Balogun, 
Government in Old Oyo. (Ibadan, 1985), p.41, P. 
Morton-Williams, ’The Yoruba' Ogboni cult in Oyo', 
Africa, Journal of the international African In­
stitute, Iböndon, Oxford, 1960), p.363. In Ijebu 
Ode, the palace servants were called Odi recruited
61 -
Firstly, Ekiti Oba usually requested their subjects 
to send sorae of their children to the palace to 
help them. In most cases, some of their subjects
usually heeded the call. Secondly, some male
individuals were actually forcibly taken to theA 
palace to become Omode-Owa. For instance, in the
Akure kingdom, any male who climbed th 
omolore 139 would be instantly made an Omode-Owa. *138
___________________ _ ____ _ ____ _
138 continued.
fpreormf orsmlianvge s meass sewneglle riaasl  sdturtainegse,r s.t he ApOadrl t pefrr-o m 
formed Intelligence Service to the Awulale. 
They had to keep both their eyes and ears to 
the ground so as to report to the Oba anythlng 
that was likely to cause disaffection on the 
part of the people against the Oba or his 
Chiefs. See N.A. Fadipe, The Soclology of
the Yoruba it.. p. 203.
139. Tphailsac ei.s  a Trsaadcirteido nh ilhla s ini t frtohnaftr oft het hOe baO bau'sse d 
to stand on this hill to address the Akure 
community. The only set of people who could 
clirab the hill apart from the Oba was the 
Omo-Odo group of Omode-Owa who normally did 
so during the Owa-Oropc festival. See 
details in T.S. Adeloye, o£. cit., p.24.
62
The Omode-Owa was divided into four groups namely
the Aqbadlbo. the Eqbele. the Eqbedl and the
Omode-Owa. The Aqbadibo. headed by the Osukute.
advised the Oba «n matters relating to the adminls-
tration of the palace. The Oba delegated some powers
to the Osukute to settle disputes between any Omode-
Owa and an Olori (Oba's wife), punishing any erring
Omode-Owa as well as holding brief for the Oba
whenever he was out of the palace« 140 The Eqbedl
made of leaders of the five groups of Omode-Owa
namely the Omolaare. the Osukute. the Isarun. the
XSbagberi and the Oyeseri t serv ed as a liaison between
the Oba and the Iwarefa-mefa. 141 The Eqbedl. headed
by the Isarun. took care of the palace while the 
Omode-Owa group, (a group within the Omode-Owa 
cadre) headed by the O-baqberi ran errands within and 140
140. Oral evidence collected from Chief Adebayo Olubi, 
the Osukute of Akure, on llth December, 1987.
141. As earlier pointed out in this chapter, they were 
six in number who were the most senior members
of the Iare group of Chiefs.
outside the palace for the Oba. The last group 
called the Omo-Odo was headed by the Oyeserl. The 
group was charged with the responsibility of 
running annual race round the township for three 
consecutive days during the Owa Oropo festival. It 
was the belief of the people of Akure that there
would be m dreastic reduction in infant: mortality
rate as well as an increase in the number of children
born by the inhabitants of the town. 142
In Ikere, the palace servants called the Emesc 
were headed by the Obablrl who held a minor palace
title of Iyare, He was asCsisted by the Qsopo and the 
Elesl. 143 in Ado-Ekiti, there were three minor palace 
Chiefs appointed by the Ewi from the ranks of the 
Omode-Owa. First, we had the Ologun-Adele who was 
the head of the Omode-Owa. He acted as a go-between
for any illing to see the Ewi. Second.r there4 312
142. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida III, the 
De^i of Akure.
143. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on 
Ikere District of Ekiti Division, op. cit. 
para.118.
64
was the Elesi who acted as the Iko (messenger or 
ambassador) to the sub-towns and villages around 
Ado-Ekiti. We also had the Saruku who performed 
the role of a mediator between the Ewl and ©ther
Oba during the time of conflict. 144 In Otun-Ekiti? 
the palace servants supervised work within the
palace as well as carried messages to distant 
towns. Apart from assisting in sessching for run~ 
away wives of the Oba. the palace servants advised 
the Qore on the performance of his ritual duties, 145
The Ql°ri (Oba's wives) also piayed a signifi 
cant role in the political organ»in541 isation of Ekiti- 
land before colonial rule. Every Oba in Ekitiland 
had a harem of wives usually called the Olori.
The Olori lived in Aafin (Palace) and were ncrmally
144. (N.A.IJ, N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on 
Ado District, op. eit«. para.146.
145. P.C. Lloyd, A comparative study of the Political 
Institutions in some Yoruba kinqdoTns.' I ß . S c .
s, Oxford, 1952)",' p. 159V'
65
forbidden from wearing buba (blouse) and qele
(headtie). "3»4l6 It was an offence agasLnst the Oba
for any male Citizen to touch, sit or discuss 
with an Olori publicly or privately. Any person 
who contravened this taboo was rcrade to buy a goat 
for sacrifice in order to appease the gods. As
earlier st^ted, adultery with 
able by death. 147
The Olori dealt with recalcitrant women wh©
could no longer be controlled by their husbands.
If tw© women married to the same husband quarrelled
and were brought to the palace, the Olor j. would
put them in confineraent and they would not be
released until they were sober.817 64148
146. Interview, Madam Mary Adesida, (89) the 
Eye-Owa of the Dei i * s palace, on llth 
January, 1988.
147. Interview, Madam Mary Adesida on llth 
January, 1988.
148. Interview, Madam Mary Adesida.
66
Secondly, a jilted lover who had spent a 
large sum of money on a girl could report the case 
to the Oba who would order the girl to be brought 
to the palace. The man would ’give’ the girl to 
the Oba as ’oplrl1. The girl would remain in 
the palace where the olori would give her odd jobs 
to do until her parents were able to refund the sum
of money which the man had spent on her: otherwise
the girl would have to change her mvin\d /and marry 
the msen.^^
Thirdly, the Olori hai', a group of debt collectors 
called Osan. 151 If a debfcor refused to pay his debt, 
the creditor would go to an Olori to hire an Osan.
The latter would be asked to collect the money by 
force. Whether the debtor was unable to pay his 
debt or not, he had to pay the cost of hiring the 
Osan who should not spent a night in the debtor’s 91045
149. This is the name given to any girl detained 
in the palace.
150. Interview, Madam Mary Adesida on llth January,
1988.
151. Interview, Madam Mary Adesida on llth January, 
1988.
67
house without collecting the money. Therefore, the 
longer he spent in any debtor's house, the more 
he (debtor) had to pay.^2
Moreover, the Olori usually sang special ballads 
which recounted the achievements and failures of tha 
present and past Oba in Ekitiland. In this way , 
the Olori had the opportunity of calling attention 
to the short-comings of the Oba inII tU Uhteir respectiv® 
towns.
Apart from the Olori. women chiefs also pläyed
a role in the administration of towns in Ekitiland
before colonial rule. Their titles varied from
place to place. In the Ado kingdom, the head woman
of each of the towns within the kingdom attended
council meetings. 153 In Ado-Ekiti town, the Head
woman Chief was normally appointed from Oke-Ewi.5 123
152. Interview, Madam Mary Adesida.
153. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on
>do District. op. cit.^ para.123.
6 8
The head woman appointed from Oke-Ewi was called 
Ayeba while the one appointed from Odo-Ado was 
titled Olule Ori.154 15
At Iyin-Ekiti, the Head woman Chief was called 
Iva Odofln while she was known as Osemore in Osi- 
Ekiti. In Agbado, Ode, Lasigidi and Egbe, the 
head woman Chief was designated Olori Obinrin while
she was called Oluwa in Igbe.mo and Ilu-Omoba. At
Ilawe and Igbara-Odo, she was called Olofi and
Iyelule respectively. 155 At Ikere-Ekiti, the three 
Principal Quarters of Odo-Oja, Iro and Okekere had 
their own respective head women Chiefs* They were 
the Osemowe of Odo-Oja, the 0 jumu of Iro and the Aro 
of Okekere. The head women Chiefs presided over the 
women council meetings held regularly in their 
respective quarters. The President of the women's 
General Council was the Osemowe. The three head 
women chiefs also had their judicial councils and
154. Ibid.. para.126.
155. Ibid
69
it was the same Olokorun •; (Police) that served 
both men and women judicial councils. A woman judicial 
council had the power to impose fines in kind such 
as palm oil, two fowls, two pigeons and a goat. 
However, such a judicial decision must receive the 
assent of the Oqoqa before Implementation.
In the Akure kingdort, the Senior women in each 
village took titles and formed themselves into 
clubs. In Akure town, there were three in number 
namely the Apate«. the URoju and the Esare. ^ 7  
The Apate comprised women granted the privilege of
carrying Ate (board) to the market places. 158 They
156. Interview, Oba A, Akaiyejo, the Oqoqa of Ikere- 
Ekiti. See also Oba Alaiyeluwa Adegoriola I, 
Ogoga of Ikere, ’A note on the administration 
of Ikere before the advent of the British' in 
ODU, Journal of Yoruba and related studies, 
op« eit, r'r'.23-24.
157. See (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weit, Intelligence Report 
on Akure District. op. clt.. para.45.
158. Interview, Madam F. Adelusi, (75), a member of 
the Apate in Akure, on 22nd May, 1987.
70
granted permission to wornen willing to seil meat
and other food items in the market» The Apate
also kept the Oba and his Chiefs informed of the
day-to-day occurrences in the markets. The head of
the group was the Eyelobinrin. who was also the head
of all the wornen in Akure» She had to be consulted
before decisions were made on major issues affecting
women in Akure. The Apate also provided meat for
the Dell during the celebration of the annual Oqun
festival when members of the group had to assemble
at Idi-agba where they offered sacrifices to ensure
prosperity and peace in the markets. 159 The second
group of women Chiefs called the Ukoju comprising
daughters of titled men in Akure normally deliberated
with the Apate on matters affecting women in the
town. During the important festivals, the Ukolu
entertained the Oba and his Chiefs with their agere
and aqoqo music. 160 The third group called the Esare5 1960
159. J.O. Atandare, Iwe Itan Akure ati aqbeqbe re, 
op. clt,, pp.165-167.
160. Ibid.. p.169.
71
comprised a l l  the  d a ugh ters  o f  the  past Oba in
A k u re .  T h i s  g roup,  headed by the E l e g a r e , , a lso
e n t e r t a i n e d  the Oba d u r in g  the Olokun f e s t i v a l  when
a l l  roads le a d in g  to Akure were c leaned up. 1 ß “1
The r o l e s  performed by women in  E k i t i l a n d  were 
s i m i l a r  to  those o f  t h e i r  c o u n t e r p a r t s  i n  o t h e r
p a r t s  of  Y o ru b a la n d .  Some women w ie ld e d  some p o l i ­
t i c a l  i n f l u e n c e  which d i f f e r e d  from one community to  
the  o t h e r ,  A few Yoruba women were reputed  to have 
re ig n e d  as Oba i n  Y o ru b a la n d ,  For  example, Oonl  Luv/o i
a woman, i s  s a id  to  have re ig n e d  a t  I f e . ^ ^  In  Ak ure ,  
the f o l l o w i n g  women re ig n e d  as Oba: E y e -A ro  c . 1 3 9 3 -  
1419 A .D .  ; Eyemoin c , 1705-1735 A . D . ,  and Amaro 
c . 1850-1851 A . D . 2 6163
In  Ondo, the  Lobun was a pow e rfu l  Women C h i e f ,  
She was not expected to p a r t i c i p a t e  in  any fa rm ing
161. I b i d , « p , 175,
162. See M.A . Fabunmi, I f e  S h r i n e s f( I l e - I f c .  1969) ,  
p p . 2 3 -2 4 .
163. J . O .  A ta n d a re ,  Iwe I t a n  Akure a t l  Aqbeqbe r e ,  
op, c i t , . p p . 26, 27, 36 and 52. See a ls o  T . S .  
A d e lo y e ,  The O r i q i n  and Development of  the 
Monarchy i n  Akure from the E a r l i e s t  Times to 
1893. op. e i t . «  p p . 1 3 3 -4 .
72
a c t i v i t i e s  and was secluded to her house l i k e  the 
Osemawe o f  Ondo to  h i s  p a la c e .  The Lobun played 
a s i g n i f i c a n t  r o l e  in  the appointment o f  a new 
Osemawe. s e t t l e d  q u a r r e l s  among the  male Chiefs and
o f f i c i a t e d  i n  the opening o f  aew market. 164
a d d i t i o n ,  she was regarded as the P r i e s t e s s  of  A le
( l i t e r a l l y  meaning god
Women C h i e f s  to  a s s i s t
L i s a  Lobun who s e t t l e d  q u a r r e l s  among the women,
Ogese Lobun and Sara Lobun both of  them were ’ remembe-
r a n c e r s '  to  the Lobun. These Offices were d u p l i c a t e d
i n  the Ondo n o n - m e t r o p o l i t a n  area where the  O l o j a
o r  Baale ( V i l l a g e  head) t o g e t h e r  w i t h  h i s  C h i e f s
appointed  a Lobun. In A jue  and A iy e s a n ,  the Women
C h i e f s  were c a l l e d  Iy a l o d e  no t  Lobun.165
In  I l e s a ,  the  head of  the  Women C h i e f s  was the 
A r i s e  who wa» a s s i s t e d  by the Risa A r i s e .  O d o f in  A r i s e . 5461 
164. ( N . A . I . ) ,  F . F .  B r i d g e s ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on 
Ondo D i v i s i o n .  1934/35, p .1 0 .
165. I b i d
73
Odole A r i s e  and Yeye S a l o r o , 16698761 Each Ward had a
female head t o o .  *167 O th e r  towns and v i l l a g e s  had
t h e i r  I y a lo d e  as head o f  Women C h i e f s ,  i 68 i n Oyo,
w® had e i g h t  women o f  the ' h i g h e s t  r a n k ' .  A c c o r d -
in g  to  Johnson,  the r o l e s  o f  these women c o u ld  not
be dispensed w i t h  i n  the palace* They were I v a  Oba,
I y a  Kekere. I y a  Naso. Iy a  M o n a r l ,  Iya la q b o n .  Orun
*169
Kumefun and Are O r i t e ,  Johnson e x p la in e d  t h a t
Iya k e k e re  was in  Charge of  the A l a a f i n ' s t r e a s u r e s .  
She a ls o  had the  r o y a l  i s i g n i a  and a l l  the p a r a -  
p h e r n a l i a  used at S t a t e  f u n c t i o n s  i n  her c u s t o d y .
What i s  more, she re s e rv e dw the  r i g h t  to  w i t h h o ld  
them and thus p re v e n t  the h o ld in g  of  such ceremonies
166. T .  F a l o l a ,  ’ A d e s c r i p t i v e  a n a l y s i s  of  I l e s a  
Palace O r g a n i s a t i o n ' ,  The A f r i c a n  H i s t o r i a n .  
V o l . V I I I ,  1976, p p . 7 8 - 9 .
167. I b i d . . p . 79.
168. See J .  B l a i r ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Abeokuta. 
1937, p .4 8  and E . A .  Hawkersworth, I n t e l l i g e n c e  
Report  on I j e b u  I f e .  1935, p . 9 .
169. See S. Johnson,  The H i s t o r y  o f  the Yorubas.  
o p .  c i t . , p .6 3 .
74
i f  she so d e s i r e d .  Above a l l ,  she was the person
e n t i t l e d  to p la c e  the  crown on the A l a a f l n  * s head
d u r i n g  c o r o n a t i o n  ceremony. 170
A few Wonnen C h i e f s  c o n s t i t u t e d  p a r t  of  the 
membership of  s e c r e t  s o c i e t i e s  who were r e s p o n s i b le  
f o r  e x e c u t i v e  and j u d i c i a l  f u n c t i o n s  i n  sfomj e \Yoruba
s e t t l e m e n t s .  In  Ago v i l l a g e  i n  I j e b u l a n d ,  some women
were members of  the  Osuqbo 171 s o c i e t y .  The E r e lu  
were c o n s u lte d  i n  a l l  mefcters t h a t  concerned women 
even though they d i d  not s i t  w i t h  o t h e r  members in  
j u d i c i a l  m a t t e r s . ^ ^  However, Women membership of  
s e c r e t  s o c i e t i e s  was not  v e r y  common.
T h e re  were m arr ia g e  t i e s  among n e ig h b o u r in g  
Yoruba Kingdoms. Women were used to cement e x i s t i n g 2071 
170. I b i d .
171. O th e rw is e  c a l l e d  Oqboni s o c i e t y  in  Oyo and 
some o t h e r  p a r t s  of  Y o ru b a la n d .
172. See ( N . A . I . ) ,  A .  F .  A b e i l ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  
on Ago. 1934, p . i i i .
75
r e l a t i o n s h i p  o r  c r e a t e  new ones.  173 A l s o ,  they
were employed to m o n ito r  and i n f l u e n c e  f o r e i g n  
p o l i c y  d e c is io n s*  F o r  example, th e re  i s  a t r a d i ­
t i o n  at I f e  t h a t  i t  was Moremi who enabled I f e  t© 
r e s i s t  and d e feat  the Igb»* I t  i s  sa id  t h a t  the 
Igbo  people r e p e a t e d l y  a tta c k e d  I f e  u n t i l  the 
b e a u t i f u l  Moremi m a rr ie d  the King o f  Igbo from whom 
»he  l e a r n t  the s e c r e t s  o f  I g b o ' s  m i l i t a r y  prowess.
T h e r e a f t e r ,  she escaped from th e r e  and r e t u r n e d  to
I f e  to  expose the secrets,« *1 74 ^
However, these r o l e s  p la ye d  by Women underwent 
some s l i g h t  changes under B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
In  s p i t e  o f  the pe rva d in g  i n f l u e n c e  o f  B r i t i s h  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,  some of  the  r o l e s  performed by women 
s t i l l  p e r s i s t  t i l i  the  p re s e n t  day.
'
From the f o r e g o i n g ,  i t  i s  c l e a r  th a t  a p a r t  from 
th e  Oba and C h i e f s ,  palace servants,  the O l o r i  and
173 T .  F a l o l a ,  ' T h e  Place o f  Women i n  Yoruba Economy' »
A Seminar Paper d e l i v e r e d  at  the U n i v e r s i t y  o f  
I f e ,  I l e - I f e ,  on 29th November, 1978.
174. I b i d . , p p . 141 and 158.
76
women chiefs also played significant roles in the 
administration of towns in Ekiti kingdoms before 
the advent of colonial rule. The indigenous social 
Organisation of the people is the sut}jeet of  o u r
next discussion. r
< p
In d ig e n o us  S o c i a l  O r g a n i s a t i o n
In  the p r e - c o l o n i a l  E k i t i l a n d ,  th e re  were some 
s o c i a l  O r g a n i s a t i o n «  which p la ye d  s i g n i f i c a n t  r o l e s  i n  
the  f u n c t i o n i n g  of  the s o c i e t y .  F i r s t  and fo re m o st ,  
t h e r e  was the E b l  ( l i n e a g e )  syi
The E b i ,  i n  Yoruba usage* i s  a much l a r g e r
Version of the Eu ro -A m e rica n  f a m i l y .  I t  i n c lu d e s
e v e r y  one who can be t r a c e d  to  o r  r e l a t e d  in  blood
no m a tte r  how f a r  removed i n  t im e and space to  the
a n c e s t o r .  What binds the people  t o g e th e r  is the
b lo o d  which i s  regarded as bein'g s t ro n i je r  than^cÄher 
t i e .  175 The E b i  m a n ife ste d  the f e e l i n g s  o f  b e lo n g in g
i n  a l l  t h a t  they d id  w i t h i n  the  l i n e a g e .  In  f a c t , 571 
175. See I . A .  A k i n j o g b i n ,  The Ebi  System Reconsidered,  
A Seminar Paper presen ted  at the U n i v e r s i t y  of  
I f e ,  I l e - I f e ,  on lO t h  J a n u a r y ,  1979, p p . 2 0 -2 1 .
77
the «Uder of precedence within the Ebl depended on 
their age and not their social status. within the 
Ebi, members could be resident in ®ne single Agbo ile 
(compound) ©r scattered over in several Agb® ile 
(c®mpounds) which were not necessarily contiguous.
Each Ebl had a head known as the
( lineage head) who had coreplete authority over every
member of the Ebi* 177 In the Ebl assembly, the Olorl
ebl spoke last and whatever opinion he expressed 
represented the collective will of the entire Ebi}78
He also had the power to mefce out punishments to
offenders within the Ebi*178 He presided over any
ceremony held in the lineage* The only exception was
during the funeral ceremony of a member of the Ebi
who was junior to him in age. 179
176* It is called Elerebl in some parts of Ekitiland» 
177* See I.A. Akinjogbin, op* eit** p.23.
178« Ibld*. p.24.
179* Interview, Mr« Matthew Apata on I8th April, 1987«
- 78 -
Another social Organisation in the pre-colonisl 
Ekitiland was the Eqbe (age-gr«^o) • The Eqbe ceropri- 
sed a number of men and women of the same age. The 
Eqbe was not normally formed until the
attained the age of nine or ten years
old enough t© play freely within the c
The procedure adopted for forming an Eqbe wast raostly
for the mother of a child t© take the initiative of
cellecting together
same age-group. As
tuted, the members met weekly.
ln Ad©-Ekiti, the age-grades were basicaiiy fivej 
namely the E jewere comprising children up to nine 
years ®f age, the OrlsUt children between 9-15 years, 
the ipalye ©r Orlgbo, 15-25 years, the Eqlrl, 25-35 
years, and the iqbamo or Agbakin ©r Ijoqun comprising
of men from 35 years and above. a Qa In Ikere-Ekiti, *18
180# See P.C. Lloyd, A comparatlve study of the ,E?Ak: 
tical lnstltutions ln some yoruba Kinqdoms,
®p. eit,, p»12b» ...
181. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on 
Ad© pistrict, op. cit.« para.ll9.
79
we had the following age-gradess Eqbe Mojaiyera (16­
20 years), Eqbe Monimusu (24-28 years), Eqbe Monlgba® 
(28-32 years) Eqbe Ibedo (32-36 years), Eqbe Egiri 
(36-40 years) Eqbe Aqbakln (40-41 years) and Eqbe 
Osaka (44-48 years).182 1834
I n  all parts ©f Ekitiland, each a g e -g r a  I ifcs
own insignia, songs and dances which were r e s p o n s i b l e
for i, ts distlnct Identification. On s.o rvn© ©ccasions 
they wore the same uniform called anko. T h i s  selecfc 
costume of the Eqbe usually attracted ® crowd whenever 
they were out on social It somefcimes
attracted people to join _^___ : Eqbe enter-
tained their metnbers with potlatch feasts ©n meeting 
days in all parts of Ekitiland. For example, in 
Akure, the amount of money expended on the potlatch 
feast was so enormous that it had to be decried by 
Oba Afunbiow© Adesida I, the reigning Deji at the time.18'*
182. Oba Alaiyeluwa Adegoriola I, The Ogoga ©f Ikeres 
' A note on the administration of Ikere before the
advent of the British1, QDU, op. clt., p.2Q®
183. N.A. Fadipe, op. ^it»^ p.259.
184. Ibld.
8 0
Promotion from one age grade t® the other was 
automatic. In Ado-Ekiti for example, although thero 
was no entrance ceremony to the first two grades 
mentioned above nevertheless, a feast would hffive fe® 
be given by a new member to the succeeding grades«
In Oye-Ekiti, it cost a prospective member to the
fourth age-grade a pot of palm
movement from one grade to the other by tne members 
of the Egbe generally in Ekitiland depended on the
improvement of the status either by
being given a gift of land ©r by the procurement of
a wife. However, as soon as a man reached the
approximate age of 45 years, he left the age-grp'Äcs
to ioin the Aq—ba-ilu . For instance in Oye, the 
Egbo and iro societies were drawn from this group 
of men. While the former were members of the Iqblmp»156 8
185. P.C. Llyod, op. cit., p.129
186. Ibid., p.161.
8 1
the latter were warriors. On the death of the Oloye« 
it was the responsibility of the Elegbo to control
the town and preside Over meetings until a new Oba 
was selected. 187
Each Eqbe had an acknowledged leader call^d
Olori-egbe. In some Ekiti towns, each Eqbe also had 
the Baba-Eqbe (father of the association) as the 
head of the male section and Iya Eqbe (the mother of
the association) as the head of the female section» 188
Although it was not compulsory to belong to an Eqbet 
however, it was more or less a Convention to belong to
one. Any person who had no QEqbse was not properly 
regarded as a *Socialised being.'*^
Each age-grade performed specific functions.
The first ag«-grade of between age of one and nine 
years was considered too young to do any public work 
except to stay in the family compound but those in the 
second age-grade worked in their father's farms. 1879
187. Ibid. The
188. N.A. Fadipe,/Sociology of the Yoruba, op. clt., 
p.257.
189. Ibid.
82
Those in the third age-grade of generally between
15 and 20 years provided thatch for public buildings.
People in the next age-grade of between 20-25 years
were responsible for carrying out repairs of the Ob?1 s
compound and other public buildings. ISO They also 
made bridges across streams with the trunks of trees, 
At this stage, a boy was initiated into the Equngun^ A 
masquerade. Between the age of 26 and 35 years, a man 
was regarded as matured for military service. Beyond 
the age of 35 years, a man was regarded as an elder.
At this stage, he would have already got children 
working for him in his farm. This would afford him 
more leisure at home to engage in the administration 
of the town or viliage. At this age also, he no 
longer engaged in any public manual work. Generally, 
a man was made a Chief in Ekitiland after reaching 
this grade because he was consldered matured in age 190
190. Interview, Mr. Elijah Abidakun, (68), at Igbara- 
Odo on 7th June, 1987.
191. This is a shrouded apparition of the dead. See 
P.C. Lloyd, op. clt., p.129.
83
and mind to hold a chieftaincy title. 192
Generally speaking, the female Egbe in Ekiti- 
land were responsible for the sweeping of the market 
places as well as the streets. They also provided 
water during communal works such as erecting public
buildings or road construction.^93
During the period of courtship, a young man had
the unflinching support of members of his Egbe in
whatever labour Services were required by custom
to be rendered to the parents-in-law 194 The members
of the Egbe sometimes accompanied him to pay formal 
visits to them. Similarly, the female members 
of the Egbe graced the occasion of the courtship of 
their members with their presence. The male Egbe 
gave financial assistance in form of paying the
dowry of the brides of their members or defraying 1392
192. P.C. Lloyd, op. cjt,t p.130.
193. N.A. Fadipe, ©£. eit,, p.258.
194. Ibid.
84
the expenses ©f a funeral ceremtny ®f a deeeased 
relative ®r father ®r m®ther-in-law ®f members.195
A member ®f the Eqbe wh© needed the assistance
•f the Eqbe either t© clear his farm ®r that ©f his 
in-law n©rmally applied t© the Eqbe thr©ugh the 
01©ri-eqbe. Such request was never rejected since
it was recipr©cal 19«
Members ©f the Eqbe had ec©n©mi< : ties through 
the f©rmati©n ©f inter-t©wn guilds. They engaged in
l©cal Industries such as blacksmithing, p©ttery, 
cl©th-weaving and carving . These l©cal industries 
pr©vided the needs ©f the pe®pl.e in the neighbouring 
t©wns and villages thereby contributing t© the 
impr»vement ©f the Standard ©f living ©f the people.^7 
The Eqbe also pr©m©ted inter-t©wn relati©ns by 91567
195. N.A. Fadipe, ®£. cit., p.258.
196. See A. Fajana, ’Age-gr©up in Yoruba Traditional 
S©ciety' in Nigeria Magazine, N®.98, September/ 
N©vember 1968, p.236. See als© A. Oj®, Yeruba 
Culture, ©p. cit.t pp.59-61.
197. B.F. Adeniji, A comparatlve study e>f the Indiqeneus 
and Western-style Adult Educati©n Systems ln 
Yerubaland 1842-1945, (M.Phil. Thesis, Ife, 1983), 
p. 39.
85
inviting their counter-parts in ©ther t®wns t® 
s®me impertant festivals. F®r instance, the Eqirl 
age-grade at Ifaki-Ekiti n*rmally invited their
csunterparts in Aaye, Ifishin, Ora and Orin t® t,h1e 
celebrati®n ®f the Ok*r®b® festival in their tawn.^98
In terms ®f s®cial c®ntrol, the age grade System
was the " g u a rd ia n  ®f p u b l i c  rriu®rality"^99 Fajian*
S ta te s  s u c c i n c t l y  t h a t  each Eqbe was a censer  m®rum 
f® r  i t s  members. F®r example, whenever a: man
i n f r i n g e d  a s ® c ie t a l  n®rm, he was ©ften g iv e n  a 
reprimand by the Eqbe and thus admonished t® tu rn
©ver a new leaf.^01 Subse'quTent »ccurrences ®f the 
same «ffence by the member might result in his 
expulsi®n fr®m the Eqbe, a situati®n which w®uld 
n®t ®nly put a s®cial stigma ®n the affected erring89102 
198. Ibid,, p.38.
199. A. Fajana, •£. cit., p.236.
200. Ibid.
201. Ibid.
\
- 86 -
member but also on his entire family. The watch- 
word of the Eqbe was respect for elders and 
constituted authority. Consequently, rudeness 
and Insubordination as well as disrespect to
elders were never condoned as they were severely
dealt with. 202 Members of the Eqbe were forbidden 
from seducing the wives of one•  another. 203
In Ekitiland, each Eqbe could discuss in their 
respective meetings such matters which toere required 
to be brought to the notice of the Iqbimo (Town 
Council) and the generallty of the people when
matters of public interest were to be discussed. 204
The Olori-egbe also informed the Iqbimo of <my 
disturbing Situation which might «ecessitate the 
summoning of an emergency meeting of the Iqbimo* 2304
202* Interview, Mr. Olusanya Oj©, 70, on 7th April,
1987.
203. P. C. Lloyd, op. clt.. p.127.
204. Interview, Mr. 0. Ojo ©n 7th April, 1987.
87
to resolve. Usually, a general meetlng was convened
at the market place t© settle such and other matters^205
Another Organisation which played a signifi- 
cant role in the functioning of the society in 
Ekiti kingdoms was the Eleqbe. The Eleqbe were the 
equivalent of the present-day soldiers. Their 
duties included the defence of the town or village 
against external aggression, punlshment of public 
offenders like thieves, witches, wizards, etc and
the management of they
were divided into _ . . ,cqbe~
mefa, the Otu- Emi and the Iqboran. The appoint-
ment of the Eleqbemefa was confined tc a particular 
family. With regard t© the Otu-Emi. it was choeen 
by a family with the concurrence ©f the Oqoqa of 
Ikere while the Iqboran was chosen by quarter0 256
205. Interview, Mr. 0. Ojo on 7th April, 1987.
206. See Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, Hlstory of Ekiti.
cp. clt.„ p.40.
- 88
council3 fram any family within a quarter. The 
Eleqbe served as an intermediary between the town
council» and the people by coramunicating the
decisionsof Town Chiefs t® the latter. 207 in
Oye-Ekiti, the Eleqbe were known as the Baloqun,'
(War captains). The title Baloqun was designed 
primarily to reward prowess and distinction in 
battle. Each Quarter had a head Baloqun who was 
responsible to the overall Baloqun of Oye-Ekiti.
The Baloqun were much respected. They attended 
the meetings of the Iqblmo (Town Council) but it
was their leader who could speak at such meetings» 20 fi
However, in Efon-Alaaye and Aramoko, the
Eleqbe were not membetd of the Iqblmo« They waited
outside while the council met. Nevertheless, the
decision of the council was communicated to them 
_______________________________________ _ _________ _ —
207, (N.A,I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on 
Ikere Dlstrict, op. clt,, para.l3T2). 208*
208. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, CS026/31318, Intelligence
Report on Oye Dlstrict. Ekltl Division of Ond®
Provlnce^ (1933), parasl68 and 69..
89
after the meetlng and the Eleqbe had fco execufce fclwse
»■ac-aBT » »EtjrS»-v o«iu»
decisions on communal work. 209 The Eleqbe» in 
Aramok© were so powerful that the AIara_ had t© bo
careful in taking a decision which was diamqtrlc^lly 
opposed to the wishes of the Elegbe. However^ 
where the Iqbitno and the Eleqbe did not reacn a
■s s w h ^ '1. 'k t i x j  -■'w tfu u u i.n v u  o .
consensus on an issue, the Alara had to make a final
decision which was binding on the two groups» 210
In Itaji, the Eleqbe were so powerful that they 
tried cases of criminal nature, leaving the civil 
cases to the Oba and the Agba-llu. They were
entitled to carry "abebe"  (li.arge round fans) like
the Chiefs.211
In Akure t apaQrt from organising communal labourf
the Eleqbe took part in war. They were elected by 
-------------------------------—------------ -------------------------------------— ----------------------------------------—
209. R(eNp.oAr.tI .)o,n  ER.fAo.n  VDeisspterrl,c t„C So02p6. /2c9i8t3.4. , paIrnatse lSläi gaenndc'e"  
59 and H.F. Marshall,Intelligence Report cn Ara 
District of Ekitl Divisio7rT(T932y,, para^lT^
210. V(N.A.I.), Intelligence Report on Ara Distrlcfc* 
Ibid.. para.41.
211. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Rejx>rt on 
Itajl District. op. cit.. para.35.
90
the Iqblm© but ©nly the m©st seni©r ©f them were
influential in t®wn affairs; the juni©r ©nes
were rarely c©nsulted by the Iqblm©. 212 Apart
fr©m the Eleqbe. the Ik©m© Chiefs als* participated
in war in Akure. The p*siti®n *f the Sa©^  in
Akure c*uld b* likened t© that ©f the Are-Ona-
Kankanf© in Oy©. 214 As s©©n as war was declared,
the Sa© wauld summtn the war Chiefs t© his h©use 
where a decisi©n wauld be taken t© m©bilise able- 
bodied men in Akure f©r acti©n. Bef©re going t© war, 
the Sa© w«uld perf©rm some rituals at the Upenranyin 
stream after which he was never t® return t©
Akure alive whether he w©n the war ©r n©t. The 
Dej i had to give the Sa© a beaded cr®wn which he
w©re ©utside the kingdem hence the Sa© was called
nAlade Iqb f the Sa© died ©n the battle-fleid,
______
212. ©Sne e Ak(uNr.eA .ID.i)s,t riNc.tA.. C.© pW. eicri.c .~I nptaerlal.i4gie.nce Report 
213. T.S. Adel©ye, •£. cit., p.38.
214. This title is akin t© a Field-Marshal. See 
Rev. S. J©hns©n, The Histery ©f the Y©rubas. 
©p. cit.. p.14.
91 -
his corpse was preserved by drying and brought 
to the town after a period of three months. This 
was why members of the Sa® faraily were called
"Om© Oloku ayangbe"^^ (Children of those wh® dry 
their dead), Should the Sao be victorious in war
and attempted to enter Akure,'he would be killed
by the Oba1s agents at the town gate. 216
In Ado-Ekiti, the Eleqbe controlled the police 
and prison Services, Like in other parts of Ekiti- 
land, they produced the war captaaLns as well aß 
served as an interraediary between the Olove (Town 
Chiefs) and the people, The Olove. were not 
supposed to issue out Orders directly to the people; 
they did so through the Eleqbe,  ̂̂  ln Ido-Ekiti, 26157
215, See J.O. Atandare, Iwe Itan Akure atl aqbeqbe re, 
op, eit,, p.35,
216. T.S, Adeloye, o£. eit,. p.39.
217. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on 
Ado District. op. cit.. para.117.
92
the Eleqbe seemed to have progressed to a position
which was regarded as an equal status with the
Chiefrs . 218 
Another socio-political Organisation whicAh
played a significant role in the functioning of the
society in Ekiti kingdoms was the traditional
police force given various names. In Akure, they
were called the Erlnse while they were called the
Olokorun at Ikere-Ekiti. In Akure, the Erlnse had
their headquarters at Oke-Igbon. 219 Headed by the
Ologbosere« the Erinse. apart from reinforcing Akure 
army during wars, «Iso maintained law and order in 
the town. They administered Capital punishments on 
any criminal apprehended on the Instruction of the
Oba. The Ologbosere was assisted by the Olusoqan 
in supervising the members of the Erlnse who looked 
after the accused persons kept at Oke-Igbon. People 2189
218. See (N.A.I.),R.A. Vosper and A.C.C. Swayne, 
Intelligence Report on Ido-Ekiti, op. cit.. 
para.30.
• i ' -
219. This literally means the house of wisdom. The 
then Oke-Igbon is located at Eruoba Street in 
Akure today. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida III 
on 7th May, 1987.
93
accused of robbery, kidnapping, murder, witch-craft 
etc. viere kept at thc Iqbon pending trial. They 
were kept in small rooms where holes were bored in 
the walls in which the legs of the accused persons 
were passed through to the other side and tied 
with a strong rope. As soon as the cases of the ac~ 
cused persons were decided, punishments were quickly 
meted out. These ranged from beheading, lynching 
with the Oduro (a .ng to the
baobab tree with at the
. Erekesan market
In Ikere-Ekiti, the Olokorun weee six in number. 
They were charged with the responsibility of guarding 
the town. The choice of the Olokorun was usually 
made from two of the fehree main quarters of the town. 
The Olokorun had two different uniforms. One was a 
wrapper tied round the waist with a cap on and the 
osan ( a whip with two heads and a handle) hung 20
220. Ibid. See also T.S. Adeloye, op. clt.. p.48.
94
securely on the left shoulder while the other 
uniform comprised a pair of woven shorts with a cap 
and a woven sleeveless jumper over it and tha "osan"
being carried on the left shoulder,~? 2l The duties
°f tha Olakcrun wer® to arrest and take any
accused person t© Alo Ivare (Tyare Council) which
also served as a Judicial Council for punishing the
offenders. The Ajo lyare imposed fines of goats
and bales of cowries according to the gravity of the 
offence. 222 The economic System of the Ekiti
people before our
next discussio
Traditional Economic gtructure in Ekitiland 
Before the imposition of colonial rule, the
economy of Ekitiland, like that of other parts of
Yorubaland, was essentially based on subsistence
farming. In fact, the pre-colonial economy was 2*
221* S’Ae e noOtbea  oAnl aityhee luawdam iAndisetgroartiioolna  oI,f  OIgkoegrae  obfe foIrkeer et,h e 
advent of British,' ODU, op, cit.1 p.23«
222. Ibid.
95
agra rian ;  men cleared the s i te  fo r  farmlands,
223
t i l l e d  the s o i l  p lanting food crops. Women helped 
in the farm during the p lanting  and harvesting 
seasons.
During the dry season, the bush was cleared in
preparation fo r  hoeing and planting which normally
began with e a r l ie s t  ra in s .  Th ere after ,  weeding was
done. The next stage was harvesting of crops. The
farm implements consisted of hoes and knives,
There were two typed of hoes* The f i r s t  was a large
heavy type used in taaking 1earth heaps' or  farm
ridges for  planting root crops while the second
type was the l i g h t e r  one used fo r  weeding and other
less heavy farm work. The cutlasses were used for
Clearing the bush as well as for digging out
root crops like yam and cassava. 224 The System of
223. See 0. Aboyade, Issues in the Development of 
T ro p lc a l  A f r ic a .  (Ibadan U n lv e rs lty  Press, 
ly'/bTi p. 2.
224. Interv iew ,  James Akomolafe, (8 0 ) ,  at I y i n - E k i t i ,  
on 4th March, 1987.
96 -
farming was based on mixed cropping, s h if t in g  c u l -
t i v a t i o n ,  ro ta t io n a l  bush-fallow and permanent
c u l t i v a t i o n .  P25 The food crops planted included
Yam ( dloscorea spp) . Okro ( hlbscus e sculentus) .
Plantain ( musa para disaca) ,  maize ( zea mays) ,
vegetables, lime ( orombo wew6) ( c i t r u s  lemonis) ,
cocoyam, cassava, melon, sugar cane, equsi melon
(cucumeropsls edulis). plantain (musa «p p) and
awusa (tetracarpldlum conophorum). Yam was th®
staple food crop .as well as the main crop ©f 
cultivation. 227 Indigenous kolanut called52*67 
225. See T. Falela, 'Nigeria’s indigenous econom^j* 
in R. Olaniyan (ed.), Nlqerian History and 
Culture, (Longman, 1985), p.100.
226. S. A. Agboola, ‘Agricultural chamges in Western 
Nigeria 1850-1910' in Topics on Nlqerian Eceno- 
mlc and Social History, (cd»), I.A. Akinjogbin 
and S.O. Osoba (university of Ife Press Ltd., 
Ile-Ife, 1980), pp.129-130.
227. See S.A. Agboola, Ibid.. p.128 and S.A. Agboola, 
'The Traditionel significance of Yam in Yoruba- 
• land in the Pre-colonial Times' in Nlqerian
Agricultural Journal, Vol.5(2), October, 1968,
p.60.
97
obl abata 2 28 (Kela accuminata) ws® »Ls© planted ln
Ekitiland pred®minantly in Ijare. The Ekiti people
regarded Ijare as the home ®f indigenous k®lanut
hence the f©lk song, 'Ma vara 1® s'ujarc ki ml ya
rebl abata (I will make haste t® g® t® Ijare t®
buy kolanut). 229 C®tton was als® grewn t® provide
raw material for the indigenous domestic c®tten
industry. Als®, palm trees grew wild in the bush, 
pr®viding the vegetable ©il needed for domestic
censumpt4.i. on 23.0
Like in other parts of Yorubaland, the System
of cultivation in ESJ<k itiland was based ©n 'shifting032* 
_____________________________________________ _
228, This is different from cela nitida, the kolanut 
specie that was introduced during British cela- 
nial rule. See B. A. Agiri, 'The Yoruba and 
the Pre-colonial Kola Trade' in ODU. N®.12,
July 1975, p.55, 0. Nzeku, 'Kolanut' Nigeria 
Magazine. N®.71, December, 1961, p.301 and 
P.O. Ogunbowale, Asa Ibile Yoruba. (Ibarfan, 
O.U.P., 1973), p.3.
229» See J.O. Atandare, Iwe Itan Akure atl aqbegbe re. 
®p. eit, . p. 104.
230. R.O. Ekundare, An Economic History ef Nigeria
1860-1960. (New York, Africa Publishing Company, 
1973), p.41.
98
cultivation’. ?3lA The System involved the Clearing
©f the forest and the use ®f the land f@r tw» ©r
three years before moving t® another place. ?32
Prof. Afolabi 0§® called this ’ land rotation’̂ ^  
with long periods #f bush f*ll®wing, which in a
longer ®r shorter period restored its fertility
and rendered the land capable @f bei ng cl eared and
put int© us® again. It is instructive t© note that
under this System, the Settlements were never shifted 
with farms. 234 In view ©f the reproductive seil 
coupled with the climatic conditi@n which allewed
a wide variety ©f crops t© be grown, the Ekiti 
people were self-sufficient in food production.
Land in pre-colonial Ekiti, like other parts 
of Yorubaland, was corporately owned. This land 
tenure System served as a cohesive force which 
united all the inhabitants ©f each town ©r village. 
The System also ensured that majority of young men
W. Bascom, The Yoruba of South-Western Nigeria, 
QP. cit., p. 20.
232. See A. Milson, 'The Yoruba country, 'West Africa* 
in Proceedinqs of the Royal Geoqraphical Society« 
V©1.13, (second series), (London, l89l), pp.584-5.
233. G.J.A. Oj©, Yoruba Culture. op. cit.. p.6l
234. Ibid
99
in the town or village had enough land for farming. 
There were religious beliefs and sanctions to back
up the land tenure System« First and foremost,
there was the common belief that land belonged to 
the ancestors and that the living only held it in 
trust. Consequently, land was deified and 
sale was regarded as sacrilegious. Second, it was 
believed that anyone who sold a piece cf land
invited the wrath of the ancestors on himself. 235
As a result of this, any allerl ation of land by
any individual occupier led toth. forfeiture of his
interest in the land* 236 The concept of inalienability
of interests in land had its roots in the family 
ownership of land. Family, in the context of 2365
235. T. Falola, ' Nigeria's indigenous economy*, 
op. eit« j. P.98.
236. See R.O. Adegboye,'An analysis of Land Tenure 
structure in selected Areas of Nigeria ', in 
Nigerian Journal of Economic and Social Studles. 
Vol.VII, No.2, July, 1966, pp.259-268, T.O. 
Elias, Nigerian Land Law and Custom« (London, 
1951), p.176, and Rev. S. Johnson, The Hlstory of 
£he_ Yorubas. op. eit«, p.95.
100
Yeruba, as previously pointed out, consisted ©f a
man, his wife ©r wives, children as well as a
large number ©f collaterals claiming bl@©d ®r
kinship afflnity wlth him. 237 A c®mmu!jity had a right 
to a piece of land which was used f«r legitimate 
economic pursuits. To dispossess anl:y  lpeae9r“ss' © n ©f
land was tantamount to excommunicatinIgQ htl iim f:r©m
the town or village. 238
There were many ways of acquiring interests ln 
land in Ekitiland before colonial rule. First and 
foremost, there was the individual's right to 
ownership of land from birth. In fact, from birth^ 
every individual member of a family was entitled 
to a stäke in the family land, 2837 There existed what 
was tantamouinnt 1t© a permanent or perpectual interest 
in land in the sense that an Individual family
237. R.O. Ekundare, op. cit., p.37. See also S. 
Famoriyo, Land Tenure and Agricultural Development 
ln Nigeria, (London, N.I.S.B.R., 1979)j p.5^.
238. T. Falola, op. cit.. p.98.
101 -
member exercise^control over the use öf land 
with a provis® that he c®uld not alienate it with- 
•ut the consent of the entire members ©f the 
family.^^ Secondly, land ceuld be acquired through 
pioneer Clearing. Like in ©ther parts of Yoruba-
land, pioneer Clearing was largely based ©n the 
principle that "he wh© clears a piece of land is the 
©wner ©f it. However, slaves were not enti~
tled to land ©wnership in Ekitiland. 241 Thirdly,
a person could borrow land from anOther family. In
this regard, such a persocn would offer some kegs ©f
palm-wine and a few kolanuts to the owner. 242
Under the land tenure System, the Oba or Baalc 
had additional rights to land by virtue ©f his
Position as the adminlstrator of the town ©r village.094 123243
, .. ........—  -  „------- --  — ....................—  --------
239. S. Famoriyo, cp. eit,. p.57.
240. See C.K. Meek, Land Law and Custom in the colonles. 
(Oxford, University Press, L o n d o n , p . 23.
241. Ibld.
242. Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, History of Ekitl. ©p. clt..
p.10.
243. S. Famoriyo, op. cit.. p.57.
102 -
He was regarded as a trustee of the land of the 
community, Any individual wh© wished t© use any 
family land had t® seek the consent of the Oba 
or Baale» In some cases, after consent had been 
obtained, allegiance was paid to the Oba or
Baale in form of Isakole (royalties). 244 The Oba
or Baale also re-distributed land,1. By s<o doing,
he acted as arbitrator ©n several occasions. For 
instance, when a family increased in size to 
necessitate the acquisition of more land, it was the 
Oba or the Baale wh© provided such lands. Conversely, 
if a family dwindled in size, perhaps as a result
i
of heavy emigration or war, it was the Oba or Baale
who restored a new balance between the inhabitants
and the available resources within the town or 
village, 245 The Oba or Baale «als© granted leases •*
244, TSeeneu rPe.'C,,  ALlfyroidc,a n 'SStoumdei ePsr,o blV©e1m,s1 2o,f  NYoor,u3,b a 19l5a3n,d  
p.32.
• S, Famoriyo, loc. clt,. p,57.
103 -
t® s t r a n g e r  o c c u p ie r s  o r  elements who wäre r e q u i r e d  
t o  pay lsadcole ( r o y a l t i e s )  a n n u a l l y .  Whenever a 
group  ©f people m igra te d  t© the king#sm ©r t e r r i ­
t o r y  ©f an Oba ©r B a a l « ,  such people had to pay
annual t r i b u t e s  to  hirn. 246
T h re e  m ajor  problems faced the land tenure  
System in  E k i t l l a n d .  F i r s t l y ,  t h e r e  was the preblem 
o f  s u c c e s s io n .  A f t e r  the death o f  an i n d i v i d u a l
o c c u p i e r  ©f f a m i l y  la n d ,  the land r e v e r t e d  t® the 
f a m i l y  e s ta t e  and i t  was shared among f a m i l y  members 
i n  accordance w i t h  custam. S e c o n d ly ,  the System 
d i d  not  c a t e r  f o r  the female members o f  the f a m i l y  
as they were co n s id e re d  i n e l i g i b l e ,  a c c o rd in g  t© 
n a t i v e  customs, t© C la im  o r  share out  of  the f a m i l y
l a n d ,  The adverse e f f e c t  o f  t h i s  was t h s t  women were 
p re ve n te d  from e x e r c i s i n g  o r  im p ro v in g  t h e i r  e x p e r t i s e  
i n  c ro p  and animal husbandry,  C o n s e q u e n t ly , women 
were not a l lowed to p artake  i n  any d e c i s i o n -m a k in g
246. Ibld *JL
-  104 -
247
process  r e l a t i n g  to  lande T h i r d l y ,  th e re  was
the problem o f  i n s e c u r i t y .  I n d i v i d u a l s  found i t
d i f f i c u l t  to  expand t h e i r  land  h o ld in g  u n i t  w i t h  
the r e s u l t  th a t  Investm ent i n  a g r i c u l t u r e  was 
g r e a t l y  i n h i b i t e d . 24805942 s T
In  E k i t i l a n d ,  the work f o r c e  on the farms c o n -  
s i s t e d  m a in ly  of the f a m i l y .  A man o rg a n ise d  h is  w i f e
o r  w iv e s ,  c h i l d r e n  and d o s e  r e l a t i o n s  f o r  farm werk,
He paid  them no wages but was expected to  c a t e r  f o r
t h e i r  needs. In  v iew  of  the e n o rm ity  ®f the f a r m -
work,  most men had more than one w i f e  f o r  each
a d d i t i o n a l  w i f e  and her o f f s p r i n g  in c re a s e d  the
la b o u r  f o r c e  on the  fa rm s.  249 S la v e s  la b o u r  s u p p l e -  
mented the f a m i l y  la b o u r  on the f*rms. S la v e s  
were o b ta in e d  as c a p t i v e s  in  wars, r a i d s  o r  as 
g i f t s . 2' 0
247. I b i d . . p .1 0 0 .
248. I b i d .
249. I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr. Adebayo O j o ,  ( 7 5 ) ,  at  E f o n -  
A la a y e ,  on 4th  March, 1987. See a ls o  R .O .  
Ekundare, op. c i t . « p . 4 1 .
250. See G . J . A .  O j o ,  Yoruba C u l t u r e .  op. c i t . , p.60 
and C . D .  F o rd e ,  fh e  Y o r u b a -s p c a k in q  peoples of  
South~Western N i g e r i a «  o p . c i t . . p . 16.
105
Women played a s i g n i f i c a n t  r o l e  in  the domestic  
economy of  E k i t i l a n d  in  p a r t i c u l a r  and Yorubaland 
i n  g e n e ra l  in  the p r e - c o l o n i a l  e r a .  A woman was 
expected to Supplement her  husband's  re so u rc e s  f o r  
p u rc h a sin g  food items and c l o t h e s .  I f  she belonged 
t o  a s o c i a l  o r  sa v in g s  c l u b  1‘ik e  the Esusu. she had 
to meet the re qu ire m e n ts  set  by the  c l u b  on i t s  
members. Th e re  was a number o f  s o c i a l  f u n c t i o n s  
such as m arr ia g e  and f u n e r a l  ceremonies which r e q u i r e d  
a l a r g e  sum o f  money to <b>e xexpended upon e s p e c i a l l y
i f  the p a r t i e s  i n v o l v e d  were c l o s e l y  r e l a t e d  to  
h e r . 251
However, t h e r e  were o c c a s io n s  when women were 
not expected to  work at a l l  ©r when they were 
r e s t r i c t e d  to  l i g h t  d u t i e s .  Those who were tem pora -  
r i l y  p5r©hiilb i t e d  ©r p re c lu d e d  t o t a l l y  from p e rfo rm in g  
stre n u o u s  jo bs  were pregnant  women, n u r s i n g  m others,
251. See T .  F a l o l a ,  'The  p la c e  of  women i n  P r e -  
c o l o n i a l  Yoruba Economy' c i t . , p .1 4 3 .
252. Ibid.
106
o l d  p e o p le ,  new b r i d e s ,  p h y s i c a l l y  handicapped 
i n d i v i d u a l s  and i n v a l i d s .  N e v e r t h e l e s s ,  some 
aged women sometimes engaged in  s p in n i n g  t h r e a d ,  
C r a c k i n g  pälm k e r n e i s  and te n d in ~  ^ — '•*•* -
a n im a ls .  These were tasks t h a t
much p h y s i c a l  e x e r t i o n . 252 ‘
The a c t i v i t i e s  o f  women i n  [ jba
economy were b a s i c a l l y  f a r m i n g ,  c ra fts m a n s h ip  and
t r a d i n g .  With re g a r d  to  f a r m i n g ,  th e re  were some
women who had t h e i r  own farms s in c e  they had access
to  la n d .  For  example, Madam Efunsetan Aniwura ©f
Ibadan i s  sa id  t® have had " 2 ,0 0 0  s la v e s  in  her  
f a r m s . "  253 Yoruba women were a ls o  i n v o l v e d  in  
c u t t i n g ,  h o eing ,  p l a n t i n g  and weeding. Women were
p a r t i c u l a r l y  i n v o l v e d  i n  the h a r v e s t i n g  o f  farm
252. I b l d ,
flohnson, The H i s t o r y  o f  the  Yorubas,  o p .  c i t . ,
p .3 9 3 .
107
Products which were rnostly put  ln l a r g e  calabashes 
and baskets»  Such p ro d u cts  in c lu d e d  pepper, maise, 
yam, p l a n t a i n ,  banana, tobacco and v e g e t a b le .  B e s id e s ,  
women u s u a l l y  c o l l e c t e d  o t h e r  farm produce l i k e  f i r e -
wood, s n a i l s ,  mush-room and k o la n u t » 254
Women helped in  s t o r i n g  f a r m 'p r o d u c t as to
p r e s e r v e  them u n t i l  they were needed to bje s e i d ,
consumed o r  p la n t e d .  Produce were p reserved  by r e -
moving them from the reach ©f c h i l d r e n ,  t h i e v e s ,  heat
and water  by p u t t i n g  them on r a f t e r s  and i n  v a u l t s .
Some were r e g u l a r l y  d r i e d  by exposure to sun o r  f i r e .
O th e rs  c o u ld  be f r i e d ,  smoked o r  kept i n s i d e  the k i t c h e n s
where they could  be heated.  Some o th e r s  c o u ld  be put
i n s i d e  baskets o r  wrapped i n s i d e  c l o t h e s  o r  le a v e s .
They c o u ld  a lso  be s to r e d  i n  baskets  o r  p o t s . 255
In  the  realm o f  animal husbandry ,  women played 
a predominant r o l e  in  the  p r e - c o l o n i a l  Yoruba domestic
the domestic  animaaLs re a re d  by them
____
254. T .  F a l o l a ,  o£. e i t » , p .1 4 6 .
255. Ibid
108
were c h ic k e n s ,  ducks, p i g s ,  c a t t l e ,  sheep, ca ts  
and g o a t s .  Women engaged i n  d y e in g ,  h a i r d r e s s i n g ,  
potmaking, beer b re w in g ,  c l o t h  weaving e tc »
was a lso  an im p o rta n t  © c c u p a t io n .  P o t t e r s  us
to  make d i f f e r e n t  k in d s  of  p o t s ,  p l a t e s  ö er
kitchen Utensils. They u s u a l l y  set up th tes
v e r y  c l o s e  to where c l a y  was abundant.  The c l a y  was
moulded in t©  the d e s i r e d  shape by hand and was l a t e r  
b u r n t  in  the open t© complete the  p r o c e s s in g .
However, the most im p o r ta n t  a c t i v i t y  o f  women was 
t r a d i n g .  T h i s  economic a c t i v i t y  o f  women predated the 
19th C e n tu ry  Yoruba wars.  Women t r a d e r s  were e i t h e r  
found in  markets o r  engaged i n  long d i s t a n c e t r a d e .  
However, some items such as yam', f l o u r ,  pepper, Aasa 
( s n u f f ) ,  d r i e d  f i s h  and meat were s o ld  by some women 
i n  t h e i r  homes. Such t r a d e r s  were p a t r o n is e d  by those 
who c o u ld  not go to the markets o r  by r e g u l ä r  customers
256. Ibid.. p.151.
109
wh© were sometimes a l lowed t© buy on c r e d i t ,
T h i s  p r a c t i c e  ©f t r a d i n g  at  home was p r e v a i e n t  among 
o l d  people and new b r i d e s  who were not a l lowed t© 
commence f u l l - t i m e  t r a d i n g  u n t i l  they had spent a few 
y e a rs  at home. Some women t r a d e r s  were i n  the h a b i t  
©f g o in g  round some v i l l a g e  markets to  scout f© r  goods 
from p roducers  and farm ers  w i t h  the i n t e n t i o n  ©f 
o b t a i n i n g  cheaper p r i c e s  than the market r a t e s .  Women 
went © u ts id e  the town to  s e i l  food to  t r a v e l l e r s  on
p  C Q
p o p u lä r  r o u t e s .  °
Women a lso  p a r t i c i p a t e d  i n  long d i s t a n c e  t ra d e  
i n  th e  p r e - c o l o n i a l  Y o ru b a la n d .  They c a r r i e d  t h e i r  goods 
to  n e ig h b o u r in g  towns and v i l l a g e s  sometimes beyond 
the  b o rd e rs  ©f Y o ru b a la n d .  I t  was not uncommon to 
f i n d  wives o f  Oba and C h i e f s  engaging in  long d i s t a n c e  
t r a d e .  F o r  i n s t a n c e ,  i n  1830, the Lander B ro th e rs  
happened to have lodged under the same ro o f  w i t h  some752 
257. I b i d .
258. Ibid,, p.153,
1 1 0
o f  the  wives o f  the A l a a f i n  i n  Oyo who came t© Jadoo, 
a town f i f t y  m i le s  raorth o f  Badagry to t r a d e . 2591062 A ls o »  
Mr and Mrs T®wnsend met the wives ©f C h i e f  Ogunbona ©f 
Abeokuta on the I l u k u - S a k i  road goin g to  t r a d e . 2o°
Through p a r t i c i p a t i o n  in  v a r i o u s  economic a c t i v l -
ties, women had the ©pportunity of becoming wealthy
and thus improved their socio-political Status within
t h e i r  r e s p e c t i v e  com m unities.  F o r  example, Efunsetan
A n iw ura  ©f Ibadan rose t© the h i g h e s t  p o s i t i o n  ©f
I y a l o d e  o f  Ibadan.  Her w ealth  and i n f l u e n c e  were s®
g r e a t  tha* »h e  was a b le  t© a f f o r d  a la r g e  army of 
261
bodyguards, Another  we a lth y  la d y  o f  note was Adu
I j a n n a ,  a town under I j a y e . 262
A l s o ,  a d d i t i o n a l  la b o u r  was got on the farms 
th rou g h  group f a r m i n g .  T h e re  were two types of  group
259. See John and R ichard  La n d e r ,  J o u r n a l  o f  an Expedi­
t i o n  to  E x p lo re  the  c o u rse  and t e r m in a t i o n  of  the 
N i g e r .  ( J  and J .  H a rp e r .  New Y o r k ,  1833) ,  V o l . l » , '  
p .1 2 2 .
260. See CMS I n t e l l i q e n c e x : .  J a n .  1856, p .2 0 .
261. S. Johnson,  The H i s t o r y  o f  the Y orubas,  op. c i t , ,  
p . 331.
262. I b i d .
1 1 1
fa rm ing  namely Aaro and Owe. Aaro was a form of 
r o t a t i o n a l  communal la b o u r  i n  which a member was bound, 
when c a l l e d  upon, to  r e t u r n  the S e r v i c e s  ©f o t h e r  
members ©ne by one. I t  i n v o l v e d  two ©r more people o f  
equal s t r e n g t h «  In  f a c t ,  the System was a form of 
•mutual a id  a s s o c i a t i o n . ’2635462 The need f o r  many people 
t© sup p ly  the necessary  lab©ur on the  farms was met 
by the A a r o . I t  was le s s  prom inent  d u r in g  the  p l a n t i n g  
season as women s u p p l i e d  p a r t  ©f the r e q u i r e d  l a b o u r .  
Members o f  the Aaro were m o s t ly  men ©f ’ an a g n a t i c  k i n  
and those of an age-gr©up o r  a m i x t u r e  of  b o t h * . ^ ^
A member ©f the  Aaro c o u ld  c a l l  upon the e n t l r e  
gro u p  to  h e lp  him on the farm , e i t h e r  to  c l e a r  the 
land  o f  weeds p r e p a r a t o r y  to  p l a n t i n g  o r  to  p l a n t  seeds«2 65
T h e r e  were in f o r m a l  r u l e s  g u i d i n g  the Aaro p r a c t i c e .
263. See G . J . A .  O jo ,  Yoruba C u l t u r e «  o p . S i t , , p.60 
and C . D .  F orde,  The Y o ru b a -s p e a k in q  peoples o f  
S p uth -W cste rn  N i g e r i a ,  o p . c l t . .  p.16.
264. G . J . A .  O jo ,  o£. c i t . , p.60.
265. N. A .  F a d ip e ,  The S o c i o lo g y  o f  the Yoruba.  op. c i t . ,  
p.150.
1 1 2  -
F i r s t l y ,  e ve ry  member o f  th e  A s s o c i a t i o n  must c o -  
o p e r a te  and r e c i p r o c a t e  the S e r v i c e s  o f  members when 
i t  came to  h is  t u r n .  S e con d ly ,  i t  was o b l i g a t o r y  on 
the  host to  feed h i s  a s s o c ia t e s  as w e l l  as r e c i p r o c a t e  
t h e i r  S e r v ic e s  in  k i n d .  T h e re  was no f i x e d  o r d e r  of
to  r e n d e r  him any form
blood r e l a t i o n s  and l a t e r  from k i t h  and k i n .  But 
u n l i k e  A a ro .  the Owe i n v o l v e d  a l a r g e r  number of  paople 
and was not  operated on a r o t a t i o n a l  b a s is  hence 
immediate reward was g i v e n  by e n te r ta in m e n t  w i t h  food,
palmwine and k o la n u ts  by the Olowe ( t h e  © rg a n is e r  ©f
t. .h e f. « em work) a t.   t__h___e___ ____e__n_ _d__   o f.   eac. .h.   d. .a. y. .' s.   j. o. . b.  .  „Co___m____p___a___r_ed
266. Ibid.
267. G.J.A. Ojo, ©£. eit,. p. 61.
113
w i t h  A « r® .  the e n t e r ta in m e n t  was much more e l a b o r a t e .  268
Owe was used f o r  the b u i l d i n g  of  a house o r  r e - r o o f i n g
of one as well as for Clearing land or forest for 
f a r m i n g . 269 In t h i s  r e g a r d ,  a long n o t i c e  was u s u a l l y
g i v e n  to a l l o w  those i n v i t e d  enough time to plan
ahead f o r  the appointed day. On the  day in  q u e s t io n ,
members worked w ith  g r e a t  enthusiasm to f i n i s h  the jo b
b e f o r e  su n se t .  In E k i t i l a n d ,  the Aaro had an advantage
o v e r  the _Owe  o r  -E--b---e--s--e-- in  the sen se tha± w h i l e  a k in d  of 
c o n t r a c t  w asim plied  i n  the form er,, the l a t t e r  was i n -
< h '
fo rm a l  and v o l u n t a r y . -sT
A n other  form of  la b o u r  which the E k i t i  people used
270
on t h e i r  farms was Iwofa (p a w n ) .  Pawns were i n d i v i d u a l s
pledged as c o l l a t e r a l  s e c u r i t y  f o r  loans borrowed by
t h e i r  p a r e n t s .  The Iwofa worked f o r  the c r e d i t o r  u n t i l
--------------
th e  loan and the i n t e r e s t  on i t  were p a id .  When a man079862 
268. I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr. Adebayo O j o .
269. N .A .  Fa d ip e ,  op. e i t « ,  p .1 5 0 .
270. Rev. S. Johnson c a l l e d  him a " S e r v i c e  man". See 
Rev. S. Johnson,  £ £ .  e i t , . p .1 2 7 .
114
borrowed money u s u a l l y  Okemarun (N2 .5 0 )  the borrow er 
was charged Eqba ( 5 k )  per  day as I n t e r e s t  which was
heavy i• n  those days.  271 S ince  ;he was not n o rm a l ly
r e q u i r e d  to  repay the  loan by cash under  t h i s  svstem,
he sent h i s  son, b r o t h e r  o r  s i s t e r  to  work f o r  * 
l e n d e r  f o r  Eqba (5 k )  a day. However, as soon as the 
b o rro w e r  was able  to  refund the amount borrowed, the
Iwofa was set  f r e e . 272
T h e r e  were many reasons why people r e s o r t e d  to
the peonage System as a means of r a i s i n g  money i n  E k i t i -
l a n d .  F i r s t l y ,  money might be needed f o r  the purpose
o f  p a y in g  o f f  debts owed another  pe rso n .  S e c o n d ly ,  i t
m ight  be r e q u i r e d  f o r  the purpose of  making a p r o j e c t e d
e x p e n d i t u r e .  Whenever money was r a i s e d  under the
iw o fa  System, the b o rro w e r  had to f i n d  a g u a r a n t o r  on
whose r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  the le n d e r  would p a r t  w i t h  h i s  
money. 273 In  a Yoruba week o f  f o u r  days,  the iw ofa3172 
271. See Msgr. A. O g u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  of  E k i t i . o p . c i t . , 
p.  26.
272. I b l d .
273. I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr. Adebayo O jo  ®n 4th March, 1987.
115
was expected to give two days Service on his master*s
farm w h i l e  he spent the re m a in in g  two days on h is  
own farm . 274 G e n e r a l l y ,  the work demanded was not
v e r y  e x a c t i n g .  I t  was a minimum o f  160 yam heaps per 
day and the task was u s u a l l y  c a r r i e d  out  betwe en 
6 .0 0  a.m. and 11.00 a.m. 275.
An iwofa (pawn) was d i f f e r e n t  from Eru ( S l a v e )  
i n  the f o l l o w i n g  ways: F i r s t l y ,  w h i l e  the iwofa 
stayed w i t h  h is  p a re n ts  and r e p o r t e d  f o r  duty  from t h e r e ,  
the Eru ( S l a v e )  stayed perm anently  w i t h  b i s  m aster .  
S e c o n d ly ,  w h i le  an iwofa egarded as a f r e e  born
and retained his rights and Privileges as full-fledged
members of the s o c i e t y , ^2 76 the Eru ( S l a v e )  d id  not 
e n jo y  such a p r i v i l e g e .  T h i r d l y ,  w h i l e  an Eru c o u ld  
be k i l l e d ,  the iw ofa c o u ld  merely  be f lo g g e d .  A l s o ,  
w h i l e  a sslasvye  was fed and c l o t h e d  by h is  m aster,  a
pawn ate h i s  own food and c lo t h e d  h i m s e l f .  Moreover, 65472
274. N .A .  Fa d ip e ,  o p . c i t . . p .1 9 0 .
275. I b i d .
276. Rev. S. Johnson,  £ £ .  c i t . , p .1 2 6 .
1 1 6  -
although a female slave might be impregnated by her
master, nevertheless, her c h i ld  remained a slave. 2 77
As soon as an lwofa was impregnated by his master, 
she automatically ceased to be an lwofa and the debt 
was w ritte n  o f f .  However, i f  he wanted to marry the
g i r l ,  he had to pay a bride pr ice  on heexr . 278 i n a
Situation where a master committed adu\ltVery with an 
iwofa who had been betrothed, he not only fo rfe ite d
his money but also had to pay daamnages to the fiance 
of the g i r l .  279 Furthermore, while an iwofa was
expected to make 200 heaps d a i l y ,  no l i m i t  was set for
the work which a slave could do on the farm. 280
Also, while the dea.thC oTf a slave put an end to his
serv itude,  the death of an iwofa did not r e l ie v e  his
next-of-kin of the Obligation to repay the loan for
which the iwofa was pawned. 28 “1
277. Msgr. A. Oguntuyi 1 ££. c i t . ,  p.
278. N.A. Fadipe, £Es. c i t . . p . 190.
279. I b id . ., P.192 . See also Rev. S. Johnson, op. c i t . ,
p. 128 •
280. A. Oguntuyi, QP. c i t . , p. 26. t
281. N • A • Fadipe, op. c i t . , p . 193.
IN
.ON
J
117
Under the peonage System, 1t was not uncommon 
to 1f o r g e t 1 an Iwofa in a « r e d i t o r ' s  farm. For 
example, a man who pawned his younger brother in 
order to pay the bride price on his wife might forget 
h is  Obligation to redeem the c h i ld  th e re a fte r .  Also, 
g i r l s  were sometimes neglected in  peonage. In that 
circumstance, such a g i r l  had to wait u n t i l  her 
fiance came along to redeem her by paying the amount
owed in  l ie u  of br ide  price  or  other incidental
pre-marri.a ge expenses. 28 
Apart ra is in g  o pay loans, the peonage
System was sometimes used to subject a youth to ’ external 
t r a i n in g ,  d is c ip l in e  and industry* to complement the
home tr a in in g  given him in the p re -c o lo n ia l  E k i t i la n d . 283
It was believed that when a youth was subjected to 
such 'external training1 especially under a person wh© 283
282. See N.A. Fadipe, op. cit., p.193 and Rev. S. 
Johnson, op. cit.. p.129.
283. Information received from Mr. A. Ojo on the 
4th March, 1987.
118
would have l i t t l e  or  no parental consideration for  
him, he would come o ff  as a wise, hard-working, 
honest and r e l ia b l e  Pe rson a lity .  Such youths were 
u sually  apprenticed to craftsmen and some important 
Person a l it ies  in the community to perform domestic 
work. The youths were returned to the rents a fte r
they (parents) were s a t is f ie d  that they had been 
eff&cently trained.  With the foregoing ex plo ita ­
t ion  of land as well  as the various resources of labour,  
the people of E k it i la n d  we re abl e to produce d if f e re n t  
kinds of goods hence farming became th e ir  most important 
occupation.
Another economic pursuit  of the people of E k it i la n d  
was hunting. The common chase consisted mainly less 
wild  animals p a r t i c u la r ly  the herbivorous: cane-rats ,  
g i a n t - r a t s ,  s q u ir re ls ,  a v a r ie t y  of d u l ikers  and 
monkeys, bush-cows, porcupine, tree hyrax, bush-duck,284 
284. Ibld. See also Rev. S. Johnson, ojd. clt.. 
pp.129-130.
119
warthog, roan, water-duck and large b ird s .  E k i t i  
hunters also chased wild animals such as buffaloes,
l io n s ,  leopards, hyenas, wild  dogs and elephants 285
Among the e a r l ie s t  weapons used in hunting 
expedition were the wooden clubs and cutlasses. E k i t i  
hunters also used cross and long bows made of various 
kinds of wood while the unfeathered arrows were made 
of reed and cane.286 Traps of various sorts were also 
used to catch animals along t h e i r  tracks or in t h e i r  
feeding and sleeping grounds were commonly used by
hunters in E k i t i la n d .  Due to the high density of the 
fo re s t ,  the regulär tracks of many of the large animals 
were e a s i ly  recognisable in the narrow tu n n e l - l ik e  
passage at the base of the thick tangles of bush or 
fo re s t .  T h e ir  feeding., grounds were usually  located 
in the r e l a t i v e l y  c le a r  spaces in the undergrowth or 2856
285. G . J . A .  Ojo, Yoruba C u ltu re ,  op. c i t . . p.33.
286. S i r  A. Moloney, 'On cross Bows, long Bows, 
Quivers from Yoruba c o u n t r y ' ,  A f r i c a t Vo l .X IX ,  
1889-90, p p .213-215.
1 2 0
on the open farrns while t h e ir  sleeping grounds could 
be found in the bush usually  in the form of burrows 
fo r  rodents, t re e -to p  for  monkeys and dens fo r  wild
animals. 287 Rats, rodents and snakes known to reside
in burrows were usually  k i l l e d  through a sp h yx iat io n .287 88 289
A l l  the o u tle ts  to the burrows were blocked with 
s t ick s  or banana stumps. The only hole l e f t  was covered 
with a small pot containing l i g h t l y  damped leaves and 
pepper. Th ereafter ,  the contents were ignited  through 
a small hole bored in the pot; the hunters blew up the 
smoke towards the animals in the burrow. As t h e ir  
prey wanted to escape through the only o u t le t ,  the 
hunters dealt severe blows on i t  with cudgels and
cutlasses.  There were occasions when the animals died
I .
of asphyxiation in t h e i r  burrow. In that case, they
were dug out with hoes and cutlasses. 289
287. See G . J . A .  Ojo, op. e i t . ,  p.34.
288. Ib id «  p.36.
289. I b i d . , p.36.
1 2 1
Hunting was commonly c a rr ied  out in the night 
u n t i l  dawn. Hunting a c t i v i t i e s  wer« at t h e i r  highest 
during the f i r s t  and la s t  quarters of the moon when 
there were longer hours of darkness. I t  was also 
commonly done during the dry season when the fo re s t
O - S
was more penetrable and the hunters had the opportunity
of s ighting  t h e i r  preys at long d i s t a n c e s . I n  the
course of a hunting expedition in E k i t i la n d ,  a hungry
hunter was free to take anything he wanted to eat
from a nedghbour’ s farm; he must not carry  any of the
farm products away. In that case, the hunter l e f t
a sign by which the owner of the farm would know i t
was a hungry hunter who tampered with his farm 
products. 291 Generally ,  hunting was a highly  respect -
able profession in E k i t i la n d .  A great number of the 
male adults e sp ecia l ly  h e rb a lis ts  took to hunting 
e s p e c ia l ly  when they had l i t t l e  work to do on th e ir
farm 2901
290. Interview, Mr. James Bada, (7 1 ) ,  at Ipogun near 
Akure, on I5th J u l y ,  1987.
291. Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, History of E k i t i ,  op. c i t . , 
p. 12.
122 -
The E k i t i  people also engaged in f is h in g .  Th is  
was done in big r iv e r s  and streams. The most important 
implements used to catch f is h  were traps of d if f e re n t  
types, nets, paddles and dugouts. The f is h  traps were 
made of s p l i t  branches of the o i l  palm ( Elaeis quineesis) 
and wine pai m ( Raphia v i n l f c r a ) .  MOSt of the Catches 
were eaten by the members of the family of the f i s h e r -
man. The rest  were smoked perserve
them fo r  sale.
Another method used i catch f is h  was by draining
the water in a pond in Order to expose the f is h .  As 
soon as the water was drained, the f is h  in the mud was 
then caught. Another method of f is h in g  employed was 
by poisoning the f is h  in a pond. Fish poisons were
obtained from the fo l ia g e ,  seeds, barks and roots of 
some plants usually  c u lt iv a te d  fo r  that purpose.
Such plants included the stupefying f is h  plant 
( morelia seneqalensis) ,  the f is h  poison plant ( Tcph-  
rosia  v o q e l l i ) .  the ’mourning fo r  small f i s h '  plant 29
292. G . J . A .  Ojo, ©ja. c l t .  , p .45.
123
(mundulea subsrosa) and the ubiquitous wine palm 
( Raphla V l n i f c r a ) .^ ~ ^  The poisons were very much
e ffe c t iv e  during the dry season when the volume ©f 
the streams was g re a t ly  reduced, sotnetimes only
showing t h e ir  courses by stag----- L ’ 1 ‘ ’ '
The people of E k it i la n d
and other local  in d u s tr ie s .  c r a r t  inaustrxes i ik e  
wood work, calabash-making, yarn, Dyeing, c lo th ,  mat 
and bead-making were also part of the economic pursuits  
of the people before the advent of colonial  r u le .
The E k i t i  people used wood types varying from soft to 
hard to make wooden farming and household implements 
l i k e  knives, axes and cutlassess. Other wooden 
household U te n sils  were pestle and mortar produced from 
stone-hard wood that could withstand constant pounding 
such as iroko ( chlorophora excelsa) and oro ( cistanthera 
papavi f er a) . T r a y s  of d if f e r e n t  s izes,  p l a t e s f
294. I b id .
295. Ibid.. p.81.
124 -
d i s h e s ,  spoons and l a d l e s  were a lso  made from woods. 
Brooms were made from the m i d - r i b s  o f  the l e a f l e t s  ©f 
p a l m - t r e e s  w h i le  baskets were made from bamboo t r e e s ,  
Calabash was made from the b e t t l e  gourd s p e c ic s  
( La q e n a r ia  v u l g a r i s ) w h i le  mat was made from the 
stems o f  sarc op h yryn iu m .
The craftsmen were o rg a n is e d  in t©  g u i l d s .  These
g u i l d s  r e c r u i t e d  a p p r e n t i c e s ,  d i s c i p l i n e d  and t r a i n e d  
them, c o n t r o l l e d  the p r o d u c t i o n  o f  goods, made laws 
aganinst under c u t t i n g  and i n f l a t i o n  o f  p r i c e s  as w e l l
as f i x e d  the p r i c e s  o f  go<ods. T h e re  were g u i l d s  of
Wood C a r v e r s ,  c a r p e n t e r s ,  weavers,  l e a t h e r  w o rk e rs ,  
e t c .  These g u i l d s ,  c re a te d  as c r a f t s ,  became im p o rta n t  
i n  E k i t i l a n d .  Th e re  were t h r e e  main f a c t o r s  which
determ ined &  s t r e n g t h  and i n f l u e n c e  o f  each g u i l d .  
F i r s t l y ,  the n a tu re  of  the p r o d u c t i o n  technique  and 
the degree o f  c o - o p e r a t i o n  necessary  in  the p r o d u c t i o n  
tended to  b r i n g  some craftsm en t o g e t h e r .  S econ dly ,
296. Ibid.. p.82.
125
the s p e c i a l  s k i l l  and e x p e r ie n ce  i n v o l v e d  i n  the 
p r o d u c t i o n  te ch n iq u e  fo rc e d  many craftsm en to asso~
c i a t e  in  o r d e r  to m a in ta in  t h e i r  j e a l o u s l y  guarded
. ..................
s whj
i
the t r a d e .
With re g a rd  to d y e in g ,  E k i t i  women n o rm a l ly  o b -
t a i n e d  e lu  ( i n d i g o )  from the i n d i g o f e r a  t r e e s  whose
le a v e s  were l a t e r  s u b je c te d  to c e r t a i n  r e g u la t e d
processes which separated the b l u e - s t u f f  known as
i n d i q o t i n  from the u n r e q u i r e d  i n d i g o - r e d  c a l l e d
i n d i r u b i n  . The i n d i g o  leaves  were pressed t o g e th e r
in  a m o r ta r  in  l o c a l  shed c a l l e d  Ebu. 299 The b a l l s 8792 
297. In f o r m a t io n  r e c e iv e d  from Mr.  Oyinade O gunleye,  
a craftsman at  I s e - E k i t i ,  on 8th  December, 1987.
298. I b i d . . p .8 5 .
299. T h i s  i s  a p la c e  where d y e in g  was done though the 
word c o u ld  a ls o  be used to r e f e r  to  a p lace  where 
p a l m - o i l  o r  p o t t e r y  i s  made.
126
which resulted from the compression were made to dry» 
The indigo and ash-filtered water were mixed in equal 
Proportion in a vat or pot, the proportion being 
determined by the colour envisaged. From tim e to 
time, the resultant product was stirred in the vat 
and after some days when the correct d ye ha d been 
formed, the vegetable Sediments of the indigo was then 
removed. As soon as the required colour was formed, 
a cloth was dipped into the dyc*^0<̂
Dyeing was p r a c t i s e d  i n  a l l  the towns and v i l l a g e s  
i n  E k i t i l a n d .  A c c o rd in g  to  P r o f .  A f o l a b i  O jo ,  an 
average dyein g  y a rd  i n  E k i t i l a n d  was "as l a r g e  as 500 
square yards  c o n t a i n i n g  d i f f e r e n t  s i z e s  of dyein g  
pots  f i x e d  i n t o  the ground,  a s h -w a t e r  f i l t e r i n g  c o n -  
s t r u c t i o n ,  pegs o f  s t i c k s  of  about f i v e  f e e t  h igh  at 
f i x e d  spaces a p a rt  from S t r e t c h i n g ,  d r y i n g  and s p o o l in g  
hanks of thread w i t h  t r e e s  p r o v i d i n g  the much needed 
s h a d e ."  301 Among the c l o t h e s  dyed by E k i t i  women was 
a d i r e  ( p a t t e r n  dyed c l o t h ) . 103 
300. G . J . A .  A f o l a b i  O jo ,  o£. c i t . . 8 5 -8 6 .
301. I b i d . t p .8 6 .
127.
C l o t h -w e a v i n g  was another  im p o rta n t  economic 
a c t i l r i t y  i n  E k i t i l a n d  b e fo re  c o l o n i a l  r u l e .  I t  was 
an i n d u s t r y  p r a c t i s e d  m ostly  by women. Two types of 
loom were used f o r  weaving .  The one used by men was 
a narrow u p r i g h t  typ e  worked w i t h  pedals  w h i l e  the 
one used by women weavers was an u p r i g h t  broad loom
o f  between 20 and 36,  inches  wide,  i n s t a l l ewd  i n s i d e
the house. 30?
In  E k i t i l a n d ,  v e r t i c a l  weaving was more im p o rta n t
than the h o r i z o n t a l  one, The v e r t i c a l  loom comprlsed
two u p r i g h t  poles  about ten f e e t  h ig h  e re c te d  about
seven f e e t  a p a rt  u s u a l l y  made from the s t r a i g h t  stem
o f  e i t h e r  Oklhkun palm o r  the A f r i c a n  fan palm ( B o r a -
ssus a e t h i o p i u m ) ,  30 3The h o r i z o n t a l  bars  were t i e d  to
the v e r t i c a l  barVs wVi t h  ropes made m a<in ly  from the o t h e r
cover of pa anches. All the bars which formed the
frame work o f  the v e r t i c a l  loom were e re cte d  i n  permanent 
______________ _ ______ ______________________________________________
302. I b i d , , p .8 7 .
303. I b i d ,
-  1 2 '8  -
p o s i t i o n s  a g a in s t  the w a l l  o f  the Veranda o f  the 
w e a v e r 's  house. The weaving t o o l s  in c lu d e d  two 
c y l i n d r i c a l  r a p h ia  s t i c k s  used f o r  s e p a ra t i n g  the
warp, a t h i c k  s t i c k  which c a r r i e d  the weft t h r e a d ,  
and a f l a t t e n e d  w e l l -s m o o th e d  p ie c e  of  wood used f o r  
compressing the w e f t . ^ 4
Among the in d ig e n o us  c l o t h  woven was k i j  i p a ,  
which was woven on the v e r t i c a l  loom. The v e r t i c a l  loom 
was a p r e s e rv e  of women in  E k i t i l a n d .  A l th o ug h  the 
weaving done on the v e r t i c a l  loom was v e r y  te d io u s  and 
took a long time to f i n i s h ,  n e v e r t h e l e s s ,  i t s  p ro d u cts  
were o f t e n  a dm irable  and had immense market v a l u e .
The h o r i z o n t a l  loom was i n t r o d u c e d  i n t o  E k i t i l a n d  from 
th e  n o r t h e rn  p a r t  o f  Y o r u b a la n d .  Anfi i t  was used 
e n t i r e l y  by E k i t i  men under sheds s p e c i a l l y  b u i l t  f o r  
weaving',•305
L e a th e r -w o r k  was a ls o  an o th e r  economic p r e -  
o c c u p a t io n  of E k i t i  p e o p le .  In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  l e a t h e r -m a t s 5403 
304. I b i d .
305. I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr. Omolayo Olomofe, ( 7 5 ) ,  at  
O k e m e s i - E k i t i  on lO th  J ü n e ,  1987.
129
and h u n t in g  dresses were made from the skin s  of  
a n i m a ls .  A l s o ,  the s k in s  o f  animals such as those
o f  l i o n  and leopard  were used as f u r n i t u r e  f o r  the
houses of  Oba, Baalc  and C h i e f s .  306 Animal skinswere
a ls o  used m  encasing amulets f o r  weaving around the
neck,  arm and w a i s t .  Bags, S l i p p e r s  and sheaths f o r
swords were made from l e a t h e r .  307 Bead-making was
a ls o  an im p o rta n t  i n d u s t r y  in  E k i t i l a n d  be fore  c o l o n i a l  
r u l e .  I t  was common in  E f o n - A l a a y e .  S i m i l a r l y ,  
p o t t e r y  was an im p o rta n t  i n d u s t r y .  I t  was an e x c l u s i v e  
p r e s e r v e  of E k i t i  women. E k i t i  women used c l a y  w i t h
l o c u s t  beans wood f o r  f i r i n g  the pot and i r a  t r e e s
( B r i d e l i a  f e r r u g i n e )  308 in  the p o t t e r y  making i n d u s t r y .  
C o n s e q u e n t ly , they produced v a r i o u s  domestic  U t e n s i l s  
l i k e  c o o k i n g - p o t s ,  v a t s  f o r  d y e in g ,  r o a s t i n g  and 
e a rthen p l a t e s  as w e l l  as d is h e s  from c l a y .  Areas*7603 
306. I n f o r m a t io n  r e c e iv e d  from Mr. E z e k i e l  O lo f in s a o  
a t  Akure on 22nd A p r i l ,  1988.
307. I b i d .
3 0 8 .See G . J . A .  O jo ,  ©jd.  czit_._j_ p . 8 4 .
i3a
where p o t t e r y  was p r a c t i s e d  ®n a l a r g e - s c a l e  in c lu d e d
I s a n ,  Ayede, Afao,  Aramoko and Ig b a r a -O d o .
E a r t h e n -w a r e  p ro d u cts  from Isa n  and Ayede were c o n v e -  
yed by head p o r t e r s  to  f a r  away p la ce s  l i k e  O k l t i p u p a
310
A n other  economic a c t i v i t y
p e r io d  was b l a c k s m i t h i n g .  L i k e  ,
Y o ru b a la n d ,  l o c a l l y  smelted i r o n  was the main raw 
m a t e r i a l  f o r  b l a c k - s m i t h i n g  in  E k i t i l a n d .  O th e r  m a t e r i a l s  
were o r d i n a r y  c h a rc o a l  and p a lm -k e r n e l  S h e l l s ,  both 
used f o r  the f u r n a c e .  The t o o l s  used by b la c k s m ith s  
in c lu d e d  huge b lo c k s  o f  stone as a n v i l s ,  smooth s urfaced
s m a l le r  stones employed as whetstones;  belows c o n s tru ~  
c t e d  w i t h  hollow-wooden p ip e s ,  goat  o r  sheep s kin  and
bamboo s t i c k s ,  hammers and p r i n c e r s  made from l o c a l l y  
. 311
smelted i r o n .  B la c k s m ith s  produced h o e -b la d e s  ,1903 
309. I b i d .
310. I b i d ,
311. I b i d . . p .99
1 #  -
c u t l a s s e s ,  axes, k n i v e s ,  c h i s e l s ,  r a z o r s ,  i r o n  r o d s ,  
c h a i n s ,  a r m le t s ,  h a i r - p i n s ,  i r o n - t r a p s ,  ida kukuru 
( d a g g e r s ) ,  Ida qiqun ( lo n g  s w o r d s ) ,  oko ( s p e a r ) ,  and
apata asa ( s h i e l d s ) .  311 2 B la c k s m ith in g  
im p o rta n t  i n d u s t r y  i n  E k i t i l a n d  as i t  w
p r a c t i c a l l y  a l l  towns and v i l l a g e s .
A l s o ,  a la r g e  number of men, women and c h i l d r e n  
were employed i n  E k i t i l a n d  in  e x t r a c t i n g  p a l m - o i l  
from the p a l m - f r u i t .  The p a lm -k e r n e l  o i l  c a l l e d  adin
was prepared by s l i g h t l y  b u rn in g  ekuro (Palm k e r n e l  n u t )
and b e a t in g  the nut in  a m o rta r  and the crushed k e rn e l
was b o i l e d .  T h e r e a f t e r ,  the e n d -p r o d u c t  would tu rn
brown in  c o l o u r .  T h i s  was used in  soap-making as w e l l
as lamp o i l  at home. 313
I
Most of  the goods produced in  E k i t i l a n d  were sold  
i n  the m arkets .  The market was a p la c e  f o r  b uy ing  an$ 
s e l l i n g .  I t  was the l im b  of the economic a c t i v i t y  of213 
312. I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr. 0 .  A g i d i g b i ,  ( 6 8 ) ,  a le a d in g  b l a c k ­
smith i n  A k ure ,  on 22nd May, 1988.
313. In f o r m a t io n  r e c e iv e d  from Mr. Joshua Oluwadare, 
( 7 5 ) ,  at  Oda near  Akure on l l t h  November, 1986.
e v e r y  community i n  E k i t i l a n d .  T h e re  were th re e
typ e s  of  markets namely d a i l y ,  l o c a l  and n o d a l .
D a i l y  markets were attended by the l o c a l  i n h a b i t a n t s  
o f  a town o r  v i l l a g e  f o r  b u y in g  and s e l l i n g  items 
o f  d a i l y  needs. They were u s u a l l y  lo c a te d  i n  f r o n t  of
o r  i n  l i n e a g e  c o u r t y a r d  i n  th e  f r o n t  of houses
o f  Q u a rte r  C h i e f s  in  a town o r  v i l l a 9«. Such markets
were u s u a l l y  stocked w ith  the goodsproduced in  the
l o c a l i t y .  Local  markets were lo c a te d  i n f r o n t  of  o r
a d ja c e n t  to  the p a la ce  of the Oba o r  Baalc  i n  a town
■
o r  v i l l a g e .  Local  marketsO iyn  E k i t i l a n d  p ro b a b ly  
o r i g i n a t e d  from the l o c a l  d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n  of  produce 
w i t h i n  a p a r t i c u l a r  kingdom. T h i s  f a c i l i t a t e d  t r a d e
i n t e r c o u r s e  among the towns and v i l l a g e s  in  E k i t i
kingdoms. ' ■■ - —  -
T h e re Owa-s r the Operation of  market periodicity
among the l o c a l  markets in  E k i t i l a n d .  G e n e r a l l y ,  the
133
Yoruba week comprised four daysJ'XJ'\-̂A  and the narrte of 
each day was to be the "actual names of the main 
places in which a market is held on these days"'^'’
The first days of the market week was generally 
called Oba* s markets. The three days that followed
were fixed after other local markets located in the
subordinate towns. For instance, the first day of the 
week was named Umuri (Oba's market) at Efon-Alaaye
while the second, third and fourtl rys were called 
Obalu (Obalu market), Omoba (Omoba market) and Irayo 
(Irayo market) respectively.314 516 similarly, the first 
day of the week in Ado-Ekiti was called Erekesin 
(Oba's market) while the second, third, fourth and 
fifth days were called Ilawe. Iqedc. Iqbimo and 01ido
314. See N.A. Fadipe, op. cit.. p.190.
315. P. Hill, 'Notes on Traditional Market Authority and 
Möarket Periodicity in West Africa in Journal of 
African History, Vol.VII, No.2, 1966, p.305.
316. See G.O.I. Olomola, Pre-Colonial Patterns of Inter­
state Relations in Eastern Yorubaland, op. cit.« 
pp.142-143.
respectively, all named after the principal local
markets in Ado Ki. ngdom • 317 Like some other parts
of Yorubaland, the four-day week (Orun) applied in
respect of local trade while the eight-day bi-week 
(isan)applied to long-distance trade.317 18 319 Thus? Ekiti 
people were able to spend the interval be•ttwween thie 
two market days in producing the goods thiey sold.
The third type of markets called nodal markets
were the meeting points of two or more commercial
highways connecting neighbouring and far distant
cornmunities. They were usually the entrepots of
local and long-distance traders. Some of the nodal
markets were Akure, Otun and Egosi. 319
Generally, the earliest form of trade in Ekiti- 
land was by harter#, The craftsmen had to s s B their 
products to buy foodstuffs while the farmers had to
317. Ibid.. p.144.
318. P. Hill, o£. cit.« p.348.
319. See S.A. Akintoye, ' 'The North-eastern Yoruba
District and the Benin Kingdom', 0£. cit.. p.544 
and D.J. May, 'Journey in the Yoruba and Nupe 
countries in 1858', Journal of the Royal Geogra- 
phical Society, XXX, 1869, pp.212-233.
135
s e i l  t h e i r  farm produce to purchase farm ing tool®
c l o t h s  and o t h e r  e s s e n t i a l  Commodities* Th u s ,  th e re  
was the exchange of  goods w i t h i n  each community.
In  o r d e r  to  ensure t h a t  markets fu n c t ioned p r o p e r l y
and p e a c e f u l l y  as c e n t r e s  o f  s o c i e t a,l , harmony, c c r t a i n
c o n v e n t io n s  e v o lv e d  i n  E k i t i l a n d .  F i r s t  and fo re m o st ,
the Oba o r  Baale o r  O l o l a  was re garded as the o v e r s e e r
of markets. All transactions were carried out with
f a i r n e s s  i n  the b e l i e f  t h a t  the Oba. Baale  ©r O l o l a
and t h e i r  gu a rd ia n  s p i r i t s  were w i t n e s s e s .  32c 0
S e c o n d ly ,  some o f f i c i a l s  were a ppointed  to s u p e r v is e  
market t rTa n s a c t i o n s  as w e l l  as ensure the main.tenance
o f  law and o r d e r .  Such o f f i c i a l s  were g iv e n  d i f f e r e n t
names i n  many p a r t s  o f  E k i t i l a n d .  They were c a l l e d
320. I n t e r v i e w ,  Madam A. A d e t i n u ,  ( 6 5 ) ,  at  Akure on 
l l t h  Ju n e ,  1987.
- 136 -
Amosan in  Ogotun,  Olubudu l n  Aramoko, Aqba in  A d o-
E k i t i  and E y c l o b i n r i n  i n  A k u r e . 32123 The o f f i c i a l s
s e t t l e d  d is p u te s  a r i s i n g  from market t r a n s a c t i o n s  
and t h i s  went a long way in  e n s u r in g  amity  among the 
g e n e r a l i t y  of  market goers  i n  E k i t i l a n d .
T r a d e r s  in  E k i t i l a n d  m o st ly  ca rr ie c i  t h e i r  goods 
themselves o r  made use of  t h e i r  f a m i l y  la b o u r  o r  
s la v e s*  Men undertook long jo u r n e y s  e s p e c i a l l y  d u r in g
the d r y  season o r  s la c k  fa rm in  od when the bush
paths were f r e e  from normal © b s t r u c t i o n . 322 O b v i o u s l y ,
human p o r te r a g e  had a l i m i  c a p a c i t y .  T h e re  were 
l i m i t s  to the c a r r y i n g  c a p a c i t y  of  human beings es­
p e c i a l l y  on long d i s t a n c e  t r i p s  w i t h  heavy loads on 
t h e i r  heads. The S i t u a t i o n  was compounded by the 
in t e n s e  heat o f  the sun as w e l l  as t o r r e n t i a l  r a i n
, < f r  ,
which more o f t e n  than not made t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  v e r y
321. Ib id *  * A l s o ,  In f o r m a t io n  c o l l e c t e d  from Mrs Adenike 
O l a t u n j i  and Mrs Iyabo A j a y i  at  Aramoko and Ado-  
E k i t i  on 4th and l ü t h  J u l y ,  1987 r e s p e c t i v e l y .
322. G . J . A .  O jo ,  Yoruba C u l t u r e , o p . c i t . , p .1 0 2 .
137
cumbersome. 323 As e a r l i e r  i n d i c a t e d ,  a l l  t ra d e
t r a n s a c t i o n s  were c a r r i e d  o u t  by h a r t e r .  However,
the c o w r ie s  were in tr o d u c e d  i n  E k i t i l a n d  to r e plica c e
the in con ve n ie n ce s  o f  the h a r t e r  t r a d e .
The fo r e g o in g  is the s o c i o - p o l i t  l c a l  and economic 
s e t t i n g  which E k i t i l a n d  was b e f o re  the  coming of  the 
B r i t i s h .  The c ircu m s ta n ce s  le a d in g  to the advent and 
subsequent o c c u p a t io n  of  E k i t i l a n d  by the B r i t i s h  
a re  d iscu sse d  in  the  next chap» te r .
323. See R .O .  Ekundare. An Economic H i s t o r y  o f  N i g e r ia.! 
1860-1960. o p . e i t . , p . 4$.
324. D e t a i l s  of t h i s  are d isc u s se d  i n  I n f r a , pp. 3 6 2 -6 .
I
-  138 -
CHAPTER TWO
THE ADVENT OF THE BRITISH AND THEIR OCCUPATION 
OF E K IT IL A N D , 1899 -  1915
Ift. i s  v e r y  germane to  d i s c u s s  the background to the 
advent of  the B r i t i s h  to  Yorubaland as a whole i n  Order  
to  enable us a p p r e c ia t e  the s e t t i n g  which the area was 
a t  the time o f  the B r i t i s h  a r r i v a l .  T h i s  w i l l  a ls o  
f a c i l i t a t e  o u r  u n d e rs ta n d in g  o f  the c ircu m s ta n ce s  l e a d -  
in g  to  the e x te n s io n  of B r i t i s h  o c c u p a tio n  to  E k i t i l a n d .  
I , t h e r e f o r e , i n t e n d  to d isc u s s  the antecedents  of  B r i t i s h
o c c u p a tio n  o f  E k i t i l a n d ,  the f a c t o r s  r e s p o n s i b le  f o r  the 
o c c u p a tio n  as w e l l  as the process o f  B r i t i s h  occu p a tio n  
of  the a r e a .  I  s h a l l  examine the f o r e g o in g  i n t e r r e l a t e d  
issuee in  t u r n .
Antecedents  of  the B r i t i s h  Occupation of  E k i t i l a n d
F o l l o w i n g  the a b o l i t i o n  o f  the T r a n s - A t l a n t i c  s la v e
tra d e  in  1807, the palm o i l  t r a d e  was d e veloped.  T h i s
was because palm o i l  was needed by B r i t a i n  and o t h e r
European c o u n t r i e s  f o r  the manufacture of  l u b r i c a n t s ,
1
c a n d le s ,  soap, magarine e t c .  Th e re  was a ls o  the 
emergence of  C h r i s t i a n  M is s io n a r y  a c t i v i t y .  I n i t i a l l y , 06* 
1. See C.W. Newbury, The Western S lav e  co a st  and i t s  
r u l e r s , ( O x f o r d ,  The C laredon P re s s ,  p b i  . p p .4 Z  &
60 and M. Crowder,  The S t o r y  of  N i g e r i a , (London,
Faber  and F a b e r ,  1966) p . 152.
-  139 -
the C h r i s t i a n  M issions  were geared toward C o n v e r t i n g
people to  c h r i s t i a n i t y  so as to  d issuade them from the
2
t r a d e  i n  s l a v e s .  C o n s e q u e n t ly , the f i r s t  batch of
m i s s i o n a r i e s  a r r i v e d  in  Badagry in  1842. In  1846,
a n o th e r  batch  landed in  Abeokuta. A f t e r  e s t a b l i s h i n g  
B r i t i s h  i n f l u e n c e  and ' c i v i l i z a t i o n ' ,  the m i s s i o n a r i e s  
s t a r t e d  to  work i n  c o l l a b o r a t i o n  v/ith the B r i t i s hc o n s u l a r  o f f i c i a l s . '3 'S F
The B r i t i s h  r e - i n v i g o r a t e d  i t s  s io n  i n t o
Yorubaland in  1851 when Kosoko, the Oba of  Lagos,  was 
deposed by John B e e c r o f t ,  Her M a j e s t y 's  Consul f o r  the 
B i g h t  of  Benin and B i a f r a ,  on the ground o f  t a k in g  p a r t  
in  s la v e  t r a d e .  He was re p la c e d  by h i s  more t r a c t a b l e  
Uncle  A k i t o y e ,  a f t e r  h aving  guaranteed to suppress
4
s la v e  t r a d i n g  in  La gos.  The I n s t a l l a t i o n  o f  an Oba t h a t 432 
2. E . A .  A ya n d e le ,  The M l s s lo n a r y  Impact  on Modern 
N i g e r i a  1842-1914: A P o l i t i c a l  and S o c i a l  A n a l y s i s , 
(Longman, 1966T J  p. 6.
3 . See E . A .  A ya n d e le ,  I b i d . , p . 7  and J . F . A .  A j a y i ,  C h r i s t i a n  
M iss io n s  i n  N i g e r i a  1841-1891: The Maklng of a New E l i t e . 
Seventh Im p re s s io n ,  (Longman, 1 9 8 3 ) ,  p .2 3 .
4 .  E . A .  Ayandele  op,  c l t . ,  p . 7 .  See a ls o  M. Crowder,  o p . 
e i t . ,  p .155 and J . A .  A tanda,  An I n t r o d u c t i o n  to Yoruba 
H i s t o r y , ( Ibadan U n i v e r s i t y  P r e s s , 1^80 ) ,  p.4E>.
140
was sym p a th e t ic  towards B r i t i s h  i n t e r e s t s  and i t s
replacement by one who would be l a r g e l y  dependent on
B r i t i s h  A u t h o r i t y  marked the b e g i n n i n g  of the e ro sion
o f  the powers of  the Yoruba Oba by the B r i t i s h .  Under
a
A k i t o y e  and l a t e r  Dosumu, th e re  was/ tremendous growth 
i n  the ’ l e g i t i m a t e  t r a d e ’ in  palm o i l .  F o r  i n s t a n c e ,  
under Dosumu, o v e r  20,000 tons o f  palm o i l  were expp<o rted< 5
By 1853, a f u l l - t i m e  C o n s u l ,  Benja min Cam peil , had
6
been a ppointed  f o r  La gos.  Campeil meddled f r e e l y  in 
the l o c a l  a f f a i r s  i n  which A k i t o y e  e a s i l y  acquiesced 
s in c e  he owed h i s  P o s i t i o n  to  the B r i t i s h .  And when 
A k i t o y e  d ie d  l a t e r  t h a t  y e a r ,  Campeil was l a r g e l y  
in s t r u m e n t a l  to  the enthronement of  Dosumu who he p e rc e iv e d
7
c o u ld  e q u a l l y  prove t r a c t a b l e .  T h e r e a f t e r ,  the F o re ig n  
O f f i c e  issued an i n s t r u c t i o n  to  the Consul f o r  the 
annexation o f  Lagos " t o  secure f o r e v e r  the f r e e  p o p u la t ­
ion of  Lagos from the s la v e  t r a d e r s  and k id nappers  who 
f o r m e r l y  oppressed them; to  p r o t e c t  and develop the 
im p o r ta n t  t r a d e  of  which t h e i r  own town i s  the s e a t ;765 
5. K. 0 .  D i k e ,  T r a d e  and P o l i t i c s  in  the N ig e r  D e l t a . 
( O . U . P . ,  1 9 5 6 ) ,  pp. 100 -  1
6 .  M. Crowder,  The S to r y  of  N i g e r i a , o p . c i t . ,  p .  165
7. I b i d . ,  p .  166
141
and to e x e r c ls e  an i n f l u e n c e  on the s u rro u n d in g  t r i b e s  
which may, i t  l s  hoped, be perm anently  b e n e f i c i a l  to
Q
the A f r i c a n  r a c e " .
Thus on 30th J u l y ,  1861, Dosumu ceded Lagos to 
A c t i n g  Consul McKosky i n  r e t u r n  f o r  a pension of  £1,030
a y e a r .  The handing o v e r  ceremony was conciLuded by the 
s i n g i n g  of  the B r i t i s h  N a t i o n a l  Anthem by 300 School
c h i l d r e n  conducted by two m i s s i o n a r i e s .9 Hen r y  Stanhop
Freeman was appointed  Governor o f  the  Colony of  Lagos.  10
With t h i s  development,  B r i t a i n  had gained a f o o t h o ld  
along the c o a s t  o f  Y o ru b a la n d .  T h i s  was no doubt an 
impetus f o r  the B r i t i s h  to  push t h e i r  way i n t o  the
h i n t e r l a n d .  B r i t i s h  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  on the c o a st  had the
c o n v i c t i o n  t h a t  i f  the Yoruba h i n t e r l a n d  were to  be
opened up to  l e g i t i m a t e  t ra d e  then B r i t i s h  i n f l u e n c e  and
a u t h o r i t y  had to be paramount. 11
8. C i t e d  by S. 0 .  Biobaku in  The O r i q i n  of  the Yorubas,
(La g o s ,  1 9 5 5 ) ,  p .6 8 .
9. See A. Burns,  H i s t o r y of  N i q e r i a ,  (London, 1958) ,
p. 126.
10. M. Crowder,  0£ .  c i t . , p . 169 .
11. I b i d . ,  p .  172.
i4a
At  t h a t  t im e ,  the Yoruba h i n t e r l a n d  was a v e r y
d i s t u r b e d  one. Ibadan was a t  war w i t h  I j a i y e ;  the E k i t i -
p a ra p o -Ib a d a n  w a r ,  which la s t e d  f o r  16 y e a r s ,  was the
l a s t  of  the main Yoruba wars in  the 19th Century. 12
Since n e i t h e r  s id e  was able  to  win a d e c i s i v e  v i c t o r y ,
. . : < x
the task of  s e c u r i n g  peace w i t h  honour became the major
p r e -o c c u p a t i o n  of  the combatants. 13
In  the c i r c u m s t a n c e ,  t h e r e f o r e ,  boOthj s ides  looked 
d e s p e r a t e l y  f o r  a t h i r d  p a r t y  t h a t  would in t e r v e n e  to 
b r i n g  the war to  an end. T h i s  was where the m i s s i o n a r i e s  
came i n .  With some Yoruba Oba, they  s o l i c i t e d  the h e lp  
of  the B r i t i s h  Government to  b r i n g  the war to  an end.
One fundamental  f a c t  put the B r i t i s h  a t  a vantage p o i n t  
in  the S e tt le m e n t  of  the c r i s i s .  I t  was h i g h l y  e s s e n t i a l  
then t h a t  w h ic h e v e r  t h i r d  p a r t y  who in te r v e n e d  in  the
12. 0 .  Ik im e ,  The F a l l  of  N i g e r i a :  The B r i t i s h  C o n q u e st ,
(London, Ib a d a n , Heinemann, 191*1) ,  p . 53.
13. I b i d . , p . 54.
o“
■4
- 143 -
war should not  o n l y  be capable  o f  n e g o t i a t i n g  peace
but  a l s o  possess the p h y s i c a l  f o r c e  to  guarantee the
peace a c c o r d .  No s i n g l e  Yoruba group c o u ld  do t h i s  at
t h a t  t im e .  I t  was the B r i t i s h  who possessed the
c a p a b i l i t y  of  n e g o t i a t i n g  peace between the w a r r i n g  p a r t i e s
as w e l l  as e n f o r c i n g  i t .  T h u s ,  the peace t r e a t y  of  1886
which bro u gh t  the war to  an end was s ig n e d . 14
The I j e b u  people had managed to  ejsGcFavpe the w orst  
ravages of  the Yoruba w a rs .  C o n s e q u e n t ly , they had enjoyed 
r e l a t i v e  t r a n s q u i l i t y  and b u i l t  c o n s i d e r a b l e  w ealth  through 
t r a d e .  T h e i r  p r e -o c c u p a t i o n  by 1886 was how to c o n t in u e  
to  e n j o y  t h i s  p r o s p e r i t y  w ith ou  t  t h e i r  s o v e r e i g n t y  b eing
eroded by the growing B r i t i s h  i n f l u e n c e  in  Y o ru b a la n d .  
L i t t l e  wonder t h a t  the I j e b u  saw the m i s s i o n a r i e s  as the 
B r i t i s h  agents who should be r e l e n t l e s s l y  kept out of  
t h e i r  t e r r i t o r y .  The r e a c t i o n  o f  the B r i t i s h  to  the 
h o s t i l i t y  o f  the I j e b u  was the  opening up of  the Western 
r o u t e  w h ic h ,  u s in g  the Lagos Lagoon, by -passed I j e b u  
t e r r i t o r y  r e s u l t i n g  in  a tremendous d e c l i n e  in  tra d e  
pa ssin g  through the a re a .
The I j e b u  a l s o  e x e rc is e d  the f e a r  o f  p o l i t i c a l  
dom ination by Ib a d a n .  Hence th e y  had sought through the41 
14. I b i d
/
- 144 -
c o n t r o l  of  t r a d e  from Lagos to  s t a r v e  Ibadan o f  arms
and ammunition. And by t a k in g  advantage o f  the E a stern
r o u t e  j u s t  opened by the B r i t i s h ,  Ibadan was a b le  to
o b t a in  arms and ammunition from Lagos in  f u r t h e r a n c e  of
her a m b it io n  of  dom inating the  e n t i r e  Y o ru b a la n d . 15
The a n t i - B r i t i s h  stance of  the I j e b u  was so g r e a t  
t h a t  when C a p ta in  G .C .  Denton, the C o l o n i a l  S e c r e t a r y ,
became A c t i n g  Governor of  Lagos f o l l o w i n g  Mtco lo n e y ’ s
r e t i r e m e n t ,  he saw the need to  secure a pe a ce fu l  s o l u t i o n
to the problem of  n o n -c o o p e r a t io n  o f  the I j e b u .  Denton 
v i s i t e d  the AWuja1e of I j e b u  where he presented him w i t h  
some customary p re se n ts  but the Oba re fu s e d  to accept the
p r e s e n t s .  Denton viewed the a c t i o n  as a c a l c u l a t e d  i n s u l t
on .h i. s  pe rso n . 16 
T h i s  i n c i d e n t  d id  not go u n n o t ic e d  by the B r i t i s h .
The B r i t i s h  Government decided to  use c o e r c i v e  measures 
a g a i n s t  the I j e b u .  C o n s e q u e n t ly , when S i r  G i l b e r t  C a r t e r  
succeeded Denton, he ( C a r t e r )  demanded an apology  from the
I j e b u  over  the shabby tre a tm e n t  meted out to  former
the . 17
Governor  Denton b y/A w uja le  in  1891.7651 
15. I b i d . , p . 55 •
16. See M. Crowder,  £ £ .  c i t . ,  p .  206.
17. I b i d .
145
I n  f a c t ,  on h is  a r r i v a l  in  Lagos in  September 1892, 
C a r t e r  was determined to deal  r u t h l e s s l y  w i th  the I j e b u .
As a r e s u l t  o f  t h i s ,  he wrote  a l e t t e r  to  the Aw uja le  
of  I j e b u - O d e  in  December 1892 demanding f o r  d e p u ta t io n  
to  be sent to  Lagos to a p o lo g is e  f o r  an a l le g e d  i n s u l t  
meted out  to  Denton in  1891. A lth o ug h  the d e p u ta t io n  
was a c c o r d i n g l y  s e n t ,  n e v e r t h e l e s s , C a r t e r  went beyond 
the purpose of  the meeting by c a s t i g a t i n g  the I j e b u  f o r  
stubborness  i n  r e f u s i n g  to  accommodate m i s s i o n a r i e s .  He 
then requested  them to s ig n  a t r e a t y  which would guarantee 
f re e  t ra d e  and a b o l i s h  t o l l s  in  r e t u r n  f o r  £500 annual 
s u b s id y  from Lagos.  D e sp ite  the f a c t  t h a t  the d e le g a t io n  
re fu se d  to s ig n  the t r e a t y ,  C a r t e r  g o t  a few I j e b u  based 
in  Lagos to s i g n c X T
N a t u r a l l y ,  the M is s i o n a r i e s  and the Ibadan people 
who had always smarted under the s t r a n g l e h o l d  which the 
I j e b u  had o v e r  t r a d e ,  took advantage of  the t r e a t y .
And to demonstrate t h e i r  d i s c o n t e n t  over  the f a c t  t h a t  
a f r e e  t r a d e  t r e a t y  had not been s igned w i t h  the B r i t i s h  
by the a c c r e d i t e d  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  o f  the I j e b u  people ,  
the I j e b u  decided to  c lo s e  t h e i r  t r a d e  r o u t e s  once a g a i n ,81 
18. O. Ik im e ,  The F a l l  of  N i g e r i a ,  o p . c i t . ,  p .  56»
146
much to the c h a g r i n  of  Governor  C a r t e r  who accused
them of  b re a k in g  the tra d e  t r e a t y  w i t h  I m p u n i t y . 19
Meanwhile, the AWuj a le  accused Rev. D. O l u b i  of  the 
Church M is s io n a ry  S o c i e t y  ( C . M . S . )  of  b r i n g i n g  the 
Europeans i n t o  h i s  t e r r i t o r y  as w e l l  as passing European 
goods through I je b u -O d e  through h i s  ( O l u b i )  son. The 
Aw u j a l e . t h e r e f o r e ,  demanded the heads of  Rev. O lu b i  and 
Rev. T .  H a r d in g ,  h i s  E n g l i s h  c o l le a g u e  whom he saw as an 
a c c o m p l ic e .  In  the c i r c u m s t a n c e , the Ibadan a l e r t e d
S i r  C a r t e r  of  the t h r e a t  and the need to n i p  i t  in  the
Kb u„d . 20 
In  a s w i f t  r e a c t i o n ,  Governor C a r t e r  go t  the C o lo n ia  
O f f i c e  to  s a n c t io n  a p u n i t i v e  m i l i t a r y  e x p e d i t i o n  a g a i n s t  
the I j e b u .  The I j e b u  e x p e d it i o n  l a s t e d  from 12th to 
15th May, 1 8 9 2 .^  D ür ing  the f o u r - d a y  e x p e d i t i o n ,  the 
I j e b u  army c o m p r is in g  ove r  7,000 men were defeated by 
the B r i t i s h  f o r c e s  numbering le s s  than 1,000 s o l d i e r s .  
A lth o ug h  the I j e b u  f o rc e s  put up a s t o u t  r e s i s t a n c e , 0291 
19. I b i d .
20. M. Crowder,  £ £ .  c i t . ,  p .2 0 6 *
21. See O. Ik im e ,  ojd. c i t . ,  p .5 6  and E.  I s i c h e i ,  A 
H i s t o r y  of  N i g e r i a “! TLongman, 1 8 9 3 ) ,  p .3 6 5 .
147
they were mowed down by the B r i t i s h  f o rc e s  w i th  
s u p e r i o r  m i l i t a r y  weapons. However, tha f a c t  remains 
th a t  the I je b u  was one Yoruba group which r e a l l y
engaged fehe B r i t i s h  in  combat in  defence of  t h e i r
.
s o v e r e i g n t y . 22
I t  i s  i n s t r u c t i v e  to note t h a t  sorne Ibadan soldiers
served in  the B r i t i s h  fo rc e  t h a t  defeated the I j e b u »
vV
The reason f o r  t h i s  i s  not f a r - f e t c h e d »  The Ibadan 
wanted the I j e b u  to  be routed  so as to  pave the way 
f o r  them f o r  d i r e c t  t ra d e  w ith  Lagos. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , 
they d id  not r e a l i s e  th ayt  by the 1890*s the p r e -
occu p a tio n  of  the B r i t i s h  was to secure p o l i t i c a l  c o n t r o l
o f  the h i n t e r l a n d  o f  Yorubaland.  Thus ln  1893, the
B r i t i s h  s ta t io n e d  the f i r s t  Resident and T r a v e l l i n g
Commissioner in  Ibadan as w e l l  as e s ta b l is h e d  a g a r r i s o n
t h e r e .  Captain  R.L. Bower, the Resident and T r a v e l l i n g
Commissioner, had Orders to  b r i n g  not o n ly  Ibadan but
a lso  Oyo, E k i t i  and I j e s a  under B r i t i s h  r u l e .  And by
1897, a Resident  had been appointed f o r  the E k i t i -  
I j e s a  area.32 23
22. O. Ikirne, op. c l t . . p ,5 7 .
23. I b l d .  D e t a i ls  of t h i s  w i l l  be discussed l a t e r »
-  148 -
The defeat of  the I j e b u  g e n e r a l l y  over-awed 
some o th e r  Yoruba groups.  In f a c t ,  the B r i t i s h  w er»  
able  to secure u n f e t te re d  commercial  in t e r c o u r s e  
between the Coast and the i n t e r l o r  of  Yorubaland,
Thus f o l l o w i n g  the defeat  of  the I j e b u ,  the Egba peopl 
sent em issar ies  to Governor C a r t e r  a p o lo q ls in g  o ver
t h e i r  c lo s u r e  of  tra d e  r o u t e s •a g a in s t  the B r i t i s h  in
the p a s t .  24 Encouraged by these develop?ments, S i r
G i l b e r t  C a r t e r  set  out in  e a r l y  1893 on h is  famous
tr e k  in  which he e f f e c t i v e l y  brought  Yorubaland jfinder
B r i t i s h  i n f l u e n c e ,  i f  not c o n t r o l .  At  Abeokuta, Carte
signed a t r e a t y  w i th  the C h i e f s  whereby a l l  d is p u te s
between the Egba and the B r i t i s h  were to be s e t t l e d  by
the Governor.  O ther  p r o v i s i o n s  of  the t r e a t y  were the
a b o l i t i o n  of  human s a c r i f i c e  and t h a t  roads were o n ly
to be c losed w ith  the consent of  the B r i t i s h ,  In
e f f e c t ,  a B r i t i s h  P r o t e c t o r a t e  had been e s t a b l i s h e d  in
E g b a land.
I n  1898, the Egba accepted the s o - c a l l e d  Egba 
U n ite d  Government and a B r i t i s h  Commissioner was sta~ 
t io n e d  in  Abeokuta. Although the Commissioner was542 
24. M. Crowder, 0£ .  c i t . . p .2 0 7 .
25. I b i d
149 -
expected to act as an Ambassador, however, he acted 
more like a British Resident. And when the Egba 
decided to resist British encroachment on their 
mistaken *sovereignty' they, like the Ijebu, were 
crushed by the superior military force of the British 
in August 1914«26 827 By this developmentt Egbaland was 
formally brought under British rule.
I would now discuss the advent of trhe British to 
Oyo. It would be recalled that the Egba had welcomed 
the missionaries to their land since 1846. The missiona­
ries had helped the Egba in their war against Dahomey 
by providing them with arms and ammunition as well as 
instructing them (the Egba) how to manipulate the 
weapons effectively. Alaafin Adeyemi I, who ascended 
the throne in 1875, had expressed the hope that the 
missionaries would do the same thing for him i.e. 
assist him in dislodging the Dahomeans from the Oke
Ogun area.2'7 The Dahomeans had begun a series of
raids on the Oke Ogun area in 1881. 28 The Alaafin
26. 0. Ikime, The Fall of Nigeria, op. clt., p.58„
27. Ibld«
28. For the nature of the Dahomean menace see J.A. 
Atanda, ’Dahomean Raids on Oke Ogun Towns, 1881­
1890: An Episode in I9th Century Yoruba - 
Dahomey Relations1, Historla« iii, April, 1966,
pp.1-12.
150
and the Oke Ogun people could not muster enough force 
to check the menace of the Dahomeans. Only the 
Ibadan were capable of achieving this Seat but could 
not render the required assistance while the Kiriji
war lasted. 29
In the circumstance, therefore, Abraham Faslna 
Foster, the C.M.S. agent in Iseyin, requested the 
Alaafln to approach the Lagos Government to help in 
ending the Kiriji war. The Alaafin then wrote to 
the Lieutensmt-Governor, who was then the head of the 
Administration in Lagos, solicitlng British help in 
ending the Kiriji war. Initially, the Lagos Government 
showed a lukewarm attitude towards the matter. How-
ever, following persistent appeals by the Alaafin, 
his Chiefs smd some other Yoruba Oba to the Lagos 
Government, it (Lagos Government) accepted the invita­
tion to intervene in 1886. Thus a treaty was signed 
between the warring parties thus bringing the Ekiti» 
parapo-Ibadan war to an end. Alaafin Adeyemil was 
one of the signatories to the Peace Treaty. And by 
1893, the Yoruba wars had been brought to an end.
The Alaafin was soon disenchanted that instead of 
assistlng him ln his wars against Dahomey and Ilorin,
29. Sanede  Jc.hAa.n qeA tainnd aW,e stpe^r_n.NNeiwq eOrvioa 7E'm~pTiOr9e4:- 1I9n3d4i7r" etclto nHroulneT 
Longman, 1973), p.46.
151
the British gradually began to push their influence
and power into his territory. 30
The British started to establish their authority 
formally in the Oyo area in 1894. In that year, 
Captain Bower had interfered in the internal strife 
among the Chiefs of Okeiho, Okeiho was a regrouping
of Eleven (11) towns namely Isia, OlLe le, :semi, Imoba,
Igboje,. Oke Og.un., .Oga.n, Bode,. Pamo, Alubo and I.jo
during the early I9th Century wars. The Onlo. the
ruler of Ijo, was recognised as the Overall head of
the newly constituted town of Okeiho. 31 -phe Okeiho 
amalgamation was one in which the other towns migrated 
to Ijo for protection. The enlarged Settlement was 
named Okeiho with ten (10) refugee towns forming
separate quarters of the new town. But after the Fulani
and Dahomey menace had subsided, the other head Chiefs
were no longer prepared to recognise the authority of
the Onjo. What they wanted was that one of them should
replace the On1o as the overall authority or a Situation
whereby fehe Onjo would merely be a puppet who could
be easily manipulated. 32 *3102
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid.. p.57.
32. J•A. Atanda, Ibid.. p.57
- 152 -
This was the nature of the Okeiho politics when
Captain R.L. Bower assumed duty as Resident and 
Travelling Commissioner. Early in 1894, Labiyi, the 
0n1o. was deposed by his Chiefs obviously for refusing 
to be a puppet,. He was replaced by one Itihanlu.
This was ione without reference to the Alaafln of Oyo
who had earlier approved the
as the Onio. Naturally, the Axaarxn aisapprovea the
appointment but since he (Alaafin) had no means of 
punishing the Chiefs or imposing his will on them, he 
accepted the offer of Captain Bower, who had heard of 
the incident, to help him restore Labiyi. The 
Alaaf in erroneously thought that the Invitation extended 
to Bower was nothing more than a continuation of the 
effort of the British to end any form of strife in 
Yorubaleaid. In this regard, the Alaaf in miscalculated. 
Bower's Interest was to use the occasion as a pretext 
to establish British Authority in Okeiho. In fact, 
effort had been made by the Lagos Government to 
establish its influence at Okeiho independent of the
AA-flafi-n»33 3
33. Ibld,, p.58.
153
Accordingly, Captain Bower proceeded to Okeiho 
with a few soldiers in 1894 and restored Labiyi, 
banishing Itihanlu to Iseyin. The Alaafln. thinking 
that his authority was being enhanced by the British 
by restoring Labiyi, decided to punish the Chiefs 
who deposed Labiyi. Consequently, the Alaafin sent 
Kudefu, a principal Hart, to Okeiho demanding the 
heads of the affected Chiefs. But the Alaafin mis- 
fired as the Chiefs became more desperate and daring 
by deposing Labiyi agaln and enthroning Itihanlu. 
Captain Bower left for Okeiho in Company of Labiyi 
with a view to restoring the latter. On his way, he 
stopped over at Iseyin on 18th October, 1895 to in- 
quire into a case which had earlier been reported to 
him. It was in respect of one Bakare who had been 
charged with having an affair with one of the Oba1s
the Alaafin of Oyo to be castrated. 34
in the Oyo area that aaiy person
found guilty of having sexual intercourse with the 
Alaafin *s wives or that of one of the important vassal 
Chiefs like the Aseyin of Iseyin would either be 
sentenced to death or castrated. The objective of the 
stiff penalty was to discourage, if not prevent, 
immoral sexual relations with the Oba * s wives. When 43
34. ibid.t p.60. See also 0. Ikime, op. clt., p.116
- 154 -
caught, a culprit was often allowed to make a choice 
between death and castration. However, the choice 
of castration was sometimes encouraged to enable the 
Alaafin recruit more personnel into the category of 
his palace officials made up of Eunuchs^ •
Against this background, It was obvious that the 
action taken by the Aseyin and the Al aafin <a gainst 
Bakare was perfectly legal in accordance with tradition. 
Neither did it violate any treaty signed by the British 
with the Alaafin. However, for fear of Bower’s 
soldiers, the Aseyin dared not argue with the Resident 
on the legality of the action taken against Bakare. 
Rather, he apologised profusely to Bower for forgitoeness. 
Apparently encouraged by the Aseyin's capitulation, 
Captain Bower sent a message from Iseyin to the 
Alaafin asking for Bakare. He (Bower) thought the 
Alaafin. like the Aseyin. would tremble, make confessions 
and apologise on receiving the message. But Captain 
Bower was proved wrong. Since no one had ever ques- 
tioned his predecessor in dealing with such cases, the 
Alaafin must have been amazed, if not amused, that 
Bower waas questioning his traditional right to deal 
with a case in his domain. Thus the Alaafin merely sent 
a reply that Bakare had escaped, On receiving the 35
35. J. A. Atanda, ££. cit., p.61.
155
message, Captain Bower made up hi3 mlnd to deal with the 
Alaafln after restoring Labiyi to the throne at 
Okeiho. He, therefore, proceeded to Okeiho to restore 
Labiyi. After staying for five days, Bower left a 
detachment of 12 soldiers, on Labiyi's request, to stay 
for a month or more to enforce the restoration.
Thereafter, Captain Bower proceeded to Oyo. He 
arrived in the town on 8th November, 1895 with Captain 
Mugliston and 60 soldiers. In spite of the mutual ill-
feelings between them over the BtaPka*re issue, the Alaafin 
accorded Captain Bower and his entourage a warm reception.
However, Captain impatient to reciprocate
the respect. 37
In fact, according to Ayandele, "Bower's manners in
the Palace of Oyo% were brusque, hectoring and peremptory
from the out-setff ^8 jn(jeecj Captain Bower was the 
aggressor in the Bower - Oyo conflict. Having thrown
qualms and mutual respect to the winds, Captain Bower 
requested the Alaafin to hand over Kedefu and Bakare to 367*
36. Ibld.. p.62.
37. Ibid.. p.65.
38. See E.A. Ayandele, 'The Mode of British Expansion in Yorubaland in the second half of the Nineteenth 
Century* The Oyo Episode', ODU> ii» 2, 1967, p.18.
156
him. The Alaafin refused bluntly to meet Bower's demands.
In fact, Bakare had been killed before Captain Bower's 
arrival in Oyo. The Alaafin later wrote a letter to 
Captain Bower at the place where he resided to explain 
that Bakare had been castrated in accordance with 
tradition. ̂
This notwithstanding, Captain Bower went to see the
r
Alaafin the following day with all his 60 soldiers and
Captain Mugliston.^ The soldiers were armed to the teeth.
At the sight of the soldiers at the Akesan market, a
hostile crowd of Oyo people started to gather. They were
armed with dane guns, cutlasses etc ready to resist
Bower should he launch an attack on the Alaafin1s palace.
At the sight of the surging crowd, Bower ordered his
soldiers to fall in and he himself fired two gunshots
thus killing a man and wounding eight others. 41 After
realising that Captain Bower wa.s determined to Shell the 
town, the Oyo Chiefs made desperate attempts to sue for 
peace. They installed white flags at the Palace as an 39041
39. See J.A. Atanda, op. cit.. p.66.
■
40. Ibid.
41. Ibid.« p.68.
157
O l i v e  branch but t h i s  was to no avssll.  The f i e l d  gun 
and the maxim were a lre a d y  ' placed i n  a p o s i t i o n  under 
a l a r g e  t r e e  near I s e y i n  gate and t r a in e d  upon the
town . . . . .  upon the area on which the palace stood*. A P
C o nsequently , at  7.30 a.m. on 12th November, 1895, 
C a p ta in  Bower and h is  t roops  s h e l le d  Oyo. jn  f a c t ,  by 
m id-day the e x e rc is e  had been c o m p l e t e d . T h e  A l a a f i n  1s 
palace and about h a l f  of  the town had been destroyed 
by f i r e  thus re n d e r in g  thousands of people homeless. 
Meanwhile, A l a a f l n  Adeyemi I  had escaped from the Palace 
to h is  farm at Owinni  on the Ogbomoso road.  T h e r e a f t e r ,  
he was re s to re d  to the throne f o l l o w i n g  appeals to 
Ca p ta in  Bower by the Oyo C h i e f s .  Thus,  by the use of
naked f o r c e ,  Captain  Bower e s ta b l i s h e d  B r i t i s h  a u t h o r i t y  
o v e r  Oyo, 44324 
>
Although the bombardment o f  Oyo by Bower was i n d e -  
f e n s i b l e ,  c a l l o u s  and h ig h -hand ed,  n e v e r th e le s s ,  Governor 
G i l b e r t  C a r t e r  s u r p r i s i n g l y  commended Captain  Bower f o r  
t h i s  apparent  act  of  carnage at  Oyo. T h i s  could be 
e x p la in e d  a g a in st  the background o f  the o v e r a l l  p o l i c y
42. See S .G .  Pinnock, The Romance of Missions in  N ig er i a ,  
(Richmond, V i r g i n i a ^  1971)”J
43. I b l d .
44. J . A .  Atanda, The New Ovo Empire, op. c i t . p. 73.
158
of establishing British authority in Yorubaland. As 
a result of the bombardment of Oyo by Captain Bower 
in 1895, the Oyo Chiefs and people not only accepted 
the supremacy of the British but also became subservient
to the British Colonial Authority
instance, when Captain Neal and a detachment of Hansa
soldiers were stationed in Oyo after Dombardment of
1895, the Alaafin could not question «.nc propriety of
their presence or make representatvi oVns for their removal 
from his domain. Secondly, when the Okeiho and Iseyin 
people resisted certain innovations in British Admini­
stration in 1916-17, the Alaafin and the people of Oyo 
ironically stood behind the British officials.45 46 Rather 
than joining forces with the protesters to present a 
united front against British colonialism, the Oyo people 
warned the Iseyin and Okeiho people of the disastrous
consequences of resisting the British. 46
It would appear that the bitter experiences of the 
bombardment of their town in 1895 still lingered in the
minds of the Oyo people at the time. In fact, the 
bitter lesson, -like that of the Ijebu expedition
45. Ibid.
46. Ibid
159
of 1892, was not lost to some other parts of the 
Yorubaland which had no alternative other than to acquie- 
sce to the imposition of British Administration. I
shall now discuss the prelude to the British occupation
of Ekitiland.
Ekitiland witnessed an intensive military war fare 
in the Nineteenth Century. The Bini attacked Akure 
in about 1818 A.D. under the command of the Ezemo, the 
Erebo. the Oloqbotsere and the Imaran and the town was 
subjugated. The Deji of Akure, Oba Osuan, was executed 
while Prince Adesoro (who 1 ater became Deli Osupa t •a dr> 
la wa) was captured as hostage.47 489501 Similarly, the Bini 
army under the leadership of Omumu or Omemu invaded 
Ogotun,4® Ado, Aramoko,^ Ijero,“*̂  and the Southern
47. aSnede  dDeetvaeillosp meonft  tohfe  wtaher  Mion naTr.cS.h y Adien loAykeu,r e Thfer ömO ritqnien '  
earliest tlmes to 1897. op. eit,, pp.91-97 and 
S.A. Akintoye, *The North-eastern Yoruba District 
and the Benin Kingdom', Journal of the Historical 
Society of Nigeria. Vol.IV, No.4, June 1969, p,552.
48. J.U. Eqbarevba. A Short History of Benin, Third 
Edition, (Ibadan Üniversity Press, 1960), pp.45-47 
and (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, (C.S.026/29762), Intel­
ligence Report on Oqotun District. Ekitl Division.
Ondo Province, 1933, pp.7-8.
49. g(eNn.cA.eI .R)e,p orNt. A.oCn.  AdWoei rD.i st(rCi.cSt..0 26E/k2i9ti7 34D iVvoils.iio)n,,  OInnatoelli­ 
Province, 1933, pp.18-19 and A. Oguntuyi, A Short 
rHrisntgo-rPvF ^oaf , Ad1o9-52E7k,i t'~ip r?iPgarrt- -I-I. (Akure, Aduralere Prin- 
50. R(eNp.oAr.tI .)o,n  AHr.Fa.  DMiasrtsrhiacit,,  E(kCiSt0i2 6D/i2v9i8s3i4o)n,  OInndtöe llPirgoevnicnece,p.6 
1932. p.-g:------------ ^  ' ‘
51. (N.A.I.), ONDO PROF.1/1/906/Vol.ii, Intelligence
Report on Hero-Ekiti 1936-55, p. 1.
160
parts of Otun. In some places, the Bini removed the 
Population of subordinate towns to places outside 
their Kingdoms, For instance, it is stated that the 
Bini forces carried off the people of Igbemo, Afao,
Are, Igbo Omoba (now Ilu Omoba) in Ado kingdom, Iroko 
and Idao in Ijero kingdom and resettled them at Ikere- 
Ekiti where there was already a Bini garrison. Ikere 
was thus transformed into a mighty town capable of 
threatening neighbouring kingdoms. In a sense, it can 
be argued that the Benin invasion of the early nineteenth 
Century marked the end of an epoch in the Military 
tradition of the kingdoms in Ekitiland in which wars 
were not fought mainly for the purpose of annexation. 
Hitherto, Resident consuls were not stationed in 
vanguished kingdoms as was the case generally in accordance 
with Yoruba custom. However, the Bini stationed consuls
in Aramoko, Akure, etc to extort tributes.
Also, as from 1845, the Ilorin-Fulani made an 
incursion into Ekitiland, They conquered Otun, Isan,
Oye, Ire, Egosi and Ikole.^4 523
52. R(eNp.oAr.tI. )o,n  NI.kAe.rCe.  DWiesitrr,i ct(,CESkOi t2i6 /2D9i7v9i9s)i,o n.I nUtnedlol igPernövcien ce, 
1933, p.12 and S.A. Akintoye, ojd. clt,, p.549.
53, R(eNp.Ao.rIt. )o,n  HA.rFa.  DMiasrtsrhiacti.  CSE0k2i6t/i2 9D8i3v4i,s ioInn»tOenldloi gePnrcoev lnce, 
PP,6-7 and S.A, Akintoye, o£. eit,, pp.550-551.
161
Similarly, Ibadan army, ostensibly protecting the entire
Yoruba country from the Ilorin-Fulani as well as res-
ponding to an invitation by Oba Adifagbade, the Pore of
Otun, intervened in 1847 in the Otun-Aaye conflict
and since then began the invasion of the Ekiti country.^
Thereafter, Ibadan conquered Ikoro, Ijero as well as
Ara:, in 1 8 5 2 . The army also campaigned in Efon-Alaaye,
Iyapa (now Myetoro), Isan and Itaji. 5 7 Ibadan led 
military expedltions into the Ado Kingdom as well as
Ise. CO° Ibadan army also overran the territory Stretching5 4867
54. I(nNt.eAl.lIifg)e, ncRe. A.R epVoorstp eron  anIdd o A.DCi.sCt.r icStw.a ynEeK,I TIC SOD2I6V/.311/011/51 98A
Vol.ii, p.3 and P.A. Talbot, The people of Southern 
NVoilg.elr,i ap. p.(1L6o,n do1n7,  & Fr19a.nk Cass and Co. Ltd., 1969),
55. See Enclosure 2 in No 26, Oore, king of Otun etc 20 
April, 1886 in Comd.5957, British Parliamentarv Papers 
GVaolz.e6t3t,e erN igofe riIal,o rionp . Pcroivti.n. cep.. 67( Laonnddo nK,. V.1 92E1l)p,h inps.t1o7.ne, 
56. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, CS026/29799, Intelligence 
Report on Ikere District» Ekiti Division. Ondo 
Province. 1933, and Rev. S. Johnson, op. cit.. 
pp.318-320.
57. (N.A.I.), Captain Vosper, Intelligence Report on 
Efon District Ekiti Division. Ondo Province. 1934, 
p.10, N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Itaji 
District. Ekiti Division. Ondo Province. 1934. p.6.
58. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Ado 
District. Ekiti Division. Ondo Province. 1933. p.24 
and Rev. S. Johnson, op. cit,. p.232.
162
from ifaki to Ayede and Omu-Ijelu. CQ
As a result of these military incursions into 
Ekitiland, many towns and villages were sacked while 
many people were taken as slaves with the result that
there was depopulation in some towns like Ar
Itaji, Ado and Akure. 60 Also, Ibadan stat Aj eles
(Resident Consuls) in Aramoko,- Ijero, Itaji, Ado, Ise,
Okemesi6! while Ilorin consuls were stationed in Isan,
Otun, Ayede and Ikole. 6 “ ? The Al eie (Resident consul) 
madntained a cohort of household officials and enforced 
compliance with the imperial decrees of their respective 
authorities. They collected tributes (in form of 
cowries, kola and other form of palm produce) as well as 
tolls on goods from people entering the various king«Soms 
where they were stationed. The Ajele lived and behaved 
like potentates. In fact, they were, more often than not,16 9502
59. See (N.A.I.), H.F. Marshai, Intelligence Report on 
Ara District« op. eit,. p.6. N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence 
Report on Akure üistrict. Ekiti Division. Ondo 
Province. 1934, pp.11-13.
60. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Itaji 
District. op. eit,. p.6. and A. Oguntuyi, A Short 
Historv of Ado-Ekiti, op. cit., p.46.
61. W.H.C. Clarke, Travels and Explorations in Yoruba- 
land 1845-1858 (ed.) J.A. Atanda, (Ibadan University 
Press, 1972), p.120.
62. K.V. Elphinstone, Gazetteer of Ilorin Province,, 
(London, 1921), pp.16, 17 and 19.
- 163 -
th« de facto rulers of the*e kingdoms.^ Nevertheless, 
they had a great loyalty to thelr imperial o verlöre!« 
sine« they wäre uaually recruifced from the vanguiehod 
statea er towns« Fer example, Al®meja, the first censul 
in Ade-Ekiti, was an Ijesa man while Opale, bis succes- 
sor, was from Aramoko. In the Same breath, Atere, the 
Ibadan's Ajele at Ise-Eklti, was an Ijesa man*64
Generally^ trara and conflicfca in Ekltiland before 
colonial rule occuited for a number of reasons* First ly, 
some of the wars were fought to confcain the imperial 
ambition of some states or kingdoms. secondly, some 
were punitive expeditions against neighbours for aiding 
an enemy during war. For example, the war bafcween Ado 
and Ikere was the cuimination of the hostility between 
the two kingdoms arising from the assistance which 
Ikere gave to the ibadan army during the siege of Ado
ln January 3 873.^ In fact, the 'unprovoked war'6**_____
63. W.H. Clarke, o£« cik«ĵ  pp.120^123*
64. sQePe.  cA.j t,o g, unptpu.y4i6,,  Aa nds h4o6r.t"  Hlatory of Ado-"Bkltl,
65. (N.A.I.)*N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Ikere
‘ ‘ \x, QP. <slt.. p.i3Jan'4 J.6. Öluoobokun OdoTFr
opi.c2e0l.a , I^an Iyln» (Yaba, Forward press, 1952), 6
66. See Rev. S. Johnson, History of the Yorubaa op. eit 
p.390. •»
164
declared by Ibadan on Ado ln 1675 was partly due feo
the ald whlch the latter gave to Aratnoko against 
Ibadan in the 1852-1854 war,67 and partly due to the 
participation of Ado ln the Igbo Alawun war (This
forest was located between Ogotun and igbara-Odo) 
during whlch Ijesa, Akure and Ado-Ekiti formed a railitary 
alllance against Ise in 1874/756?
Tijere was also a desire for territorial aggradise-
ment* Some local warrior Chiefs like Esublyi of Ayede,
Fabunmi of Imesi-IgbodQ and Aduloju of Ado waged war 
with their private armies against weaker neighbouring 
communities in Ekitiland for trivial reasons to mas-
querade their territorial aggradlsement»6"97 Soma of 
the warrior Chiefs brought home war booties like slaves, 
weapons which enhanced their Status.
Moreover, the maladministration of the Ajele over
9  «a*i4!tor.rasseasB»
the Ijesa and £kiti people sparked off a revolt against 
Ibadan imperlalism.70 The opportunity was provided by
67. See A. Oguntuyi, A Short History of Ado-Ekitl« 
op. cjt.. p.390.
68. T.O. Jegede, Iwe Itan Ise-Eklti, (Ibadan, Micho
pIrwien tIitnagn  AWokrukrse, '.ant'i. da.g)b,"e pqbpe. 2r8e-,4 57o pJ. .Oc.i tA.t. anpd*a2r5e8, and 
A* Oguntuyi. A short History of Ado-skifcl. op. cit.. 
p.44, T.s. Adeloy'e. op. clt.'j "p. lj? and Msgr A. 
Oguntuyi, History of Ekifei, op. cit., p.73.
69. Interview, Msgr A.O. Oguntuyi, on 4th July, 1986. See 
also G.O.I. Olomola, pre-colonlal patterns of Inter- 
S1t*a77t,e  pR.e2l5a2t.i ons in E-as-t-e-rn!- Y-or—uba—lan^» Ph.D.Thesis, Ife,
70. T.S* Adeloye, op.clt*, p.120* See also S.A. Akintoye, 
RIenvcorloudtuicotni oann, dpp.oxwveiri iP.o lltic”s  ln ' Yorubaland. op. eit..?
165
the explosive Situation created at Imesi-Igbodo (Oke™ 
mesi) through the killing of an Alele by Fabunmi 
Ologbenla, a prince in the town*7  ̂ One of the Ajele 
stationed there was alleged to have Stolen the food 
which One of Fabunmi's wives was earrying to a man 
who had sewn a piece of cloth for her* The woman reported 
the incident to Fabunmi who, out of annoyance, killed
the Ajele and his Ibadan followers excepfe one who was
asked to report the incident at Ibadan* 72 ln fact, m
pogrom of over 400 Oyo residents at Okemesi was carried 
out« 73 Fabunmi, then under 30 years of age, raised 
a banner of rebellion against the mighty power of 
-I-b-a-d-a-n-«-7-4---------------------------------------- — —
71* (N*A*I*), N.A.C* weir, CS026/4/30014, Intelligence
Report on Akure pistrict, Ekiti Diyision7"0rKSow 
Province, 19^4» Para«35»
72* S.A* Akintoye, oj>. eit., p«90*
73* See S*0« OJo, the Bada of Saki, Itan Oyo« Ikoyi
ati Afilio« op« cit*. p« 111, A*oT^SwoIo7  Äwonrtan 
AfcXjo, (Ebufee Metfca, 1955), p.22 and Rev* S*
Johnson, op« cjt,, pp«429, 439 and 469*
74* S* A« Akintoye, o£. cit«« p*90»
166
Apparently, in anticipation of ibadan’s reaction 
to the killings, Fabunmi urged the Oloja of Imesi- 
Igbodo to summon all the Ekiti Oha to Imesi-Igbod© and
prepare for war 75 There was a positive response, araong
Ekiti Oba to this Clarion call except the Ewj of Ado™ 
Ekiti and the Oqoga of Ikere-Ekiti who were then at war 
with each other.7  ̂ (Eonsequently, the Ekiti Same together 
with the Ijesa, Akoko and Igbomina people to form the
Ekitiparapo« »■«ji in 1878«78 This was a multi-state 
Organisation formed for the objective of Xiberating their 
communities from the imperial yoke of Zbadan. Ilorin,
Ife and Ijebu later joined the alliance to stop Ifcadan's 
ravages as well as its attempt to assume the leadership of
91. Ibld«, p.9l and4 Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, Hlstory of Ekiti, pTTST  ̂  V«/
76* A. Oguntdjti» Ibid.
77« The word "Parapo" is a contraction of "Pe ar« po"
which means "call many people together". See (N.A.I.), 
NLA.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Aküre Dlstrlct» 
op. clt.. para.28. Msgr, A. Ögüntuyr~expITIneH”T€ * 
as "Ekiti come together”. See A. Oguntuyi» o&. clt« * 
p.75. However, Akintoye suggested that the name 
was probably imported into the interior by the Ekiti 
educated eilte based ln Lagos« See S.A* Akintoye» 
jp« clt. t p«75»
78. See S«A« Akintoye, Ibld«, pp.77-80, B. Awe, »The
end of an experiment» the collapse of Ibadan empire 
1877-1893, J.H.S.N.« Vol.3, No.2 December, 1965, 
pp. 263-265~~«nd British Parllamentary papers, crad 4957, 
op. clt. t pp.70-1T. "
- 167
the entire yoruba country. 79
At the Inauguration of the Association, four
Ekiti Oba namely the Elekoie of ikole, the Ajero of
Iiero, the Alara of Aramoko and the Alaaye of Efon
were present« Representatives of some Oba were
present. The —owa  of Ilesa sent Ogedeffigbe, the —orang.?.,.m 
of ila and the Pore of otun sent a Balogun each (War 
Captain) while the De1i of Akure sent Sao ofobutu who 
was accompanJed > by the a jana, the Qdoo, the imj, and
the Olusogan qQ. some other ckiti Oba sent troops to 
the Ckitiparapo. Such Oba included the Ololudo of Ido 
(who sent Faboro), the olpye of oye (who sent Olugbo- 
sun), the Atta of Ayede, the Onisan of Isan, the 
Onitaji of itaji, the Olosi of Osi and the Owa of 
Osun-Ekiti.8* 97*81
79. Ogunsigun, the seriki of the ijebus, to Hls Excel- 
lency the Governor of Lagos, 26 April, 1886 in crad. 
4957, op. cit.^ and Derin, Chief of Oke-Igfeo and 
King-elect of the Ifes to His Excellency, Captain 
oloney, CMG, Governor of Lagos, 28 April, 
in crad, 4957 British farliareentary Papers, 
op. cit.. p.74.
80 • (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report onAkure pistrict2, op26. 2cit.,.parals"^and " J.O» Ä^andara,< 5 öp .  'cifc.Y p p . b Q ^ •
81. A. Oguntuyi, History of Ekiti, op. cit.» p.76.
168
What followed was the Kirlji war which began 
on Ist November, 1878 when the ibadan took the field 
against the Ekitiparapo and thelr allies. xhe 
members of the Ekitiparapo society based in Lagos 
taxed themselves to buy gifts of arcmunition for the 
Ekitiparapo movement. The society also sent troops 
of volunteers from Lagos to the Ekitiparapo forces to
act as advisers and Secretaries to the war Chiefs«83
The war dragged on untii 1886. 843 2*84
An armistice was signed in September 1886 while 
the agreement on the feermination of hositilities was 
signed in March 1893. The armlstice of 1886 enacted 
for the abolition of human sacrifica and the treaty of 
March 1893 marking the termination of hostilities
82. Prof. S.A. Akintoye has dated the war to 1879-1886.
See S.A. Akintoye, op. eit«, p.102. Also S.A. Akin- 
toye, o£ clt., p.99, S.A. Akintoye, 'The Economic 
background to the Ekitiparapo 1878-1893, ODUf Journal 
of African Studies, unife, Vol.4, no.2, january,
1968, p.30, Rev, S. Johnson, op. clt., p*439 and 
T.O* Jegede, Iwe Itan Ise Ekiti, op. clt., p.48.
83. See S.A. Akintoye, 'The Econom&c background of the 
Ekitiparapo 1878-1893, ODU, Vol.4, No.2, january,
1968, p.49.
84. See the details of this war in S.A. Akintoye, op. cjjb«, 
pp.102-131, Oba T.A. Akinyele, Outline Hlstory öf ” 
Ibadant Part III, Revised and enlärgeTT-y Kemi"Morgan, 
(ibadan, The Carxon, press Ltd., West Africa, n*>d.) , 
pp. 72 -85, Rev. S. Johnson, op. cit., pp.440-493,
D.F. Omidiran, Itan Qqun Ekitiparapo atl tl ilu
Okemesi, H u  Agan, (loaclan, 1955), pp.2-1$ and”"0. 
Fagbamigbe, Ogun Kirlll, (Akure, 1978), pp.3-34«
169
between fche Ekitiparapo and ibadan formed the b s s i s  
of the British occupation of E k l t i l a n d ® 85
The impacfc of the above-mentioned wars was g ra v e »  
In the first place, the wars r e s u l t e d  in a widespread 
insecurity while the migrations and f l i g h t  le d  to  the 
desertion of houses, towns and villages. Secon dly ,  by 
1 8 6 0 's, soma adventurous youths sfcarted to  b u i l d  
private armies for themselves. Among them were E s u M y i  
of lye who later founded Ayede and took the t i t l e  of 
Ata (Qba of Ayede), Fabunmi of Okemesi Igbo Odo,
Fasawo (called Aduloju) of Ado, the Olugbosun of oye ,  
Ala of Aisegba, Faboro of I d o ,  Ajana and Olotugfeangba 
of ise, etc.®^ Some of these private armies enploited 
the military weakness of their neighbouring kingdoms 
and declared war against them. For example, Aduloju 
attacked and captured Osi, a town in Ado kingdom,
utter disregard of an order from the
Ewi Ate ye1 and his Chiefs to cease h o s f c i l i t y  with 
the town (Osi). 87 ......
85. S.A* Akintoye, op. eit«. Appendin III, Rev. S.
Johnson, op. cifc.» pi»6o5 and (N.A.I.), CS05/IXXII 
and 5/2 XI Treatles with I,1esay Idanre and Ekitl 
rulers.
86. See A. Oguntuyi, Hlstory of Ekltit op. cit^ pp.70
and 70 and S.A. Aklntoye»' Resolution andFOwer politics 
in Yorubaland, 1840-1893, o?.~~cit. 7~pp 1“7%-7T* ~~ 78
87. A. Oguntuyi, Aduloju podondawa, oko Skltl, oko Akoko^ 
(Ibadan, Ogun Press, 1971), p.27.
170
In fact, after the Ekitiparapo war, Aduloju's
personal arnsy, with its headquarters at Imesi-Lasigidl,
not only raided Ikole for booty but went as far as irun
and Ogbagi in Akoko betv/een 1893 and 1894. 88 He al,so
carried his mllitary campaign to the Afenraai country 89
It was during the rise of these »Professional warrlor 
Chief«’ that fire-arms llke dane guns and ammunition 
were introduced in Ekitiland.^ As earlier point out, 
indigenous weapons «anufactured by blacksmiths namely 
matchets, daggers, axes, spears, etc«, were used. 
Secondly, these professional warrior Chiefs adopted 
the military tactics of Ibsdan in their warfare.
Also, the rise of this new dass of leaders to 
prominence led to a new development in the traditlonal 
political Organisation in some kingdoms in Ekitilan^« 
Before the 19th Century, the Qba and Chiefs in Ekiti™ 
land were the de jure authorities in their respective89 0
88. Ibid.,p.65. See also S.A. Akintoye, 'The North— 
eastern Yoruba District. ' , or>. clt.. p.553 and I®E<> 
Batoamubonl, irohln Ekjtl, n.d. p.8. in (N.A.I.), 
EKITI DIV.1/17^87. EWI AND ELEKOLS.
89. G.O.I. Olomola, pre-colonlal Patterns of Inter­
state relations, op. clt., p.242. *
90. interview, Msgr .0. Oguntuyi» See also G.O.I. 
Olomola, op» cit., p.284.
171
Icingdoms. Although there were military Chiefs, they
did not play any prominent role in the internal rela*™
tions of the klngdoms. However, after the l9th Century
wars, the members of this military aristocracy becama
very powerful and influential men in their respecfcive 
communities. 9l In many instances, they becaraa a law 
unto themselves and treated the civil aufchorities witfo 
disdain. They later superseded the traditional authori- 
ties and had influential voices in klng-making.
In fact, on many occasi^r'e5 *-hey were the _de facto _
rulers of their communities. civil authorities
seemed to have bowe -eminence of these
military Chiefs in external affairs particu
larly the latter. The "new war lords" and the powers 
they wielded represented a departure from the Yoruba 
tradition and also constituted a powerful challenge to 
the traditional leadership of the Qba and Chiefs. Their 
relationship with Qba was, more often than not, eharacte-
rised by hostility.^........... ........
9 £® Ibld.
92. S.A. Akintoye, 'The Military among the Yoruba of 
South-Western Nigeria in the nineteenth Century’,
A paper read at Accra in August, 1975, pp.21-22.
See also Rev. S. Johnson, The Hlstory of the 
Yorubas, op. clt,t pp.377 and~384.
172
In view of the fact that the civil rulers 
could not curb these military aristocrats, they had 
to adjust themselves to the Situation. This was the
Position of things before the advent of the British 
in Ekitiland towards the end of the Kineteenth C e n tu ry «  
In Order to remedy the Situation, the British s t a r t e d  
by stopplng the harassmenfc of military Chiefs and 
disbanding their arroies.9359* Thus, military Chiefs
like Fabunmi and Aduloju were arrested by the British» S4‘
The factors responsible for the British Occupation
of Ekitiland
Three f:a ctors have Tbeen^ addu~ced by scholars as
being responsible for the British occupation of Ekiti™
land. One School of thought 95 Pu  ̂forward the
view that it was the pressure mounted by commercial
concerns w'hich prompted the British Government, through 
the Lagos Administration, to intervene in the inter-state
93. Ibld., p.646.
94. See A. Oguntuyi, Aduloju Dodond&wa, op. cit.. p«53, 
A. Oguntuyi, A Short History of Ado-EkitTT op» cit» 
p.57 (N.A.I* ) , EKITI DIV . l 7 r ^EWFAND ELSKOlJ, 
p.8 and Enclosure 1 in N o „ l2 ,  Captain R.L. Bower to 
Hon. Acting Colonial Secretary, 4 June, 1894 and
G.T. Carter, Governor to the Marquis of Ripon, 
Secretary fei State for the colonies» 19 June, 1894 
in CO 147/95»
95. (N.A.I.), C0147/60 Captain A. Moloney to Rt. Hon.
Sir Henry F. Holland Bart, Secretary of State for 
Otfhfe icceol oRneiceosr,d s.19th September, 1887 in Colonial waawMaiMBMWWMwwwwiwMwiwuwuiiii mar»
173
wars then ranging in p a r t s  o f  Y o r u b a l m d  in  gone.cr.Ä 
and Ekitiland in particular. It is claimed fchat ths 
objectivas of t;!}5ceomsnercial bodies  was to streng then 
th® commerciai p o s i t i o n  of Lagos which had beoo a 
British Colony since 1861 as weil a$ a depofc f o r  t h e l r  
trade, According to this schoo3., i t  wes fche hopo of 
the cotnmercial bodlea thafe B r i t i s h  Int:eervVeEntion
engender peace thus facilitating the flow of the mich«
needed agricultural and industrial raw raafceriaJ.3 into
the entire Yorubaland in generale
This view-point was predlcated upon tho ground fchat
wars had adversely affected the flow of trad®, a pheno-
menon which was of grave concern to the commercial 
bodies* 96 What is more, the British Government shared
the optimism expressed by the commsreial firms, Consc-
quently, Captain G,C. Denton, the then Acting Governor
of Lagos, expressed the view in 1899 that T,the Imports
and exports of Lagos would soon nearly double«*"' when the
Ekitiparapo-Ibad an u ty.w uam r■» si mww»e re ended. 769
9 7
m  am. —WM' —rnv vj—r» m ■ ■ /— i>m ,'iwim w w ,."!»"
96. Ibid.
97. See R. Robinson and J. Gallag-her, /tfrica and tho 
Vlctorlans: the officlal mindof Imperialism. 
vLondon, Macmillan and C o » ,  1965) ,  p . 387.
174
The second school of thought has put forward 
the argument that British occupation of Ekitiland was 
a product of the Clarion call made by the misslonary 
bodies on the British Government to Intervene in the 
Kiriji war, It was the opinion of these misslonary 
bodies that British Intervention would guarantee peace
as well as facilitate free movement of mliissilooinary agents,
thus hastening the tempo of the spreadV ovf  the gospel,9g
Hitherto, misslonary activities were limited to the
western part of Yorubaland especially the area coter-
minous with the present-day Oyo and Ogun States, Although
the Church Misslonary Society (C,M,S,) had established
stations at Ile-Ife and Ibadan in 1856 as well as Ondo
in 1875, these stations seemed to have stagnatcd
because of the prevailing general insecurity in Yoruba-
land at the period, 99 Thus, the missionaries have 
been described as "the pathfInders of British influence 
in Yorubaland". It would be recalled that misslonary
Propaganda had been introduced in Badagary and Old
98. NEi.Ag,e riAay an1d8e4l2e-,I 9TTh8eT “ÄMi“'sPsolloitniacrayl ' Iamnpda c"tS oocni alM oAdnearTnysls 
(Longmarij 196BT, p,33.
99. Ibid.
100. Ibid,. p. 29.
175
Calabar as far back as 1842 and 1846 respectively, • 
phenomenon which, according to Prof.E.A. Ayandele, 
marked a turning point in the political and social 
evolution of Nigeria»4®^ Before the end of 1896, 
mission stations tead been establlshed in Ado-Ekiti,
Ijero. Akure. Ise and some other places in Ekltlland»
It is pertinent to point out that the British Government 
and the missionarles raalntained a symbiotic relation-» 
ship» The missionaries depended on the prestige of tha 
government for their safety while the government used 
the missionary agents as a Propaganda machinery to 
make Ekiti people accept colonial Administration»
Thus, it was common place for people to have the 
erroneous belief that the missionaries were the officials 
of the government and therefore used them as a go~ 
between in their dealings with the government» Ekiti 
people also enlisted the assistance of the missionaries
to wriitee and read letters written to them by the British 
gove•irnment.104 
101.— I-b-i-d-»-, --p-.4.
102. See S»A. Aklntoye, Revolution and Power Politlcs 
in Yorubaland, op. eit». p«2l7»
103- Ibid». pp.217-8. 
104» Ibid»« p.218«
176
The third school of thoughi 105 ha,5 contended
that the British Government used its raediatory rol© 
in the then ranging Kiriji War to occupy Ekitiland. 
As earlier stated, the Ijesa, Eklti, Akoko and
Igbomina people carae together in 1878 to form the 
Ekitiparapo, a multi-state Organisation v/hose objective 
was to liberate their communities from the shackles of
Ibadan imperialism, This resulted in >th5e0 Kiriji War 
which lasted from 1 8 7 8 - 1 8 9 3 . The initial peace 
effort made by the British was towards the signing of 
the 1886 Peace Treaty. The treaty was signed by the 
Ekitiparapo aaid Ibadan under the aegis of Messrs Henry 
Higgins, the Acting Colonial Secretary and Oliver Smith, 
a Queen*s Advocate. The following were the signatoriss 
to the treaty on behalf of the Ekitiparapo Obas Agunloye, 
the Owa of Ilesa. Okinbaloye, the Oore of Otun, Oyiyosaye »
the Ajero of Ijero, Odundun, the Ololudo of Ido as well 
as Ogedemgbe, the Seriki (the Commander-in-Chief of the 
Conf ederation army) as well as Fabunmi, the Baloqun.10756 
105. oSepe.  cRlevt..S, . ppJo.h6n6s3o-n6.o 5.T he His—t orv of the Y.o.r.u.b.a.s.-
106. Ibid. See also B.A. Awe, The Rise of Ibadan as a 
Yoruba Power in the Nineteenth Century. (D.Phil. 
Thesis, Oxford, 1964), {3^7273^3287”
107. Ibld. See also S.A. Akintoye, 0£. clt.. pp.236-
240.
177
The treaty provided, Inter alla. for the abolition
of human sacrifAce. The second treaty signed in
March 1893 marked the termination of hostilities
between the Ekitiparapo and Ibadan. “108 According
to this school of thought, this formet the basis of 
British occupation of Ekitiland.
It has been argued that the validity of some of 
the treaties signed in Yorubaland generally following 
the advent of the British was questionable owing to 
language difficulties as well as fundamental "differcnces 
in the political concepts between the British and the 
indigenous communities".180 09 indeed, the British and 
the leaders of the Ekitiparapo did not fully unter­
stand themselves. The British neither spoke nor 
understood the Yoruba language« In the same vein, the 
leaders of the Ekitiparapo neither spoke nor underst^d 
the English language. Consequently, the British 
resorted to the use of Interpreters such as Philip
Jose Meffre, Charles Phillips, James Thompson and 
Samuel Johnson who were present at the Ekitiparapo camp
108. SReeev oltuhte iodne taaindl s Poofw ert heP oTlrietaitcys  iinn  YSo.Ar.u baAlkainndt.o yeI,bid««
ppp241-242.
109. See 0. Adewoye, ’The judicial agreements in Yoruba­
land, 1904—1908’, J»A«H.« Vol.XII, No.4, 1971, 
p.607.
178
between 1886 and 1893. 1 1 0 Aside from the fact thafc
the mastery of the two languages by the Interpreters 
during the transactions was very difficult, if not 
impossible to deterraine, many of them were interested 
parties who represented a group which had the objec- 
tive of benefiting from the outcome of the treaties.» 
For instance, Rev. Charles Phillips, who was one of 
the Interpreters and Intermediaries between the
Ekitiparapo and the British official3between 1886 and 
1897, belonged to the Ondo mission. Secondly, Mr. 
T.A.J. Ogunbiyi, a catechist in Akure, interpreted 
for the British officials and garrison commander during 
their transactions with the Akure leaders in 1897.
Strictly speaking, the leaders of the Ekitiparapo 
did not actually understand the intentions of the 
treaties. As Lord Lugard rightly pointed out, African 
leaders would most probably have declined to sign 
treaties if they understood the implication on their1 0
110. See S. Johnson, The Hlstory of the Yorubas, op. 
clt.. p.535 and J.H. Kopyfeoff, A Preface to modern 
Nigeria: the Sierra Leonians in Yoruba. 1830-1390, 
pp.196-7.
111. See J.O. Atandare, Iwe Itan Akure ati .aabecLbe^xe^ 
(Akure, Duduyemi Commercial Press, 1972), p.71«
179
sovereignty.H2 The British officials generally
often resorted to making vague promises, giving gifts
as well as using coercion to obtain the assent of
the indigenous authorities. Thus Oba and Chiefs in
Yorubaland in general were given very little opportunity
of making negotiation with the Brit sh officials who 
were accompanied by soldiers of the Lagos constabulary.
Apparently, the soldiers were dreaded by the local
communities due to their superior fire-arms and
notoriety for ruthlessly getting down any Opposition
to British incursion. 113 As a result of the foregoing,
the Ekitiparapo leaders had to give their concurrence
to the terms of the treaties.
Having regard to the foregoing, I am of the opinion 
that the views expressed by the three schools of thought 
could be collectively taken as being responsible for 
the British occupation of Ekitlland. In fact, I believe 
the three schools of thought on the issue are inter- 
related and complementary to one another. Evidently, 
there were pressures from both the commercial concerns 123
112. See details of this argument in Lord F. Lugard,
The Dual Mandate ln British Tropical Afrlca.
(London, Frank Cass and Co. Ltd., 1965), pp.16,
17 & 18.
113. Inspector W. Higginson, Report on the Lagos 
Constabularv for the half year ending 31 December«
1894 in CO 147/98/Vol.l.
180
and missionary bodies for the British intervention
in the Kiriji war, however, it would appear that the
third school of thought best explains the British
occupation oft hEekiirtiland. As earlier stated, the 
British used > mediat o
occupy Ekitiland. The
Peace Treaties was the
British to achieve this goal though the Ekitiparapo 
Oba did not understand the implications of the treaties
on their sovereignty. 
implication, the Ekiti 
unwittingly ceded away
In other words, the British tactfully occupled Ekitl- 
land through the signing of treaties. And unlike in 
Ijebu, Abeokuta and Oyo, no single shot was fired 
by the British before their occupation of Ekitiland. 
British Occupation of Ekitiland
After signing treaties with the various Oba and 
Chiefs in the Yoruba hinterland, the British Government, 
in a bid to consumate its objective of total and
effective occupation, stationed some Political Offlcers
and troops of the Lagos Constabulary in some Strategie
181
places. 114 For example, two garrison posts were
established at Odo—Otin, eight kilometres north-wesfc 
of Iklrun as well as Igbobinl in the Haje Country.
The former garrison was manned by Captain L.B. Bower 
while the latter was headed by Major Erhardict.1^5
Captain Bower was transferred to Ibadan as Resident 
early in 1894. The area where he was Political Officer 
was coterminous with the present day Oyo and Osun States 
and the northern half of Ondo State excluding Owo and 
Akoko. He had his headquarters at Idi in Ibadan
with his 100 men of the Lagos constabulary. Although 
this constabulary was ref err£d to as r,Hausa', it was 
made up principally of men from the present-day Benue,
Niger, Borno and som/e VYo ruba-speaking States. <i \  7 Al­
though the establishment of the garrisons led to a
tremendous increase in the volume of trade, the exports657 41
114. Captain A. Moloney, Governor to the Rt. Hon. Sr. 
Henry F. Holland Bart, op. clt,
115. See Walter Higginson, (Inspector of Hausa Force), 
Report on the Lagos constabulary for the half year 
endlnq ^1 December. 1894~in CO 147/98, Vol.I.
116. This is situated along Iwo Road in Ibadan.
117. See A. Haywood and F.A. Clarke, The Hlstory of tho 
Royal West African Frontier Force ."lAldershot. Gale 
and Poldsn, 1964), pp.l5-16r~
182
having risen 'to a quarter of a million sterling» 'Ü 8
it is obvious that the ostensible reason for statloning 
the garrisons was to intimidate the people of the 
affected areas and consequently prevent them from 
putting up resistance to British occupatio
As mentioned earlier, the nineteenth in
Yorubaland led to the oeme^gence of Professional warrior 
Chiefs who constituted a danger to the civi 1 authorities 
as well as the sovereignty of neig /ring communities»
The Situation reached a head with the disbandmant of  tho
E f c i t i -p a ra p o - Ib a d a n  arrr.ic viev-/ of  che facfc that; the
primary objective of the i was the creation of an
atmosphere conduclve to the growth of Import  and empört 
trade, Captain Bower was deterrnined to  launch a campaign 
of intimidation and repression against the W a r r io r  Chiefs, -  
Consequently, he drei-/ up a list of  laadin g  W a r r io r  C h ie fs  
to be dealt with„ The first was Ogedemgba who was 
arrested meeting of Ilesa Chiefs in  June 1894 and
imprisoned at Iwo. His arsenal o f  r i f l e s »  danc guns,
kegs of gunpowder, bullets and boxes of Cartridges wero 
impounded. Same of his 'war b o y s '  were a r r e s te d  w h i l c 81 
118, See Sir W.N.M» Geary, N i g e r i a  under B r i t i s h  Rule-,  
(London, Frank Cass and Co» Ltd,,, 1965), p*.Sl,
183
the rest were disbanded.
Thereafter, Captain Hawtayne, the successor of
Bower, ordered the arrest of Chief Fabunmi. As a result
of this order, Captain Reeve-Tucker, the Offieer in
Charge of Odo-Otin garrison, arrested Chief Fabunmi
with the aid of 20 Hausa men. He (Fabunmi) was then
taken to the District Commissioner at Ibadan where he
was sternly warned before being released. L20 Later on,
Aduloju was arrested at Imesi-Laslgidi by officers and 
30 Hausa men from the Odo-Otin garrison and was taken 
to Captain Tucker who warned him to desist from acts
prejudicial to peace before he was released. 121 Having
regard to the fact that Chiefs Ogedemgbe, Fabunmi and 
Aduloju were the leading war Chiefs among the Ekiti and 
Ijesa, the news of their arrest and the disbandment of 
their private armies greatly enhanced the prestige of 
the British before the people. It also instilled fear 
into the people and enforced their belief in the invln- 
cibility of the British. It was also realised that no 
one was above arrest and punishment before the British. 1290
119. SSeeec reG.tTa.r y Caofr teSrt,a teG ovfeorr notrh e toC olMoanclgeusi,s  olf9  JRuinpeo,n , 1_89_4
CO 147/195.
120. See A- Oguntuyi, Aduloju Dodondawa. oj3. clt.. p.65.
121. Ibid.
184
As earlier stated, the fear of the British was furfcher 
strengthened as a result of the news of the military 
expedition against the Ijebu in 1892, the bombardment 
of Oyo on 12th November, 1895, the conquest of Nupss 
in January 1897 as well as the conquest of Benin and 
Ilorin in February of the same year.^^ ^  .
It needs to be emphasised that the harassment by 
the British Political Officersthrough the use of 'Hausa’ 
force as well as the arrest of war leaders drove the 
Ekiti communities into acquiescence. In fact, this s t a t e  
of affairs was least expected by the Oba and leaders of 
the Ekitiparapo *h<S welcomed the British Intervention as 
a kind gesture. It would be recsulled that from the
mid-1380's the Ekitiparapo and Ibadan leaders were already 
exhausted and had apparently over-stretched their human 
and material resources. Consequently, the belligerents 
regarded the British as peace-makers. For instance, Oba 
Adeyemi I, the then Alaafin of Oyo, is said to have con~
templated paying the British Government for its S e r v i c e s . 321 123
122. See Sir W.N.M. Geary, op. cit. x pp~50-5l, J.A. Atanda, 
The New Oyo Empire, op. cit., p.7i and P.A. Igbafe, 
Benin under British Administration: The Impact of 
Colonial rule on an African Kinqdom 1897-1939. 
(Longman, 1979), p.89.
123. See S.O. Ojo, Itan Ovo. Ikovi atl Afillo, oß. cit.,., 
p.116.
185
In the same vein, Ogedemgbe, the Serlki of Ekltiparapo, 
sent greetings and presents to Governor Carter when the 
latter arrlved at Ikirun early in March 1893 in a bid to 
personally end the w a r . S i m i l a r l y ,  Oba Aladesanmi I, 
the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, presented a beautiful elephant 
tusk fo Oba Daddy, a slave of Ado origin who had just 
returned from captivity, for onward transmission to 
Captain Bower, the District Commissioner of the North- 
eastern District, for his commendable role in bringing
the age-long Ado-Ikere war to an end. 125
Although the Ekiti people were grateful for the
cessation of wars caused by the British Intervention, it 
would be erroneous to draw the conclusion^6 that they 
willingly succumbed to British occupation. In fact, the 
Ekiti people were apparently cowed to Submission by the 
1892 Ijebu expedition, 1895 bombardment of Oyo, the 
conquest of Nupe, Ilorin and Benin in 1897. The station- 
ing of garrisons in Strategie places near Ekitiland was 
the last straw that broke the camel's back. Consequently,
the Ekiti people could not put up any resistance to1 2546
British occupation.
124. S.A. Akintoye, oja. cit.. pp.178-180, 210-211 and 
238-242.
125. See Ä. Oguntuyi, A Short Hlstory of Ado-Ekiti Part II, 
op. cit.. p.67.
126. This was the view expressed by Sir William Geary in 
cespect of the Britfcsh occupation of the entire 
Yorubaland. See Sir W.N.M. Geary, Nigeria under
British RuleT op. cit.> p.52.
1 8 6
CHAPTER THREE
THE ESTABLISHMENT QF BRITISH ADMINISTf
' " —  ■ — ■^ IN EKITILAND. 1915-19«p2 a0m —  i i » "  ■
Impoaltlon of Colonial Rulc < $ r
Having effectively occupied Yorubala nd, the British
feit that the whole land was too large and wnwieldy to 
be supervised by the District Commissioner based in 
Ibadan; hence it was decided that a Resident be appointed
to take Charge of the Ekiti and Ijesa areas. Thus in 
April 1897, the Lagos Government proposed the appointment 
of an additional Resident (earning £600 per annum and 
having under his command a force of sixty Hausas) to take
Charge of the Ekiti-Ijesa areas.
In August 1897, Lt. A.O. Scott was sent to Akure 
with a small detachment of the Lagos Hausa force which 
had earlier been stationed at Oyo. He was ordered,10 *
1. 1(0N .AA.pIr.i)l,,  C1.8S9.7O,.  1S/e1e/ 1a8l,s o DeSn. toAn.  tAok iCnhtaomybee,r loapi.n, 
clt.. p.219*
187
Inter alla, to take Charge of the country northward of 
Akure to the Ilorin boundary under the direction of the 
Resident of Ibadan. He was not to be absent from Akure 
for more than a few days at a time because of the 
unsettled nature of the country.2 3 Captain Scott, whose 
official title was '0/C Akure', was sent to the town 
at the request of Ralph Moor, the Consul-General of the
Niger Coast Protectorate who was of thec view that Akure 
was strategically important to his pacification of 
Benin. Thus the Lagos Government agreed to accommodate 
a political agent of the Niger Coast Protectorate at 
Akure who would communicate with the Resident at Benin 
through Lt. Scott on matters affecting the Benin Chiefs 
then believed to be at large in the neighbouring forests
following the punitive expedition against the town that 
year 3•J
Und er thi s semi-military arrangement v/hich lasted 
for a period of three years, the following officers 
served as ’O/C Akure': Captain A.O. Scott (August 1897
2. (N.A.I.), C.S.O. 1/1/19, Memorandum of Instruction 
to A. 0. Scott, enclosure in McCallum to Chamberlain 
5 August, 1897f See also L. C. Gwan, A prcllminary 
Inventory of the Administrative Records assembled 
from Ondo Province. (1963), p.3.
3. See S.A. Akintoye, op. cit.t p.220.
188 -
-  F e b ru a r y ,  1898) ,  L t .  L . N .  B l a c k w e l l  (F e b r u a r y  -  J u l y ,  
1 0 8 8 ) ,  C a p ta in  E . L .  Cowie, ( J u l y  1898 -  J a n u a r y ,  1 8 9 9 ) ,  
Ca p ta in  H .V .  Neal ( J a n u a r y  -  F e b r u a r y ,  1 8 9 9 ) ,  Mr„ F . P ,  
P i n k e t t  (F e b r u a r y  -  May, 1 8 9 9 ) ,  C a p ta in  Neal (May -  
September, 1 8 9 9 ) ,  D r .  T . E .  P r i c e  (September -  O c to b e r ,  
1 8 9 9 ) ,  Ca p ta in  C. Anderson ( O c to b e r ,  1899 -  F e b ru a r y ,
1900) and C a p ta in  Cochrane (F e b r u a r y  -  March, 1 9 0 0 ) .
A f t e r  u n d e rta k in g  a t o u r  of  the E k i t i  and I j e s a  
areas in  1897, an A c t i n g  R esident  of  Ibadan advised  the 
B r i t i s h  Government to  use the E k i t i p a r a p o  as a b a s is  
of  r u l i n g  the a r e a s .  He contended t h a t  the E k i t i  and 
I j e s a  areas should be r u l e d  from I l e s a .  T h i s  a d v ic e  
was based on the erroneous b e l i e f  of  B r i t i s h  P o l i t i c a l  
o f f i c e r s  t h a t  the Owa of I l e s a  was the le a d e r  of  the
4
E k i t i p a r a p o .  C o n s e q u e n t ly , in  o r d e r  to  ensure an 
e f f i c i e n t  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , the B r i t i s h  C o l o n i a l  Govern­
ment in  Lagos broke Eastern Yorubaland i n t o  two 
d i s t r i c t s  namely Eastern  and N o r t h - e a s t e r n  in  1899. The
4. ( N . A . I ) ,  I b a .  P r o f .  3/6 Notes a ttached by F . C .
F ü l l e r  to  Ibadan Residents* T r a v e l  J o u r n a l ,  1897. 
See a ls o  C . S . O .  1/1/18, Mc Callum to Moor, 2 
J u n e ,  1897.
189
E a stern  D i s t r i c t  comprised Ondo, I d a n r e ,  I k a l e  and 
H a j e  communities w i t h  i t s  h e a d q u a rte rs  at  Ondo w h i l e  
the N o r t h - e a s t e r n  d i s t r i c t  c o n s is te d  of E k i t i ,  I j e s a  and 
a g r e a t e r  p a r t  of the Igbomina c o u n t r y .  The head q u a rte rs
of  the D i s t r i c t  was s i t e d  a t  I l e s a  in  November, 1899,
I t  was removed to Oke-Imo 5 (Imo H i l l )  i n  A p r i l ,  1900 where
i t  remained u n t i l  the d i s s o l u t i o n  of  the d i s t r  ij c t  in  
December, 1912.
The o b j e c t i v e  of  c r e a t i n g  the D i s t r i c t  was to
ensure t h a t  c o l o n i a l  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  was brought  ne a re r
to  the p e o p le .  In  f a c t ,  the D is ttrrii«c t  e f f e c t i v e l y  
superseded the former g a r r i s o n s  set  up a t  O d o -O t in  and 
Akure f o r  e x p e d i t i o n a r y  f o r c e  as w e l l  as p o l i c e  d u t ie s  
designed to overawe l o c a l  p o p u la t i o n s  i n t o  compliance
t h e
w i t h  t r e a t y  terms and guarantee  the p r o t e c t i o n  o f  t r a d e .  7
T h e r e a f t e r ,  the N o r t h - e a s t e r n  D i s t r i c t  was p laced under 
a T r a v e l l i n g  Commissioner s t a t l o n e d  a t  I l e s a  and g ive n
wide m i l i t a r y , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  and j u d i c i a l  powers f o r  the overa765 
—5. The s i t e  i s  behind  B a b a lo la  Memorial Grammar S c h o o l ,  
I l e s a .
6. See Church M is s io n a r y  I n t e l l i q e n c e r , A monthly  J o u r n a l  
C h r i s t i a n  I n f o r m a t i o n ,  V o l .  X X I I ,  New S e r i e s ,  p . 106-108
7. See W.N.M. Geary ,  o p . c i t . . p .5
190 O
o b j e c t i v e  o f  m a i n t a in i n g  law and o r d e r .
In  November, 1899, Major W.R. R e e v e -T u c k e r , the
f i r s t  T r a v e l l i n g  Commissioner f o r  the N o r t h - e a s t e r n
D i s t r i c t ,  a r r i v e d  I l e s a .  On 21st J u n e ,  1900, Captain
Cochrane, the l a s t  'O/C A k u r e ’ , f o r m a l l y  handed over
the detachment a t  Akure to  him. 9 Tu c k e r  had at  h is  
d i s p o s a l  s o l d i e r s  and the p o l i c e  who were to  put down 
any o rg a n is e d  r e s i s t a n c e  in  h i s  b id  to m a in ta in  law and 
o r d e r .  These o f f i c e r s  were p ro v id e d  w ith  r e s i d e n t i a l  
q u a r t e r s  "equipped w i t h  a c l e r k ' s  house, a guard room,
a goal  house, 2 s t ö r e  rooms , a ’ pala v e r '  hut  and 
s e r v a n t s '  q u a r t e r s 10 In the apparatus se t  up
in  1899 p ro v id e d  the weapons w i t h  which the B r i t i s h  
began the s tead y  and s y s te m a t ic  d e s t r u c t i o n  of  the
e r s t w h i l e  autonomy of  the E k i t i  Kingdoms.
8. S . A .  A k i n t o y e ,  op.  c i t . ,  p .  220.
9. W.R. R e e v e -T u c k e r ,  T r a v e l l i n g  Com m lssioners ' T r a v e l  
D i a r y . e n t r y  f o r  21 Ju n e ,  1900.
10. See the Lagos Annual Report  f o r  the y e a r ,  1900 -  
1901, pp» 2 and 17.
191
Presumably to familiarise himself wlth the people
of the district, Major Reeve-Tucker undertook a tour
of the District between December 1899 and 26th February,
1901. According to his diary entries, Reeve-Tucker
visited Aiyede and Agbado on 9th January, 1900, Ijan on
13th January and Ado-Ekiti on 14th January, 1900. He
also visited Igbara-Odo between '31st January and Ist
February, 1900 and on 21st March, 1900 he visited Are 
and Iworoko. 11 In August, 1900, Tucker visited Osir 
Ode and Lasigidi® Early in 1901, he resumed his tour 
by visiting Ilawe, Igede, Iyin, Esure, Iropora, Awo
and Eyio.-12
Tucker's policy during was to- assembla all
the Baale of the neighbouring communitles in some 
metropolitan towns and enforce their Submission to the 
paramount Oba of the area. In fact, on 26th February.21 
11. (N.A.I), N.A.Co Weir, Intelligence Report on Ado 
District, op, eit., para.73-.
12. Ibid., para„ 75.
192
1900, he informed the Colonial Secretary in Lagos that 
he had completed a tour of the North-eastern District 
in accordance with the directive of the Governor adding 
that:
”1 have called in all the tributary villages to
the Capitals of the several Ekiti Kingdoms and 
have placed the Baales securely under their 
kings. The Baales who were endeavouring to 
make themselves independent, a lingering 
remnant of their old wars and disputes, I
,d d l
have effectively placed under their proper 
kings.”.13
What is'more, Reeve-Tucker was very high-handed in
the way he treated these towns and villages. For instance,
he fined the Olosi of Osi a sum of £5 (N10.00) for
refusing to prostrate himself for the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti
on 18th January, 1900. 1443 1 Secondly, despite
13. See (N.A.I.), NAC Weir, Ekiti Div. 1/1/613, The 
broad outlines of the past and present Organisation 
in the Ekiti Division of Ondo Province, (13 Feb.
1934), pp. 62-5 and 1bJ-ibO• “
14. (N.A.I.), N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report on Ado 
District. op. cit, para 73. See also Reeve-Tucker*s 
Travelling Dlary, entries for December, 1899 and 
January, 1900. Reeve Tucker*s Diary.
193
the vehement protest of the people of Ido-Irapa, he • 
informed them that they were under the suzerainty of 
the .ilaayc of Efon.-^
The Travelling Commissioner’s action of assembling 
the Baale of neighbouring communities ln some metropolitan 
town» to enforce Submission to a paramount Oba went a 
long way in destroying the erstwhile autonomy of some of 
the rulers of the communities involved. Unknown to the 
colonial officers, some of the so-called Baale were 
independent heads of their mini-states and to subject
them to Submission to any paramount Oba was very unfair. 16
As will be seen in Chapter Four, the British designated 
some paramount Oba "Native Authorities" who served as
intermediariies between the Colonial Administration and 
the people of the District. Under the new dispensation,
194
what they actually possessed in the pre-colonial era,
This phenomenon dealt a fatal below to the autonomy of
the small states. 17
Similarly, a fine of five pounds (£5) was imposed
on the üni1 an of Ijan while the Owa of Igbara-Odo was
severely reprimanded. *18 19 The Olowa of Igbar«B~Oke, • and the
0lo1udo of Ido, 19 were similarly dealt; «iUu 20 Thiß
action wa3 taken by the Travelling Commissioner with the 
objective of destroying the desire of 'petty chiefdoms’ 
old autonomy with a view to reducing the arduous task 
of coping with the administration of innumerable chief-
domo. The Oba in Ekitiland regarded the Commissioner’s 
action as an evidence that the British Colonial authori- 
ties were the defenders of their rights over their 
old kingdoms and vassals.
17. D(INS.TA.RII.C)T,  ppA.. F3.- 4,B elNl.,Ä .CE.K ITWIe irD,I VI.n1t/e1l/lEiDg.e44n4c,e  TOTTeUpNort on
Akure District, op. cit. , p.5, Captain R.A. Vosper, 
Intelligence Report on ORemesi District. op. cit.r 
26/30169), p.5, N.A.C. Weir, Intelligence Report 
Ikere District, op. cit,. pp.4 & 71. Oba Adagoriola
The Administration of Ikere before the British Rule,' 
op. cit., p.21, A.F. Bell, Intelligence Report on 
Ayede District. the Ata of Ayede to D.O. 8 May,
1934 and the D.O. to Ata of Ayede 8 June 1934 EKITI 
DIV.1/1/233 and F.W. Macrow, ’ Natural Ruler: The 
Yoruba conception of monarchy,’ Nigeria Magazine.
No. 47, 1955, p.24.
18. A. Oguntuyi, A short History of Ado-Eklti, Part II„, 
op. cit., p.8l.
19. This town was renamed Ido-Ajinare in 1946.
195
R e eve-Tucker  a l s o  dispensed j u s t i c e .  Düring  h is
t o u r ,  e a r l y  in  J a n u a r y ,  1900, he p e r s o n a l l y  t r i e d  one
O n ik e ,  a n a t i v e  of  I t a j i ,  f o r  the murder of Oba Am ojojoye,
the O n i ta  j i  o f  I t a j i .  The c u l p r i t  was sentenced to death
and was p e r s o n a l l y  executed on the spot  by Major Reeve- 
T u c k e r .  21 A l s o ,  the Oloye and h i s  C h i e f s  were apprehended 
in  1901 and b ro u gh t  to  Oke-Imo v i r t u a l l y  in  chain s  on the 
a l l e g a t i o n  t h a t  economic t re e s  were f e l l e d  a t  Oye in  
c o n t r a v e n t i o n  of  the F o r e s t r y  O rdinance promulgated in  
December 1898 by A c t i n g  Governor  Denton of Lagos. The 
B r i t i s h  P o l i t i c a l  o f f i c e r s  were of  the o p in io n  t h a t  l o c a l  
c u l t i v a t o r s ,  through t h e i r  s h i f t i n g  c u l t i v a t i o n ,  d e s tro y e d  
economic t re e s  and f o r e s t s .  Thi ey, t h e r e f o r e ,  s t r o v e  to  
p r o t e c t  these economic t re e s  e s p e c i a l l y  those designed
—
20 . ( N . A . I . ) ,  R .A .  Vosper,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on Efon
D i s t r i c t ,  o p . , c i t . ,  ( 1 9 3 4 ) ,  pp. 5 - 7  and 10.
21. ( N . A . I ) ,  N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on I t a j i  
D i s t r i c t . o p . c i t . t p .  7.
5?
196
by the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  as f i r s t  d a s s  t r e e s ,  l i k e
palm t r e e s ,  r u b b e r ,  i r o k o , e t c .  22 I t  i s  v e r y  p e r t i n e n t  to
r e c a l l  t h a t  Governor McCallum in  1897 had proposed the
appointment of  I n s p e c t o r  of  F o r e s ts  f o r  c o n s e rv in g  f o r e s t
produce and t h i s  r e s u l t e d  in  the p ro m u lg a tio n  of the
F o r e s t  O rd in a n c e .  23 The C u l p r i t s  were f in e d  a t o t a l  of  
£25 s t e r l i n g .  A co u p le  of w e e k s - l a t e r ,  the Oloye and h is  
c h i e f s  were b ro u g h t  to  Oke-Imo to  g i v e  evidence  on a 
r e p o r te d  case of  murder in  h i s  domain. Alfchough they  were 
to  be d e ta in e d  pending I n v e s t i g a t i o n  i n t o  the case,
C a p ta in  A .A  B l a i r ,  the Com m issioner, l e f t  them in  d e t e n t io n  
and went on le a v e .  The Oloye and h is  C h ie f s  were o n l y  
re le a s e d  by G . E . H  Humphrey, C a p ta in  B l a i r ' s  s u c c e s s o r ,32 
22. See L .  Lu g a rd ,  The Dual Mandate i n  B r i t i s h  T r o p i c a l
A f r i c a , o p . c i t . ,  p . 2 1 8 .
' ’
23. A f o r e s t r y  Department was c o n s e q u e n t ly  c re a te d  and 
economic t r e e s  were to  be f e l l e d  o n l y  on the issuance 
of a l i c e n c e  g ra n te d  w i t h  the consent o f  the G o v e rn o r .  
The Law s t a r t e d  to  be enforced  in  the N p r t h - e a s t ^ r n  
D i s t r i c t  in  1901. See C.W. Newbury, B r i t i s h  P o l i c y.
towards West A f r i c a : S e le c t  Document 1875 -  1914, 
( O x f o r d ,  1971) ,  pp. 544-5 and L .  Lu g a rd ,  The Dual  
Mandate, op c l t . ,  p .  218 and Lagos Weekly Record;
19th March, 1910, p. 77.
-  197 -
a f t e r  they  had spent a t o t a l  of  ten weeks in  d e t e n t io n
o v e r  an o ffe n c e  they d id  not commit. 24
T h i s  h igh-handedness was not  l i m i t e d  to Tu c k e r  as 
some of  h is  successors  fo l lo w e d  h is  f o o t - p r i n t s .  F o r  
example, in  O c to b e r ,  1901, Ca p ta in  W.G. Ambrose th re a te n e d  
to  deal w i t h  the O l o s i  of  Osi i f  he d i d  not abandor s
Claim t h a t  he was a crowöed head. The O l o s i  was 50
o b l i g e d  to  s e t t l e  a land d is p_ u t e  which he h :h the
O lo ju d o  of  Ido 25 S i m i l a r l y ,  Mr. G . E . H .  Humphrey ©ridered 
the  d e p o r t a t i o n  of  the  Onimesi o f  Imesi and the Olode of  
Öde to  Oyo f o r  r e f u s i n g  to  acknowledge the s u z e r a i n t y  
o f  Oba Adewumi Agunsoye, the then Ewi of  Ado E k i t i .  The
two Oba were banished f o r  and 5 years  r e s p e c t i v e l y  26.
A l s o ,  i n  1906, the Olowa o f  Ig b a r a -O k e  was f i n e d  a sum
of £100 f o r  r e f u s i n g  to acknowledge the supremacy of the
Dej i  of  A k ure .  I t  would be r e c a l l e d  t h a t  f o l l o w i n g  the6542 
24. I b i d . 25th J u n e ,  1910 and 9th J u l y ,  1910 •
25. N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ado D i s t r i c t . 
op. c i t . , p a ra .  76 .
26. I b i d , p a ra .  79
- 198 -
d e fe a t  of  Akure by the Benin in  C.1818 A . D .  , some of
i t s  (A k u re )  v a s s a l  s ta t e s  l i k e  Ig b a ra -O k e  came under the
t u t e l a g e  of Benin u n t i l  the  tu rn  of  the tw e n t i e th
C e n t u r y .  However, when the B r i t i s h  P o l i t i c a l  O f f i c e r s
attempted to b r i n g  Ig b a r a -O k e  back under the s u z e r a i n t y
of  the Dej i  o f  Ak ure ,  the Ig b a ra -O k e  people resen ted  i t .
And i t  took the i m p o s i t i o n  o f  f i n e s  of  £10ß £12 and £20
r e s p e c t i v e l y  on Ig b a ra -O k e  b e f o re  the Qlowa c ould  succumb. 27
Having r e v i v e d  what he c o n sid e re d  to be " th e  a n c ie n t
p u r i t y  o f  the Kingdoms", R e e ve -Tu ck e r  went on to launch
the E k i t i p a r a p o  C o u n c i l  o th e r w is e  c a l l e d  the P e l u p e l u .
The C o u n c i l ,  which was in a u g u ra te d  at  Oke-Imo in  I l e s a
on 2 l s t  Ju n e ,  1900, comprised Oba of  the E k i t i  and I j e s a  
a re a s .  28 The towns i n  E k i t i ^ a n d  whose Oba were re p re se n te d  
at  the m eetin g ,  in  o r d e r  of  precddence,  were as f o l l o w s t - 872 
27. N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Akure D i s t r i c t , 
o p . c i t . . p a ra .  27.
28. See L . C .  Gwam, A P r e l i m i n a r y  I n v e n t o r y , o p . c i t . , p . 4  
and S. A.  A k i n t o y e ,  £ £ .  c i t . , p.  224 «
199
1. Otun
2. Ado
3. Obo
4. I  j e r o
5. Ara
6. Akure
7. Ef on
8. Is e
9. Ido
10. Oye
11. Ogotun
12. I k e r e
13. Okemes: ,
14. I t a j i N
15. Isan
16. A. yed. e 2? 
F o r  a s h o r t  t ime in  1900, R e e ve -Tu ck e r  appeared to have 
regarded I k o l e  as p a r t  of Akoko w i t h  the  r e s u l t  t h a t  the92 
29. See R e e v e -T u c k e r ,  T r a v e l l i n q  J o u r n a l ,  e n t r i e s  f o r  
June 1900 and L . C .  Gwam, 0£ .  c i t . ,  p .  4.
200
E l e k o l e  was not i n v i t e d  to  the f i r s t  meeting of the 
E k i t i p a r a p o  C o u n c i l .  However, the E l e k o l e  was i n v i t e d
to  the second meeting of  the C o u n c i l  held in  August 1900.30
R e e ve -Tu ck e r  used the occasion of  the f i r s t  meeting 
to  r e i t e r a t e  the o l d  p r o c la m a t i o n , i n t i m a t e  the Oba w i t h  
government i n t e n t i o n s  c o n ce rn in g  the encouragement of  
e x p o rt  p r o d u c t io n  and e x p l o i t a t i o n  of  f o r e s t  r e s o u r c e s .
He a ls o  urged them to  p r o v id e  c o n s c r i p t  la b o u r  f o r  
road c o n s t r u c t i o n  in  the d i s t r i c t .  T h u s ,  the  E k i t i ­
parapo Oba conceived  B r i t i s h  p o l i c y  as aimed a t  making 
them p a r t n e r s  in  government. The next Pelu p e lu  was 
h e ld  in  1919 w i t h  the o b j e c t i v e  o f  g e t t i n g  the Oba to 
d is s e m in a te  in f o r m a t io n  on pc 11 tax among t h e i r  s u b j e c t s .
In  the p e r c e p t io n  of the B r i t i s h ,  a l l  the E k i t i  
and I j e s a  communities c o n s t i t u t e d  the E k i t i p a r a p o  upon
which th e y  cou 1 basj<e t h e i r  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  m a ch in e ry .
I l e s a  was r ed as the most im p o rta n t  town of the03 
30. See W.R. R e e v e -T u c k e r ,  T r a v e l l i n q  Com m issioner♦ 
Tra v e l  D i a r y , e n t r y  f o r  21st Ju n e ,  1900.
201 -
O r g a n i s a t i o n  ( E k i t i p a r a p o ) and the Owa i t s  supreme 
o v e r l o r d .  C o n s e q u e n t ly t the headquarters  of  the B r i t i s h  
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  was lo c a te d  a t  I l e s a .  In  the same v e i n ,  
the B r i t i s h  had the assumption th a t  the Pore of  Otun was 
the  head o f  a l l  the E k i t i  Oba. L i t t l e  wonder t h a t  Major 
R e eve-Tucker  c re a te d  a n o n -c o n v e n t i o n a l  o r d e r  of
precedence p l a c i n g  the Pore as - f i r s t ,  f o l lo w,ed bt y the
E l e k o l e , the E w i , the  Pwal*obot e t c . ; t h e  Dej i  of  Akure
was p laced se v e n th .  31 The assumption of  the B r i t i s h  on 
the s t a t u s  of  the Pore of  Ptun stemmed from the f a c t  th a t  
out  of  the th re e  Pba who l i v e d  I m e s i - I p o l e  near the
camp of the E k i t i p a r a p o  army, POor e P k in b a lo y e  was the
o l d e s t  and the o t h e r  E k i t i  Pba namely P y iy o s a y e ,  the
A j e r o  and Pdundun, the P l o ju d o  d e f e r r e d  to him on t h i s  
a c c o u n t . 32213 
D e s p ite  the ze a l  of Major Reeve-Tucker  and h i s  
s u c c e s s o r s ,  the E k i t i p a r a p o  in  so f a r  as the I j e s a  and
31. E n c lo s u re  2, N o . 8 in  B r i t i s h  P a r 1iam entary  Papers .  
Cmd 495 7 •
32. In  f a c t ,  C a p ta in  W.G Ambrose in  h i s  N o r t h - e a s t e r n  
T r a v e l l i n g  Com m issioner ' s D i a r y ,  E n t r y  f o r  20 
November, 1901 r e f e r s  to  t h i s  Oba as "Ore  o f  Otun, 
head of E k i t i  c o n f e d e r a c y " .
2 0 2
E k i t i  were concerned had been d i s i n t e g r a t i n g  s in c e  
s h o r t l y  a f t e r  the peace t r e a t y  of  1893. In  f a c t ,  the
c ircu m s ta n ce s  which brought  the co n fe d e ra cy  t o g e th e r
{
had disappeared w i t h  the r e s t o r a t i o n  o f  peace. The 
s p i r l t  of  the E k i t i p a r a p o  c o u ld  no lo n g e r  be s u s t a ln e d .  
For  example, when the Pore of  Otun c a l l e d  upon members
of  the E k i t i p a r a p o  to a s s i s t  him -in warding o f f the
advance of  the I l o r i n  f o r c e s  in  1096, 33 response came 
o n l y  from E k i t i .  I s a n ,  Ayede, I k o l e  and some o th e r  towns 
ro se  to the occasion by k i l l i n g  o r  e x p e l l i n g  I l o r i n  
Agents amongst th e m ."^  In  o t h e r  p a r t s  of  E k i t i l a n d ,  
f o r c e s  were m o b i l i s e d  to meet the  Otun f o r c e s  which 
had encamped a t  Erinmope a w a i t in g  the a r r i v a l  of  the 
I l o r i n  army. However, o n l y  the Obo c o n t i n g e n t  reached
Erinmope b e f o re  the r o i l i t a r y  encounter  came to an end.543 35
33. S. A .  A k i n t o y e ,  £ £ .  c i t . .  pp. 22 -6  .
34. P . A .  T a l b o t ,  'From the G u l f  of  Guinea to the 
C e n t r a l  S u d a n ' ,  J o u r n a l  of  A f r i c a n  s o c i e t y , No. 
44,  J u l y ,  1912, p .3 1 5 .
35. S. A. A k i n t o y e ,  0£ .  c i t . . p .  226.
- 203 -
A l s o ,  the I j e s a  began to  do c e r t a i n  t h in g s  which
were r e m i n i s c e n t  of  t h e i r  p r e - E k i t i p a r a p o  e x p a n s io n is t  
a m b it io n s  in  E k i t i l a n d .  For i n s t a n c e ,  i t  i s  s a id  th a t  
when Oba Ajimoko I  became the Owa of I l e s a  in  1896, he 
began to  meddle f r e e l y  and u n a b a te d ly  in  the i n t e r n a l
a f f a i r s  of  some E k i t i  kingdoms l i k e  E fo n ,  Ogotu n aind 
A k u re .  36 Indeed,  the Owa acted as i f  Akure was under
h i s  s u z e r a i n t y  by o r d e r i n g  a r r e s t s  of  Akuirr«e c i t:iizens
37
as w e l l  as demanding the payment of  t r i b u t e s  to  him.
The Akure people p ro te s te d  by t e l l i n g  him t h a t  "We have
o f te n  t o l d  you t h a t  our  town has never  once been under
...........................  j u r i s d i c t i o n "  38 The a c t i o n  of  the Owa
arose from the p re -1 8 9 3  campaign among the le a d e rs
of  the E k i t i p a r a p o  s o c i e t y  t h a t  the E k i t i p a r a p o  should8763 
36. I b i d .
37. ( N . A . I . ) ,  P h i l l i p s  1/1, P h i l l i p s  to the Head 
C h i e f  Ogboni of  I l e s a . 31 A u g u s t ,  1895; P h i l l i p s  
to  C a p t .  Hawtayne, 20 S e p t .  1895 and Ben. D i s t .  
3/1/1 '  Akure C h ie f s  to  R o u p e l l . 21 A p r i l ,  1897 •
38. ( N . A . I ) ,  Ben. D i s t . ,  3/1/1'  Akure C h ie f s  to the 
Owa of I l e s a . 24 A p r i l ,  1897.
204
beaome a s i n g l e  p o l i t i c a l  e n t i t y  under the le a d e r s h i p
of  the Owa of I l e s a . 39
The B r i t i s h  a ls o  c a r r i e d  out  some boundary 
d e l i m i t a t i o n  i n  the N o r t h - e a s t e r n  D i s t r i c t .  In f a c t ,
most of  the boundary d e l i m i t a t i o n s  were done w i t h  l i t t l e
o r  no c o g n iza n c e  f o r  the e t h n i c  a f f i n i t i e s and in  some
cases p o l i t i c a l  a l l e g i a n c e .  ±t would be r e c a l l e d  t h a t  
C a p ta in  ( L a t e r  L o r d )  Lugard on b e h a lf  of  the Royal N ig e r  
Company and C a p ta in  Bower r e p r e s e n t i n g  the Yoruba h i n t e r ­
land had c a r r i e d  out  boundary d e l i m i t a t i o n s  in  1894 and 
1898 r e s p e c t i v e l y . T h e  boundaries  agreed upon d u r in g
the two occasions  ran throoug?h the Igbomina Communities 
under the Royal N ig e r  Company as w e l l  as I l a  under the 
Lagos Government . The l i n e  of  demarcation ran through 
the Moba Kingdom thus p l a c i n g  I l o f a ,  Ekan Aye, Ekan E n ik u ,  
I d o f i n ,  H a i e ,  Erinmope, Öko O s i  under the Royal N ig e r 0493 
_______________________________________________________________
39. See S . A .  A k i n t o y e ,  £ £ .  C i t . ,  p .226 .
40. See M. Perham and M. B u l l ,  The D i a r l e s  of  L u g a r d , 
p .2 5 9 ,  ( N . A . I . ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/320 N o r th -S o u t h  
Boundary, p .15 H. B r i d e l ,  I n t e i l l g e n c e  Report on 
Ayede D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .  Ondo P r o v i n c e .
1933, E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/220 A,  pp. 3 2 -3 5 ,  K . V ,  E l p h l n s t o n e . 
G a z e t t e e r o f  I l o r i n  P r o v i n c e , o p . c i t . , p .  8 <■
205
Company. However, Otun and a few of  the o t h e r  Moba 
Kingdoms were placed under Lagos.  Towns l i k e  Obo, Oke 
Ako, Ogbe and E r i n l e  were p laced under the ju r i jg d l ic t io n
of  the Royal N ig e r  Company. A l s o ,  the  K a b b a - E k i t i  bound-  
a r y  ran f i v e  k i lo m e t r e s  North  of  I l e s a  and then Southwards 
along the Western bank of the r i v e r  Ose. Thus the E k i t i
communities of  Omuo, O y i n ,  I r o ,  -A f in ,  Ese, I r u n ,  Ogbagi
and E ru s u ,  which h i t h e r t o  belonged to I kKolee 4' were
grouped w i t h  the Akoko Communities and c o n s t i t u t e d  i n t o
a s u b - d i s t r i c t  of  Kabba D i s t r i c t  42 . Communities west 
o f  r i v e r  Oyinmo namely I k o l e  and Ado were put under the 
Lagos A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  S i m i l a r l y ,  some towns in  the 
Iyagba c o u n t r y  v i z :  O m u - I j e l u ,  Ip a o ,  I r e l e ,  and I t a p a j i
were p la ce d  under I k o l e . 3214 43
41. See. R .D .  Ramage, A c t i n g  S e c r e t a r y T Southern P ro v in c e s  
to  Hon. S e c r e t a r y ,  Northern P ro v in c e s  ( N . A . K ) ' SP. 
10210/36, 28 J u n e ,  1934 and ( N . A * I ) ,  B r i d e l , Ayede 
D i s t r i c t . op . c i t . .  p .35 ( N . A . I . ) ,  H . B r i d e l ,  Ayede 
D i s t r i c t ,  E K I T I  DIV.1/1/220A The E le k o le  Oba '
Adeleye I ,  to D .O .  E k i t i  D i v .  15 J u n e ’ 1934, p .3 2 .
42. See S .A .  A k i n t ö y e ,  0£ .  c i t . ,  p . 3 1 f f .  I t  i s  the 
o p in i o n  of  P r o f .  S . A .  A d e ju y ig b e  th a t  t h i s  type  of 
boundary i s  "super  im posed".  See S .A .  A d e ju y i g b e ,  
' T h e  Re-ad justm ent  of  Super- imposed boundaries  in  
A f r i c a ' ,  A seminar paper presen ted  to the i n s t i t u t e  
of  A f r i c a n  s t u d i e s ,  U n i v e r s i t y  of  I f e ,  I l e - I f e  d u r in g  
the 1973/74 s e s s io n ,  p . 2 .
43.  S. A .  A k i n t ö y e ,  ojd. Ü t . ,  p .  221.
-  206 -
The boundary l i n e s  were not  sa c ro s a n c t  as th e y  were 
s u b j e c t  to  subsequent adjustments  in  1909, 1917 and 
1920. The r e s u l t  was th a t  some communities were p laced 
a t  d i f f e r e n t  times under d i f f e r e n t  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  
d i s t r i c t s .  For  in s t a n c e ,  the 1905 adjustm ent t r a n s f e r r e d  
Ayede to  the P r o t e c t o r a t e  of  N o rth ern  Nigerie  » J u l y
1 9 0 0 .”44 A ls o  in  J u l y  1900, Akur'e was separated *from 
E k i t i  in  the N o r t h - e a s t e r n  D i s t r i c t  and p laced in  the 
E a stern  D i s t r i c t  o f  the Lagos P r o t e c t o r a t e  w i t h  the 
headquarters  a t  Ondo. Akure d i d  not r e t u r n  to  the 
N o r t h - e a s t e r n  D i s t r i c t  ü n t i l  Ja n u a ry  1915.
I t  i s  v e r y  p e r t i n e n t  to öbserve  t h a t  the d e l i m i t a -  
t i o n s  were done w i t h  l i t t l e  o r  no c o n s u l t a t i o n  w i t h  the 
l o c a l  p e o p le .  I t  w ould ,  t h e r e f o r e ,  appear t h a t  the 
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  d e l i m i t a t i o n  in  so f a r  as i t  a f f e c t e d  
E k i t i l a n d  were imposed on the p e o p le .  L i t t l e  wonder t h a t  
the p o l i t i c a l  arrangement ran c o u n te r  to  the h i s t o r i c a l *4 
44.  F o l l o w i n g  O t u n 's  a g i t a t i o n  f o r  S e p a ra t io n  from 
I l o r i n  and merger w i t h  E k i t i ,  the re qu e st  was 
g ra n te d  in  1936. See ( N . A . I ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1 / 2 / E D . 1 4 4 . ,  
A . F .  A b e i l ,  Otun D i s t r i c t .  the Pore and ( N . A . I ) ,
J .  Wann, C o v e r in g  Report  on Otun I n t e l l i g e n c e  
R e p o r t , ( 1 9 3 8 ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1/2/ ED. 144, 0£. c i t . ,
p .  2.
207
and c u l t u r a l  r e l a t i o n s  of  the a f f e c t e d  com m unities.  To
some e x t e n t ,  the anomalies were a c h i l d  of  h i s t o r i c a l
a n te c e d e n ts .  At  the o u t - s e t  of  the B r i t i s h  involvem ent
in  the i n t e r - s t a t e  p o l i t i c s  of Yorubaland up to  1894,
the hegemony of  I l o r i n  was s t i l l  apparent  i n  Moba and
Obo. In  f a c t ,  I l o r i n  s t a t i o n e d  A j e i e  (R e s id e n t s )  in  Otun,
Ayede, I s a n ,  Obo, e t c .  up to  a few- days b e f o re  the
a r r i v a l  of  the d e l i m i t a t i o n  Commissioners. T h i s  might
have in f l u e n c e d  the d e c i s i o n s  to  p la c e  many of  the Moba 
and Obo 46 communities under the Royal N ig e r  Company.
A f t e r  1900, the communities were pliaced under the p r o t e c t o r a t e
of  N o rth e rn  N i g e r i a .  S i m i l a r l y ,  some E k i t i  communities
were p laced under the Roy/a-l  v\N i g e r  Company because some
of them had been conquered a lo n g s id e  some Akoko communities 
by the Nupe between 1869 and the  1890s and in c o r p o r a t e d
47
i n t o  the  Nupe p r o v in c e  w i t h  the head q u a rte rs  a t  Kabba.
45. See K .V .  E l p h i n s t o n e ,  G a z e t t e e r  of  X l o r i n ,  op.  c i t . ,  
p .  19 and M. Perham and M. B u l l ,  op. c l t T T  p p . 259-60
46. Obo i s  now in  Kwara S ta te  of  N i g e r i a .
47. See P . T .  D a v is ,  H i s t o r i c a l  Notes on Kabba, 1960,
p . 6 and E .G .M .  D upighy,  G a z e t t e e r  of  Nupe P r o v i n c e , 
( L o n d . ,  1 9 2 0 ) ,  pp. 15 -  19.
208
A g a in s t  t h i s  background, i t  would appear t h a t ,  in  a 
sense, the Boundary D e l i m i t a t i o n  Commission m erely  c o n -  
f i rm e d  the e x i s t i n g  p o l i t i c a l  arrangement.
Having s a id  t h i s ,  the f a c t  remains th a t  the e x e r c is e  
c o u ld  not be j u s t i f i e d  on account of  the h i s t o r i c a l  and 
e t h n i c  a f f i n i t i e s  of  the v a r i o u s  groups of  people i n v o l v e d .  
F o r  example, i t  would be r e c a l l e d  t h a t  a Benin hegemony 
had been e s t a b l i s h e d  o v e r  some p a r t s  of  E k i t i l a n d  f o r  
many c e n t u r i e s ,  however, the new p o l i t i c a l  d i s p e n s a t io n  
a t  the t u r n  of  the C e n tu ry  put these E k i t i  towns and 
v i l l a g e s  under the Lagos A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  The o b j e c t i v e  
of  the B r i t i s h  was to  d is c o u ra g e  Benin from l a y i n g  Cla im  
to  the D i s t r iic t s  west of  the r i v e r s  ogbese and o fo s u .
In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  the B r i t i s h  had e s t a b l i s h e d  a g a r r i s o n  
a t  Akure in  1897 w i t h  i t s  Commander having j u r i s d l c t i o n  
o v e r  E k i t i  communities up to  the boundary w i t h  I l o r i n  
which was then under the p u rv ie w  of  the Royal N ig e r  
Company. Tn s p i t e  of  t h i s ,  many of  the E k i t i  communities
c o n t in u e d  to pay t r i b u t e s  to  Benin a f t e r  1897* 48
48 ( N . A . I ) ,  Benin D i s t r i c t ,  3/2/1 Akure C h ie fs  to
C a p ta in  R o u p e l l , 0/C o d o -O t i n  15 A p r i l ,  1897.
- 209 -
However, the Lagos Government f i x e d  the boundary
between i t s e l f  and the N i g e r  Coast P r o t e c t o r a t e  ( a f t e r  
1900 the  P r o t e c t o r a t e  of Southern N i g e r i a )  at  the R iv e r  
Ogbese which was h a l f  way between Akure in  the N o r t h -  
e a ste rn  D i s t r i c t  and Owo under B e n in .  AnothVer lo op h o le  i n  the boundary d e l i m i t a t i o n  was th a t  the B r i t i s h  p lacedMoba and Obo in  N o rth ern  N i g e r i a  in s te a d  o f  the N orth  -
e a ste rn  D i s t r i c t  w i t h  the r e s u l t  th a t  the people of  the
two communities were separated from t h e i r  k i t h  and k in
i n  E k i t i l a n d .  T h i s  would have been i n  c o n f o r m i t y  w i th
the p o l i t i c a l  arrangement whereby A k u re ,  I s e  and o th e r
Southern E k i t i  Communities up t o  I k e r e  were p laced in  the
N o r t h - e a s t e r n  D i s t r i c t  on the b a s is  of  e t h n i c i t y .  In the
same v e i n ,  one can S t r e t c h  the argument f u r t h e r  to  say
t h a t  the p l a c i n g  of  eleven I k o l e  Communities, 49 n o t a b l y
Omuo, O y i n ,  I r o  and A f i n  as w e l l  as I r u n  and Ogbagi under
Kabba was an e r r o r  of  judgement on the p a r t  of  the
Boundary D e l i m i t a t i o n  Commission. 50
See ( N . A . I . ) ,  E K I T I  DIVISION 1/1//110A' The E le k o le  
of  I k o l e  to  the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r .  15 J u n e ,  1934 *05 
50. I b i d  •
210
G e n e r a l l y ,  major developments connected w ith  the
B r i t i s h  r e - o r g a n i s a t i o n  of  N i g e r i a  a f f e c t e d  the N o r t h -
e a ste rn  D i s t r i c t .  On I s t  May, 1906, the Colon y  and
P r o t e c t o r a t e  of  Lagos was amalgamated w i t h  the
P r o t e c t o r a t e  of  Southern N i g e r i a  in  accordance w i t h  the
i n s t r u c t i o n s  c o n ta in e d  in  the Southern N i g e r i a  0 r d er*-in -
C o u n c i l  o f  I 6 t h  F e b ru a r y ,  1906. 5• 1 The new/ PXr o t e c t o r a t e
was c o n s t i t u t e d  i n t o  th re e  P ro v in c e s  namely: the C a la b a r
o r  E a s t e r n ,  N i g e r  o r  C e n t r a l  and Lagos o r  Western 
P r o v i n c e s .  52 Each P r o v in c e  was made up of D i v i s i o n s .  
Each P ro v in c e  P r o v i n c i a l
Commissioner o r  Res , o n s i b l e  to the
L i e u t e n a n t -G o v e r n o r  of  the Southern P ro v in c e s  (based at
Lagos from 1915 -  1925 and a t  Enugu from 1926 -  1938 53
f o r  the maintenance of  law and o r d e r  as w e l l  as f o r  the25* 
51. See L Gwam, o j q .  c i t . , p .5  .
52. Before  t h i s  amalgamation, the f o l l o w i n g  o f f i c e r s  
served as T r a v e l l i n g  Commissioners of  the N o r t h -  
E a s te rn  D i s t r i c t :  Major  R e e ve -Tu c k e r  ( O c t .  1899 -  
A p r i l  1 9 0 1 ) ,  Mr. T .  Sydney ( A p r i l  -  J u l y  1901) ,  
C a p ta in  W.G Ambrose ( J u l y  1901 -  O c t .  1902) ,  D r .  
( C a p t a i n )  W .H .G .H .  Best ( O c t .  1902 -  J a n .  1 9 0 3 ) ,  
C a p ta in  W.G. Ambrose (Ju n e  1903 -  J u l y  1904) ,  
C a p ta in  F .  E . Werry ( J u l y  1904 -  Feb. 1905) and 
C a p ta in  W.G. Ambrose (F e b .  1905 -  May 1 9 0 6 ) .  See 
L . C .  Gwan, 0£ .  c i t . , p . 5 .
5 3. See L . C  Gwatn, IbjLd. p . 8 .
211
e f f i c i e n t  ru n n in g  of  the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . The L i e u t e n a n t ­
Governor  was in  t u r n  r e s p o n s i b le  to  the Governor of
N i g e r i a  f o r  the maintenance of  law and o r d e r  as w e l l  as
the e f f i c i e n t  conduct of  a l l  bus in e ss  in  the P r o v i n c e .  54
S i m i l a r l y ,  the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  o f  the D i v i s i o n s  and D i s t r i c t s  
w i t h i n  the P ro v in c e s  were e n t r u s t e d  to  D i v i s i o n a l ,  D i s t r i c t
and A s s i s t a n t  D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r s .  .
In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  the P r o v i n c i a l  Commissioners of  the
Western P ro v in c e  were based in  Lagos bvetwVeen 1906 and 
1914. O f f i c e r s  who s u b s t a n t i v e l y  h e ld  the post were 
Messrs W. Fosbey ( 1 9 0 6 ) ,  F . S .  James (1906 -  1 9 1 0 ) ,  H r ,
H .C .  Moorhouse ( 1 9 1 1 -1 9 1 4 ) ,  A . B .  H a r c o u r t  ( 1 9 0 8 ) ,  HoG.
Moorhouse (1909,  1910, and 1911) ,  G. A .  Bosanquet (1909
■\
and 1911) and D.G. Cameron (1901 and 1911) h e ld  the post
i• n  an a c t i n g  c a p a cUi t y . 55
The N o r t h - e a s t e r n  D i s t r i c t  remained under Lagos w i t h
i t s  h e a d q u a rte rs  s t i l l lo c a te d  a t  Oke-Imo. 
56 With the 
i n t r o d u c t i o n  of the Lu g a rd ia n  System of  i n d i r e c t  r u l e ,  
a ge n e ra l  r e - o r g a n i s a t i o n  of  N i g e r i a  took p l a c e .  In the645 
54. I b i d .
55. I b i d .
56. See S. A .  A k i n t o y e ,  ojd. c i t . , p .  222 .
- 212 -
e x e r c i s e ,  the N o r t h - e a s t e r n  D i s t r i c t  was d i s s o l v e d  c?n
31st December, 1912» S 7 We s h a l l  now tu rn  o u r  a t t e n t i o n  
to  how E k i t i  Kingdoms were c o n s t i t u t e d  i n t o  a D i s t r i c t  
under  C o l o n i a l  r u l e .
The C o n s t i t u t i o n  o f  the E k i t i  Kinqdoms 
i n t o  a D i s t r i c t .under B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n
In J a n u a ry ,  1913, the E k i t i  Kingdoms were c o n s t i t u t e d
i n t o  a separate D i s t r i c t .  In  doing so,  the B r i t i s h
A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  O f f i c e r s  were a p p a r e n t ly  in f lu e n c e d  by
the p r e v a i l i n g  s p i r i t  of  s o l i d a r i t y  which made people
i n  these kingdoms re g a rd  the E k i t i  D i s t r i c t  as the best
e x p re ss io n  of  the  E k i t i  parapo o f  the 19th Century, 53
In  f a c t ,  some of  the B r i t i s h  P o l i t i c a l  O f f i c e r s  l i k e
Mr. O . V .  Lee u s u a l l y  equated ' E k i t l p a r a p o ' w i th  the
' E k i t i  D i s t r i c t '  59 i n  a l l  h i s  re f e re n c e s  d u r in g  his  
te n u re  of Office. C o n s e q u e n t ly , the B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a ­
t i v e  o f f i c e r s  were o f  the o p i n i o n  t h a t  the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  
Problems o f  the seventeen E k i t i  kingdoms could be so lve d  
under the u m b re l la  o f  the s i n g l e  d i s t r i c t  w ith  the*9875 
57. See Church M ls s io n a r y  I n t e l l i g e n c e r .  New s e r i e s ,  
V o l . X X I ,  p p T W S ^ l M T “ ~
58. S . A .  A k in t o y e ,  ojg. c i t . , p .2 3 0 .
59. See O .V .  Lee, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .
Ondo P r o v in c e ,  ( 1 9 4 2 ) ,  p p . 1 -1 4 5 .
213
headquarters at Ado-Ekiti.^®
The cho ice  of  A d o - E k i t i  as the headquarters  was 
d i c t a t e d  by two f a c t o r s .  F i r s t l y ,  i t  occupied a c e n t r a l
l o c a t i o n  in  E k i t i l a n d  and s e c o n d ly ,  i t  was the l a r g e s t  
town in  the whole of  E k i t i l a n d . 6 ^ What i s  more, by 1896, 
the town had become the h eadquarters  of  the Church 
M is s io n a r y  S o c i e t y  ( C . M . & . )  s t a t i o n s  in  E k i t i l a n d .  The 
Emmanuel Church and School had been b u i l t  by the C . M .S .
i n  the town between 1895 and 1896. The o n ly  town which 
c o u ld  have co n te ste d  the l o c a t i o n  of the headquarters  
w i t h  Ado was Otun.  As e a r l i e r  s t a t e d ,  owing to  the r o l e  
which the Pore played in  the K i r i j i  war, Major  Reeve- 
T u c k e r  had regarded the Pore as the le a d e r  of  the E k i t i
Pba.216 62
________
60. I b i d .
61. See Church M is s io n a r y  I n t e l l i q e n c e r .  A monthly
J o u r n a l  o f  C h r i s t i a n  I n f o r m a t i o n ,  V o l .  X X I I ,  New 
s e r i e s ,  p p . 106-108,  ( N . A . I . ) ,  P h i l l i p s  1/1/ 
P h i l l i p s  to  B a y l i s ,  28 F e b r u a r y ,  1895 and S .A .  
A k i n t o y e ,  op,  c i t . , p .2 2 2 .
62. See C a p ta in  W.G. Ambrose N o r t h - e a s t e r n  T r a v e l l i n g  
C o m m i s s i o n e r D i a r y ,  o p . c i t . ,  E n t r y  f o r  20 Nov. 
1901 g i v e s  the t i t l e ' P o r e  of  Otun* head of  the 
E k i t i  Confed eracy.
214 -
However, Otun c ould  not f a v o u r a b ly  compete w i t h  
Ado i n  the l o c a t i o n  of  a h e a d q u a rte r .  The town ( O tu n )  
was s i t u a t e d  at  the extreme N o rth e rn  c o r n e r  of
C O
E k i t i l a n d .  In  f a c t ,  be fore  1913, i t  had been t r a n s f e r ­
red  to  the N o rth ern  N i g e r i a  hence i t  c o u ld  no lo n g e r  v i e  
w i t h  Ado f o r  the l o c a t i o n  o f  the h e a d q u a rte r »  o f  the 
E k i t i  D i s t r i c t .  Mr. G . E . H .  Humphrey was appointed  the 
f i r s t  D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  of  the D i s t r i c t  at  i t s  i n c e p t i o n .  
Before h is  appointm ent,  he had served as the Commissioner 
f o r  the N o r t h - e a s t e m  D i s t r i c t  between June and December,
1910. In  the 1913 p o l i t i c a l  arrangement, I j e s a l a n d  was 
merged w ith  I l a  and I f e  to  form a D i s t r i c t  w i t h  the 
h e a d q u a rte rs  at  I l e - I f e .  The events le a d in g  to  the 
emergence of Ondo P ro v in c e  i s  the s u b je c t  of  o u r  next
d i s c u s s i o n . 436 
&
L < ?  
_____________
63. S .  A. A k in to ye  0£ .  e i t » . p .2 2 2 .
64.  I b i d .
215
The Emergence of Ondo P ro v in c e
On I s t  J a n u a r y ,  1914, the N o rth e rn  and Southern
N i g e r i a  were amalgamated i n t o  the Colony and P r o t e c t o r a t e
o f  N i g e r i a  by Lord F r e d e r i c k  Lu g a rd .  65 T h i s  p o l i t i c a l
development was fo l lo w e d  by a complete r e s h u f f l e  o f  the 
e x i s t i n g  p r o v i n c i a l  arrangements in  Southern N i g e r i a .
In  t h i s  c o n n e c t io n ,  Government N o t i c e  No. 11 ol 1915
c o n ta in e d  in  G a z e tte  , No. 4, Volume 2 of  21 J a n u a r y ,  1915 
p r o v id e d  f o r  the d i v i s i o n  of  the Southern P ro v in c e s  (e st im a te d  
area of 78,600 square m i le s )  i n t o  seven p ro v in c e s  namely 
Abeokuta, Ben in ,  C a l a b a r ,  Ibadan,  I j e b u ,  O w e rr i  and W a r r i ,
By t h i s  n o t i c e ,  E k i t i  and Ondo D i v i s i o n s  were in c lu d e d  in  
I j e b u  P r o v i n c e . ^
. However, by the Government N o t i c e  No. 99 p u b l is h e d  
in  G a ze tte  No. 67, Volume 2 of  23rd December, 1915, the 
I j e b u  and Ibadan P ro v in c e s  were a b o l is h e d  and renamed 
Ondo and Oyo P r o v i n c e s .  The I j e b u  D i v i s i o n  o f  the former 
I j e b u  P r o v in c e  was merged w i t h  the Abeokuta P r o v i n c e .
—
65. See L .  C Gwain, £ £ .  c i t . ,  p .  5 •
66. I b i d .
216
E k i t i  and Ondo D i v i s i o n s  were merged t o g e th e r  to form the
r n
Ondo P r o v i n c e .  A kure,  which was t r a n s f e r r e d  to  E k i t i
in  J a n u a r y ,  1915, was made the headquarters  of  the
PD r o v i• n c e . 68 
In 1917, i n d i r e c t  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  was in tro d u c e d  
i n t o  E k i t i l a n d . 6 9  The seventeen E k i t i  kingdoms were
67. Ondo D i v i s i o n  then in c lu d e d  O k i t i p u p a  which l a t e r  
became a D i v i s i o n  o f  i t s  own f o l l o w i n g  a g i t a t i o n  
f o r  S e p a ra t io n  from the Ondo D i v i s i o n  on 9th 
F e b ru a ry ,  1928. See L . C .  Gwat#, I b i d . , p p . 6 and 8.
68. I b i d . , p . 2 .  See a lso  ( N . A . I . ) ,  N . A . C .  W eir ,  
I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Akure D i s t r l c t r q p . c i t . , 
p a r a .2 6 .  S . A .  A k i n t o y e ,  og. c i t , , p .227 and 
Msgr. A .  O g u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  o f  E k i t i ,  o p . c i t . .
p . 121.
69. See Oba A r o j o j o y e  I I ,  Oba of I j e b u - J e s a ,  I t a n  Kukuru 
fun I j e b u - J e s a «  (Oshogbo, 1959) ,  p p . 6 - 8 ,  S . A .  A k i n t o y e ,  
0£ .  c i t . . p . 231 and ( N . A . I . ) ,  E K I T I  D IV .1/1/6/3  N . A . C .  
W eir ,  The Broad O u t l i n e s  of the past and presen t  
O r g a n i s a t i o n  i n  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  of  Ondo P r o v i n c e . ( 1 9 3 4 ) ,  
p p . 62-5 and 15 3 -6 0 ,  Ä~. O g u n t u y i .  A s h o r t  H i s t o r y  of  
A d o - E k i t i  P a rt  I I .  o p . c i t . . p .83 and 5 .  A .  A k in t o y e ,  
'Obas of  the E k i t i  c o n f e d e ra c y :  t h e i r  changing s ta t u s  
under c o l o n i a l  r u l e  and independence' in  0 .  Ikirne and 
M. Crowder ( e d s ) ,  West A f r i c a n  C h i e f s ,  o p . c i t . , 
p p . 258-260.
217 -
a c c o r d i n g l y  r e c o g n i s e d  b y  t h e  c o l o n i a l  a u t h o r i t i e s  w h o
c o n s t i t u t e d  t h e i r  Oba i n t o  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t i e s .  70 N e v e r -
t h e l e s s ,  the B r i t i s h  at  t h i s  stage d i d  not make any
attem pt to  e s t a b l i s h  an o v e r a l l  a u t h o r i t y  o ver  the
D i v i s i o n .  The D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  s t a t i o n e d  a t  A d o - E k i t i
merely  acted as a co n n e ct in g  l i n k  between the people
and the  B r i t i s h .  71 The S i t u a t i o n  was to change i n  1920
when the B r i t i s h  decided to g i v e‘  the seve7ntfeen D i s t r i c t s
a c o r p o r a t e  e x i s t e n c e .  72 In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  the E k i t i p a r a p o
C o u n c i l  was r e v i v e d  by the B r i t i s h  w i t h  the o b j e c t i v e
of a d m i n i s t e c in g  the e n t i r e  E k i t i l a n d .  73 Our next  d i s c u s s i o n
___________________________________________
70. I b i d .
71. See P . C .  L lo y d 1 Government in  Yoruba Towns
(An A n a ly s i s  of  the r o l e s  of  the Qbas C h ie f s  and
e le c te d  Coouu n c i l l o r s ) ,  (P h lD .  T h e s i s ,  O x fo rd ,  1 9 5 8 ) ,
pp. 3 4 -3 8 .
72. S . A .  A k i n t o y e ,  R e v o lu t io n  and Power P o l i t i c s  in  
Y o ru b a la n d , o p . c i t . . p .  23337 
73. The d e t a i l s  of  t h i s  p o l i c y  w i l l  be d iscussed in  
c h a p te r  F o u r .
218
will centre on how the indirect rule System originated
as w e l l  as the reasons f o r  i t s  adoption  by the B r i t i s h
in  the governance of t h e i r  c o l o n i e s .
The genesis  of  the I n d i r e c t  Rule System 
and reasons f o r  i t s  adoption
A f t e r  e s t a b l i s h i n g  t h e i r  c o n t r o l  over  E k i t i l a n d ,
the B r i t i s h  were faced w i t h  the problem of a d mini n i s t r a t -
i o n .  In  o r d e r  to  s o lv e  t h i s  problem , the B r i t i s h
adopted the p o l i c y  of I n d i r e c t  r u le , 74 Through t h i s
method, the Oba and C h ie f s  co n tin u e d  to a d m i n i s t e r  
t h e i r  r e s p e c t i v e  kingdoms, s u b j e c t  to  the guidance and 
o v e r a l l  a u t h o r i t y  of  B r i t i s h  o f f i c i a l s .
I t  i s  p e r t i n e n t  at  t h i s  j u n c t u r e  to  d e f in e  the term 
' i n d i r e c t  r u l e ' .  A p p a r e n t l y ,  i t  i s  common knowledge t h a t  
p r e c i s e  d e f i n i t i o n s  of  concepts are not always easy 
phenomena to g r a p p le  w i th  in  academic d i s c o u r s e .  T h i s  
i s ,  of  c o u rs e ,  due to the f a c t  t h a t  d e f i n i t i o n s  a r e ,  
more o f t e n  than n o t ,  a f u n c t i o n  of  the i d e o l o g i c a l  and 
o th e r  u n d e rp in n in g  p h i l o s o p h i c a l  p e r s p e c t i v e s  of  s c h o la r s  
engaged in  such d i s c o u r s e .  T h i s  i s  v e r y  germane to the47 
74. The reasons f o r  the a d option  of  the i n d i r e c t  r u l e  
System in  N i g e r i a  in  g e n e ra l  w i l l  be discussed 
p r e s e n t l y .
219
concept of  i n d i r e c t  r u l e  on which s c h o la r s  and 
A d m i n i s t r a t o r s  have expressed d i v e r g e n t  v ie w s .
In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  I  would l i k e  to mention a few of 
such v ie w s .  Donald Cameron sees i n d i r e c t  r u l e  as:
"The System o f  N a t iv e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  g e n e r a l l y  
adopted in  the p r o t e c t o r a t e  of  N i g e r i a  
designed to adapt f o r  the purposes of Lo cal
Government the t r i b a l  i n s t i t u t i o n sj Qwhrich the
N a t iv e  peoples have evo lve d  f o r  themselves,  so
t h a t  the l a t t e r  may develop in  a c o n s t i t u t i o n a l
manner from t h e i r  own p a s t ,  guided and r e t a i n e d
the t r a d i t i o n s  and s a n c t io n s  which they have
i n h e r i t e d ,  moulded o r  m o d if ie d  as they may be
on the a d v ic e  o f  B r i t i s h  O f f i c e r s  and by the
ge n e ra l  c o n t r o l  of  those o f f i c e r s . " 75
To Lord Lu g a rd ,  the concept  of  ' i n d i r e c t  r u l e '  
e n t a i l e d  the f o n n a t io n  of  the A f r i c a n  C h ie f s  i n t o
"an i n t e g r a l  p a r t  of  the m achinery  of  government 
w i t h  w e l l - d e f i n e d  powers and f u n c t i o n s  re c o g n ise d 57 
75. See D.C Cameron, P r i n c i p l e s  of  N a t iv e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  
and t h e i r  a p p l i c a t i o n , (L a g o s , 1934TJ pl TI
220
by government and law not dependent on the
c a p r i c e  of  an E x e c u t i v e  O f f l e e r . " 76
In  f a c t ,  L u g a r d 's  o b j e c t i v e  was to uphold  the a u t h o r i t y
of the r u l e r s  whose domains had come under the B r i t i s h
c o n t r o l  p ro v id e d  they  were ready to  g i v e  t h e i r  maximum
Support to  the B r i t i s h  cause. 77
J F
Mr. ( l a t e r  C h i e f )  Obafemi Awplowo in  1947 w<a s- of  the 
view t h a t  " i n d i r e c t  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  i s  a mere s u b te rfu g e
f o r  the p e t t y  a u to c ra c y  of  B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  
O f f i c e r s .  "78 He contended t h a t  the a d option  of  the 
in dig enous p o l i t i c a l  i n s t i t u t i o n s  of  the people as
________________________W
<76. ( N . A . I . ) ,  F .  D. Lu g a rd ,  P o l i t i c a l  Memoranda.
(L o n d o n >1919),  p .2 9 6 .
77. ( N . A . I . ) ,  F.D. Lu g a rd ,  Annual Report  on N o rth ern  
N i g e r i a  1900-1911. p . 75. L a t e r  events turn ed out  
to  be the r e v e r s e .  The C h i e f s  were not  g iv e n  the 
type  of  Support  envisaged by Lugard as they  became 
dependent on the whims and c a p r i c e s  of  the B r i t i s h  
A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  O f f i c e r s .  D e t a i l s  of  t h i s  w i l l  be 
d iscu sse d  in  subsequent c h a p t e r s .
78. See 0 .  Awolowo, Path to  N i q e r i a n  Freedom. (London, 
Faber and Faber L t d . , 1 9 4 7 ; ,  pT 57.
321
instruments of local government did not derogate from 
the fact that the British Government, through the 
Governor and his subordinate officers, directly ruled 
the country as a whole. While the idea of writing 
an exposition on the concept of indirect rule per se is 
outside the purview of this thesis, I wou 1 ci  like to 
state that the concept as enunciated by Cameron and
Lugard tallied with the objectives of British
Government for the adoption of the policy.
The genesis of the concept of indirect rule can be 
traced to the Roman times. It was used then as an 
expedient of Local Government."^ However, withln the 
context of West Africa, a number of British Officials
had advocated and practised one form of indirect rule 
or the other before Lugard's arrival on the scene. For 
example, the contributions of the nineteenth Century 
British officials like George Maclean, President of 
the Council of the Company Administration in the Go*Jd7 9
79. 0o.f  OImnodsiirneic,t  R’Cu.lSe.  inS alBmroint:i shP reW-eLstu gaArfdriicaan'  Adivn ocOaDUt,e 
No.20, Jan/July, 1980, p.49.
-  222 -
Coast (now Ghana) from 1830 -  1847 and those of George
Taubman G o l d i e  of  the Royal N ig e r  Company can a p t l y  be
described as the early forms of indirect rule System
b e f o re  the L u g a rd ia n  e ra .® ^  In  f a c t ,  i t  has been argued
t h a t  G o ld i e  l a y  the b a s is  f o r  the t h e o r e t i c a l  and moral
arguments which Lugard was l a t e r  to  p o p u l a r i s  e and r e f i n e
i n  h is  P o l i t i c a l  Memoranda and The Dual Mandate. W h a t
i s  more, n o n - A d m i n i s t r a t o r s  l i k e  Mary K i n g s le y  and E .D .
M o re l ,  through t h e i r  w r i t i n g s ,  p u b l i c i s e d  the p r i n c i p l e s
of i n d i r e c t  r u l e  b e f o re  Lugard had the o p p o r t u n i t y  of
p u t t i n g  iib i n t o  p r a c t i c e  in  N o rth e rn  N i g e r i a .  82 Even 
c o ntem porar ies  of Lugard such as W i l l i a m  MacGregor of 
Lagos and Ralph Moor (High  Commissioner) of  Southern 
N i g e r i a  as w e l l  as a number of  D i s t r i c t ' o f f i c e r s  and 
Residents  a c t u a l l y  governed along the p r i n c i p l e s  of2108 
80. I b i d ■ \ , 9 r
81. See d e t a i l s  o f  t h i s  a s s e r t i o n  in  J .  F l i n t ,  S i r  
George G o ld i e  and the Makinq of  N i g e r i a , ( O . U . P . ,  
1 9 6 0 ) ,  pp. 94—5, 254—6 and 258—263.
82. See B. P o t e r ,  C r i t i c s  of  Empire R a d ica l  A t t i t ü d e
to  C o l o n i a l i s m  in  A f r i c a  1894 -  1914. (M a c m il f a n ,
1 9 6 8 ) ,  pp.“ 239-290.  —
223
i n d i r e c t  r u l e  w i t h o u t  a t t r a c t i n g  as much n o t i c e  as 
8 3
Lu g a rd .  In  f a c t ,  the c o u rt s  of  E q u i t y  and Governing
C o u n c i ls  f o rm a l is e d  and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e d  by Ralph Moor
in  h is  enactments ( P r o c la m a t i o n s ) of  1900 and 1901 was
n o th in g  more than an attempt to  r u l e  the r e s p e c t i v e
peoples o f  the P r o t e c t o r a t e  through the C h i e f s . 84
Having t ra ce d  the genesis  o.f the i n d i r e c t  r u l e  
System, i t  i s  of  paramount im portance t  cuss the
reasons f o r  the adoption  o f  t h i s  System of  government. 
F i r s t  and forem ost ,  th e re  was the d e a rth  of  personnel  
to  d e p lo y  f o r  d i r e c t  B r i t i s h  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  A f t e r  the 
conquest of  Northern N i g e r i a , Lugard had w i t h  him o n ly  
a h a ndful  of  B r i t i s h  o f f i c i a l s .  In  f a c t ,  in  May, 1900, 
the B r i t i s h  Government had approved o n l y  42 o f f i c e r s  f o r  
the p r o t e c t o r a t e  n e v e r t h e l e s s , o n l y  31 of  the o f f i c e r s  
had a c t u a l l y  been appointed and sent to N i g e r i a .  T h i s 48* 
__________________
33 . For  d e t a i l s  see T . N .  Tamuno, The E v o l u t i o n  of  the 
N i g e r i a s  S t a t e :  the Southern Phase, 1898 -  1914, 
(Lonaman. 1 9 7 2 ) .  pp. 170-173.  J . C .  Anene, Southern 
N i q e r i a  in  T r a n s i t i o n ,  ( O . U . P .  1966) ,  Chapter  V I I  
and R .B .  J o y c e ,  S i r  W i l l i a m  MacGreqör, ( O . U . P . ,
1 9 7 1 ) ,  Chapters  10 -  13.
84. ( N . A . I ) , C . S . 0 .1 / 1 3 ,  Moor to  E . O .  No. 139, 18 August
1898. See a ls o  0 .  Ik im e ,  N i g e r  D e lta  R i v a l r y , (L o n g -  
man, 1969, 1 9 7 7 ) ,  p .1 9 3 .  D e t a i l s  of t h i s  w i l l  be 
d isc u s se d  l a t e r  in  t h i s  c h a p t e r .
-  224 -
number in c lu d e d  Doctors  and n o n - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  o f f i c e r s
What i s  more, some of  the o f f i c e r s  who had r e p o r te d  f o r
d u ty  were unable  to  perform t h e i r  o f f i c i a l  d u t i e s  owing 
to  i l l - h e a l t h .  8 5 C o n s e q u e n t ly , d i r e c t  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  was
not f e a s i b l e .
S e c o n d ly ,  t h e re  was the problem o f  sh orta ge  of  funds
to pay a l a r g e  number o f  B r i t i s h  o f f i c i a l s  i f  i t  were
$
p o s s i b l e  to im port  them in  the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  of  the
p r o t e c t o r a t e .  T h i r d l y ,  i f  the P r o t e c t o r a t e  were to be
a d m in is te re d  along B r i t i s h  l i n e s ,  such a novel  experiment
would have amounted to  th row in g  overboard  the s o c i a l
and political System of the people with its attendant 
consequences. 86 As a r e s u l t  o f  t h i s ,  n e c e s s i t y  and prudent
............ e r 8 56
85. See 0 .  Ik im e ,  »' The Eis ta b l ish m e n t  of  I n d i r e c t  Rule 
i n  N o rth e rn  N i g e r i a ' ,  T a r i k h , V o l .  3, N o . 3, 1970,
p . 8 .
86. See J . A .  Atanda ' I n d i r e c t  Rule in  Y o ru b a la n d '  in  
T a r i k h , V o l .  3, No. 3, 1970, p .  16.
225
judgement d i c t a t e d  t h a t  i n d i r e c t  r u l e  which was not  o n l y
|
cheap but  c o u ld  a ls o  cause minimum d l s r u p t i o n  to  the
p e o p l e 's  way of l i f e  should be adopted.  8 7 A l s o ,  th e re  
was a s t ro n g  campaign in  B r i t a i n  in  the 1890s t h a t  i n d i r e c t  
r u l e  should be adopted in  the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  of  the newly
a c q u ire d  t e r r i t o r i e s  in  A f r i c a .  I t  was CaptaJ Ln> 3(1 a t e r  
L o r d )  Lugard who had spearheaded the campaign by P u b l i s h ­
ing h i s  book t i t l e d ,  The Rlse of  Our East A f r i c a n  E m p ire . 
Th ro u gh o u t  the two volumes of the book, Lugard advocated 
the method o f  i n d i r e c t  r u l e  in  the i n t e r n a l  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  
of  the t e r r i t o r i e s .  For  i n s t a n c e ,  w i t h  re g a rd  to  Uganda, 
Lugard w r o t e :  " . . . .  in  my o p in i o n  the  o b j e c t  to  be aimed 
at  in  the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  of  t h i s  c o u n t r y  i s  to  r u l e  
through i t s  own e x e c u t i v e  government. The people are 
s i n g u l ä r  i n t e l l i g e n t  and have a w onderful  a p p r e c i a t i o n  
o f  J u s t i c e  and of l e g a l  precedure  and our aim should be
to educate and develop t h i s  sense o f  j u s t i c e . I n  sum ,
■ 87
87. J .  A. Atanda,  The New Oyo E m p ire , o p . c i t . ,  p .  86 .
88. See F . D .  Lu g a rd ,  The Rise of  Our East A f r i c a n  
E m p i r e , V o l .  II, (Lo n d o n , Blackwood, 1893), 
p. 649.
2 2 6
Lugard advocated that local administration should be 
run through the indigenous political System, though 
which may be modified later in the light of the prevailing 
circumstances. Lugard's morale was boosted by the Support 
which he received in Parliament from Lord Stanmore who 
had himself experimented with some sort of indirect rule 
when he was Governor of Fiji. In the sam n, the
British Press popularised Lugard''s idea by the extensive 
review which was given to his book.^ Apart from this, 
Lugard received massive support from some British officials
who had served in India, where Britain had practised some
form of indirect rule. 90 Moreover, the local press played 
a significant role through its advocacy of a System of 
government which was tantamount to the indirect rule 
System. The most voice ferous of them was the "Lagos 
Weekly Record" which published a number of articles 
between 1896 and 1897 urging British officials to adopt 
indirect rule on the areas which they had acquired in 890
89i.. M.. Perham, Lugard: The Years of Adventure 1858-1898, 
(London, Coliins, I960), pp. 371-2
90. J. A. Atanda, The New Oyo Empire, op>. cit. , p.87 „
227
the h i 'n te r la n d  of the Lagos c o lo n y  ( i . e .  Y o r u b a l a n d ) .
Some of  the le a d in g  a r t i c l e s  p u b l is h e d  by them i n c lu d e d  
' N a t i v e  I n s t i t u t i o n s '  (21 March 1 8 9 6 ) ,  'H e r  M a j e s t y 's  
Government and ' N a t i v e  I n s t i t u t i o n '  (1 6 /5 / 1 8 9 6 ) ,  ' T h e  
A b o r i g i n a l  N a t iv e  in  B r i t i s h  C ro w n ' C ö l o n i e s ' (2 4 / 1 0 / 1 8 9 6 ) ,  
'Her  M a j e s t y 's  Government' and the ' P r o t e c t ö r a t e  of  
N a t iv e  S ta te s  in  West A f r i c a '  ( 1 6 / 1 / 1 8 9 7 ) .^ ^  The paper 
contended t h a t  the B r i t i s h  should make use of the 
in d ig enous  i n s t i t u t i o n s  r a t h e r  than impose a f o r e i g n  
System on the p e o p le ,  a phenomenon which might  be
d i s a s t r o u s . 92 C r 912 
F u rth e rm o re ,  w i t h  p a r t i c u l a r  r e f e r e n c e  to Y o rubaland,  
the B r i t i s h  adopted the i n d i r e c t  r u l e  System as a way 
of  n o r m a l i s i n g  s t r a i n e d  r e l a t i o n s  between the B r i t i s h  
O f f i c i a l s  and a number of Yoruba Oba and C h i e f s .  I t  
would be r e c a l l e d  t h a t  some p o l i t i c a l  o f f i c e r s  were 
h ig h -hand ed in  the way they had d e a l t  w ith  some Oba 
and C h i e f s .  Examples of  such i n c i d e n t s  were the C a p t a i n  
Bower's  d e a l i n g s  w i t h  the A l a a f i n  of  Oyo as w e l l  as
91. I b i d . , p. 88.
92. I b i d .
2 2 8
Major R eeve-Tucker  who d e a l t  r u t h l e s s l y  w l t h  some Oba 
and C h i e f s  in  E k i t i l a n d  in  an attempt to  s u b je c t  them 
to  the c o n t r o l  of  some Oba who he con sid e re d  as para~ 
mount in  the are a .
In  the m idst  of  the fo r e g o in g  campaigns in  B r i t a i n  
and Lagos,  Major Henry E . .M c C a l lu m , who was reputed to
/ V
have i n i t i a t e d  the p o l i c y  of  i n d i r e c t  r u l e  in  Y o ru b a la n d ,
was appointed Governor of  Lagos Colon y  in  A p r i l ,  1897
At
in  succession to S i r  G . T .  C a r t e r y t h e  time of  t h i s
appointm ent,  McCallum had a l r e a d y  b e l i e v e d  in  the p r i n c i p l e
of i n d i r e c t  r u l e  p a r t l y  owing to  h is  personal  e xp e rie n ce
in  A s ia  and p a r t l y  due to  the in te n s e  campaign going
on in  r e s p e c t  of  the adoption of  the i n d i r e c t  r u l e
System by v a r i o u s  p re ss u re  groups a t  the t im e .  93 Thus 
McCallum in a u g u ra te d  the i n d i r e c t  r u l e  System in  Y o ru b a -  
land d u r in g  h i s  te n u re  of  O f f i c e .  McCallum d id  t h i s  
by e s t a b l i s h i n g  C o u n c i ls  of  C h i e f s  p re s id e d  over  by the 
R e s i d e n t .  The arrangement was coterminous w i t h  the 
c o n c i l i a r  System, a phenomenon t h a t  was not  new at  the 
time in  Y o ru b a la n d .  However, McCallum's  C o u n c i l  of  C h ie f s
93. See T . N .  Tamuno, The E v o l u t i o n  of  the N i g e r i a n  
S1t9aTt efT« :T ^ThSe) , SPou."th1e7rön.  Phase- 1898-1914, (Longman, 
329 -
d i f f e r e d  from the C o n c i l i a r  System i n  th a t  the number
of C h ie f s  s i t t i n g  i n  the new C o u n c i l  was o fte n  le ss
than those who sat  on the  t r a d i t i o n a l  c o u n c i l s .  94 I t
must be s tre s s e d  a t  t h i s  j u n c t u r e  t h a t  by making the
Resident  the head o f  the C o u n c i l ,  a new era in  the
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  of  Yorubaland was u n f o l d i n g .  Indeed,  i t
was a d ra m a tic  change from the s ta tu s  quo. However,
P r o f .  Atanda has put forward  the v iew  th a t  the Resident
was made the P r e s id e n t  o f  each o f  the C o u n c i ls  o ut  of
the b e l i e f  t h a t  a seat i n  the C o u n c i l  would g i v e  him
the ö p p o r t u n i t y  of  g i v i n g  e f f e c t i v e  guidance and
s u p e r v i s i o n  to  the C h i e f s  in  the task of  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
Under t h i s  d i s p e n s a t i o n , the f i r s t  c o u n c i l  to  be
e s t a b l i s h e d  was the Ibadan C o u n c i l  in  August 1897. 96
T h i s  was fo l lo w e d  by the the Oyo C o u n c i l  e s t a b l i s h e d  in  
J u l y ,  18989.  7 As e a r l i e r  s t a t e d ,  the E k i t i p a r a p o  C o u n c i l76549 
94. I b i d .
95. See J . A .  Atanda,  The New Oyo E m p ire , o p . c i t . , p .90
96. ( N . A . I . ) ,  Ibadan P r o f .  3/6. R e s i d e n t e  T r a v e l l i n q  
J o u r n a l .  1897-1899, e n t r y  f o r  5 A u g u s t ,  1897. See 
a ls o  Lagos Annual Report 1899. p . 78 op. c i t . .
( i . e . l  I b .  R r o f .  3/6 e n t r i e s  of  28 &T29 J u l y ,  1898.
97. I b i d .  .
230
was e s t a b l i s h e d  i n  1900 98 T h i s  was done o u t  of  the
r e a l i s a t i o n  t h a t  i t  was c o n t r a r y  to  the 1886 t r e a t y  and 
owing to long d i s t a n c e  t h a t  r u l e s  made by the Ibadan 
C o u n c i l  c ould  not be e f f e c t i v e  i n  E k i t i l a n d  and I j e s a  
a re a .  In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  Major W.R. R e e v e -T u c k e r , the
f i r s t  T r a v e l l i n g  Commissioner of  N o r t h - E a s t e r nO D-ri s t r i c t ,
was the P r e s id e n t  of  the Counci . l . 99
In  t h e o r y ,  Major  R e e ve -Tu c k e r  and h i s  c o u n c i l  were 
r e s p o n s i b le  to  the R esident  a t  Ibadan b u t ,  in  p r a c t i c e ,
both were v i r t u a l l y  independent of  the Ibadan R e s i d e n t . 100
The f u n c t i o n s  performed by a l l  the c o u n c i l s  enumerated 
above were s i m i l a r ;  they were l e g i s l a t i v e ,  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  
and j u d i c i a l .  In  the l e g i s l a t i v e  a s p e c t ,  the C o u n c i l  
made r u l e s  on a wide ränge of  s u b j e c t s :  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
98. See Lagos Annual Report  1 9 00-1901, Report  on the 
E a stern  D i s t r i c t  by W.G. Ambrose, T r a v e l l i n g  
Commissioner, pp. 1 2 -1 3 .
99. J .  A. Atanda,  The New Oyo E m p ire , o£. c i t . , p.  9 1 .
1.0.0..  ...I b.i d . ,  .p.p .  „9„1  -  c92.
S J
231
o f  j u s t i c e ,  road making, t r a d e ,  a g r i c u l t u r e ,  s a n i t a t i o n ,  
e t c .  Members o f  the C o u n c i l  were a ls o  charged w i t h  the 
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  o f  e n f o r c i n g  these r u l e s . 1 0 1  The h i s t o r i c a l  
p e r s p e c t i v e  of  the N a t iv e  C o u r ts  System and i t s  a p p l i c a -
t i o n  to E k i t i l a n d  i s  the s u b j e c t  of  our next d i s c u s s i o n .
N a t iv e  C o u rts  System: H i s t o r i c a l  OverView 
and A p p l i c a t i o n ..to " E k i t i l a n d
l-eading scholars of N i g e r l a n  history writing on the 
e v o l u t i o n  o f  the B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  c o n t r o l  o f  Southern 
N i g e r i a  have d e a l t  e x h a u s t i v e l y  w i t h  the o r i g i n s  o f  the 
N a t i v e  courts S y s t e m . The o r i g i n s  of  these courts have
been t ra c e d  to  the C o u r ts  o f  E q u i t y ,  the Govern ing  C o u n c i l s
and the N a t iv e  C o u n c i l s . The C o u rts  of  E q u i t y  were 
e s t a b l i s h e d  to m a in ta in  law and o r d e r  among the t r a d i n g  
communities (b o th  Europeans and A f r i c a n s )  of  the O i l  R iv e r s  
and in  the N ig e r  D e lta  in  the p e r io d  o f  c o n s u l a r  j u r i s d i c ­
t i o n  a f t e r  1854. /  >• f .
By an O r d e r - i n - c o u n c i l  of  1872, these c o u r t s  were 
b ro u g h t  under c o n s u l a r  c o n t r o l .  The c o u r t s  o f  E q u i t y  
c o n t in u e d  t i l i  the formal  d e c l a r a t i o n  o f  a P r o t e c t o r a t e  
o v e r  the O i l  R iv e rs  in  1885. These C o u rts  were succeeded201 
101. See d e t a i l s  of the f u n c t i o n s  of  these C o u n c i l s  in  Lagos 
Annual Report  1899, Appendices C&O, p p . 8 0 -8 4 .
102. See A . E .  A f i g b o ,  The Warrant C h i e f s  i n  Sou th e a ste rn  N ig e ­
r i a ,  (Longman, 1972) ,  C h a p te rs  2 " and 3 . ,  0 . Ik im e ,  N i g e r  
D elta  R i v a l r y , (Longman, 1 9 6 9 ) ,  p p . 168-219,  J . C .  Anene, 
Southern N i g e r i a  in  T r a n s i t i o n  1885-1906, ( 0 . U oPc, 1966) ,  
p .2 5 2 ,  T . N .  Tamuno, The E v o l u t i o n  of  the N i q e r i a n  S ta t e ,  
o p . c l t « , pp. 159 and 169—1'/2, 0» Adewoye, The J u d f c l a l  
System in  Southern N i g e r i a  1854-1954: Law and J u s t i ce in  
a Dependency. (London, Longman Group Ltd  1 9 7 7 ) , p p . 40 -41  
and P . A .  I g b a f e ,  Benin under  B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t io n ?  The 
Impact of  C o l o n i a l  Rule on an A f r i c a n  Kinqdom, 18977 
1938, (London, Longman Group L t d ,  1979) ,  pp»181-19Öo
-  232 -
by Governing C o u n c i ls  e s t a b l i s h e d  by Consul  H.H J o h n s t o n .
A l s o ,  a f t e r  the appointment of Claude Macdonald as 
Commissioner and C o n s u l -G e n e ra l  of  the N ig e r  Coast 
P r o t e c t o r a t e  in  1891, N a t iv e  C o u rts  and Minor C o urts  
were i n a u g u ra t e d .  While  the former were p re s id e d  ove r  by
the C o n s u l -G e n e ra l  h i m s e l f ,  the l a t t e r  were he; aded 1by the 
D i s t r i c t  Commissioners. These were l a t e r  r e f e r r e d  to  as 
N a t iv e  C o u r t s .
S i r  Ralph Moor, the B r i t i s h  High Commissioner,
C o u rts  105
P 'rom ulgated the N a t i v e  P r o c l a m a t i o n , 1900. By t h e i r
n a t u r e ,  v a r i e t y  and f u n c t i o n s ,  N a t iv e  C o u rts  were p a r t  of
the process of  the c o n s o l i d a t i o n  o f  B r i t i s h  r u l e  whose
p r i n c i p a l  i n g r e d i e n t s  were p a t r o l s ,  e s c o r ts  and m i l i t a r y
O p
e x p e d i t i o n s .  They were a ls o  regarded as the l o c a l  
e x e c u t i v e  arm of the c e n t r a l  government.
103. P . A .  I g b a f e ,  ojp. c_it . , p .  181.
104. I b i d . and A .  E. A f i g b o ,  ojd. c i t . , p.  42.
105. P.  A. I g b a f e ,  0£ .  c i t . t p . 182 .
233
I t  has been argued th a t  N a t i v e  C o u rts  P ro c la m a tio n  
and the subsequent one in  1901 m erely  l e g a l i s e d  tho 
e x i s t i n g  i n s t i t u t i o n s  which had e x i s t e d  s in c e  the 
Europeans f i r s t  began to b u i l d  ' f a c t o r i e s '  on Xand along 
the N ig e r  D e l t a .  Th e re  arose the need to have a n o th c r  
a u t h o r i t y  a p a r t  from the t r a d i t i o n a l  p o l i t i c a l  a u t h o r l i y  
to  s e t t l e  d i s p u t e s  not o n l y  among the N ig e r i a n  peoples  buc 
a lso  between them and the t r a d e r s .  Th u s ,  the 'C o u r t s  of  
E q uity*  and l a t e r  'G o v e rn in g  C o u n c i l s '  were e s t a b l i s h c d ,
By 1896, new C o u r ts  c o m p r is in g  N i g e r i a n  people s i t t i n g  
as judges  were e s t a b l i s h e d .  The c o u r t s  were to  a d m i n i s t e r
S S '
' n a t i v e '  law and customs not  opposed to n a t u r a l  m o r a l i i y  
and hu m a n ity '  and new lawa o r  m o d i f i c a t i o n s  of  o l d  laws 
s a n ct io n e d  by the government. The c o u rt s  had j u r i s d i c t i o n  
o v e r  such c r i m i n a l  and c i v i l  cases to which n a t i v e  law
10
a p p l i e d  and i n  which the a f f e c t e d  p a r t i e s  were n a t i v e s .  
N e v e r t h e l e s s ,  the c o u r t s  c o u ld  t r y  n o n - n a t i v e s  w i t h  t h e i r  
consent -  c la u s e  X I I  o f  the 1901 P ro c la m a tio n  quoted 
below rendered i l l e g a l  the j u d i c i a l  powers which the 
v i l l a g e  c o u n c i l s  as w e l l  as the v a r i o u s  a ge -g ra d e s  were 
accustomed t o : 601 
106. See J . A .  Atanda,  The New Oyo Empire,  o p . c i t . . 
p .9 3  and A . E .  A f i g b o ,  ojd. c i t . . p . 8 l .
234
"where a N a t iv e  C o u rt  i s  e s t a b l i s h e d  in  any
c r i m i n a l
d i s t r i c t  the c i v i l  and j u r i s d i c t i o n
o f  such c o u rt  s h a l l  as re sp e c t  n a t i v e s  be 
e x c l u s i v e  of  a l l  o th e r  n a t i v e  j u r i s d i c t i o n s .  
Such d i s t r i c t s ,  and no j u r i s d i c t i o n  s h a l l  be 
e x e r c is e d  in  such d i s t r i c t  by any o th e; r  n a t i v e
a u t h o r i t y  w h a ts oe v e r ,107.n .
A l s o ,  the c la u s e  rendered i l l e g a„l Jthe, e x e c u t iv e  
powers of  t r a d i t i o n a l  i n s t i t u t i o n s .  In  f a c t ,  t h i s  
P r o v i s i o n  rendered the new System unpopulär  among the 
N i g e r i a n  peoples in  g e n e r a l .  However, in  1903, the 
N a t i v e  C o u rts  Amendment P ro c la m a tio n  (No. 17 of 1903) 
was made. By t h i s  P r o c la m a t io n ,  the D i s t r i c t  Commissioner
became a member of  a l l  N a t i v e  C o u rts  i n  h is  D i s t r i c t . 108
Essentially, the Native Courts System was closely
linked with the policy of Native Administration.98701 109
107. See C a l .  P r o f .  10/2 V o l .  I  N a t i v e  C o u rts  P ro c la m a tio n  
1900, Clause X I I .
108. C . O .  588/1 The N a t i v e  C o u rts  Amendment P ro c la m a tio n  
(No.  17 of  1 9 0 3 ) ,  C lause 3«
109. See P.A I g b a f e ,  ojd. c i t . , p .  183 .
235
As argued ex post  f a c t o  in  F e b ru a r y ,  1940 by E.G 
Hawkesworth, S e c r e t a r y  to the Western P r o v in c e s ,  the 
o b j e c t  of  the N a t iv e  C ourt  was " t o  extend to  the j u d i c i a l  
sphere th a t  p o l i c y  of  s e i f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n  which g e n e r a l l y
guides our administration always provided that 
results are not contrary to British equity. It is 
desired to retain in the judicial System African 
traditional law and custom and yet to permit that the 
System to be changed to suit modern conditions by 
modification and introduct:ion,, if nrecessary of some
Western e le m e n ts " . 110 T h i s  idei av of  e s t a b l i s h i n g  t r i b u n a l s  
f o r  the maintenance of customary law th a t  needed guidance
and modifications alor ;stern lines was first expounded
by S i r  F r e d e r i c k  Lugard in  h i s  memorandum o f  1917 on
the N a t i v e  C o u r t s ,  which was an e x p o s i t i o n  of the p o l i c y
111
behind the N a t i v e  C o u rts  O rd in a n ce  of 1914.01 
110. (N. A. I . ) ,  C .S .O.  26: 36592, p. 22.
111. Ibid.
236
A p p a r e n t l y ,  the fo r e g o in g  o b j e c t i v e  of  the N a t i v e  
C o u rts  System contained w i t h i n  i t  c e r t a i n  elements of 
c o n t r a d i c t i o n . I f  A f r i c a n  t r a d i t i o n a l  law and custom 
were to  be r e t a i n e d  in  the N a t iv e  C o u r t s ,  and i f  the 
elements of  Western law were to  be in fu se d  i n t o  these
c o u r t s  as the B r i t i s h  o f f i c e r s  thought
t h e r e  was the danger of  the  i m p o s i t i o n  of  an a l i e n
j u d i c i a l  System on the in d ig e n o us  set Could the
t r a d i t i o n a l  law and Western law be i n t e g r a t e d  on a 
b a s is  o f  p a r i t y ?  Could the two Systems b lend i n t o  a 
harmonious whole w i t h o u t  t r a d i t i o n a l  p r a c t i c e s  being
thrown o verboard  o r  r e l e g a t e d  to the background? To
impose fox®Agn a . . _ judicial System outright .was co n sid e re d
by the B r i t i s h  to  be a r e v o l u t i o n a r y  approach to the
Problems of  the judicial administration of the in d ig e n o us
s o c i e t y .  Hence the  need to encourage the e v o l u t i o n  of
indigenous judicial Organisation along the lines dictated 
by the changing conditions under an alien rule. In
o r d e r  to  a c h ie v e  the o b j e c t i v e  s ta te d  by Hawkesworth ,
1 1 2 .  I b i d .
237
the B r i t i s h  r e s o r t e d  to a p o l i c y  of b i e n d i n g  the
N a t i v e  C o u rt  and the Supreme C o u r t  Systems in  the
p e r io d  b e fo re  1914. 113 The N a t i v e  C o u rts  viere made up 
of those European p o l i t i c a l  o f f i c e r s  who were e x - o f f i c i o  
members of  the c o u r t s .  The P r o v i n c i a l  Commissioner of 
the P r o v i n c e ,  the D i s t r i c t  Commissioner and the A s s i s t a n t  
D i s t r i c t  Commissioners were members of  tt Na t i v e
C o u r t s .  In  a d d i t i o n ,  A f r i c a n  members were appointed by
the G.  overnor und. er w a rra n t.  as mem. bersV o f   the  C-  o u r t . 114
These A f r i c a n  members of  the N a t i v e  C o urts  whose member-
s h i p  depended on the g r a n t  of  j u d i c i a l  w a rra n ts  became
/ V  115
known as Warrant C h i e f s  i n  E a stern  N i g e r i a .  They were
not s e le c t e d  on any t r a d i t i o n a l  b a s is  and many o f  them
were those who by in d ig e n o us  custom c o u ld  not e x e r c i s e
any j u d i c i a l  powers. The p r im a ry  d e te rm in in g  f a c t o r  in
the g r a n t  of w a rra n ts  was l o c a l  v i l l a g e  i n f l u e n c e . 116
------------------------------------------------------*----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
113. I b i d .
k. A . B .  486/1914 » Supplement to E x t r a o r d i n a r y  1 1 4 -  A z e t t e  of  6 March, 1933, Governor  Cameron' s AAd d re ss ,  p . 20.51 
115. I b i d .
116. Ibid.
238
In  t h e i r  j u d i c i a l  f u n c t i o n s ,  the N a t iv e  Courts  
were s u b j e c t  to  the s u p e r v i s i o n  o f ,  and i n s t r u c t i o n s  from, 
the Supreme C o u r t ,  In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  they  subm itted 
monthly  l i s t s  of  cases to  the C h i e f  J u s t i c e  or  a Puisne 
Jud g e ,  which operated as a p p e a ls .  In  a d d i t i o n  to  t h i s ,  
th e re  was always the r i g h t  to  formal  appeal from the
N a t i v e  c o u r t s  to  the Supreme C o u r t ,  A l - t,e Supreme
C o u rt  Judges had powers to  t r a n s f e r  cases from one
N a t i v e  C o u rt  to  another  o r  from a D i s t r i c t  C om m issioner1s
C o u rt  to  the Supreme C o u r t , 117
The N a t i v e  C o u rts  were charged w i t h  the f o l l o w i n g  
responsibiliticBi They were e n t r u s t e d  w i t h  some 
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  and e x e c u t i v e  powers c o v e r i n g  a wide 
ränge of  s u b j e c t s ,  They c ould  make r u l e s  f o r  good o r d e r ,  
peace and w e l f a r e  o f  the i n h a b i t a n t s  w i t h i n  t h e i r  areas
of j u r i s dI i c t i o/n*;  Vp r o v id e  f o r  b e t t e r  s a n i t a t i o n  of  towns 
and v i l l a g e s .  118 The C o u rts  made r u l e s  on such s u b je c t s
11L77. E . A . ,  486/1914 Memorandum of the N a t iv e  C o urts  
by H .O . W r ig h t  dated 14 March, 1914.
118. Ibid.
239
as village t a x ,  road c l e a n i n g ,  f o r e s t  r o y a l t i e s ,  the 
ta p p in g  of  f o r e s t  products  l i k e  r u b b e r ,  and the f e l l i n g  
o f  o i l  palm t r e e s .  Most of  these r u l e s  o r i g i n a t e d  in  
v a r i o u s  c o u r t s  but viere adopted by o t h e r s ,  p o s s i b l y  
through the i n f l u e n c e  of A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  o f f i c e r s ,  who 
i n v a r i a b l y  signed them. However, these r u l e s  viere
made s u b j e c t  to the a p p ro va l  of  the Hi mmissioner o r
i9 h  c °
the G o v e r n o r - i n - c o u n c i l .  119 In  e x e r c i s i n g  t h e i r
l e g i s l a t i v e  f u n c t i o n s ,  the N a t i v e  C o u rts  passed b y e - la w s  
and made r u l e s  f o r  the government of  the areas of t h e i r  
j u r i s d i c t i o n .  In  t h e i r  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  c a p a c i t y ,  they
p r o v id e d  the l o c a l  c e n t r  es of  c o n t a c t  between the 
B r i t i s h  p o l i t i c a l  o f f i c e r s  and the c i t i z e n r y .  The 
European o f f i c e r s  p re s id e d  a t  N a t i v e  C o u rts  m eetm gs 
and whenever th e y  were a b se n t ,  the v i c e - p r e s i d e n t s  of 
the c o u r t s ,  who were appointed in  r o t a t i o n  and f o r
l i m i t e d  p eOr i o- d s ,  p r e s i d e d .0291* 120
—
119. I b i d .
120. I b i d .
240
The C o u rts  kept a f a i r l y  e l a b o r a t e  w r i t t e n  re c o rd s
hence C l e r k s  viere appointed to be in Charge of these
r e c o r d s .  The C le r k s  not o n l y  served as a l i n k  bfetween
the B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  o f f i c e r s  and the A f r i c a n
members of  the C o u rt  but a ls o  between the B r i t i s h  o f f i c e r s
and the i n h a b i t a n t s  of v i l l a g e s  in  the N a t i v e  C o urts
areas on the o t h e r .  The d u t i e s  of  the  C le r k s  were to
r e c e i v e  co m p la in ts  from members of  the  p u b l i c  seeking
r e d re s s  from c o u rt s  over  c e r t a i n  g r i e v a n c e s ;  sending
o u t  messengers on o f f i c i a l  d u t i e s  and issuance of 
summons. 121 C o n s e q u e n t ly , they assumed g r e a t e r  i n f l u e n c e  
i n  the s o c i e t y  which enabled them to  undermine the
i n f l u e n c e  of  the C o u rt  Wmembers. What i s  more, the f a c t  
t h a t  the c o u r t  C le r k s  were l i t e r a t e  v i s - a - v i s  the c o u rt  
members who were m o st ly  i l l i t e r a t e ,  propped up t h e i r  
p r e s t i g e  even b e f o re  them ( c o u r t  members).  The c o u r t
c l e r k s  abused t h e i r  p o s i t i o n  by engaging in  m a l p r a c t i c e s . 21 122
121. I n t e r v i e w  Pa J . A  A ro k o d a re ,  82, a r e t i r e d  C o u rt  
C l e r k ,  at  I j e r o - E k i t i ,  on 22nd J a n u a r y ,  1988.
122. I n t e r v i e w ,  Pa J . A .  A ro k o d a re .
- 241 -
The B r i t i s h  c o n t r o l  of  the N a t i v e  C o u rts  was e x e rc is e d
through the p r e s id e n c y  of  European o f f i c e r s  and t h e i r
s u p e r v i s i o n  o f  N a t i v e  C o u r t s .  S t a t u t o r i l y ,  the
N a t i v e  C o urts  P roc lam ation  made the D i s t r i c t  Commissioner
the e x - o f f i c i o  P r e s id e n t  o f  a l l  N a t i v e  C o u rts  in  h i s  
D i s t r i c t .  123 In  t h i s  c o n n e c t io n ,  the P re s id e n c y  of  the 
European O f f i c e r s  was a s e r i o u s  d e f e c t  of  the  N a t iv e  
C o u rts  System. T h i s  was the S i t u a t i o n  up to  1914. Th e re  
was no doubt t h a t  the p re s id e n c y  of  the  European o f f i c e r s  
was bound to re n d e r  n u g a to ry  the independence of 
o p in i o n  of  the  N a t i v e  C o u rts  members. A lthough t e c h n i c a l l y ,
the sentences passed in , ™c o u r t s  were those of the
N a t i v e  C o u r t s ,  in  p r a c t i c e ,  the judgements were those of
the D i s t r i c t  o f f i c e r s .  124 S i r  F r e d e r i c k  Lugard r e f e r r e d  
to  t h i s  as the " g r e a t e s t  of  a l l  d e f e c ts  in  any System
________________________________________________________________________________
123. P . A .  I g b a f e ,  0£ .  c i t . , p .188 B.M (Benin Museum), 
Accounts and Papers ( I I )  1902, (XV, p .5 2 9 )  •421 
124. ( N . A . I . )  CSO 26/09/493 F . D .  L y q a r d 's  Memorandum 
i n  N a t i v e  C o u r t s , Jun e  1917, p. 3 .
242
. j u d i c i a l  or  e x e c u t i v e " .  125 In  some in s t a n c e s ,
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r s  were known to have compelled c o u r t  
members to  acquiesce  in  t h e i r  views on s p e c i f i c  cases 
by the t h r e a t  of  adjournment u n t i l  the members were
J
prepared to g i v e  i n .  In o th e r  ca se s,  some D i s t r i c t  
O f f i c e r s  passed judgement w i t h o u t  c o n s u l t a t i o n  w i t h
the o th e r  c o u r t  members. 
O f f i c e r  was the c o u r t .
“ .... ............... f .................
Under the N a t i v e  C o u rts  O rd in a n c e ,  1914, S i r
F r e d e r i c k  Lugard p ro v id e d  f o r  the  C o n s t i t u t i o n  of
N a t i v e  C o u rts  th a t  could  possess some r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
which the presence of European o f f i c e r s  denied them
under the  SIystem o p e r a t i n g  b e f o r e  1914 
1.2 7One of the
most im p o rta n t  f e a t u r e s  o f  the c o u r t s  under the 1914 
O rd in a n ce  was, from L u g a r d 's  p o i n t  of  v i e w ,  the 
P r o v i s i o n  th a t  removed the D.O o r  the D i s t r i c t  
Commissioner from the P r e s id e n c y  of  the N a t i v e 76521 
_____________________________________________________________________
125. Supreme C o u rt  B i l l ,  12th March, 1914. Speech 
by H . E .  the G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l ,  p . 5 .
126. See F . D .  Lu g a rd ,  P o l i t i c a l  Memoranda, 1913 -  1918, 
(London, 1 9 1 9 ) ,  p. 266.
127. P. A .  I g b a f e .  £ £ .  c i t . t p .  19 9m
243
C o u r t s .  128 The Warrant C h i e f s  o r  Judges sa t  w i t h o u t  
a European P r e s i d e n t .  The D .O.  c o u ld  a lso  t r a n s f e r  
cases from N a t i v e  C o urts  b e f o r e ,  d u r in g  and a f t e r  
t r i a l  to  the P r o v i n c i a l  C o u rts  i f  he suspected any 
i n j u s t i c e .  Though appeals in  the o r d i n a r y  sense d id  
not  f o r m a l l y  l i e  to  the R esident  in  the P r o v i n c i a l  
C o u r t s ,  anyone was f r e e  to  appeal to  t  W  D. 0 .  in  h is  
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  c a p a c i t y .  In  t h i s  r o l e ,  the D.O o r  
Commissioner c o u ld  modify  N a t iv e  C o u r t s '  d e c i s i o n s ,  
o r d e r  the re h e a r in g  of  any  case o r  t r a n s f e r  cases to  
the P r o v i n c i a l  C o u r t s .  Some C o u rts  w i t h  more 
experienced and mature members, l i k e  the Oba *s j u d i c i a l  
c o u n c i l ,  were made c o u rt s  of  appeal f o r  o t h e r  le s s  
im p o rta n t  c o u r t s .  Th u s ,  under the N a t i v e  C o urts  
System a f t e r  1914, the s u p e r v i s i o n  and c o n t r o l  of  the 
N a t i v e  c o u r t s  p r e v i o u s l y  e x e r c is e d  by the Supreme 
C o u rt  passed ove r  to  the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  s t a f f . 821 
128. E . A . ,  B. 486/1974, H .O .  ' W r i g h t  Memo on N a t i v e
C o u rts  dated I4 t h  March, 1914; F . D .  Lug ard ,  
Memo on N a t i v e  C o u rts  in  Southern N iq e r ia n  
P g o v in c e s , 25 Feb. 1914, p .  1 .
244 -
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r s  attended the C o urts  to  check c o u r t  
r e t u r n s  and make sure th a t  the c o u rt s  d id  not exceed 
t h e i r  powers as pro vid e d  in  t h e i r  c o n s t i t u t i n g  w a r r a n t s .  
The death p e n a l t y  was withdrawn from N a t iv e  C o u r t s ,
though th e re  was p r o v i s i o n  f o r  the conferment of  t h i s  
power on any N a t iv e  C ourt  t h a t  proved i t s  m e t t l e .  In
t h i s  r e g a r d ,  c o u rt s  were c l a s s i f i e d  as possessing ’ A ’ , 
•B' ,  ’ C '  and ’ D' grade powers.
C o u rts  of  ’ A* grade powers hadI j uur:i s d i c t i o n  to
i n f l i c t  the death p e n a l t y  in  c r i m i n a l  cases w h i l e  t h e i r
c i v i l  j u r i s d i c t i o n  was u n l i m i t e d .  129 C o u rts  of  ’ B* grade
power c o u ld  impose a p r is o n  sentence of  two years o r  a 
f i n e  o f  £50 o r  t w e n t y - f o u r  lashes in  c r i m i n a l  j u r i s d i c t ­
ion and deal  w i t h  c i v i l  cases where the Claim  was not in  
excess of  £50. C o u rts  w i t h  ’ C* grade had powers of  s i x  
months im p r is on m e n t , £10 f i n e  o r  t w e n t y - f o u r  lashes in 
c r i m i n a l  j u r i s d i c t i o n  and c i v i l  j u r i d d i c t i o n  in  cases 
where the Claim s d i d  not exceed £25. C o u rts  w i th  'D*921 
129. ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . O .  26/09493 L u g a r d 's  Memo on N a t iv e
C o u r t s ,  16 J u n e ,  1917, p .  18.
245 -
grade powers c ould  im prison  c r i m i n a l s  f o r  o n l y  th r e e
months, a d m i n i s t e r  twelve  lashes o r  a f i n e  of  £5 and
deal with civil Claims not above £15.
The Ördinance set  up two types of  c o u r t s  -  the
N a t i v e  C o u rts  and J u d i c i a l  C o u n c i l s .  110 W hile  N a t i v e  
C o u rts  were p u r e l y  t r i b u n a l s  p re s id e d  over  e i t h er r  by
a s i n g l e  judge aided by h i s  c o l le a g u e s who we;ire assessors
o r  by a panel of  judges who p re s id e d  in  t u r n , / j u d i c i a l  
c o u n c i l  a p a rt  from it* j u d i c i a l  d u t i e s  was a 
d e l i b e r a t i v e  assembly of the most im p orta n t  C h ie f s  in  
i t s  area o f  j u r i s d i c t i o n . I t  served as an appeal
c o u r t  f o r  the N a t i v e  Cou i t  t r i e d  a l l  c r i m i n a l  
« S r
cases w i t h  the except i. on off murder ca se s.  131 J u d i c i a l
C o u n c i l s  were o fte n  g iven  e x e c u t i v e  powers by the
G o v e r n o r - G e n e r a l . 132
130. N a t i v e  C o u rts  Ö rd in a n c e ,  1914, S e c t io n  4 .
131. ( N . A . I . ) ,  Ben P r o f .  7/6, l , p .  B . 2 .
132. Ben P r o f .  8/1,  2 Meeting of  the C o u n c i l  on I3 th  
O c t o b e r ,  1916. The Benin J u d i c i a l  C o u n c i l  was 
g iv e n  E x e c u t i v e  Powers in  1916.
246
The N a t i v e  C o u rts  O rd in a n ce  of 1914 was g e n e r a l l y
a p p l ie d  to E k i t i l a n d  in  Jun e  1915.1 33 However, a *C* 
grade c o u r t  had been opened on I 5 th  May, 1915 at  A d o-
E k i t i  f o r  the D i s t r i c t s  o f  Ado, I k e r e ,  Is e  and Emure. 134
In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  f o u r  town C h i e f s ,  one Slawe C h i e f ,  one
Are  C h i e f  and one Ig b a ra -O d o  C h i e f  were appointed as 
members. S h o r t l y  a f t e r ,  an A ^ s i z e  Court* was opened 
i n  I k e r e  f o r  the people of  I s e ,  I k e r e  and Emure. In
March, 1917 when the Ado C o u rt  was r a i s e d  to the
S ta tu s  of  a 'B* g ra d e ,  the I k e r e  C o u rt  was g ranted  a
s e p a ra te  Warrant a s .a  'C* grade C o u r t .  135 The Ewi 
o f  A d o - E k i t i  r a i s e d  a spontaneous o b j e c t i o n  to t h i s
arrangement and o f f e r e d  a p a s s iv e  r e s i s t a n c e  to the
N a t i v e  C o u rt  System. I t  was decided by the c o l o n i a l 5431 
133. ( N . A . I . ) ,  N . A . C .  W e ir ,  CS026/29734 I n t e l l i g e n c e  
Report  on Ado D i s t r i c t , p a ra .  81. See a ls o  A . C . C .  
Swayne, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Oye D i s t r l c t , ojd. 
c i t . , p a ra .  40.
134. ( N . A . I . ) ,  N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on 
I k e r e  D i s t r i c t , o p . c i t . ,  p a ra .  130.
135. I b i d . , p a ra .  131. See a l s o  N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  
Report  on A d o - E k i t i , 0£ .  c j l t . , pa ra .  81 w
247
a u t h o r i t i e s  t h a t  the Odofin  of  Odo-Ado should s i t  as 
P r e s id e n t  of the N a t iv e  C o u r t .  The Ewi of A d o - E k i t i  
a l s o  o b je c te d  to the  B r i t i s h  p ro posal  in  November, 
1917 to  hold  s e s s io n a l  c o u r t s  a t  Aisegba and I g b a r a -
Odo. 136
A l s o ,  the B r i t i s h  e s t a b l i s h e d  a *C*' gr4adre c o u r t  
at  Efon which served Efon,  Okemesi and Ogotun D i s t r i c t .  13 7
Two c h i e f s  were appointed to r e p r e s e n t  Ogotun in  the 
C o u rt  t h re e  months l a t e r .  They were O b o y e le k ik a n , the
«138
Oloqotun and Ogundipe, the Obayinmua. The same grade
of  c o u r t  was a ls o  e s t a b l i s h e d  a t  Oye to se rv e  the 
d i s t r i c t s  of  Oye, Isan and A iye d e  on 6th May, 1916. 139
—
136 . N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on A d o - E k i t i , 
I b i d .
137. See (N, A . I . ) ,  R .A . V osper,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report
on.-Ef.pn. D i s t r i c t f o p . c i t . ,  p a r a .  47, R .A .  Vosper 
ence Report on Okemesi D i s t r i c t .
138. ( N . A . I . ) ,  N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on 
Ogotun D i s t r i c t , o p . c i t . ,
139. ( N . A . I . ) ,  A . C . C .  Swayne, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report 
on Oye D i s t r i c t ,  op.  c i t . , p a ra .  105 ,
248
The s i t t i n g s  of  the c o u r t  were h e ld  on r o t a t i o n a l
b a s is  among Oye, Isan  and A i y e d e .  At  I d o - E k i t i ,  a
N a t i v e  C o u rt  of  ’ C* grade was not e s t a b l i s h e d  u n t i l
140
3 l s t  March, 1916. A t  t h a t  t im e ,  the D i s t r i c t  was 
a d m in is te re d  d i r e c t l y  by the D i s t r i c t  o f f i c e r  owing
141
to the d i s a f f e c t i o n  among the people o f  the are a .
The com p o sit io n  of  the c o u r t  in c lu d e d  the O lo ju d o  and 
f i v e  C h i e f s  from Id o  town namely the S a lo r o ,  the Asha, 
the E l e y i n m i , the O is a p e , the Olowosape and the two 
t r a d i t i o n a l  r u l e r s  from the n e i g h b o u r in g  v i l l a g e s
namely the O l u s i  of  U si  and the Owaloqbo of  I l o g b o . 142
At the i n c e p t i o n  of the N a t i v e  C o u r t ,  I t a j i  was
placed in  the I k o l e  N a t i v e  C o u rt  area b u t  in  1916 i t
jo i n e d  the Oye N a t iv e  C o u rt  a r e a .  I t  was not  u n t i l
1927 t h a t  the I t a j i  C ourt  became a sep a ra te  ’ C* grade
c o u r t  under the p re s id e n c y  of  the O n i t a l i . 143 L i k e  in
140. ( N . A . I . ) ,  R.A 
Report  on Idoo - E k i t i , o p . c i t . ,  para 65 .
I b i d .
,  y
142. I b i d .
143. I n t e r v i e w ,  Pa
1988.
249
other towns in Ekitiland, a Native Court of ’C' grade 
was established at Akure in June, 1915. It was raised 
to the Status of a fB' grade court in 1918,144
In the Operation of the Native Courts System in 
Ekitiland, the court clerks often wielded unusual 
influence, They assumed immense powers in their
respective Native Court areas rauch to thiee ch<agrin of
the court members. In some cases, Clerks influenced
court members to decide cases according to their whims 
and caprices. 145 Whenever the court members disagreed,
it was not ur.common for Court Clerks to threaten them 
with reports to the District Officers as to their 
incompetence in administering the British law in 
accordance to its laid down procedure. Thus, the Clerks 
used the advantage of education, knowledge of court 
routine and the keeping of records to intimidate members,
—144, (3N.A.I#.), N-.---A--.---C---.-- ----W--e---i--r---,-- ----I---n--t---e---l--l---i---g--e---n---c--e--- ---R---e--p---o---r--t--- ---o--n--- -------------------
Akure District. op. cit.. para.26.1 45
145, Interview, Pa J,A, Arokodare on 22nd January,
1988.
250
which th e y  u s u a l l y  bent to  t h e i r  w i l l .  C o n s e q u e n t ly ,
the N a t i v e  C o u rts  System a f f o r d e d  the c o u r t s  C l e r k s  an
o p p o r t u n i t y  to  p e r p e t r a t e  f r a u d ,  m a n ip u la t io n  and
146
o t h e r  m a l p r a c t i c e s .  Some of  them were o p e n ly  accused 
o f  seducing o th e r  p e o p l e ’ s w i v e s .  As a way of checking 
these m a lp r a c t ic e s  and g ro ss  abuse of O f f i c e ,  C o u rt
C le r k s  were t r a n s f e r r e d  a f t e r  .a p e r io d_ o__f  n. .oj1t  more than
14 7
th r e e  years  in  a d u ty  S t a t i o n .  J'
Membership of  a N a t i v e  C o u rt  was l i m i t e d  to the 
town and q u a r t e r  heads w i t h  the Oba as P r e s i d e n t .  The 
C o u rt  heard both c r i m i n a l  and c i v i l  ca se s.  At  e v e ry  
c o u r t  s i t t i n g ,  N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  P o l i c e  was always 
in  attendance to m a in ta in  law and O r d e r .  A lth o ug h  the
W s
Oba were made the  P re s id e n t s  of  N a t i v e  C o u r t s ,  the 
O p e ra t io n  of  such c o u rt s  reduced the p re -e m in e n t  r o l e  
which E k i t i  Oba p layed in  the p r e - c o l o n i a l  e r a .  A p a rt
146 . I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  J .  A . Arokodare  on 22nd J a n u a r y ,  
1988.
14 7 . I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  J . A. Arokodare  on 22nd J a n u a r y ,
1988.
251
from the f a c t  th a t  appeals were made to  the D i s t r i c t
O f f i c e r  based in  A d o - E k i t i ,  the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  some-
times r e f e r r e d  c o u r t  d e c i s i o n s  to  the P r o v i n c i a l  c o u r t
a t  Akure f o r  f u r t h e r  a d j u d i c a t i o n  1.4 8 T h i s  l o g i c a l l y  
r a i s e s  the q ue st io n  as to w h e th e r ,  o r  n o t ,  the N a t i v e  
C o u rts  were a c t u a l l y  ' n a t i v e '  in  the r e a l  sense of  the 
word. Indeed,  i t  can be argued th a t  the c o u r t s  were o n l y  
' n a t i v e '  w i th  re g a rd  to the personnel  and not the 
j u d i c i a l  p ro ce sse s.
I n f a c t ,  the O p e ra t io n  of  th e  N a t i v e  C o u rts  in
E k i t i l a n d  j u s t i f i e d  the a s s e r t i o n  of  P r o f .  Adewoye
t h a t  the e s ta b l is h m e n t  of  such c o u r t s  was p a r t  and
p e r c e l  of  the process of  s u b ju g a t io n  of  Southern
N i g e r i a  by the B r i t i s h .  149 N a t i v e  C o u rts  were not mere 
j u d i c i a l  i n s t i t u t i o n s  but  an in s t ru m e n t  f o r  b r i n g i n g
under e f f e c t i vve  a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  c o n t r o l  of  the area wh.ich
the B r i t i s h  had gained a f o o t h o l d .  150 Through the N a t iv e 059841 
148. I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  J • A .  A ro k o d a re  on 22nd J a n u a r y ,  
1988.
149. See 0. Adewoye, 0£ .  c i t . ,  p .  41.
150. I b i d .
252
C o u rts  System, B r i t i s h  laws were in tro d u c e d  in  E k i t i l a n d .
I t  c a n n o t ,  t h e r e f o r e ,  be over-em phasised th a t  the
i n t r o d u c t i o n  of the B r i t i s h  l e g a l  System in  E k i t i l a n d
eroded the j u d i c i a l  powers h i t h e r t o  enjoyed by the
Oba b e f o re  the advent of  B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
B e s id e s ,  the e s ta b l is h m e n t  of  N a t i v e  C o u rts  d e p r iv e d
many E k i t i  Oba the o p p o r t u n i t y  of  g e t t i n g  h e a r in g  fees
which were p a id  by w a r r in g  p a r t i e s  to  the Palace C o u rt
b e f o re  c o l o n i a l  r u l e .  C o n s e q u e n t ly , in  O rder  to
recoup f o r  the lo ss  of  revenue from t h i s  s o u rc e ,  a few
Oba r e s o r t e d  to ta k in g  b r i b e s  in  t h e i r  c a p a c i t y  as
P r e s id e n t s  of  N a t i v e  C o u r t s .  151 However, as soon as 
such cases were d e t e c t e d ,  a p p r o p r i a t e  pun lahmen fei 
were meted out  to  them by the B r i t i s h  O f f i c i a l s .  For  
example, Oba Owoyomi, the Oloye of  Oye, was suspended
152
in  1923 as P r e s i d e n t  of N a t i v e  C o u rt  f o r  t a k in g  b r i b e . 251 
—
151. ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . O .  26/31318, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  
on Oye D i s t r i c t ,  1936, p. 12.
152. I b i d .
25 3
In  terms of the r e a c t i o n  of  E k i t i  people ,  i t  
would appear th a t  they  p r e f e r r e d  the Oba * s c o u r t  which 
they were used to in  the p r e - c o l o n i a l  era to  the
N a t i v e  C o u rts  s in c e  the former was cheaper and cases
b ro u g h t  to  the c o u r t  were disposed of  more e x p e d i t i o u s l y  153
The l a s t  s u b j e c t  of  d is c u s s i o n  in  t h i s  c h a p te r  i s  the
i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  in  E k i t i l a n d .
I n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  D i r e c t  Ta on
In  o r d e r  to  f a c i l i t a t e  our  unders ta n d i ng of the
circ u m s ta n c e s  which led  to  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  d i r e c t
t a x a t i o n  i n t o  E k i t i l a n d  by the B r i t i s h ,  i t  i s  h i g h l y  
e x p e d ie n t  to  d is c u s s  the genesi~s of  d i r e c t t a x a t i o n
O F
in  N i g e r i a  f i r s t .  The amalgamation o f  the N o rth e rn  
and Southern N i g e r i a  p ro v id e d  S i r  F r e d e r i c k  Lu g a rd ,  
then G o v e rn o r -G e n e r a l  of the Co lon y  and P r o t e c t o r a t e  
o f  N i g e r i a ,  w i t h  a golden o p p o r t u n i t y  of  extending 
the System o f  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  p r e v a l e n t  in  N o rth ern351 
153. I n f o r m a t io n  c o l l e c t e d  from C h i e f  J .  A .  Aro ko d a re ,  
22nd J a n u a r y ,  1988.
254
Provxnces l n t o  the Southern P r o v i n c e s . 154
Lugard a ls o  wanted to  e s t a b l i s h  in  the Southern 
P ro v in c e s  'a System of  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  through the 
N a t i v e  C h ie fs  somewhat on the model o f  the N o rth e rn  
P ro v in c e s  and to b r i n g  the P o l i t i c a l  O f f i c e r s  i n t o  
g r e a t e r  touch w ith  the p e o p le »* ^ ^  In t h i s  C o n n e c t io n ,
he was of  the view th a t  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  had the e f f e c t
o f  g e n e ra t i n g  s e l f - r u l e  and i n c u l c a t i n g  the f e e l i n g
o f  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  by s t i m u l a t i n g  the i n t e r e s t  in  Local
development on the p a r t  o f  the N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  15 6
T h i s  was because d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  was i n v a r i a b l y
accompanied by the e s ta b l is h m e n t  of  N a t i v e  T r e a s u r i e s  
which helped to s t r e n g t h e n ,  c o n s o l i d a t e  and develop
n a t i v e  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . As Lugard s u c c i n c t l y  put i t  in
The Dual Mandate, " w i t h o u t  a tax  th e re  can be no t r e a s u r y
and w i t h o u t  t r e a s u r y  no r e a l  e v e n tu a l  measure of
s e l f - r u l, e ",, . 76451 15 7 
154. ( N . A . I ) , C . S . O  1/34,3 Lugard to H a r c o u r t ,  C o n f .  of  
10 A u g u s t .  1914.
155. I b i d .
156. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CSO 26/2 F i l e  17720, ii, p. 192.
157. F . D .  Lugard The Dual Mandate in  B r i t i s h  T r o p i c a l  
A f r i c a ,  (London, 1 9 6 5 ) ,  p . 2 l 9 .
- 255 -
Before the f i r s t  w orld  w a r ,  a g r e a t e r  p r o p o r t io n  
o f  the revenue of  the c e n t r a l  Government of  N i g e r i a  
was d e r i v e d  from custom d u t i e s ,  p a r t i c u l a r l y  on s p i r i t s  
and r a i l w a y  f r e i g h t .  Th e re  was no c o m p e l l in g  need then 
to ex£>end sources o f  the revenue of  the c e n t r a l  g o v e rn ­
ment. However, the outbreak of the war g r a v e l y  threaten ed 
the governm ent’ s f in a n ce s  which made the im p o s i t i o n  of 
d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  im p e r a t i v e  to augment government 
r e v e n u e . 1^  Consequent upon the w ar,  there  was a slump
in  the market f o r  palm k e r n e i s  and palm produce, which 
were the s t a b l e  e x p ort  c ro p  of the S outhern  p ro v in c e s  
due to a d r a s t i c  f a l l  in  the p u rch a sin g  power of  the 
f i r m s  then o p e r a t i n g  g e n e r a l l y  in  West A f r i c a .  As a 
r e s u l t ,  Lugard r i g h t l y  a n t i c i p a t e d  ,fa v e r y  s e r io u s  
sh o rta g e  of  im ports  and e x p o rts  f o r  sometime to come 
which w i l l  decrease the revenue both from customs
and railway freights. 159 He, t h e r e f o r e ,  saw the war
158. Lugard to H a r c o u r t ,  c o n f .  of  10 A u g u st,  1914, 
o p . c i t .
159. I b i d
256
as making i t  im p e r a t i v e  f o r  him to r e i n f o r c e  revenue 
by a c o n s i d e r a b l e  s w itc h  in  f a v o u r  of  d i r e c t  taxes in 
the Southern P r o v in c e s .  In  f a c t ,  p a r t s  of Yorubaland 
and Benin p ro vid e d  him the o p p o r t u n i t y  to c a r r y  out 
t h i s  idea s in c e  th e re  e x i s t e d  some c e n t r a l i s e d  
in dig enous r u l e  under powerful  c h i e f s  through whom 
t a x a t i o n  c o u ld  be e n f o r c e d . ^  °
In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  Lo rd  Lugard d i r e c t e d  the A d m in is t rc  
t i v e  O f f i c e r s  to  c a r r y  o u t  d e t a i l e d  i n v e s t i g a t i o n  as 
a p r e l i m i n a r y  f o r  i n t r o d u c i n g  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n .  The 
terms o f  r e f e r e n c e  of the panel i n c lu d e d  p ro ofs  o f  the
e x i s t e n c e ,  o r  o th e r w is e ,  oSf  af ny t r i b u t e  of  the Oba and
C h i e f s ,  c o n s i d e r a t i o n  of  the s a l u t a r y  e f f e c t s  of
i
d i r e c t  ta xe s ,  the p ro s p e c t  of  minimal in digenous 
O p p o s i t i o n  to  the scheme and the a p p ro va l  of  C h ie fs  
and guarantees f o r  the preparedness to implement the 
scheme. The panel subm itted t h a t  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of 
d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  would be met w i t h  s t o u t  r e s i s t a n c e  by* 
-
See P. A. I g b a f e ,  o£.  c i t . , p.  259 •
257
the  people . 161 D e sp ite  t h i s ,  Lugard would have gone
ahead b u t  f o r  the C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  which stopped the
sch, eme. 162 
The C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  predicated  i t s  d e c i s i o n  to 
sh e lv e  the scheme on the f o l l o w i n g  q ro u n d s *F i r s t , i t  
was not c o n sid e re d  necessary  to adopt such a p o l i c y  
d u r in g  a war as i t  c ould  ge n e ra te  f u r t h e r  u n re s t  and
te n s io n  among the in dig enous p e o p le s .  ö sv, i co n d ly ,  the
m i l i e u  under which the p o l i c y  was to be implemented
in  Southern N i g e r i a  was a d i r e c t  a n t i t h e s i s  of  the
F u l a n i  E m ira te s  of  N o rth e rn  N i g e r i a  where the scheme
had e a r l i e r  been in t r o d u c e d  by Lord L u g a rd .  L a s t l y ,
the e x p e r ie n c e  of  the  C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  on the scheme
o f  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  in  S i e r r a  Leone was not co n sid e re d  
e n c o u ra g in g .  *163 C o n s e q u e n t ly , Lugard was d i s a l lo w e d  
from embarking on such an e x p e r im e n t .  N e v e r t h e l e s s , 
Lugard s t i l l  f e i t  t h a t  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  would s tre n g th e n 3261 
161. ( N A I ) ,  C . S . O .  26/01498, i i ,  p.  12.
162. ( N A I ) ,  Lugard to  H a r c o u r t , o p . c i t .
163. I b i d .
- 258 -
Native Administration being largely an adaptation of 
customary practices since it would replace the old 
tribute and other forms of extortion including forced 
labour.^4 The establishment of Provincial Courts as 
well as the reform of Native Courts under the 1914 
ordinances were considered to have depleted the Chiefs 
sources of income which could be made good by revenue 
from direct taxation. Regarding the establishment of 
Native Treasuries as the direct corollary of direct 
taxation, Lugard feit that the scheme formed the "basis 
upon which the whole structi ire of Native Administration 
must be based.''^^ Thus, Lugard made a proposal in 1915 
to introduce direct taxation into the centraiised 
government of the Yoruba and Bini who were not only 
adjudged familiär with the idea of tax but also had 
the machinery for its collection or enforcement.
Although the Colonial Office was sympathetic 
towards Lugard's view-points, however, the scheme was 
shelved for the following reasons: Firstly, it was4651 
164. (N.A.I.), Lugard to Harcourt secret of 13 March 
1915 and minutes. op. clt.
165. Ibid.
166. Ibid
259
the o p in io n  o f  the C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  t h a t  the scheme would 
evoke s o c i a l  u n r e s t .  Secon d ly ,  th e re  were r e s e r v a t i o n s  
as to  the time the scheme was to  be in tro d u c e d  ( i n t e r - w a r  
y e a r s ) .  T h i r d l y ,  the Cameroon campaign had t i e d  up 
almost a l l  the B r i t i s h  f o rc e s  in  N i g e r i a  and s in c e  the 
scheme was being used by Lugard to  promote the h i g h e r  
p o l i t i c a l  development of the  p e o p le ,  i t  was considered  
prudent  to " s h e lv e  i t  u n t i l  the r e t u r n  of  the troops
whose bayonets would then be a v a i l a b l e  to  support  B r i t i s h
p h i l a n t h r o p h y " .  ”16 7 However, towards the end of 1916, the 
f i n a n c i a l  p o s i t i o n  of  the government g r a v e l y  d e t e r i o r a t e d  
The war i n  Europe was t e l l i n g  much on the C o l o n i a l  and 
Overseas possessions of B r i t a i n .  I t  was under t h i s  
c i rc u m s ta n c e  th a t  Lugard was g ra n te d  p e rm is s io n ,  though 
r e l u c t a n t l y  by the S e c r e ta r y  of  S ta te  f o r  the C o l o n i e s ,  
to  in t r o d u c e  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  to  Egba, most p a rts  of
Yorubaland an,d B e n in . 168 In  g r a n t i n g  the p e rm i s s io n ,8761 
167. I b i d .
168. See F . D .  Lu g a rd ,  Report  on the Amalgamation of 
N o rth e rn  and Southern N i g e r i a  and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  
1912-1919, ( H . M . S . O .  1920).  p a r a .  28.
260
Lugard was warned t h a t  the scheme should o n l y  be 
i n t r o d u c e d  if_ the C h ie fs  and the people w i l l i n g l y  
gave t h e i r  consent to  i t .  The tax was not to 
r e p r e s e n t  any a d d i t i o n a l  in c re a s e  on the o ld  customary 
t r i b u t e .  Maybe, the S e c r e ta r y  of  S ta t e  wanted to
a v e r t  i n c i d e n t s  l i k e  the I s e y i n
P r o f .  Atanda argued t h a t  the I s e y i n  r i s i n g  of  
1916 supported by th a t  of  O k e - Ih o  near Oyo, was n o t  an 
a n t i - t a x  r i o t  s in c e  i t  o c c u rre d  b e f o r e  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  
o f  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  i n t o  the Oyo P r o v in c e  in  1918. 
K a t h e r ,  the I s e y i n - O k e - I h o  r i s i n g  i s  seen as a s o c i o -
p o l i t i c a l  c o n f l i c t
d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n  w i t h  s e v e r a l  aspects  ot  B r i t i s h  r u l e
i n c l u d i n g  the r i g i d  c e n t r a l i s a t i o n  o f  the N a t iv e  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  and the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  the N a t iv e
C o u rt  System. 170 The d is tu r b a n c e s  were s e r io u s  enough
however to compel the C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  to  impress on07961 
169. ( N . A . I . ) ,  Lugard to  H a r c o u r t . o p . c i t .
170. J . A  Atand a,  ’ The I s e y i n - O k e l h o  r i s i n g  of  1916, 
an example of  s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l  c o n f l i c t  in  
c o l o n i a l  N i g e r i a .  J . H . S . N , T i v .  4, 1969, pp. 497­
505.
261
Lugard th a t  he must proceed c a u t i o u s l y  on the is s u e  
o f  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n .  B e s id e s,  Lugard was to bear the 
f u l l  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  f o r  the new scheme.
A f t e r  some p r o t r a c t e d  d i s c u s s i o n s  between the 
C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  and the A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  O f f i c e r s  in  
N i g e r i a ,  d i r e c t  ta x a t i o n  was in tro d u c e d u n d e r  the
N a t i v e  Revenue Ordinance No. 1 of p a r t s
o f  Yorubaland and Bdnin between 1 9 j.ö ana I n i t i a -
l l y ,  the o rd in a n c e  a p p l ie d  to the N o rth e rn  Pro v in ce s
o n l y  and d i r e c t  ta x a t i o n  was i n t r o d u c e d  i n t o  the
Southern Pro v in c e s  by the piecemeal e x ten sion  of the
p r o v i s i o n s  of  t h i s  O rd in a n c e ,  as amended by the N a t iv e
Revenue O rdinance No. 29 o f  1918, by O r d e r s - i n -
172
C o u n c i l  to  s p e c i f i e d  a re a s .
The N a t i v e  Revenue (So u th e rn  P r o v in c e s )  O rd in a n c e ,
1918 was enacted on 20 December, 1918 by the A c t i n g
G o v e rn o r ,  A . G .  B o y le ,  in  o r d e r  to  extend the p r o v i s i o n s 271 
171. Laws of N i g e r i a . (1922 e d i t i o n ) ,  c h a p t .  74, p .807
172. ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . O .  26/16524, i i ,  p . 2 l l ,  16524/S.6, 
p .4 2  Minutes by the A t t o r n e y - G e n e r a l .  H .C .  Cox 
to  H . C . S .  18 J a n .  1938.
262
o f  the N a t i v e  Revenue O rdinance 1917 to Southern 
P r o v i n c e s .  T h i s  gave l e g a l  s a n c t io n  to the c o l l e c t i o n  
o f  t r i b u t e s  and taxes which had a l r e a d y  begun in  
c e r t a i n  p a r t s  of  the Southern P ro v in c e s  such as B e n in ,  
Egba D i v i s i o n  of Abeokuta P r o v i n c e ,  Oyo and I j e b u - O d e .
The e xte n sion  of  the Order  came i n t o  f o r c on I s t
J a n u a r y ,  1919, 173
3 T
Th re e  reasons can be ad’d’u ccced f o r
the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  i n t o  the Southern
P r o v i n c e s .  F i r s t ,  i t  was hoped t h aitt Sth e tax c o l l e c t e d  
would a s s i s t  in  s e t t i n g  up N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s  on 
the same l i n e s  w i t h  those in  the N o rth e rn  P r o v in c e s .
In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  the mon ey c o l  l e c t e d  was to be spent
on l o c a l  S e r v ic e s  such as payment of  the s a l a r i e s  of  
C h i e f s  as w e l l  as the o f f i c i a l s  of  N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,  
c o n s t r u c t i o n  of  b r i d g e s ,  c u l v e r t s ,  h o s p i t a l s  as w e l l  
as the e x e cu tion  of  v a r i o u s  p u b l i c  works.  Secon d ly ,  
the proceeds from d i r e c t  tax were to be used f o r  the
173. See P. A .  I g b a f e ,  o £ .  c i t > p. 264 O
263
maintenance of a number of  p u b l i c  S e r v ic e s  l i k e  the 
N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  P o l i c e ,  P r i s o n s ,  S a n i t a r y  and 
F o r e s t r y  Departments. T h i r d l y ,  i t  was a lso  hoped t h a t  
the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  would r e s u l t  in
the a b o l i t i o n  o f  communal fo rc e d  la b o u r  f o r  p u b l i c
wor,k s . 174
E k i t i l a n d  had evolved  a s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l  System th a t  
f a c i l i t a t e d  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n .  There  
was the payment of  t r i b u t e s  by the i n h a b i t a n t s  to t h e i r  
Oba and S a a le . These t r i b u t e s  were in  form of yams, 
k o l a n u t ,  palmwine,  p a l m - o i l ,  e t c .  The Oba and C h ie f s
often sent their palace m essencgers  to v a r i o u s  s u b o r d i n a t e
towns and v i l l a g e s  to c o l l e c t  the t r i b u t e s .  T h i s
t r a d i t i o n a l  form of t a x a t i o n  p ro v id e d  the ground f o r
the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  i■ n t o  E k i t i l a n d .  175'5471 
—
174. See Lord  F .  L u g a rd ,  The Dual Mandate in  B r i t i s h  
T r o p i c a l  A f r i c a , o p . c i t . p .2 3 ,  and Father
A .  O g u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  of  A d o - E k i t i , o p . c i t . t 
p .  107.
175. I n f o r m a t i o n  r e c e iv e d  from Oba A d e tu la  A d e le y e ,  the 
E l e k o l e  of  I k o l e - E k i t i ,  and Mr. Adeola Ogunmola a t  
I l a w e - E k i t i  on 5th F e b r u a r y ,  19880
264
The c o l l e c t i o n  of  tax d id  not S t a r t  the same way 
and time in  the whole of E k i t i l a n d .  A t  O d e - E k i t i ,
c o l l e c t i o n  o f  tax s t a r t e d  b e f o re  1914 as "Ose Ogoloba"
( C o l l e c t i o n  o r  dues of  Governor  G l o v e r ) .  The name
g iv e n  to t h i s  type of  tax stemmed from the p e o p le 's
p e rc e p t io n  of the w h ite  man as having almost the same
Status w i t h  the gods. "176 In  O d e - E k i t i  "Ose” was us^ally
c o l l e c t e d  f o r  the gods and the people were a l r e a d y  used
to it. The tax began w i t h  three Shillings but was
g r a d u a l l y  in cre a se d  to s i x  S h i l l i n g s .1 77In  O t u n - E k i t i ,
t a x a t i o n  a lso  began as " O s e " .  In 1914, when the Otun
people re fu se d  to pay the t a x ,  the B r i t i s h  r e s o r t e d  to
the use of c o e rc ie n  to e n f o rc e  payment. 178 C o n s e q u e n t ly , 
the youths in  O t u n - E k i t i  r e v o l t e d  in  1915 by s e t t i n g 8671 
176. Hence the term "Oyinbo E k e j i  O r i s a "  (a w h i te  man 
i s  next  to  the g o d s ) .  See A.  O g u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  
of  E k i t i , o p . c i t . , p .  125.
177. T b i d .
178. The l a t e  Msgr. A . O .O g u n t u y i  confirm ed t h i s  in  an 
i n t e r v i e w  h e ld  on I s t  September, 1986 s h o r t l y  
b e f o re  h i s  d e a th .
265
f i r e  to v i r t u a l l y  a l l  the houses in  the  town thus 
d e s t r o y i n g  a l l  p r o p e r t i e s  as w e l l  as k i l l i n g  most of
the C h ie f s  who were regarded as being r e s p o n s i b le  f o r
the i. n t r o d u c t i o n  of the t a x .  179 However, payment of
the f o re g o in g  tax was not a p p l i c a b l e  to o th e r  p a r t s of
E k i t i l a n d . < F
As a p re lu d e  to the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n
i n t o  E k i t i l a n d ,  an enumeration and assessment e x e r c is e
was conducted in  1919. 180 D üring  the e x e r c i s e ,  the
B r i t i s h  p o l i t i c a l  o f f i c e r s ,  a s s i s t e d  by the l o c a l
p e o p le ,  went round from house to  house to count the
a d u l t  male. However, i t  was not  uncommon f o r
p a r t i c u l a r  names to be recorded tw ice  w ith  the r e s u l t
t h a t  when d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n  was i n t r o d u c e d ,  the
a f f e c t e d  people were asked to pay tax t w i c e .08971 181
—
179. ^ T ~
—
180. I b i d .  See a ls o  Msqr. A. O q u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  of  
_Eki t i . op . c i t . , p .  125 and N . A . C .  W e ir ,  
I n t e l l i g e n c e  Deport  on A d o - E k i t i , o p . c i t . , 
p a r a .  84.
181. I b i d .
2 6 6
On I s t  J a n u a r y ,  1920, t a x a t i o n  was in tr o d u c e d  in
E k i t i l a n d  w ith  the form ation  of  the E k i t i  N a t iv e
A O p
Administrat ion.  A f l a t  rate of six S h i l l i n gs  (60k)
was paid  per a d u l t  male. T h i s  c o n t in u e d  ■<:hrou'3hou
the whole of E k i t i l a n d  u n t i l  the 1929/30 f i n a n c i a l
year  when income tax was i n t r o d u c e d .  ”11 83 Thus a sum 
of  £3,276 was c o l l e c t e d  from Ado D i s t r i c t  in  1920.
In  I k e r e  D i s t r i c t ,  a sum of  £1,016 o l l e c t e d
w h i l e  a sum o f  £2,300 was c o l l e c t e d  from the Akure 
D i s t r i c t .  ' * The method of  tax c o l l e c t i o n  was g e n e r a l l y  
the same in  a l l  p a r t s  of  E k i t i l a n d .  I n i t i a l l y ,  tax 
o f f i c i a l s  who were lo c  a l  Pe o p le  appointed  on tempo- 
r a r y  b a s i s  by the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  stayed in  the
G r  182*4
182. I b i d . See a ls o  G .O0 .  Orewa, T a x a t io n  in  Western
N i g e r i a , ( Ib a d a n ,  Oxford  U n i v e r s i t y  Pre ss,  
1962), p. 5.
183, I b i d .
184. See ( N . A . I . ) ,  N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  
on A d o - E k i t i  D i s t r i c t . o p . c i t . ,  p a r a .9 2 ;  N .A .C  
W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on I k e r e  D i s t r i c t , 
o p . c i t . , p a ra .  55 and N . A . C . ,  W e ir ,  I n t e l 1igence 
Report  on Akure D i s t r i c t , op . c i t . ,  p a ra .  28 „
267
market p laces w h i le  the tax payers came q u a r t e r  by 
q u a r t e r  to pay t h e i r  t a x e s . '1'85 I t  was, however, not 
long b e f o re  the inconveniences  of appearing  q u a r t e r  
by q u a r t e r  to pay tax were d i s c o v e re d  hence the 
System was j e t t i s o n e d .  A new System was, t h e r e f o r e ,  
in t r o d u c e d .  A t  the b e g in n in g  o f  e v e ry  f i s c a l  y e a r ,  
the compound head i n  e ve ry  v i l l a g e  o r  town was
n o t i f i e d  by means o f  a s l i p  c a l l e d  BaleO tvi c k e t  of 
the amount due from t h e i r  r e s p e c t i v e  Compounds. These 
n o t i c e s  were w r i t t e n  in  the presence of the Town o r  
V i l l a g e  heads ( Q u a r t e r  C h i e f s  in  l a r g e  towns) who
assented to the  amounts at >ed. T h e r e a f t e r ,  the
i n d i v i d u a l  tax payers in  the compound were l n ^ orme<  ̂
of  t h e i r  assessments and were r e q u i r e d  to pay the 
amounts d i r e c t l y  to  t h e i r  Town o r  V i l l a g e  Q u a rte r
—
185. I n f o r m a t io n  r e c e iv e d  from C h i e f  T . O .  Jegede,  
80, at I s e - E k i t i  on 4th March, 1988.
186. N . A . C .  W e ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ado 
t r i c t , op . c i t . , p a ra .  92 0
268
heads i n  the presence of the Town o r  V i l l a g e  C o u n c i l  
as w e l l  as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e  of  h is  f a m i l y .  A f t e r  
payment, he r e c e iv e d  a tax r e c e i p t  d u l y  stamped by 
the v i l l a g e  head. The Town o r  V i l l a g e  head r e m i t t e d  
the tax c o l l e c t e d  to  the D i s t r i c t  head in  in s t a lm e n t s
who l a t e r  paid  the tax i n t o  the E k i t i  N a t iv e  T r e a s u r y . 18 7
The D i s t r i c t  head was a ls o  issued a r e c e i p t  by the 
Assessment s c r i b e s  employed to w r i t e  out  the Bale 
r e c e i p t  and i n d i v i d u a l  r e c e i p t s .  The Assessment 
s c r i b e s  kept tax r e g i s t e r s  and assessment forms but  
were not a l lowed to  handle cash.  A l l  ac-Counts on tax
c o l l e c t e d  were s u b se q ue n tly  r e c o n c i l e d  at A d o - E k i t i . 188
A number of  reasons have been adduced to e x p la in  
why the E k i t i  people i n i t i a l l y  d id  no t  put up s to u t  
r e s i s t a n c e  to the payment of  d i r e c t  t a x a t i o n .  F i r s t ,  
i t  has been argued t h a t  th e re  was the f e e l i n g  of  f e a r  
of  the m i l i t a r y  prowess of  the B r i t i s h . I t  i s  *189
1870 I b i d .
188. I b i d . I n t e r v i e w ,  Msgr. A . O .  O g u n tu y i  on I s t  
September, 1986.
189. See Canon J . A .  A j a y i ,  "P io n e e rs  of  C h r i s t i a n i t y
in  E k i t i " ,  The L i g h t , Magazine of E k i t i  D iocese,
V o l .  I I ,  No. 1, O c to b e r ,  1967, p . 5 .
269
a r g u e d  t h a t  t h e  p e o p l e  o f  E k i t i l a n d  w a n t e d  t o  a v e r t
a Situation whereby the British would launch an
a t t a c k  on them to en force  com pliance. 190 T h i s  school
o f  thought  p r e d i c a t e s  i t s  c o n t e n t io n  on the ground
t h a t  the Danasungbo war 191was s t i l l  f re s h  in  the 
memory of  the E k i t i  people hence they dared not 
r i s k  any m i l i t a r y  c o n f r o n t a t i o n  w i t h  th--e-- --B---r--i-;tiissnh. . 192
S e con d ly ,  th e re  was a lso  the r u th le s s n e s s  w i th  which
tax c o l l e c t o r s  d e a l t  w i th  tax evad ers>V I t  has been
argued t h a t  t h i s  engendered f e a r  in  the minds of
w o u ld -b e  tax e va d e rs . 193 Tax c o l l e c t o r s  were o fte n
V °
—
190. I b i d .
191. T h i s  was the A n g l o - I j e b u  war o f  1892. See 
d e t a i l s  o f  the war in  Rev. S. Johnson,  The 
H i s t o r y  of  the Y o ru b a s , o p . c l t . , p p . 618 -  
625 and S i r .  W.N.M. Geary ,  N i g e r i a  Under 
B r i t i s h  R u le , op. c i t . , pp. 5 0 - 5 2  •
192. I n f o r m a t io n  c o l l e c t e d  from Mr. Samuel 
O g unsuyi ,  75, a t  Orun E k i t i  on 9th J a n u a r y ,
1989.391 
193. I b i d . See a ls o  G. 0 .  Orewa, T a x a t io n  in  
"vsiw e s te rn  N i g e r i a , o p . c i t . , p .  4 •
270
accompanied by the Imoro ( p o l i c e  e s c o r t )  who i n f l i c t e d  
s evere  Punishments on t ax d e f a u l t e r s .  W hile  sonne 
were made to c o l l e c t  stones to g e th e r  and l i e  on them, 
o th e r s  were b r u t a l l y  beaten and maimed ln  the p ro c e s s .  194
Those taken to c o u r t  by the tax c o l l e c t o r s  were j a i l e d .  
In  f a c t ,  the fe a r  of  being sent to j a i l  was enough to 
compel the E k i t i  people  to  pay tax as imprisonment was 
(and i s  s t i l l )  p e rc e iv e d  as a form of  de g ra d a tio n  in  
the s o c i e t y .  In  some cases,  tax d e f a u l t e r s  who escaped 
i n t o  the bush would have t h e i r  wives and c h i l d r e n  
apprehended and t o r t u r e d  u n t i l  e i t h e r  they o r  t h e i r
r e l a t i o n s  paid  the tax on b e h a l f  of  the f u r g i t i v e s .
A t  t im e s ,  tax d e f a u l t e r s  caught  were made to open t h e i r
eyes to  the d i r e c t  rays  of  the sun w i t h  t h e i r  f e e t
put in the Stocks. 195
T h i r d l y ,  i t  h:as< b.een p o s t u la te d  t h a t  the i n i t i a l  
a t t i t u d e  of  the E k i t i  people to  the payment of  d i r e c t  
t a x a t i o n  was due to the f a c t  t h a t  the B r i t i s h  had•* 
194 —• I b i d .
195. I b i d .
271
already brain-washed the Qba in Yarubaland in general that 
refusal of any of their subjects to pay tax was tantamount
to a disobedience to the authority of the Qba concerned»
And having regard to the fact that the Qba were greatly
revered in the past, it was, therefore, a matter of grave
concern to them to discover any breach of their order in form
of tax evasion. In fact, a Situation whereby a suboojrdinate
town or village refused to pay tax was regarded by the Qba
of the central town as an insult to his authority. 19 7 Conse-
quently, it was common place for Qba in Ekitiland to send Opa
(staff of Office) to any town or village under their suzerainty
where there were reported cases of tax evasion. As soon as 
the Opa was brought into such a town or village, the taxable 
adults there would immediately run heiter skelter to raise 
money in order to pay the tax. Failure to pay the tax on time 
often resulted in indiscriminate destruction of properties,
food , crops, domestic animals, etc. of the affected subor­
dinate town or village. Also, the people of the affected
village or town were responsible for the feeding of the Qba1s
messengers until the amount was paid. 617*9198
196. F. Lugard, ojd. clt.. p.135.
197. Ibid.
138. Interview, Mr. Samuel Ogunsuyi at Orun-Ekiti on 9th 
January, 1989.
272
Besides, the way taxation was rationalised generally in 
Nigeria did not give roora for protest ab. initio. According 
to Lord Lugard, direct taxation was a "way of freeing the
salaried Native Judges from the temptation of bribe and 
unj• ust fi* ne”. 199 It was also rationalised as a way of "promo- 
ting the recognition of individual responsibility", 192 00 021in view 
of the fact that tax payment would enable everyone contribute 
his or her quota to the Government funds m eant f or developmental 
purposes. In other words, money realised from direct taxation 
would be used for the Provision of social Services in various 
town».and viHages in Ekitiland. 2 0 1 ^
Although direct taxation yielded revenue for the payment
of salaries of paramount Oba designated "Native Authorities" 
as well as for the Provision of social Services in Ekitiland, 
the scheme later generated a lot of protest among the Ekiti 
people. The full involvement of Native Authorities in the 
Collection of tax, the attendant problems of collection as well 
as the reaction of the Ekiti people to the-introduction of
direct taxation will be examined later in the thesi. s. 20 2
199. See Lord Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Troplcal 
Africa, op. cit.. pp.219-220.
200. Ibid.
201. Interview, Pa. J.A. Arokodare at Ijero-Ekiti on 22nd 
January, 1988.
202. Please see chapters four and five*
273
CHAPTER FOUR
GONSOLIPATION OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION: 
CREATION OF A CENTRALISED POLITICAL 
AUTHORITY IN EKITILAND« 1920* - ' 19lig
In thls chapter, attention would be focused
on the effort.made by the British.to consolidate
their administration through th ation of a
centralised political authority kitiland bet-
ween 1920 and 1936* This attempt was made in two 
directions. Firstly, the British-made spirited 
efforts to.make the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti.the Sole - , 
Authority for.the whole of Ekitiland. Secondly, 
the Ekiti Confederation Counci1.(Pelupelu) was 
formed in.1920 with the objective of-facilitating 
the admlnistration of Ekitiland. Efforts were made 
to use Ekiti Oba as political Instruments of 
British Administration. I shall discuss the 
foregoing issues in turn.
274
The attempt to make the Ewl of Ado-Ekiti the 
Sole Authority for the Whofe" of Ekiti!and ~
In pursuance of their policy of establishing
a central administration for Ekitiland, the
British created a single Native Authority for the
area.* Against the background of the fact that
Ekitiland was hitherto a decentralised area, the
new dispensation-was designed towards ensuring
that the District Officer. (D.O.) had a body which
could serve as.an.agent.of Colonial Administration
in Ekiti Division. 2 Also, the British.considered
it desirable to make the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti Oba ....
Adewumi Agunsoye (1910**1937). the Sole Authority for, 
the whole of Ekitiland. In formulating this policy, 
the British were encouraged by the success of the 12
1. See S. A. Akintoye,,’Obas of Ekiti Confederacy 
since the Advent .of the. British in. M*. Crowder. 
and- 0. Ikime- Xeds ), West-African- Chief sx-Tbeigr 
chanqinq Status underTColonial Rul'e and Inde-"" 
pendence, (ile-Ife, University of Ife Press,
‘ Nigeria, 1970), p.262.
2. Ibid.
275
political experiment carried out in Ijebu and 
Egbaland where the Awujale and the Alake were 
recognised as Paramount Oba for their respective 
domains.^
The colonial Administration took the following
steps to enhance the Status of the Ewi of Ado-EkitiL.
Firstly, the British Political Officers made
deliberate efforts to ensure that the Ewl was obeyed
by the Baale of the neighbouring towns and villages.
The Oba such as the Olode.of Ode and-the Onlmesl
of Imesi-Lasigidi who proved.recalcitrartt were...  ,
deported from their respective domains. 4 Secondly,
the Ewi was|  the only /Oba in Ekitiland who was
invited to Osogbo in 1908 tp the official opening
of . the-rail .road,5 Thirdly, by 1902, major.. .
institutions like a central hall and a hospital
.......... <5-........................................
3, Msgr A. Oguntuyi, Hjstory of Ekltl, op. cit. ♦ 
‘ p. 127.
4. Ibiä.
5. Ibid.
-  276 -  . .
had been established in Ado-Ekiti. Moreover, 
Ado-Ekiti was chosen by the British as the venue 
for the meeting of the Ekiti Oba in March 1920, 
after the first meeting held at Oke-Imo.^
The British did not succeed in their endeatoutr 
to make the Ewi the Sole Authority in Ekitiland. 
This British experiment of creating a centralised 
political authority would have.brought,the whole
of Ekitiland under a central authority*.if it had 
succeeded..7 The policy„did not take into cogni- 
»ance the fact that Ekitiland was a highly.segmen- 
tary.society where each Oba ruled autonoraous and .
independent kingdom before-colonial rule. .None of
.......
the-Oba had. any paramountcy.over the other. For 
instance, the Elekole of.Ikole was Independent of 
the Pore of Otun; the Oqoqa of.Iktere-Ekiti-had no 
political allegiance to the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, the 67
6. Ibid.___- - • - ...--- ■
7. Interview, Msgr. A.O. Oguntuyi at Ado-Ekiti on 
22nd August, 1986.
- 277 -
Arinjale of Ise was not.subordinate to the.Oqoga off 
Ikere-Ekiti while the.Alaaye of-Efon and the Alara 
of Aramoko were independent of the Ajero of Ijero. 
Similarly, the Ajero of Ijero and the Olojudo of 
Ido-Ekiti, in spite of the close proximity of their 
two domains, were independent of each other during
the pre-colonlal e r a -8 •
Having said this, the Ekiti kingdoms did not 
exist as Islands or watertight compartments as 
there were social, economic and diplomatic relatlomu 
among them before British Administration.
However, the issue of pa ramoun tcy among Ekiti 
Oba was a stränge phenomenon in Ekitiland. 9
Unlike the Situation that existed in Oyo, Egba
and Ijebuland, no Ekiti Oba could be regarded as
a paramo4unt ru*ler over the entire Ekitiland.8. Informati_o__n_ __r_e__c_e—ived fr—om Oba Adel■—egan
Adesida III, the Deji of Akureland, on 
Ist May, 1990. .
9. Interview, Oba 0. Olayisade, 90, the Olo judo 
of Ido-Ekiti, on llth February, 1989.
1
278
Rather, the Ekiti Oba loathed the idea of having
one of them as a suzerain over the entire area as
enunciated in the British policy of rigid politicsJÜ.
centralisation. 10 The Ekiti Oba did not want to lose 
their age-long sovereignty and autonomy hence
the idea of rigid form of centralisation of -
political - authority was very j.unpalatable and unaccssp- 
table to them. . Consequently, the political 
experiment failed abysmally in Ekitiland.
The Establishment of the Ekiti Confeifleration 
Council (Peiupelu) ln 1920 ..- . - -
- Although the British failed in their *hifl>- to . ,
create a Sole Authority in Ekitiland,.they, however,
succeeded in.the. formation of.th<=: Ekiti Confedera-
tion Council* As earHer stated,~the Ekiti.and..
and Ijesa Oba-were constituted into a Council which
was inaugurated at Oke-Imo by Major Reeve-Tucker
- 279 -
on 21st June, 1900. 11 To the British, the Ijess 
and Ekiti people who constituted the Ekitiparapo 
could best be administered under one political 
umbrella with the headquarters at Ilesa. However, 
following the dissolutlon of the North-eastern 
District on 31st December, 1912, the British 
decided.to constitute the Ekiti Oba who were....
formerly part of the Ijesa-Ekiti counci1 into the
Ekiti Confederation Council. 12 The Council was
inaugurated on Ist March, 1920 admist great pomp 
and pageantry.
The following Oba, in Order of precedence, 
attended-the meeting which was later christened 
"pelupelu" (meeting ) : ~ - . ..-
1. The Elekole of Ikole
2. The Ewi of Ado-Ekiti 21
11. Supra, -pp. -198-9.-
12. See Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, Hlstory of Ekiti, 
op. clt. p. 127.
2 8 0 .
3. The Ajero of Ilero
4. The Alara of Araraoko
5. The Deji of Akurd
6. The Alaaye of Efon .
7. The Arinjaleof Ise
8. The Olojudo of.Ido
9. The Oloye.of Oye . . ..
10. The Oloqotun of. Oqotun
11. The Oqoga of Ikere. .
12. The Oloja of Okeraesl
13. The Onitali of Itaji
14. The Onisan of.Isan
15. The Ata of Alyede
16. The E.l.e.m.u.r.e  of Emure13
... At this meeting, the Oba agreed.to Introduce.
Ow...o.. ....1...l..e (poll tax). The District Officer instructed
13. (N.A.I.),. CSO 26/2/11874/Vol.VIII.. Annual
Reports on Ondo Provlnce, 1929 and 1930, para.
36.
- 281 -
them to ensure that palm trees and other economic
trees like Iroko t Aqao and Apepe were not destroyed
in their domains. 14 The Elekole was made the P r e s i d e n t
of the new Council with an a d d i t i o n a l  a a l a r y  ef £ 3 6 ? 15
a phenomenon whieh resulted i n  a coneealed re g e n tm e n t  
among the other Oba who wer® of the v ie w  t h a t  such a 
practice was a l l e n  to the s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l  sefctJi n g  .in
E k i t i l a n d  prior to colonial rule Ä Swhere a l l - t h e  Obn
regarded fchemselves as brothers.and equalg. 15 In 
fact? these ccncealed resenbments were ^ a n if e s ta d .  
in subsequent agitations for separate Treeaurias
and Estimates as-each Ob2aS . t . b i s  P o s i t i o n  was b©ing
threatdned in the 1930s 17 T h i s  notwifchatand.ing.
14. Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, ££? cito
15. ( N . A . I . l N . A . C .  W o i r » ,  The- b r oad - O y t l l n e s - o f  
p a st  and, p r e s e n t  - o rganiiaH^orT^OynEhe“'' Ekl  
D i v i s i o n  o f .O n d o  P r o v ln c e  .c d « e i  t. t , p•..39 ~. -
16. (N.A*I.)>Ekitl-Div-./l/613r O.V. Le®, In  telllgenosei 
Report on Kielt! Division of Ondo ProvTnce,
' Äppenäi W........... * ’ ....  ..
17. Ibid. Details of these agitations will be 
dlscussed in Chapter Five.
.................... - 282 - ...................
the Pelupelu later became a forum where government
policy was made public. It also became a court for
the adjudication of criminal cases but its ruling was
subject to review by the District Officer. Indeed,
the Ekiti Confederation Council became the Ekiti
Judicial Council in October 1923 after its approval
by the Lt. Governor.1810 29 The court also afforded
opportunities for the Ekiti Oba to discuss matters
other than those. connected with the cases actually
being heard by them. 19. Indeed,-it was the view of 
the British that.it would be impossible . to administer
Ekitiland without such a c ounc il. 0 C\- Issues-that were 
considered to be beyond.the scope...of any Native
court were dealt with by the Judicial Council. Such
issues.included charqes against the-B...a...a..l...e (Village .
heads), land disputes between one village and another
18. (N.A.I), CSO 26/2/11874/Vol.III, Annual Report 
- * on Ondo Province, 1926, para. 70.
19. Ibid. . . .......... ........
20. (N.A.I), CSO- 26/2/11874/Vo1.1 Annual Report on 
Ondo Province, 1923, para. 32.
283
etc. 21 The Ekiti Judicial Council meetings were
largely marked with an atmosphere of goodwill and
willingness to work as a corporate body 22 The
council, however, had no legal Status until 1948, 23
In spite of the apparent advantagesof the Council as
will be seen-later in the chapter, it created an
opportun!ty. for.-the British to. erode gradually the
age-long authority of Ekiti Oba.^
Ekiti Oba as Political Instruments of British 
Administration .....
. -- In furtherance of the objective of consolidating
their administration in Ekitiland, the British .
......
made use of.Ekltl Oba as political .instruments of 
their administration.. To befcin-with, the Oba were 
constituted.into..Native Authorities. This,policy 
was informed mainly by two factors. First ,..there 
was the erroneous Impression of some British23 14
21. Ibid., para. 33. .... . .. . ..........
 ̂ J  ̂ 4 . .............................. .. •* - • - - -• • •
22. (N.A.I), Annual Reports on Ondo Provlnce 1929
• and 1930, op.-cit., para. ll. - . - ..
23. Details of how the Council was invested with a 
legal statusas Superior Native Authority for
. the whole of Ekitiland will be-di?cussed in 
Chapter Five. ....... ........ -. •
24. See A. Oguntuyi, Hlstory of Ekitit op« clt., 
p. 128.
284
Political Officers that the Ekiti Oba were autocrats 
and that their subjects would readily accept 
whatever policies they introduced. Secondly, there v-sas 
the need to facilitate the work of the District ,
Officer who had to administer 17 Districts. 25 Thua,
the British selected some Oba whom tbey labelled as
Native Authorities. 2 6 ,Consequently, in the Implemen­
tation q f the Native Administration Ordinanc® 
of 1916, each of the ßkiti Kingdoms was gazetted as..
a District with the Oba as the Sole Native Authori^y.
These Native Authori—ties  were the S^lek..o...l..e.  of Ikole, 
the Swi,of Ado, the Ajero of Ijero, the Alara.qf- 
Aramoko, the Dejl of Akure, the Alaaye of Efon, the ; 
Arinjale of Ise, the Olojudo of Ido, the Oloye of Oye, 
the Oloqotun of-Qqotun, the Oqoqa of Ikere, the -
Qloja of Okemesi, the Onitaji of Itaji, the Onisan of
25. See S-. A. Akintoye, 'Obas of Ekiti Confederacy ’,
• op» eit», . p. 258« . —  ............. . ■■ , * -
26. Information collected from Msgr. A. 0. Oguntuyi 
on 2nd August, 1986.
- 285 -
Isan and the A..t.a  of Aiyede. 27 It should be noted 
that at that time, Otun wa» in the Northern Nigeria 
and was not returned to ßkitiland until 1936» 
Similarly, Bmure was grouped under Ise until 1924» 
Consequently, at the Inauguration of the Native
Authorities in 1916, there were 15 Districts in 
Ekitiland.'28 The number increasedto 16.and 17 when
Emure and Otun were constituted into Distriicts in
19242  ̂ and 1936^ respectively. ................
The Oba, who had Jurisdiction over these 
Districts, performed a number of. functions in the 
administration of Ekitiland duringgolonial rule.
In the discharge.of their functions,-they were used 
as Instruments of political_cta$nge_by .the British „ in 
Ekitiland. First and..foremoät,.the Oba .were responsl- 
ble for the collection of taxes. The objectives behind
27. Interview, Msgr. A. Q.Oguntuyi on 22nd August, 1986. 
See also Gazette No. 32 of June 1924 where they
' were gazetted as Native Authorities.
28. Ibid. ....  ...  ...... - .... . ............ - .
2■ 9. X S7ee“.VG.a...z..e...t..t...e.. ...N...o.......-..5..3. . ...o..f... ...3.  rd Octo..b...e, r,.. ....1..9...2..9...... ......I..n... ...f.act, 
it was then that the Elemure was gazetted as a
‘ Native Authority^ ' ' "......... ' "
30. Ibid. See also S. A. Akintoye op. clt., p. 258..
As it will be seen in Chapter Five, the secessiom 
of Akure in 1946 reduced the number to 16 again.
286
the introduction of direct taxation in Ekitiland
have been discussed. 31 In the same vein, the method i
of collection of tax has also been dealt with. 32
Following the introduction of direct taxation, each 
Oba began to receive a salary based on Twenty percent 
(20%) of all the taxes collected in his district*
Apart from the Qba, a few JQjBial_e. and Chiefs who served
on councils were paid paltry fees for their Services« 33
But this-was a f ar cry from.the British overall
pölicy of making each Oba to imposfe, collect and spend 
the tax. 34 This decision was predicated on the 
British overall policy of making the dependencies 
to contribute towards the maintenance of their 
Administrators# Nevertheless, it was a matter of 
regret that the Yoruba Oba in general were not aware4231 
of this Provision in the indirect ruie memorandum
31. Supra, pp*. 262-3.
32. See pg. 266-8 above
33. S. A. Akintoye, op. clt., p.259.
34. See R. Wraith, *Indirect Rule in Retrospect1 in
E. Am Tugbiyele, Report of a course on Local Govarn- 
ment in Transitlon» (September, 1958), p.6»
.............  ...- 287 . .......  ...
hence they were satisfied with the grant of the
Twenty percent (20%) of the tases collected. K
Generally, the objectives of poll tax were 
poorly explained to the vastly illiterate communities 
in Ekitiland who were hitherto used to giving 
tributes and other traditional gifts to their Oba 
before colonial rule. Indeed, the payment of this 
form of tax called Owo Orl was stränge hem*
Besides, the mode of assessment, method of collection 
as well as the brutal punishments often meted out 
to tax defaulters enraged the people of Ekitiland.3- 6
What is more, the British System of taxation
destroyed the age-long tradition of tribute payment 
which was considered by them (the.British) to be a 
barbaric form of taxation. Hence, all the series 
of arbitrary, irregulär and uncertain tributes paid
■ ; ,0 ? ...........................................................................................
35. Ibi
36. Infornmation received from Mr. Elijah Ajisafe, 
(a8:1), at Ilawe-Ekiti on 2nd March, 1988.
- 288 -
to the Ob» were Consolidated into a regulär,
definite, single and fair.System of direct taxation
out of which the salary of the Oba could be paid. 37
This strengthened the hands of the British Political 
agents in administering the Ekiti people through 
their Oba. In their perception, a favour had been 
done to the Oba who in turn had to reciprocate by 
accepting and obeying British laws* This notwith- 
standing, the Oba were obliged to convince their 
subjects about the asSvantages they would derive from 
the payment of tax* Consequently, the Oba in Ekiti- 
land became the mouth-piece of the British Colonial 
authorities by informing their respective subjects
l -
that once they (Oba) started to receive salaries, 
forced labour and all forms of exactions from the 
people would end. Paradoxically, later events were
to show that/ Tbly? serving as the mouth-piece of the
____________________________________________________________________
37. G.O. Orewa, Taxation in Western Nigeria; 
Problem of an emerqent sfcate.. (ibadari,
Oxford University Press, p.l.
289
British, some of the Oba made themselves susceptible 
to charges of extortions levelled against them by 
their subjects."^
A number of reasons were adduced in Chapter 
Three to explain why the Ekiti people initially did
not put up a stout resistance to the payment of tax.3'
However, as the years rolled by, resentment against
taxation began to gather momentum. Ekitiland
started to withess a high degree of tax evasion.
The Situation was accentuated by the introduction of
income tax in the 1929/30 financial year. 40 Under 
the flat rate system, the British realised that the 
income of individual farmers varied from one person 
to the other hence it was decided that tax payment 
should be in accordance with the policy of neach 
according to his ability" 389401
38. See Father A. Oguntuyi, A short Hlstory of Ado~
Bkiti Part II. op. cit., p. IQ1) and Lord FV 
Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical 
Africa. o p cit., p. .
39. Supra , pp.268 - 272.
40. See (NAI). Annual Report on Ondo Province for 
1929 and 1930/ op. cit., para. 51.
41. Ibid.
- 290 -
Before the new tax came into force, the British 
colonial authorities sent Mr. B. H. Carkeek, the 
District Officer for Ekiti, to undertake a tour of 
the area to explain the raison detre for the new 
taxation as well as to enlighten the people on the 
advantages that would accrue to them from the new 
System. On receiving this Instruction,
Carkeek proceeded to Ido-Ekiti, his first port of
call. He assembled the people together at the Ido
Rest House where he announced the introduction of
the new income tax under which a male adult was to
pay seven Shillings (7s). 42 This represented an 
increase of one Shilling (ls) over the existing 
tax rate. The reaction of the Ido people to this 
development was sponteneous. They protested
vehemently to Mr. Carkeek who retorted by stressing
' .........................................................................................................  42
42. Interview Mr. S. 0. Fabusuyi, 78, at Ido- 
Ekiti on 7th January, 1989.
291
that payment of more taxes would ensure better
improvement of the towns and villages in Ekitiland«4 3
In spite of his explanation, the people of Ido wer® 
not satisfied. This was manifested in the manner 
which they frowned at Hr, Carkeek's repeated
appeasements.43 4 456 / i T
Generally, the reactions gathered by Mr. Carkeek
in all the other towns visited during the tour were
similar to that of Ido-Ekiti. Ekiti people received
the news of the introduction of income tax with
vehement resentment. Consequently, the British
decided not to introduce income tax arbitrarily
in Ekitiland. A decision was, therefore, taken to
embark on a re-assexsment exercise similar to the
one conducted in 1919.,4 5 When the re-assessment
exercise began in 1929, 4 6farmers were asked a >
......... ................................... ..................................................................
4.3*.  oIfn tIedröv-iEekwi,t iO,b ao n0'.l lOtlha'yFiesbarduea,r y,( 901)9,8 9t.h.e. .O.l.o.j-udo 
44i Interview* Oba 0. Olayisade on llth Febrüary, 1989.
45. See- (NAI)^- H* Bridel, EKITI... DIV-1/1/220A,... ...
Intelligence Report on the- Aiyede Dlstrict of 
Skitl.Division, Ondo ProvXnce, paras. 89-90. '
46. Ibid.
- 292 -
number o f  q u e s t i o n s  r a n g i n g  from th e  number o f  
f a rm la n d s  th e y  p o s s e s s e d t h e  number o f  heaps c u l t i »  
va te d  y e a r l y t o  the  p r o f i t s . a c c r ü i n g  to  them from
4f
the  s a i e  o f  t h e i r  farm p roduce«  & Ifc was on t h e  basls
o f  th e  assessment thafc each t a x - p a y e r  knew how much
he had to pay»  I t  i s  i n s t r u c t i v e  to  n o te  thafc th o  ta x
assessment o f  1929 was no t  as s u c c e s s f u l  as the cne
c a r r i e d  o u t  i n  1919, U n l i k e  th e  1919 exercise, the
fa rm e rs  were u n w i l l i n g  to  g i v e  a c c u r a t e  d a ta  t o . t h e ... ,
48
A s s e s s o rs  to  a v o id  p a y in g  h ig h  taxes* - - Consequsnfciy?
ta x  a s se s so rs  o n ly .m a d e  r e s t i m a t e s  o f  the
incom e„of the .. .farmers» A& sIS a r e s u l t  t . th e  . Income t a x  
imposed on e v e r y  t a x a b le  a d u l t  ra n g e d  from 6s to  
1 5 s . 49 . . . .
G e n e r a l l y ,  the people of  E k i t l l a n d  were. not  
p re p a re d  to  adapt t o  the new form o f  t a x a t i o n »  As a
_______________________ -—  -----------------  -  ------------------------------------------------------------------------
47. Ibid. . - . - ,
4 8 .  I n t e r v i e w ,  M sgr.  A .  0 .  O g u n t u y i  on 2nd A u g u s t ? 
1986.
-
4 9 .  I b i d .
293
result of this, the new rates were paid only for 
two years before open resentments and riots broke 
out. At Ido-Ekiti in 1931, the tax-payers assembled 
in the market shouting and cursing the Olojudo of 
Ido because the people believed that he colluded 
with the colonial authorities to accept the tax 
increase, It was, therefore, their view that the
Olojudo should suffer the consequences for
\ /
betraying his subjects.''"5'0
The agitation escalated as women joined their
male counterparts. Markets were boycotted and
people prevented from going to their farms. 51 The 
atmosphere was so charged that neither the Olojudo 
nor his Chiefs dared confront the angry mob. In 
the circumstance, therefore, the Olojudo sent an
emissary to the District Officer at Ado-Ekiti to 501
50. Interview, Oba 0. Olayisade, on llth February, 
1989. See also Father A. Oguntuyi, History
of Ado-Ekiti Part II, op. cit., p. lÖlT~
51. See Father A. Oguntuyi, History of Ado-Ekiti 
Part II, op. cit., p. löi.
294
come to his rescue. -, In a spontaneous reaction 
to„this distress c a l l t h e  District Offleer. . .
dispatched some local policemen together with a
handful of Hausa force.to Ido-Ekiti to put down the
uprising. And within the twinkling of an eye, the
riot was suppressed while a number of people were
arrested. Those arrested were taken to Ado-Ekitl
where they were either fined or jailed. 53 The 
culprits fined were requested to pay the outstanding
tax arrears while those who could n,ot afford the
fines were jailed accordingly. 54 The most agonising
aspect of the Situation was.that those jailed.were
madeto’ pay the arrears of tax owed.after serving
their various jail terms.-5 5 In.spite of the brutal 
measures taken against the tax-agitators at-Ido, 
tax agitation spread to other parts of Ekitiland 5234
52. Ibld.
53. Ibld.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid
295
unabated. In fact, it would appear as if the Ido
incident was a Catalyst that fuelled the wave of tax
agitation in Ekitiland. 5 6
In 1931, there was a tax riot at Ijero-Ekitl. 
The riot was sparked off by the news of an increase, 
in tax broken to the Ijero people by Chief Oso-Ibon,
the Obanla of the town.57 The Obanla had repre sented
the Ajero at a meeting convened by the Distr ict
Officer of the Ekiti Division to educate the people 
of the circumstances leading to the increase in tax« 58
The Obanla was thus accused of Cc°ommplicity by the
Ijero people for the increase in tax. Consequently,
the majority of tax-payers in the town gathered in
front of his house and started singing dirges äimed
at mourning the expected demise of the Chief. 59
The people resorted to mourning the Obanla while
—
56. Interview, Msgr. A. 0. Oguntuyi on 2nd August,
1986. ' • •
57. I(n82f)o,r maa tiroent irceodl leNcatteidv e fcrooumr tC hicelefr kJ,.  Aa.t  AIrjoekrood-are,  
Ekiti on 5th June, 1988.
58. Interview, Chief J. A. Arokodare on 5th June, 
1988.
59. Interview, Chief J. A. Arokodare.
296
alive because there was no other alternative of 
showing their grievances.^ In the pre-colonial 
setting, such a Situation could have resulted in 
asking the Obanla to commit suicide or an outright
murder by the irate mob. But since the British
Government had outlawed any act of murder, the %
people could only show their dlspleasure by
mourning the Obanla while alive. This line Of 
action had a —positive result as the Obanla eventually
died before the end of that year. 61 It would 
appear that the open resentment of the Ijero 
people against the Obanla which led to his being 
ostracised by his people must have had a psycholo-
gical effect on him. C r
After the death of the Obanla« the people
cooled down their nervesand settled down to work
.................... . .................................... .......................................................
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1------------------------------------
60. Interview, Chief J. A. Arokodare. ----
61. Interview, Chief J. 0. Adeosun, the Saijuku of 
Ijero, on 6th June, 1988. It was corroborated 
by Chief J. A. Arokodare in an interview on 
llth April, 1989.
- 297 -
hard so as to procure enough money to pay thelr tax. 
Compared wlth.the Ido riot, the Ijero disturbances 
present a marked difference. While the law enforce- 
ment agents were called in to quell the riot in the 
former, the riotous Situation in the latter fizzled 
out naturally with the anticipated death of the 
Obanla. Thus, the British did not intervene in the 
Ijero disturbances.
Apart from Ido and Ijero, Akure expe'\riSve?nced an 
anti-tax riot which took place in 1931 in protest 
against an increase in tax from six Shillings (6s) in 
1928/29 to fifteen Shillings (15s) in the 1929/30 
financial year.^ Prior to tax riot, the peopla
of Akure appealed to Mr. G. G, Harris, the then 
District Officer at Ado-Ekiti, for a reduction in 
their tax. When this appeal feil on deaf ears, the 
people of Akure led by Mr. Abere Adedipe held an2 6*
62. (N.A.I.), N.A.C., Weir, CSO 25/4/30014,
Intelligence Reports on Akure District, op.
cit., para. 2 6 .
\
- 298 -
assembly where they resolved to revolt. At that 
meeting, Mr. Adedipe spurred the people into action
by alleging that all the tax they had been paying was
converted into the private purse of the Dej1 of Akure,
Oba Afunbiowo Adesida I.63 Ke then asked the Akure
people present at the occasion to pin-point whafc
the Oba had done for them frofn the proceeds of the
tax collected. This speech undoubtedly galvanised
the people of Akure into action. They summoned all
the taxable adults in the neighbouring towns and
villages to a meeting in Akure over their plan to
stop the payment of tax.^4 A meeting w$s held at 
Imogun 6 S the following day. Thereafter, the meeting 
soon became a daily event. Mindful of the dis-
astrous consequences of holding meetings at Imogun
_________—___T_—____y__s_r__p__ _ ;____________:__________________________________________
63. See J. 0. Atandare, Iwe Itan Akure atl 
Aqbegbe re, op. clt., p. 279.
64. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida III, the Deji 
of Akure (79), on I5th January, 1989.*56 
65. It was (and still is) an abomination in Akure for 
a meeting to be held at Imogun except during the 
demise of the Deji. Thus, the idea of holding
a meeting at Imogun Street portended bad omens 
for the Oba. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida 
III on 15th January, 1989.
\
- 299 -
Street, Oba Afunbiowo Adesida I sent emissaries to 
important Personalities in Akure to dissuade the 
people from holding such meetings. He even promised 
to pay half of the tax due for each adult male in 
the town but all his entreaties were ignored.
The Akure people were resolved to revolt against 
the payment of tax at all costs. All appeals made 
to them by Chief Gabriel Amudipe, the Lisa of Akure, 
feil on deaf ears.^
When the Deji became apprehensive of the
Situation, he sent for Mr. G. AG. 'Harris, the
District Officer at Ado-Ekiti who also made-fruitleasB
appeal to the people to keep the peace. 6 7 At a 
meeting held by the District Officer with the people 
of Akure, Mr. Adedipe, their spokesmaro, challenged
the District Officer and the Deji to enumerate what
............................................. ’.....................................................................................................
66. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida III on 15th
January, 1989. , . . . .  .76 
67. See J. 0. Atandare, loc. cit., pp. 195 and 279.
300 -
had been done with the proceeds of the tax collected,
He boasted that the people would not pay tax
unless it was reduced to three Shillings (3s)
per adult male. 68 In response, Mr. Harris educated 
the people on the objectives of taxation. He 
clarified that the proceeds of taxation accrued 
to the government rather than the Deji.
However, the people were not deterred in 
holding their daily meetings at the Imogun street, 
much to the consternation of the Deji who sent a 
message to the District Offleer to come to Akure
again and pacify the Situation®7'0“ In response, 
the District Officer intimated the Deji with his 
plan to come to Akure on 27th July, 1931 at 8.00 a.m. 
to S t a r t  enforcing the Collection of tax personally.
Mr. Harris requested for police reinforcement
.......................................................  68970
68. Ibid. .
69. Ibid. This was also confirmed by Oba Adelegan 
Adesida III in an interview on 15th January,
1989.
70. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida III on 15th 
January, 1989.
- 301 -
from Lagos to enforce compliance of the Akure 
people to the payment of tax. Despite the fact 
that the Deji1s messengers had informed the people of 
the proposed plan of the Distridt Officer to oversee 
the collection of tax as from 27th July, 1931, 
the people remained unruffled, unperturbed and
adamant. They only changed the venue of their
meeting to Idiagba Street that day 71 In fact,
the news that the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  was coming to 
Akure to oversee the c o l l e c t i o  ax personally
aggravated the S i t u a t io n .  I t  enraged the people
as well as strengthened their resolve to defy the
constituted authorities. 72 They, therefore, armed 
themselves with protective charms of different 
kinds in readiness for any eventual military 
confrontation with the authorities. In order to
^  _  _
71. J. 0. Atandare, 0£. c i t ., p.284,
72. Ibid.
302
swell their ranks, the people of Akure despatcheö
emissaries to the neighbouring towns and villages
like Ilara, Ijare, Igbara-Oke, Ero, Oda, Isarun etc.
to come to Akure for the proposed massive protesst.73
On the appointed day, the people of Akur
assembled at Idiagba Street together with people .
from the neighbouring towns and villages. Meanwhile,
the Distrifct Officer had arrived at Akure with some
Ekiti Native Authority Police and Tax offlcials.
In Company of the Deji, they assembled at the Akure
Native Court No. 1 Hall near the Erekesan market.
Although the District Offi sent a message to the
people of Akure at Idi-agba that he had reduced the
tax from 6s to 5s 6d, the people mandated their
spokesman, Mr. Akomolede, to meet him and reiterate
their refusal to pay tax. 74 When Mr. Akomolede
O - ................................... 437 
73. lbidU\i . . . ...
74. Interview, Oba Adelegan Adesida Ilt, on 15th 
January, 1989.
V
- 303
arrived at the Court Hall, the Deji urged him to 
prevail on the people to keep.the peace pledging 
that each adult male would pay only 3s in reality 
as he (the Deji) would personally augm^nt this by 
2s 6d. But instead of yielding ground, Mr. Akomolede 
accused the Deji of trying to enslave the Akure 
people indirectly through his proposed augmentation 
of the amount payable by each tax-payer by 2s 6d.
He also accused the De j i  of embezzling the proceeds 
of the tax e a r l i e r  paid by the Akure people adding 
that they were no longer prepared to pay tax
again 75
At th is  ju n c tu re ,  one of the E k i t i  Native 
A u th o r ity  Police who was apparently i n f u r i a t e d  by 
Mr. Akomolede’ s unguarded utterances asked him to 
s i t  down. Hardly had he said t h is  than news spread
to the Akure people at Id i -a g b a  that t h e i r  spokesman 
was being molested. In a s w if t  r e a c t io n ,  the 75
75. See J. 0. Atandare, loc. cit., p. 285.
304
people rushed to the venue of the meeting and
started throwing stones at the people inside the
hall. The intensity of this was so great that the
District Officer and his entourage sustained
injuries. Also, the De ji was attacked and chased
out of the court hall with stones. 7 6 Oba Adesida I
was rescued by the British Resident and driven to
Owo for safety. 77 This incident known as "Ogun 
Okuta” 78 dealt a great blow to the status and prestiga 
of the Deji who prior to the introduction of
direct taxation had been held in a high esteem by
his subjects.
In the heat of the riot, the officials who fled
the court hal!l inadvertently left behind the proceeds
76. Ibid. See also T. S..Adeloye, The orlqln and 
development of the monarchy in Äkure ^rom the 
earliest times to 1897, op. eit., p. 126.
77. Ibid. V /  ..
78. This literally means the "war of stones”. It
is so named because stones were the main weapons 
used during the riot. See T.S. Adeloye, Ibid, 
p. 126.
79. Ibid.
305
of the tax collected as well as the receipt books* 
It was one Mr. James Itapere Qmeye who carried the 
money and documents to his house for safe custody 80
He, however, handed over thdse intact to the District
Officer on demand the following day. 81 In apprecia- 
tion of his transparent honesty, the District 
Officer directed that Mr. Omeye be exempted from 
the payment of tax for the rest of his life. A 
tax exemption certificate was issued to him 
thereafter
Meanwhile, the De1i who had been driven to Owo
to avoid molestation by the angry mob returned to
A.kure on 29th July, 1931. 84 He was provided with a
heavy police security in his palace. 8 5 However, when108 
80. 1931 Diary of Pa. J. A. Faloye, (105), a retired 
civil servant. See also J. 0. Atandare, op. 
cit., p.286.
81. Ibid.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid.
84. Diary of Pa. J. A. Faloye for the year 1931, op♦ cit.
85. Ibid.
1
- 306 ‘- j . . .  - -
the atmosphere was still tense, the District
Officer employed a trick to arrest the ringleaders of
the riot by providing a vehicle to convey the
aggrieved people to Oke-Eda*. 66 purportedly to 
settle the matter. In the circumstance, therefore, 
many unsuspecting Akure people who entered the 
vehicle wäre later locked up, tried and sontenced
to varying terms of imprisonment. 87 It ls very
germane at this juncture to remark that some Akure 
people who did not participate in the riot but
ignorantly entered the vehicle out of the sheer 
desire to witness the purported settlement of the
anti-tax riot were among those imprisoned.7 688
Altogether, 14 Akure /pVeoyple found guilty of
86. This was a Government Reservation Area housing 
the Office and quarters of the Resident of the 
Ondo Province. In fact, this place houses the 
Ondo State Judicial Servige Commission today.
87. Diary of Pa. J. A. Faloye, o£. cit.
88. Information collected from Pa. J. A. Faloye, 
(105), on 21st March, 1988.
307
organising the riot wer« jailed. The following
first twelve of the culprits were convicted on lOth
August, 1931 to varying terms of imprisonment:
Dukudu (2 yrs.), Aina (5 yrs.), Omirin (2 yrs.),
Afere (2 yrs.), Alarapon (3 yrs.), Odogun (2 yrs.),
Peter Fatoyinbo (2 yrs.), Samuel Aga (2 yrs.),
AbereOje (2 yrs), Mogudu (2 yrs.), Ajana (2 yrs.),
and Ogunsuyi (2 yrs.). 89 Mr. Akomolecie, who had
earlier escaped to Ile-Ife but was later arrested
on a tip-off by the Ekiti Native Authority Police,
was sentenced to a jail term öf three years and three
months on 17th October, 1931. 90 The last culprit 
to be apprehended was Mr. Joseph Ojogbede who was 
tried and sentenced to one year imprisonment at the 
Ekitiparapo Council meeting (Pelupelu) held in Ado- 
Ekiti on 13th November, 1931. It was indeed an098 
89. Diary of Pa. J. A. Faloye, 0£. clt. This was 
confirmed by Oba Adelegan Adesida III in an 
interview on 15th January, 1989.
90. Diary of Pa. J. A. Faloye, loc. eit,.
308
irony of fate for Mr. Ojogbede that Oba Afunbiowo
Adesida I was one of the Oba in attendance at the 
trial.91
Meanwhile, as normalcy returned to Akure, the 
police who had been stationed there since 27th July, 
1931 in the wake of the disturbänces wäre evacuated 
on llth August, 1 9 3 1 . It is, of course9 pertinent 
to note that although some of the people convicted 
over the riot died in prison, the salutary effect 
of the stern measures taken by the British to
deal with the ringleaders Oof t Tthe riot was that the
Akure people were forced to surrender and resume
the payment of tax immediately. 93 The British 
authorities demonstrated at this instance that 
they could not be intimidated into abandoning their
policy of direct taxation. But in the process,
■ ..............................  ....................................
91. Ibid. , .....  , - - > .
92. See J. 0. Atandare, ££. cit., p. 292.
93. Ibid. This was also confirmed by Oba Adelega.n 
Adesida III in an interview on 15th January, 
1989. Like Pa. J.A. Faloye, Oba Adesida III 
was an eye-witness of the riot.
309
the of Akure lost the respect and goodwill
of his subjects. 94
In Ado-Ekiti, there was also resentment 
against the payment of direct taxation. The Ado
people, like their counterparts in Akure, expressec
resentment against Oba Adewumi Agunsoye for
allowing tax to be collected in his domain.
Consequently, the zeal with which the people paid
tax in 1920 waned as from 1921. 95 The people of
Ado-Ekiti were of the view that if the Swi had
resisted the introduction of taxation by the
British, their (Ado people) urden would have been 
alleviated. 96 Like in other parts of Ekitiland,
the British Iofficials punished tax defaulters
some of whom were made to open their eyes to the rays
of the sun while the feet of some others were put6549 
94. See J. 0. Atandare, o£. cit. t p. 278 and T. S.
Adeloye, 0£. cit. . . . . . .
95. See A. 0. Oguntuyi, History of Ekiti, op. cit., 
p. 126. See also Father A. 0. Oguntuyi, A 
short History of Ado-Ekiti Part II« op. cit., 
p. 8^.
96. Ibid
310
in  Stocks. 97 T h is  went a long way in  enforcing 
tax c o l le c t io n  in A d o - E k i t i .  N evertheless, the 
Ado people s t i l l  composed a song implying that they 
were being made to pay tax under duress:
"Owo i l e  me su me san" i -
(It is not my Intention not tö pay poll-tax). 98
Although the people resented payment of tax in Ado-
Ekiti. there was no organised massive protest
against the payment of direct taxation in the town.
At Otun-Ekiti, there was an anti-tax riot
in 1941 but it was quickly put down by the colonial 
authorities. 99 In fact, the magnitude of this riot 
was not as great as that of 1915 when the youths of 
that town burnt down a large number of houses and 
caused a lot of disturbances over the payment of 
rt0seH (tax)019* 
_
97, Ibid—
98, Ibid., pp. 128-9,
99. (N.A.I), CS026/11874/Vol.Xvii, Annual Report on 
Ondo Province, 1942, para. 21.
100. Details of the 1915 riot at Otun-Ekiti have 
been discussed in Supra.fpp. 264-5»
311
Apart from direct taxation, Ekiti Oba wer« 
used as political instrumenta of British Administra­
tion with regard to the Operation of the Native 
Courts System. 101 The Oba were the pivot around
which the Native Courts System revolved. They 
served as Presidents of Native Courts. For instance, 
the Oore of Otun served as the Presii<dent of the
'D* Court (Limited) comprising 18 members among whom 
were the Baale from the neighbouring villages.
At Ikole-Ekiti, the court comprised the Elekole 
and five other members. The Elekole received a 
fixed salary of £ 4 8 . Similarly, at Ido-Ekiti 
the membership of the Native Court comprised the 
Olojudo and five other memlpers (i.e. Town Chiefs 
and three Baale). However, in 1935 when the3201 
101. Details of the Operation of the Native 
courts system have been discussed vida
Supra> pp. 231-253.
102. See A. F. Abeil, Intelligence Report on 
Otun Distrlct, para. 30.
103. (N.A.I.), EKITI DIV 1/1/File 306, covering 
letter to the Intelligence Report on Ise 
District, para. 3.
312
Olojudo was indisposed, one of the town Chiefs 
from Ido presided v/hile the vice-president was
V * _
selected from among the other membsrs. " By 1939, 
the Native Courts in Ekitiland undsr the leaderßhip 
of the Oba were able to try a large number of 
criminal cases which included robbery, Ssttealxiiin g,
burglary, assault, adultery, witchcraft\£ ^ tc  •
They imposed punishments ranging from whipping,
fines of £5 and below to imprisonment of between
one month and a year on culprits. 105
Moreover, the Oba served a;s affective instru>
ments for the mobilisation of people for public 
works. i 06 This went a long v/ay in facilitating the
the work of the B.istrict Officer. Also, the Oba 
were empowered to grant timber concessions. In
performing their new role, the Ekiti Oba served as
104• ibld. .
105, (N.A.I), CSO 26/11874, Vol. XVI, Appendix I. -
106. Details of this will be discussed in Infra, p» 381*
. - ..313 .......
effective instruments for legitimising the 
British policy of obtaining permits for timber
felling.107 Furthermore, the Oba received and
dealt with all official correspondence for their
respective districts• 108 In this way, the British
made use of them as agents for the implementation of 
gofcernment policies.
ßvidently, it is crystal clear that the British 
colonial authorities made use of th.e Oba in Ekiti-
land to facilitate their Administration in the area, 
Apparently, in a Division where the Divisional 
Officer had to administer 17 Districts, it was 
expedient that he shouldl use one Oba in each 
District for administrative convenience rathep 
than a whole array of Baale and Chiefs. Thus, the 
powers of these Native Authorities increased vis-a- 
vis those of the Oba and Baale of the subordinate8701 
107. oIfn teIrkveireew-,E kiOtbia,  Aodne gblolythe  AFkeabriuyaejroy,,  t19h8e9..O qoqSae e 
also S. A. Akintoye, *0bas of the Ekiti 
confederacy1, o£. cit., p. 258.
108. Ibid
314
towns and villages. In the performance of their 
multifarious functions during the period from 1920 
to 1951, the status and prestige of the Oba changed 
in relation to the nature of the duties which they 
performed. While their status and prestige wer« 
enhanced in discharging certain duties, it can be 
argued that under the new political dispensation 
some of the responsibilities assigned to the Oba 
in Ekitiland eroded their traditional power, 
authority, status and prestige«
From the foregoing, it is apparent that the 
British made a tremendous effort to consolidate 
their administration in gkitiland through the creaticm 
of a centralised political authority and the use of 
Ekiti Oba as political Instruments of governance.
The political experiment of making the Ewi of Ado- 
Ekiti as the Sole Authority for the whole of Ekiti­
land failed abysmally. This was because the policy 
did not take into account the hitherto decentralised 
polity of the area and the autonomy enjoyed by each 
Oba in his domain in the pre-colonial era.
Consequently, the British resorted to the use of the
315
Ekitiparapo Council to bolster up their administra­
tion of Ekitiland. The attendant problems of 
Central Administration and the British._re-organisation 
policy in.the area as from 1946 are discussed in the
316
CHAPTER FIVE
ATTENDANT PROBLEMS OF CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION 
AND BRITISH RE-ORGANISATION POLICY IN EKITILAND,
1938-1951 j
We shall now examine the attendant Problems of 
Central Administration put in place by the Colonial 
government in Ekitiland. The problems bordered on 
agitations for secession, autonomy as well as other 
political reforms by some communities in Ekitiland 
between 1938 and 1946. The efforts made by the 
British to re-organise their administration in the 
area as from 1946 will also be discussed.
A g i t a t i o n s  f o r  secession»  autonomy and o th e r  
P o l i t i c a l  Reforms by some communities i n  
E k i t i l a n d ,  1 9 ^ 8 - 1 9 4 ^  ' “
As e a r l i e r  s t a t e d ,  the B r i t i s h  p o l i c y  of  p o l i t i c a l
c e n t r a l i s a t i o n  which would have b ro u g h t  the whole of
Ekitiland under a central authority failed. it was 
also noted that the scheme did not take into cognizance 
the fact that Ekitiland was a highly segmentary society 
where each of the Oba ruled autonomous and independent
317
kingdom in  the p r e - c o l o n i a l  e r a .  i n  f a c t ,  the idea 
o f  making one of them namely the Ewi o f  A d o - E k i t i  
a paramount r u l e r  was strä n g e  to E k i t i l a n d .  C o n s e -  
qguently,  no Qba was w i l l i n g  to  s u r r e n d e r  h i s
s o v e r e i g n t y  and be s u b s e r v i e n t  to  the Ewi
I n  the same v e i n ,  the use of the E k i t i p a r a p o  
C o u n c i l  by the B r i t i s h  as a body not o n ly  t:co a d m i n i s t e r
E k i t i l a n d  but a l s o  t o  f o r g e  p o l i t i c a lv cohesion  in  the 
area a ls o  had i t s  own a t te n d a n t  problem s.  The scheme 
was b e d e v i l l e d  by vehement a g i t a t i o n s  f o r  s e c e s s io n ,
autonomy and o th e r  p o l i t i c a l  reform s by some components 
o f  the  E k i t i p a r a p o .  The a g i t a t i o n s ,  which began to 
g a t h e r  momentum as from the 1 9 2 0 's ,  reached a peak i n  
the 1940*s . 2  some communities s t a r t e d  a g i t a t i n g  f o r  
o u t r i g h t  s e c e s s io n ,  autonomy and o th e r  p o l i t i c a l  
r e f o r m s ,  a c l e a r  m a n i f e s t a t i o n  of  a c ra c k  i n  the 
e d i f i c e  of the E k i t i p a r a p o  as a c o r p o r a t e ,  i n d i v i s i b l e  
p o l i t i c a l  e n t i t y .  The communities a f f e c t e d  can be21 
1 .  See Supra ,  pp.  2 7 6 -7 0
2.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  N . A . C .  W e ir ,  CS026/29734, I n t e l l i g e n c e  
Report  on Ado D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  Ondo 
p r o v i n c e ,  1$^3, p a r a . 1 7 .  ~
318
categorised into two: The first category, which could 
be regarded essentially as irredentist movements, 
comprises towns and villages which were fighting for 
self-determination from their traditional overlords.
The second group was made up of hitherto independent 
towns each of which was obsessed with a desire to have 
autonomous Native Administration and Treasury.
Those which come under the first category »re 
Osi, Igbara-Odo, Ilawe, imesi-Lasigidi (now Imesi- 
Ekiti), Ido-Ajinare (formerly Ido-irapa up tili 1964), 
Egbe, Ode, Iyapa (now Ayetoro), Ilogbo and Emure.
By 1924, Osi, Ode, Igbara-odo, Imesi-Lasigidi, Egbe 
and Ilawe had asserted their independence from the 
Ewi of Ado-Ekiti. In the same breath, Iyapa (now 
Ayetoro-Ekiti) declared its sovereignty from the a jero 
of Ijero, Ire from the Oloye of Oye, Ilogbo from the 
Olojudo of Ido, Igbara-Oke from the pejl of Akure, Ido- 
irapa from the Alaye of Efon, Itapa and Igbira-odo from 
the Elekole of ikole as well as Emure from the Arinjale 
of Ise.3
3 Ibid., paras 17, 18 and 20
319
L e t  us examine the  background to  the c lam our f o r  
s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n  by these com m unit ies.  The c la im  
o f  O s i  to  independence c o u ld  be t r a c e d  to 1900 when 
O d u n l e b i o j o ,  the 17th O l o s i  of O s i - E k i t i ,  a sse rte d  
t h a t  he was an Qba d u r in g  the t o u r  of  the N o r t h -  
E a s te rn  D i s t r i c t  by M ajor  R e e v e -T u c k e r . Trhe   O0 l o s i
was f i n e d  a sum of £5 f o r  r e f u s i n g  to  prossttrr a t e
himself before the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti. Nevertheless,
this did not dampen the enthusiasm of the olosi in his
persistent claim to independence from the Ewi of
Ado-Ekiti.4 The Olode of Ode claimed to be an Oba
with a beaded cro-w-n- -f-r om Ile-Ife and denied ove—r
being a subject of the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti.5 6 In 1911,
he was deported to Oyo for refusing to acknowledge the
suzerainty of the Ewi and was not allowed to return
_
u n t i l  1915.^  j n s p i t e  of t h i s ,  the —Olode r e fu s e d
bluntly to acknowledge the paramountcy of the Ewi 
of Ado-Ekiti. He also continued to ignore the Ado 
Native Court.7
4 .  I b l d . , p a r a .2 7 .
5 .  I b i d . , p a r a .3 6 .
6. Ibid.
7.  I b i d .
320
Igbara-Odo had long claimed to be an independent
town. It is claimed that the Qlowa of Igbara-Odo
came from Ile-Ife. 8 The Qlowa had also resisted 
attempts by the Qgoqa of Ikere to impose his suzerainty 
on the town. In the same breath, the Igbara-Odo 
people had consistently frowned at the early attempts 
made at different times to place them under the Ogoga 
of Ikere-Ekiti and the Deji of Akure. However, when 
Major Reeve-Tucker visited Igbara-Odo on Ist February, 
1900 he recorded in his Diary that the town
»»was now placed under Ado to fall into their 
old place and to an sure better Government 
and Order”
Initially, the Qlowa of Igbara-Odo did not raise any
objection. 9 Thereafter, the people started to assert 
their independence from the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti.^0
With regard to Ilawe, the relations between the 
Ewi and the Alawe had for long been characterised by 
enmity. In November, 1924, the Alawe openly defied the 8910
8. Ibid., para.69.
9. Ibid., para.25.
10. interview, Mr. Elijah Abidakun, 68, at Igbara-Odo 
on 7th June, 1987.
321
Ewi by refusing to call upon his subjects to assist 
in the re-building of the Ewi's palace.ü Conse- 
quently, Afinbiokin, the Alawe, was deported to 
Abeokuta on the Order of the Colonial Administration
in June 1925. In addition, he was fined a sum of £20 .
Nine of his Chiefs were also fined a total sum )of £90 
by the Ekiti judicial Council for refusing to recognise 
the authority of the Ewi.  1 2 in April 1927, 15 pro­
minent Ilawe Chiefs were sentenced to two months 
imprisonment with hard labour each in default of 
payment of £20 fines. The Alawe, who was deported 
in 1925, eventually died in exile in May 1929.13
In August 1929, Adefolalu was sentenced to six 
months imprisonment with hard labour for assuming the 
Position of Baale without the permission of the Ewi 
of Ado-Ekiti.14 Also, five Ilawe palace messengers 
were given six months imprisonment with hard labour 
for conspiring against the Ewi. Similarly, four 
indigenes of the town were punished by the British 
Colonial Administration for inciting people to cause 
a breach of- the peace. What is more, Adefolalu was
11. Ibid., para.56.
12. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
322
detained at Ado-Ekiti in February 1930 on the Order 
of the Ekiti Judicial Council until he acknowledged 
the Ewi as his suzerain. He was not allowed to 
return to his domain until September 1932.15
This notwithstanding, the above-named com>immunities
did not relent in their age-long struggle for seif­
determination from their traditional overlords.
This struggle became more and more from
the 1940«s.16
The second category comprised Akure and Ado- 
Ekiti which agitated for secession from the Ekiti 
confederation. Each of the cornmunities wanted auto- 
nomous Native Administration and Treasury. I intend
to discuss the Separatist movements by those two 
cornmunities since their agitations had far-reaching 
effects on the existence of Ekitiland as a corporate 
political entity.
The genesis of the demand of the people of Akure 
district for a complete financial independence and
IS. ibid.
10. I b i d . y pa-ra.17.
323
Separation from Ekiti can be traced to 1923.^  At
t h a t  t im e ,  the c o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  dism issed the
agitation with a wave of the hand. Nevertheless,
the  is s u e  was re -o p e n e d  d u r in g  the v i s i t  o f  C a p t a in
N . A . C .  W e ir ,  the A s s i s t a n t  D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  of E k i t i
D i v i s i o n ,  to  Akure in  1934.^® T h i s  was fo l lo w e d  by a
spate of  p e t i t i o n s  of  the Dej i  and some r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s
o f  the Akure District in  1935, 1936 and 1 9 3 7 .^  i n
fact, the Deji of Akure, Oba Afunbiowo Adesida I,
seized the opportunity of the visit of His Honour, the
C h i e f  Commissioner f o r  the Southern p r o v i n c e s  to
Akure on I 8 t h  F e b r u a r y ,  1938 to a r t i c u l a t e  the demand 
of his people. 20
Generally, the agitation of the people of Akure 
for Separation from Ekiti as well as for a complete 
autonomy was predicated on the following grounds:9871 
17. See p a r a .3  of  the Memorandum presented by the D e j l  
and the e n t i r e  community of Akure D i s t r i c t  r e -  
q u e s t in g  f o r  complete independence and S e p a ra t io n  
from the E k i t i  N a t iv e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n :  p r i v a t e  
Papers o f  Pa.  J . A .  F a l o y e .
18. Ibld.
19. I b i d .
20. Ibid.
324
First, it is claimed that Akure which had been 
founded in the l2th Century and later ruled by 
Asodeboyede, an Ife prince, was an independent and 
separate community from Ekiti towns. It is also argued 
that the only common bond between Akure and Ekiti 
was the formation of the Ekitiparapo in the late 
19th Century by the Ijesa, the Ekiti, the Akoko, the 
Igbomina and Akure to ward off the military aggression 
of Ibadan forces. It is also claimed that the establi­
shment of the Ekitiparapo council by Major Reeve- 
Tucker at Oke-Imo in 1920 solidified the relations 
between Akure and Ekiti towns.^1
Second, objection was raised against the practice 
whereby all appointments into the Ekiti Native Admini­
stration establishments were made solely by the 
Administrative Officer. The grouse which the people 
of Akure had over this was lack of fair representa­
tion in the number of people employed.^ Third, the 
Akure people objected to the manner which all public 
works in the Ekiti Division were solely handled by the 
Administrative Officer. It was argued that by con- 
centrating all functions in his hands, the Administrative12 
21. Ibid.t para.8.
22. Ibid., para.13.
325
Officer was denying the people of the District the 
much-needed "Administrative training and educational 
value" that should normally accrue from Native
Administration.23
Moreover, it was observed that the action tne 
District Officer gravitated towards rigid cer ii- 
sation rather than the true confederacy the
Akure people desired. The Akure people contended that 
if the political entity was broken into units it would 
afford them greater and better opportunity for the 
"administrative training" required for a genuine 
confederation.
Also, it was alleged that the impact of the De ji 
of Akure on the confederation could not be feit. The 
people observed that going by his age, experience 
and ability, the Deji could be an invaluable asset to 
the confederation, however, they regretted that the 
influence of the Oba could not be seen in the confe- 
deration owing to the fact that the Administrative 
Officer had rendered the body redundant. Against this 
background, the people v i e r e  of the view that an auto- 
nomous Native Administration would enhance the status 234
23. Ibjd.
24. Ibid.
326
°f the Dej i,25
Furthermore, it was argued that since Akure had
remained in the confederation for about 25 years
without meaningful development, it would be better
for the town to seek its fortune elsewhere.^6 Another
cause of discontent among the people of Akure was
the fact that the financial benefits being enjoyed
by the town v i e r e  low vis-a-vis other parts of Ekiti-
land. They observed with chagrin that in spite of
the fact that the Akure District was contributing more
than Twenty percent (20%) of the total revenue paid
into the Central Fund at Ado-Ekiti, the benefits
accruing to the District were not commensurate with
the tax efforts of the people. 27 The people of Akure 
pointed out that their resources were being used to 
develop other areas of the confederation at their 
own espense.^ It was, therefore, their expectation2856* 
25. Ibid., para.17.
26. See Sam. Alade, The Awakening of Akure« (Osogbo, 
Titilayo press, 19*)Ö), p.5.
2 7. Memorandum submitted by the Dejj and the entire 
Community of Akure and District7 Private Papers 
of Pa. J.A. Faloye, _0£. cit., para.22.
28. Ibid
327
that if autonomy was achieved, more funds would be
available for developmental purposes in the District. ? Q
Closely related to this was the disenchantment 
arising from the fact that the Sub-Treasury established 
in Akure in 1935 was "a more shadow of itself"30 as
it could not keep custody of more than £200 at a
time, such fu.nds were merely used as Imprest. The 
people of Akure detested a Situation whereby most 
of the revenue collected from taxes were taken to the 
Central Fund (Treasury) at Ado-Ekiti for custody.
They, therefore, expressed the hop e that an autonomous 
Native Administration as well as a full-fledged 
Treasury would remove the subordinate status of the town. 31
Besides, there was the discontent arising from 
the fact that the transport fare of the officials 
taking the revenue collected to Ado-Ekiti had to be
borne by the Akure District.' 12 What is more, any
shortages which occurred during transit, feeding and
accommodation expenses of the officials were also borne10392 
2 9 .  I b i d .  , p a r a . 2 3 .
30. I b i d .  , p a r a . 2 0 .
31. I n f o r m a t i o n  c o l l e c t e d  from Oba Adelegan Adesidam, 
the D e j i  of  A k ureland on I s t  May, 1990. I t  was 
c o r r o b o r a t e d  by C h i e f  Kole  O l u w a t u y i ,  the L i s a  of  
A k u re ,  in  an i n t e r v i e w  on 2nd J u l y ,  1990.
3 2 .  Memorandum submitted by the Deji, op. cit., 
p a ra .2 5  ( 5 ) .
3 2 8
by the District. Furthermore, the people detested
the unnecessary delay which sometimes occurred at
Ado-Ekiti before the officials were attended to with
the attendant increase in the feeding and lodging
expenses to be paid by the Akure District. 33
In spite of the arguments adduced by the people
of Akure for a separate Native Administration and 
Treasury, the colonial Administration treated their 
request with levity. Five reasons can be ascribed 
for the initial lukewarm attitude of the British 
to their demand. First, there was the argument that 
the Akure District was too small to be constituted 
into an autonomous Native Administration. Second, 
the British feit that granting the request of the 
Akure community would open a floodgate to similar 
requests from other Ekiti towns, a phenomenon which they 
considered could lead to the disintegration of the 
Ekiti confederation. Third, the British contended that 
the Akure District was not economically viable to have 
a separate Native Administration and Treasury. Also,3 
33. Ibid., para.25 (7).
329
th e  B r i t i s h  were o f  the  v iew  t h a t  the request  f o r  
S e p a r a t i o n  and independence was made by the DejJ. o f  
Akure f o r  s e l f - g l o r i f i c a t i o n  and t h a t  i t  d i d  not e n jo y  
the Support  o f  the  n e i g h b o u r in g  towns and v i l l a g e s  
i n  the D i s t r i c t .  L a s t l y ,  t h e r e  was the c o n t e n t io n  
t h a t  soc io -e co n o m ic  development; would reach out 
t o  a l l  p a r t s  o f  E k i t i  N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  i f  i t  
c o n t in u e d  to e x i s t  as a c o r p o r a t e  p o l i t i c a l  e n t i t y  
r a t h e r  than being broken i n t o  s m a l le r  U n i t s . 34 35
„However, the people of  Akure remained r e s o l u t e  and 
undaunted in  t h e i r  quest f o r  S e p a ra t io n  from the E k i t i  
N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  In a memorandum addressed to 
H is  E x c e l l e n c y ,  S i r  A u th u r  R ic h a rd s ,  the Governor  of  
N i g e r i a ,  on 22nd November, 1945, the Dej i  o f  Akure,  
h i s  High C h i e f s ,  the Osolo o f  I s o l o  and the Ora lepo  
o f  Is i n k a n  renewed t h e i r  c a l l  f o r  the e s ta b l is h m e n t  o f  
an autonomous N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  and T r e a s u r y  in  the 
town. The memorandum was a l s o  signed by the Qba and 
Baale o f  the f o l l o w i n g  towns and v i l l a g e s  in  Akure 
D i s t r i c t :  I g b a r a -O k e ,  I l a r a ,  I j a r e ,  I j u ,  I t a o g b o l u ,  
O b a ," ^  I s a r u n ,  Ipogun,  Oda, I r e s e ,  I k o t a ,  Igoba and
34. I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr. Sam. A la d e  ( 7 5 ) ,  on I5 t h  November, 
1986. See a lso  the memorandum subm itted by the
D e j i  and the e n t i r e  community o f  Akure and D i s t r i c t ,  
op. c i t . , p a r a . 4 .
35. The town was re~named OE»a-I le  i n  1975.
330
A iye d e -O g b e se .  W hile  r e i t e r a t i n g  the reasons f o r  t h e i r  
e a r l i e r  re q u e s t ,  two new is s u e s  were i n t r o d u c e d .  F i r s t ,  
the people observed w i t h  c o n s t e r n a t i o n  th a t  d e s p i t e  
i t s  s t a t u s  as a p r o v i n c i a l  head q u a rte rs  s in c e  1915,
Akure lacked modern am enit ies  l i k e  Town H a l l ,  l i b r a r y ,  
P r i s o n s ,  P u b l i c  R e c re a t io n  Ground, P ip e -b o r n e  w a te r ,  
e l e c t n c i t y  e t c .  They a t t r i b u t e d 1 the  u n d e r -developm ent  
o f  the town to the f a i l u r e  o f  the c o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  
to  accede to t h e i r  request  f o r  a sep a ra te  N a t iv e  Adm ini ­
s t r a t i o n  which they regarded as s in e  qua non f o r  deve­
lopment. ' Second, the people complained of  la ck  of  
d i r e c t  access to the Resident o f  Ondo Pro v in c e  who was
p a r a d o x i c a l l y  based in  Ak ure .  They noted w i t h  r e g r e t
' / V N
t h a t  whenever they had any g r i e v a n c e s  to v e n t ,  they had 
to  go through the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  at A d o - E k i t i .  What was 
more d i s t u r b i n g  to  them was the f a c t  th a t  whenever the 
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  paid  an o f f i c i a l  v i s i t  to  A kure,  he
was o f t e n  "exhausted,  n e rv ou s ,  r e s t i v e  and i r r i t a b l e " ® ® 87*3 
3S. Memorandum subm itted by the  P e i l  and the e n t i r e
community of  Akure D i s t r i c t  on 22nd November, 1945, 
P r i v a t e  Papers of  Pa. J . A .  F a lo y e .
37. I b i d . , p a r a . 8 .
38. I b i d . , p a r a .1 2 .
331
w i t h  the r e s u l t  th a t  th e re  was v e r y  few problems t h a t
c o u ld  be ta b le d  b e f o re  him under such c i rc u m s ta n c e . 39
The most a g o n is in g  aspect  of  the S i t u a t i o n  was th a t  
whenever the i n t e r e s t  of  Akure was at v a r i a n c e  w ith  
t h a t  o f  any town in  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  the D i s t r i c t  
O f f i c e r  was sometimes in  a dilemma. Such am bivalent  
P o s i t i o n  o fte n  r e s u l t e d  i n  a S i t u a t i o n  whereby the 
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  p r o f f e r e d  unworkable  S o l u t i o n s  to  keep 
the s o l i d a r i t y  of  the D i v i s i o n  i n t a c t  at the expense
o f  the Akure D i s t r i c t .  40 It was, therefore, feit t h a t  
such an undesirable Situation could only be redressed
by g r a n t i n g  Akure an autonomy from the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n . 41
As a r e s u l t  o f  mounting a g i t a t i o n  by the people of  
Akure D i s t r i c t ,  the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  decided to 
r e c o n s i d e r  i t s  e a r l i e r  d e c i s i o n  to d ism iss  t h e i r  re qu e st  
w i t h  a wave of  the hand. However, in s te a d  o f  c o n s t i t u t i n g  
Akure D i s t r i c t  i n t o  a separa te  D i v i s i o n ,  i t  was excise d 10493 
39. I b i d .
40. I b i d .  p a r a .1 4 .
41.  Some o f  the people at  the f o r e f r o n t  of  the a g i t a t i o n  
i n c lu d e d  Messrs Ladapo A degbola ,  J . A .  F a lo y e ,
J . B .  A r i f a l o  Adedipe and Sam. A la d e .  I n t e r v i e w ,
Pa. J . A .  Fa lo ye  on l l t h  September, 1990.
332
from the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  and merged w i t h  the  Ondo
D i v i s i o n  w i t h  e f f e c t  from I s t  A p r i l ,  1946. 42 The
d e c i s i o n  was, n e v e r t h e l e s s , welcomed w i t h  jo y  and admi-
r a t i o n  by the people .  The whole town was agog. T h a t
day was a red l e t t e r  day in  the h i s t o r y  o f  A k u re .  Of
he ra ld e d
c o u r s e ,  the dawn o f  I s t  A p r i l ,  1946 was ! . w i th
the sound of bugles  and daneguns. 43 A part  from the peopl
o f  Akure,  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  of  the n e ig h b o u r in g  towns and
v i l l a g e s  a lso  took p a r t  in  the c e l e b r a t i o n . 44
I t  would appear th a t  the people  must have m i s -
consrued the d e c i s i o n  of  the c e n t r a l  Government as
g r a n t i n g  Akure a D i v i s i o n a l  S t a t u s .  Indeed, t h i s  was
m anifested  in  the address d e l i v e r e d  by the D e l i  o f  Akure,
Oba Afunbiowo Adesida I  at the occa sio n  when Mr. E . V . S .
Thomas, Resident of  the Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  made the formal
announcement. The Oba expressed g r a t i t u d e  to the
C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  f o r  g r a n t i n g  the request  f o r  the 
__________________________________________________________________________
42. See Sam. A la d e ,  The Awakeninq of A kure.  o p . c i t . .
p. 6 .
43. I b i d . , p . 7 .  See a lso  a r t i c l e s  w r i t t e n  by Sam. 
Alade in  West A f r i c a n  P i l o t  and D a i l y  comet
o f  I s t  A p r i l ,  1946.
44 I b i d .
333
e s ta b l is h m e n t  o f  the Akure N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,
I t  was in  l a t e r  ye a rs  t h a t  the people o f  Akure r e a l i ~  
sed t h a t  t h e i r  quest f o r  autonomy was s t i l l  a m iragel  
Under the new d i s p e n s a t i o n ,  Mr. O . V ,  Lee, an A s s i s t a n t  
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r ,  was posted to Akure and made r e s p o n s i -  
b le  to  Mr. C . E .  l i e s ,  the  D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  at Ondo.
In  essence, Akure had moved from one s u b s e r v i e n t  p o s i t i o n  
to  the o t h e r .  I t  m erely  changed i t s  p o s i t i o n  of  subser~ 
v i e n c e  from A d o - E k i t i  t o  Ondo, a development th a t  was un™ 
p a l a t a b l e  to  the p e o p l e . ib The o l d  Order still p e r s i s t e d ;  
Akure had no d i r e c t  access to  the R e sid e n t ,  Mr. E . V . S »  Thomas, 
except  through the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  at  Ondo. 45 67 48 Indeed,  
the educated e l i t e  in  l a t e r  y e a rs  denounced i n  u n m i t i -  
gated terms the a c t i o n  by the  C e n t r a l  Government on
I s t  A p r i l ,  1946 as " i n a p p r o p r i a t e  and u n p r o g r e s s i v e " . 4 ß
L i t t l e  wonder t h a t  the quest f o r  a D i v i s i o n a l  s ta t u s
45. See Address presented by the D e l i  of  Akure on 
b e h a l f  of  the people o f  Akure D i s t r i c t  to  Mr.
E~»V. S . Thomas. Resident: of  Ondo P r o v ln c e  on "Ehe 
o c c a sio n  of Akure N a t iv e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  Separa­
t i o n  from E k i t i  N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  on I s t  
A p r i l «  1946. (A k u re .  A d u r a l e r e  P r i n b i n q  Works,
1 9 4 6 ) .
46. I n t e r v i e w ,  Sam Alade and Pa. J»Ar. Fa loye  on 
I 5 t h  November, 1986 and l l t h  September, 1990 
r e s p e c t i v e l y .
47. See Sam. A la d e ,  The Awakeninq of Akure,  o p . c i U , 
p. 4.
48. I b i d .
334
f o r  Akure c o n t in u e d  unabated u n t i l  1967.
I t  i s  of  paramount im portance to  note th a t  the 
S e p a ra t io n  of  Akure from E k i t i  i n  1946 d e a l t  a g r e a t  
blow to the s o l i d a r i t y  o f  the E k i t i  c o n f e d e r a t i o n .
A p a r t  from dismembering t h i s  p o l i t i c a l  a g g lo m e r a t io n , 
the phenomenon acted as a c a t a l y s t  to  a number of  
S e p a r a t i s t  movements c la m o u rin g  f o r  autonomous N a t iv e  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  and T r e a s u r y  in  E k i t i l a n d .  Such communi- 
t i e s  i n c lu d e d  I la w e ,  O s i ,  I m e s i - L a s i g i d i , to mention 
but  a few. I  would now d i s c u s s  the  S e p a r a t i s t  movement 
f o r  autonomy by the Ado D i s t r i c t .  .
In  r e t r o s p e c t ,  the a g i t a t i o n  f o r  a separa te  N a t iv e  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  and T r e a s u r y  f o r  the Ado D i s t r i c t  dated
back to 1 9 4 2 . i n a l e t t e r  dated 14th September, 1942 
and addressed to His  e x c e l l e n c y ,  the Governor  o f  N i g e r i a ,  
the  peopüe o f  Ado D i s t r i c t  adduced the f o l l o w i n g  arg u ­
ments in  support  o f  t h e i r  demand f o r  a complete Separa­
t i o n  from the E k i t i  c o n f e d e r a t i o n .  F i r s t ,  they contended 0594
49. See Western S ta te  of  N i g e r i a ,  An i n t r o d u c t i o n  to  the 
New Local  Government C o u n c i l  System i n  the Western 
S ta t e  o f  N i g e r i a ,  ( Ib a d a n ,  Government P r i n t e r ,  n . d . ) ,
p. 25 .
50. ( N . A . I . ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/470/77, Ado D i s t r i c t  T a x -  
Payers* A s s o c i a t i o n  to H is  E x c e l l e n c y ,  the G o v e rn o r . 
14 September, 1942.
335 -
t h a t  th e  Ado D i s t r i c t  was f i n a n c i a l l y  v i a b l e  to
manage its own affairs without being grouped with any
o t h e r  town in  E k.i t i  c o n f e d e r a t i. o n .  51 Second, i t  was
argued t h a t  the D i s t r i c t  was l a r g e r  than most o f  the
D i s t i r i c t s  l i k e  Id a n re  and Owo which had been g ra n te d
Native Administration Status. 52 Third, they contended 
that despite the fact that some • important Chiefs in 
Ado-Ekiti could hardly attend to their domestic affairs 
owing to their involvement in administrative duties 
yet they were not remunerated for the Services rendered. 
While lamenting a Situation whereby clerks, police and
other employees of the czee ntral Administratil on were 
receiving their regulär salanes, the Chiefs were paid
p a l t r y  c o u r t  fees which were c o n s id e re d  not commensurate
w i t h  t h e i r  e f f o r tA.  53 L a s t l y ,  they argued th a t  the Ado 
Tax payers  were no lo n g e r  i n  f a v o u r  o f  the E k i t i  confede- 
r a c y  which they c la im ed was d r a g g in g  them behind o t h e r  
D i v i s i o n s  in  the Western P r o v i n c e s .  Th e y ,  t h e r e f o r e ,  
urged the c o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  to approve the 
e s ta b l is h m e n t  of  the "Ado N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n '1 where
51. I b i d . , p a r a . l .
5 2 .  I b i d . , p a r a .2 .
53 . I b i d . , p a r a . 6 .
336
th e y  f e i t  the hopes and a s p i r a t l o n s  of  A d o - E k i t i  and 
the v i l l a g e s  in  the D i s t r i c t  c o u ld  be realised.54
T h i s  was fo l lo w e d  by a P e t i t i o n  w r i t t e n  by the C h i e f s
and Baale o f  Ado D i s t r i c t  to  the Governor  of  N i g e r i a
on 7th J a n u a r y ,  1943, 55
However, in  a l e t t e r  to  Mr. E . V . S .  Thomas, the 
Resident  of  Ondo P r o v in c e ,  on 26th November, 1945 , ^  
the  A c t i n g  D i v i s i o n a l  O f f i c e r  o f  Ek i v i s i o n ,  Mr. O .V .
Lee recommended t h a t  the re q u e s t  put forward  by the Ado 
D i s t r i c t  be r e j e c t e d  on th e  f o l l o w i n g  grounds:  F i r s t ,  
he contended t h a t  the who l e  a g i t a t i o n  was a handiwork 
o f  the people o f  A d o - E k i t i  town alone adding t h a t  the
v i l l a g e s  o f  I law e , O s i ,  I g b a ra -O d o ,  Igbemo, I m e s i -
L a s i g i d i  e tc  in  the D i s t r i c t  were not a s so c ia te d  w ith
the p e t i t i o n .  Second, he d i s c l o s e d  th a t  the v i l l a g e s
o f  O s i ,  Ig b a r a -O d o ,  I m e s i - L a s i g i d i  and I la w e  which should
have been p a r t  o f  the p r o t e s t  had i n t e s i f i e d  t h e i r
a g i t a t i o n  f o r  autonomy from the Ado D i s t r i c t . 7645 5 8
54. I b i d . . p a r a . 8 .
55. See ( N . A . I ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/470/777, op. c i t . .
56. ( N . A . I . ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/470/777, Correspondence Ref. 
N o . 777/18 of  26th November. 1945 from the D . O . ,
E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  to  the R e s i d e n t ,  Ondo P r o v i n c e .
57. I b i d . , p a r a . 2 .
58. Ibid
337 -
T h i r d ,  he subm itted t h a t  the m a j o r i t y  of  the
people o f  A d o - E k i t i  were i n d i f f e r e n t  to  the c a l l  f o r
Separation but only blindly followed to demonstrate
t h e i r  l o y a l t y  to the Ewi and h i s  C h i e f s .  Moreover,
the A c t i n g  D i v i s i o n a l  O f f i c e r  f u r t h e r  s tated  t h a t  the
D i s t r i c t  was not f i n a n c i a . l l y  v i a b l e  to be g ranted  a
59
N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  He argued t h a t  s in c e  the Ado
D i s t r i c t  was s t i l l  s t r u g g l i n g  hard to  balance i t s
budget and maintain existing social Services, all hands
should be on deck to improve the d e t e r i o r a t i n g  economic
c o n d i t i o n  of  the D i s t r i c t . 6 0
L a s t l y ,  he lamented t h a t  the a g i t a t i o n  was not o n ly
m isguided but a ls o  a m isplaced p r i o r i t y .  He argued th a t
the task on hand should be to  appease the " d i s s e n t "
v i l l a g e s  of I la w e ,  O s i ,  Ig b a r a -O d o ,  Ode and I m e s i - L a s i g i d i
to  renounce t h e i r  a g i t a t i o n  f o r  Separation from the
D i s t r i c t  adding t h a t  i f  the m a tte r  was not nipped in  the
bud, o t h e r  v i l l a g e s  such as Igbemo, A ise g b a ,  Igede and
I y i n  might before long agitate for Separation from the
Ado D i s t r i c t .  He warned t h a t  such a development would 
________________________ ______________________________________________ ____
59. I b i d . , pa ra .5
60. I b i d . t p a r a . 6 .
338
have g ra v e  economic and p o l i t i c a l  consequences on the 
D i s t r i c t . ® ^
In s p i t e  o f  the lukewarm a t t i t u d e  of  the c o l o n i a l  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  to  t h e i r  demand, the Ewi,  h is  C h i e f s  and 
A d o - E k i t i  T a x - P a y e r s ' Union d i d  not r e l e n t  in  t h e i r  
e f f o r t s  f o r  S e p a ra tion  from the E k i t i  c o n f e d e r a t i o n .  
R e a l i s i n g  t h e i r  i n t r a n s i g e n c e , the c o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a -
/ X
t i o n  th reaten ed to take the f o l l o w i n g  d r a s t i c  measures
a g a i n s t  A d o - E k i t i .  F i r s t ,  i t  was decided th a t  the
v i l l a g e s  o f  I la w e ,  Ig b a r a -O d o ,  Ode e tc  which had been
s t r u g g l i n g  f o r  s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n  f o r  a long time be
separated from the Ado D i s t r i c t .  ^ Second, the c o l o n i a l
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  th re a te n e d  to remove the D i v i s i o n a l
h e a d q u a rte rs  from A d o - E k i t i .  T h i r d ,  th e re  was a t h r e a t
t h a t  a l l  the s o c i a l  a m e n it ie s  earmarked f o r  A d o - E k i t i
would be c a n c e l l e d . 63
I n i t i a  iiy, the people of  A d o - E k i t i  regarded the f o r e -  
go in g  measures b eing  comtemplated by the c o l o n i a l  A d m ini ­
s t r a t i o n  as a mere v e r b a l  t h r e a t  designed to cow them 
i n t o  Subm ission.  C o n s e q u e n t ly , they remained u n r u f f l e d ,  
u n p e rtu rb e d  and u n d e te rre d  in  t h e i r  quest f o r  S e p a ra t io n 216 
6 1 . I b i d .
62. See ( N . A . I . ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/470/777, oß. c i t . ,
63. Ibid
339
. . 64
from the E k i t i  c o n f e d e r a t i o n . However, the l a s t
s t r a w  th a t  broke the c a m e l 's  back was the prem ission
g ra n te d  Alawe of I la w e ,  the A ra j  aka of Ig b a ra -O d o  and
the O l o s i  of Osi  by the B r i t i s h  to  a ttend the meetinq 
—
o f  the E k i t i  S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y  held  at  I d o -  
E k i t i  from 29th to  30th O c to b e r ,  1945 w ith o u t  in f o r m in g  
the Ewi and the Ado D i s t r i c t  C o u n c i l . ^
In  a s w i f t  r e a c t i o n ,  F i f t y  (5 0 )  in d ig e n e s  of 
A d o - E k i t i  i n c l u d i n g  the C h i e f s  and Taxpayers  on 3rd 
November, 1945 wrote  a P e t i t i o n  to  His  E x c e l l e n c y ,  the 
Governor  of  N i g e r i a  through the Resident  o f  Ondo 
P r o v i n c e ,  Mr. R . L . V .  W i lk e s ,  co m p la in in g  b i t t e r l y  about 
the autonomy g ranted  the Alawe, A ra ja k a  and the O l o s i  
t o  a tte n d  such a meeting d e s p i t e  the f a c t  th a t  t h e i r
domains were t r a d i t i o n a l l y  and p o l i t i c a l l y  under the 
Ado D i s t r i c t .  66 They, t h e r e f o r e ,  p e rc e iv e d  such a deve­
lopment as a " p r e lu d e  to s e r i o u s  c o n fu s io n  and u n re s t  
in  E k i t i l a n d " .  6 7 i n a d d i t i o n ,  the p e t i t i o n e r s  pleaded7546 
64. I n t e r v i e w ,  Msgr. A .O .  O g u n t u y i ,  on 17th J u n e ,  1986.
65. ( N . A . I . ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/470/77, oß. c i t . ,
66 . I b i d . , p .1 3 .
67. I b i d . , p a r a .1 0 .
340
p a s s i o n a t e l y  w i t h  the Government not to s h i f t  the
h e a d q u a rte rs  of  the D i v i s i o n  from A d o - E k i t i .
At  about the same t im e,  the E k i t i  P r o g r e s s i v e
Union sent a d e l e g a t i o n  to appeal to  the E w i , C h i e f s
and the A d o - E k i t i  T a x - p a y e r s ' A s s o c i a t i o n  to  abandon
the agitation for Separation from the confederation
so as not to d e s tro y  the "common legacy  of  the E k i t i " . 68
The Union a lso  sent  some of i t s  o f f i c e r s  to the
" d i s s i d e n t "  v i l l a g e s  of I la w e ,  Ode, Ig b a ra -O d o  and
L a s i g i d i  to  d issuade them from b re a k in g  away from the 
Ado D i s t r i c t . 69
A l s o ,  some educated in d ig e n e s  o f  A d o - E k i t i  r e s i d e n t  
in  Lagos, who had e a r l i e r  l e n t  support  f o r  the demand f o r  
S e p a ra t io n  from the E k i t i  c o n f e d e r a t i o n ,  decided to 
backpedal a f t e r  r e a l i s i n g  the adverse consequences of
s .
the s a n c t io n s  to  be taken by the c o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  
a g a i n s t  A d o - E k i t i .  They were p a r t i c u l a r l y  d i s t u r b e d  o v e r
the t h r e a t  to  remove the h e a d q u a rte rs  o f  the E k i t i  
D i v i s i o n  from A d o - E k i t i .  In  the l i g h t  of  t h i s ,  some986 
68. See The D a i l y  S e r v i c e ,  12 Ju n e ,  1944, p . 1.
69. I n f o r m a t io n  c o l l e c t e d  from Mr. J . A .  A j i b a d e ,  ( 8 2 ) ,  
at  A d o - E k i t i ,  on 27th September, 1989.
341
o f  them came home to appeal to  the E w i , C h i e f s  and
T a x p a y e r s '  A s s o c i a t i o n  to  w ith d ra w  t h e i r  demand 70
C o n s e q u e n t ly , on 28th J a n u a r y ,  1946, the Ewi and 
C o u n c i l ,  in  a l e t t e r  addressed through the Resident 
of  Ondo P ro v in c e  to H is  E x c e l l e n c y ,  S i r  A r t h u r  R ic h a rd s ,  
the Governor  and C o m m a n d e r - in -C h ie f  of  N i g e r i a ,  
f o r m a l l y  withdrew a l l  the p e t i t i o n s  e a r l i e r  w r i t t e n  by 
the Ado D i s t r i c t  f o r  f i n a n c i a l  and p o l i t i c a l  S e p a ra t io n
from the
From the foregoing, it is obvious that a number of 
Separatist movements for political autonomy emerged in 
Ekitiland as from the 1920' s .  The Situation, which 
reached a head in the 1 9 4 0 's, threatened the political 
Integration of Ekitiland* The objectives of these 
Separatist movements were not the same. While most of 
the affected communities asserted their independence
from t h e i r  " t r a d i t i o n a l  o v e r l o r d s " ,  Akure and A d o - E k i t i  
wanted a c tu a l  secession  from the E k i t i  c o n f e d e r a t i o n .
The Separation o f  Akure from E k i t i  in  1946 was a
landmark in  the  h i s t o r y  of  the  E k i t i  c o n fe d e ra c y .  I t 107 
70. I n t e r v i e w ,  Msgr. A .O .  O g u n tu y i  on I 7 t h  J u n e ,  1986.
71. See ( N . A . I . ) ,  E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/470/77, op. e i t . .
342
had f a r - r e a c h i n g  consequences on t h i s  p o l i t i c a l  a g g lo ­
m e r a t i o n .  F i r s t ,  th e re  was a r e d u c t i o n  in  the s i z e  of  
th e  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .  Second, the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  l o s t  
the  revenue from t a x a t i o n  which h i t h e r t o  accrue2d tco  i t
from Akure to the Ondo D i v i s i o n .  T h i s  reduce d the 
economic v i a b i l i t y  of  the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .  T h i r d ,  the 
success of Akure served as a c a t a l y s t  f o r  o t h e r  Separa­
t i s t  movements to  i n t e n s i f y  t h e i r  a g i t a t i o n s .  For  
example, i t  p ro v id e d  an impetus f o r  I la w e ,  O s i ,  I g b a r a -
Odo and I m e s i - L a s i g i d i  to re d o u b le  t h e i r  e f f o r t s  in  
t h e i r  a g e - lo n g  s t r u g g l e  f o r  p o l i t i c a l  autonomy from 
A d o - E k i t i .  A l s o ,  the phenomenon d e a l t  a g r e a t  blow to 
the p o l i t i c a l  I n t e g r a t i o n  of  E k i t i l a n d .  In f a c t ,  i t  
undermined the s o l i d a r i t y  o f  the E k i t i  C o n fe d e ra t io n  
which th e  B r i t i s h  wanted to  use as b a s is  o f  a c e n t r a l
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  f o r  E k i t i l a n d .
With regard to the impact of the Separatist move­
ments on Ado-Ekiti, it is needless to say that the phe­
nomenon weakened the traditional and political
a u t h o r i t y  of  the Ewi o v e r  I la w e ,  O s i ,  I g b a r a -O d o ,  
I m e s i - L a s i g i d i  e t c .  The S i t u a t i o n  was compounded by 
th e  open support  g iv e n  by the c o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  to  
those communities f o r  s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n  as a c o u n t e rp o i
343
to A d o 's  a g i t a t i o n  f o r  Separation from the E k i t i  C o n -  
f e d e r a t i o n .  The is s u e  eroded the cohesion of  the 
Ado D i s t r i c t .  Indeed, the l a s t  straw th a t  broke the 
c a m e l 's  back was the a pproval  g iv e n  by the C o l o n i a l  
A u t h o r i t i e s  f o r  the admission of I la w e ,  O s i ,  I g b a r a -  
Odo and I d o - I r a p a  i n t o  the E k i t i  S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y
C o u n c i l  i n  1948 as "Se, p a ra te  v i l l a g e  c o u n c i l s " . 7? Th u s ,th e  a f f e c t e d  communities achieved succevssN ?i n  t h e i r
p r o t r a c t e d  s t r u g g l e  f o r  autonomy from A d o - E k i t i .  I  would 
now d is c u s s  the e f f o r t s  made by the B r i t i s h  to  r e - o r g a n i s e  
t h e i r  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  in  E k i t i l a rn d  as from 1946.
8 ?
R e -O r q a n is a t io n  p o l i c y  under B r i t i s h  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , 1946-1951
Having r e a l i s e d  the magnitude o f  the a tte n d a n t
Problems o f  C e n t r a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  in  E k i t i l a n d ,  the
B r i t i s h  decided to embark on r e - o r g a n i s a t i o n  p o l i c y  of
t h e i r  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  in  the area as from 1946. A new
p o l i t i c a l  d i s p e n s a t io n  was e v o lv e d  whereby the p r i n c i p a l
Oba in  the area were c o n s t i t u t e d  i n t o  a S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e
A u t h o r i t y  f o r  E k i t i l a n d .  The body was designed to be a27 
72. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CS026/11874/Vol•XX, Annual Report on Ondo
P r o v i n c e .  1952, p a r a . 9 .
344
lo o s e  c e n t r a l i s e d  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  w h i l e  i t s  meetings 
r o t a t e d  among the towns in  E k i t i l a n d .  The A u t h o r i t y  
had no permanent head q u a rte rs  and i t s  p re s id e n c y  
r o t a t e d  among the p r i n c i p a l  Oba in  E k i t i .  Th u s ,  E k i t i ­
land  was a d m in iste re d  in  a way t h a t  no paramount Oba 
was s u b o rd in a te  to the o t h e r .  C o n s e q u e n t ly , none of 
the Oba l o s t  h is  s o v e r e i g n t y  under the p o l i t i c a l  
arrangem ent.
In  o r d e r  to f a c i l i t a t e  o u r  u n d e rs ta n d in g  of the 
r e - o r g a n i s a t i o n  e f f o r t s  made by the B r i t i s h ,  I  c o n s id e r  
i t  p e r t i n e n t  to  d i s c u s s  the g e n e s is  o f  the S u p e r i o r  
N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  f o r  E k i t i .  The h i s t o r y  o f  the forma­
t i o n  o f  the S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y  f o r  E k i t i l a n d  can 
be t r a c e d  to May 1939 when the E k i t i p a r a p o  Oba held
a meeting under the auspices of  the  E k i t i  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  C o u n c.i l  at Aramoko. 73 At the meeting,  
the Oba were advised  by the C o l o n i a l  A u t h o r i t y  to 
c o n s t i t u t e  themselves i n t o  a S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y  
to  act  in  a p u r e ly  a d v i s o r y  c a p a c i t y  to the B r i t i s h
colonial Administration.*37 74 The new Organisation was to
73. See ( N . A . I . ) ,  E k i t i  D i v . 1/1/370/163, Minutes of
E k i t i  C o u n c i l  m eetin g .  1 2 -^3  A ugust,  1942.
74. Ibid.
345
comprise repräsentatives of all the Baale (village 
heads), chiefs and some educated elite.75
This Suggestion was received with mixed feelings 
by bhe Ekitiparapo Oba. While appreciating that the
new scheme could lead to greater efficiency in
administration of Ekitiland, some ,of them were sceptical
that they might lose their independence under the new 
a.i. spensat. i. on. 76 In fact, those who protested vehemently
against the formation of such a body expressed dissatis-
faction with the idea of making one of the Ekiti Oba a
permanent President. 77 This was construed to mean the
establish. ment of/aparamount ruler in Ekitiland. Their
fears were strengthened by the fact that the idea of 
establishing a Superior Native Authority for Ekiti was
' s
mooted after the return of the Pore of Otun from the
Northern Nigeria to Ekiti in 1936. 78 In the light of
75. Interview, Chief J.A. Arokodare at Ijero-Ekiti on 
5th June, 1988.
76. Minutes of Ekiti Council Meeting, op. cit.,
77. Ibid.
78. The return of the Pore of Otun from Northern Nigeria 
to Ekiti was effected on I5th January, 1936. See 
Msgr. A. Oguntuyi, History of Ekiti. op. cit., p.140. 
See also (N.A.I.),Ekiti Div.1/1/470/777, Minutes of 
Ekiti Central Council Meeting 14th June, 1946 and
D. Atolagbe, Itan Pore, Otun ati Moba, op. cit., 
p.113.
346
the foregoing, the Suggestion was rejected. Neverthe- 
less, the Alara of Aramoko was elected the President 
of the Ekiti Native Authority Administration Council. 
The position of the 'President' of this counc il was
to be only *first among equals' to the other Ekiti Oba.79
The movement for the forma.tion of a Superior 
Native Authority for Ekitiland gathered momentum in 
1945 and 15 out of the 17 Districts agreed to federate. 80
By then, the remaining two Districts namely Akure and 
Ado-Ekiti were involved in Separatist agitations. 
Ado-Ekiti, which had earlier agreed with the other 15 
Districts to form a Superior Native Authority, started 
agitating for Separation as well as for an autonomous 
Native Treasury when she sensed that Akure's agitation
for Separation 81 might soon receive the blessing of the 
colonial authorities. But later in the year when Ado- 
Ekiti realised that its satellite villages of Ilawe, 79810
79. I(bNi.dA..I.), Minutes of Ekiti central Council meetinq,
80. (—N.A.I.i, CS026/11874/Vol•XVII, Annual Report on 
Ondo Province, 1945t para.10.
81. Details of Akure's Separation from Ekitiland have 
been exhaustively discussed earlier in this chapter.
347
Igbara-Odo, Imesi-Lasigidi and Osi had been strongly 
committed to the formation of the Superior Native 
Authority and were not prepared to join her (Ado-Ekiti)
in a Separatist movement, she decided to back-pedal
and rejoin the other Districts in their endeavour. 8 P
Meanwhile, the Olojudo of Ido was chosen by the 
Oba as the President of the Ekiti Council. He remained
in Office until August 1946. O O The choice of the 
Qlojudo was apparently informed by the fact that he was 
an educated Oba. Düring his tenure as President of the 
council, he demonstrated keen interest in the running 
of the Native Administration Council Treasury as well 
as the Central Office located at Ado-Ekiti where he 
paid monthly inspection visits.®^
In 1946, the Ekitiparapo Oba held a meeting at 
Ado-Ekiti where they agreed that the Superior Native 
Authority be formed. At that meeting,the fears of the 
Oba were allayed when the idea . of making one of them a 823
82. (N.A.I.), CS026/11874/Vol.XVII, Annual Report on 
Ondo Province, 1945, para.10.
83. Ibid.
84. Ibid., para.14
348
permanent P r e s id e n t  was dropped. The P resid ency
o f  the C o u n c i l  was to  be h e ld  on a r o t a t i o n a l  b a s is  
y e a r l y .  85 The E k i t i  c o n f e d e r a t i o n  C o u n c i l  at s ub se -  
quent meetings held  at  Otun and I k e r e  in  1947 " e x h i b i -  
ted a growing w i l l i n g n e s s  to  r e j e c t  p a r o c h i a l i s m ,  
to  c l o s e  ranks a g a in s t  r e c a l c i t r a n t s  and to assume
, j
the  w id e r  r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s  d e v o l v i n g  on i t  i n  the 
c o u rs e  o f  l o c a l  government"®®. -phe p o v a l t y  of  t h i s  
C o u n c i l  to  the c o l o n i a l  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  was so g r e a t  t h a t  
one o f  i t s  members, the Pore o f  Otun, was presented w ith  
a c e r t i f i c a t e  o f  honour by H is  Honour, the A c t i n g  C h i e f  
Commissioner, Commander J . G .  P y k e -N o t t ,  at  a meeting 
o f  the  E k i t i p a r a p o  Oba held at  Otun on 5th September,
1947 f o r  h i s  (P o re )  "sound commonsense and l o y a l t y . „87
'
I t  would appear th a t  the s t a t u s  of  the E k i t i  Oba 
was enhanced by the concession  g ra n te d  them by the 
c oA l o n i a l  a u t h o r i t i e s  at the meeting to  t r a n s f e r  the keyo f  the jN ajtvi v'e  A u t h o r i t y  T r e a s u r y  strongroom from the 
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  to the P r e s i d e n t  o f  the C o u n c i l  who7658 
85. ( N . A . I . ) ,  E k i t i  D i v . 1/1/470/777, Minutes of  E k i t i  
C e n t r a l  C o u n c i l  M e e tin g ,  14th J a n u a r y , 1946.
86. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CS026/11874/Vol. X V I I , Annual Report  on 
Ondo P r o v in c e ,  1947, p a r a .1 6 .
87.  I b i d .  p a r a .1 7 .
349
was from September, 1947 the Oqoqa of  I k e r e - E k i t i . 88
I t  was a lso  agreed th a t  the P r e s id e n t  should h e n c e forth  
s i g n  cheques in  c o n j u c t i o n  w i t h  the N a t iv e  A d m i n i s t r a ­
t i o n  T r e a s u r e r  f o r  a l l  the f i n a n c i a l  t r a n s a c t i o n s  of
na
the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .
I t  was not u n t i l  1948 t h a t  the S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e
A u t h o r i t y  was fo rrn a l ly  in a u g u ra te d  and in v e s te d  w ith  
l e g a l  s t a t u s .  90 The post  of  the P r e s id e n t  o f  the
A u t h o r*i t y  was to be held  in  r o t a t i o n  on a y e a r l y  b a s i s . 91
The C o u n c i l  met t w ic e  in  May and November in  1948 w i t h
the R esident  of  the Ondo P r o v in c e  as w e l l  as the
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  in  attendance as E x - O f f i c i o  members. 92
G e n e r a l l y ,  the meetings o f  the S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y  
a f f o r d e d  the Resident and the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  the 
o p p o r t u n i t y  of  i n t i m a t i n g  the Oba w ith  new government *1098
88. I b i d . . p a r a .2 0 .  The Oqoqa o f  I k e r e  succeeded the 
öore o f  Otun as P r e s id e n t  o f  the C o u n c i l .
89. I b i d . , p a r a .2 0 .
90. See Western S ta te  of  N i g e r i a ,  An I n t r o d u c t i o n  to the 
new Local  Government C o u n c i l  System in  the Western 
S ta te  of  N i g e r i a ,  op. c i t . , p . 2 .
91. ( N . A . I . ) ,  Minutes of E k i t i  C e n t r a l  C o u n c i l  M eeting ,
o p . c i t . ,
92. Ibid.
350
p o l i c i e s  and r e g u l a t i o n s  f o r  d is s e m in a t i o n  among
t h e •i r  s u b.j e c t s .9  3 O th e r  f u n c t i o n s  of  the A u t h o r i t y
i n c lu d e d  s e t t l i n g  o f  c h i e f t a i n c y  d i s p u t e s ,  p a r t i c i -
p a t i n g  i n  P r o v i n c i a l  Conferences f o r  re v ie w  of  N i g e r i a
Constitution as well as initiating developmental 
p r o j e c t s  i. n  E k i t i l a n d .  94 ,
To f a c i l i t a t e  i t s  work, the f o l l o w i n g  committees
were e s t a b l i s h e d  by the E k i t i  S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y :  
E x e c u t i v e  Committee, F inance  and D i s c i p l i n e  Committee 
and Education Committee, The E x e c u t i v e  Committee 
comprised seven members namely the  Ewi of  A d o - E k i t i ,  
the  A r i n j  a le  of  I s e ,  the Asao o f  Aramoko, the Pore o f  
Otun,  Mr. J .  Omotoso of I k o l e - E k i t i  as w e l l  as the
P r e s i d e n t  o f  the  S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  C o u n c i l . 96
The f i r s t  meeting of  t h i s  committee was held  on 6th 
May, 1949 f^ ! P h  e committee, which met f i v e  t imes in  a 
y e a r ,  handled c h i e f t a i n c y  d i s p u t e s ,  prepared agenda65439 
93. I b i d .
94. I b i d .
95. ( N . A . I . ) ,  C S 0 2 6 / 1 1 8 7 4 / V o l .X V I I I ,  Annual Report on 
Ondo P r o v in c e ,  1950, p a r a .9  and CS026/11874/Vol. 
X IX ,  Annual Report  on Ondo P r o v i n c e .  1951, p a r a .1 4 .
96. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CS026/11874/Vol. X V I I , Annual Report on 
Ondo P r o v in c e .  1949, p a r a .1 0 .  Only  s i x  members 
are  mentioned i n  the r e p o r t .
351
f o r  the parent  C o u n c i l  meetings as w e l l  as passed
r e s o l u t i o n s  on m a tte rs  r e f e r r e d  to  i t  by the E k i t i
S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o n. t y .  97 The com position  of  the
Fin a n ce  and D i s c i p l i n e  committee was twenty drawn
from a l l  p a r t s  of  E k i t i l a n d .  The D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r
f o r  E k i t i  as w e l l  as h i s  d e p u ty ,  the A s s i s t a n t
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  t A . D . O )  were e x - o f f i c i o  members.
The committee, which held i t s  meeting f i v e  t imes in
a y e a r ,  was in a u g u ra te d  on 4 th  F e b ru a r y ,  1949. 98
In  i t s  f i n a n c i a l  c a p a c i t y ,  the committee prepared 
Annual E st im a te s  as w e l l  as a u d ite d  the accounts of  the 
E k i t i  S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y  C o u n c i l .  I t  a ls o  o b ta in e d  
pe rm iss io n  from the c e n t r a l  Government f o r  the c o l l e c ­
t i o n  of  v o l u n t a r y  c o n t r i b u t i o n s  when the need a ro se .
F o r  i n s t a n c e ,  i t  d i d  so in  1949 when v o l u n t a r y  sub­
s c r i p t i o n  was r e q u i r e d  towards the b u i l d i n g  of  the
proposed E k i t i p a r a p o  Secondary S c h o o l ,  though the i n s t i -
t u t i o n  d id  not take o f f  u n t i l  1955.879 99
97. I b i d ,
98. I b i d .
99. I b i d .
352
As a d i s c i p l i n a r y  Committee, i t  d e a l t  w i t h  cases of 
d i s c i p l i n e ,  appointment,  t r a n s f e r  and d i s m i s s a l  of  
a l l  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y  S t a f f . 100 102
, , -A
Th u s ,  i t  can be argued t h a t  as from 1948, the 
E k i t i  S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y  had a b so lu te  c o n t r o l  
o v e r  the management o f  i t s  f in a n c e s  and s t a f f .  In
f a c t ,  t h i s  was in accordance w ith  the Provision of
P a rt  I I I A  o f  the O rdinance issued by the P r o v i n c i a l  
Resi. dent  at  A k ure .  101 A l s o ,  the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n a l
E d u c a t io n  Committee, set up in  1948, was charged w ith  
the  r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  of  promoting a high Standard of
e d u c a t io n ,  Iencouraging s p o r t s ,  o f f e r i n g  ad v ice
on the opening of  s c h o o ls ,  i n t e g r a t i n g  small  r u r a l
schools  i n t o  l a r g e  one, p r o v i d i n g  g r a n t s - i n - a i d  f o r
s c h o o ls .  O th e r  f u n c t i o n s  o f  t h i s  committee in c lu d e d
g i v i n g  money f o r  school meals as w e l l  as c o n d u c t in g
r e f r e s h e r  courses f o r  u n t r a i.n e d  t e a c h e r s .  102 i n f a c t ,
100. I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  J . A .  Arokodare on 5th J u n e ,  1988.
101. I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  J . A .  Arokodare on 5th J u n e ,  1988.
102. ( N . A . I . ) ,  C S 0 2 6 / l l 8 7 4 / V o l . X V I I I ,  Annual Report  on
Ondo P r o v in c e ,  1948, p a r a .2 1 .
353
t h i s  committee, in  c o l l a b o r a t i o n  w i t h  the E k i t i  
P r o g r e s s i v e  Union,  worked r e l e n t l e s s l y  towards the 
e s ta b l is h m e n t  of  the E k i t i p a r a p o  C o l l e g e ,  I d o - E k i t i  
i n  1 9 5 5 .1035401 
The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  o f  E k i t i l a n d  under the S u p e r i o r  
N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  r e s u l t e d  in  the b e t t e r  f u n c t i o n i n g  
o f  Q u a r t e r ,  Town and V i l l a g e  C o u n c i l s  as members were 
drawn from a l l  p a r t s  o f  the a re a .  The membership o f  
the A u t h o r i t y  in c re a s e d  from 16 to  100 w ith  the i n c o r -  
p o r a t i o n  o f  the B a a le ,  C h i e f s  and some educated e l i t e .
The i n c l u s i o n  o f  the educated e l i t e  in  the E k i t i  S u p e r i o r  
N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  e l i c i t e d  animated and j u d i c i o u s  
d e l i b e r a t i o n s  at C o u n c i l  m e e t in g s .  A p a rt  from s e r v i n g  
as a beacon o f  l i g h t  to  some i l l i t e r a t e  Oba. the edu­
cated  e l i t e ,  through i t s  w e l l - r e a s o n e d  c o n t r i b u t i o n s , 
f a c i l i t a t e d  c o u n c i l  d e c i s i o n s  on almost m t r a c t a b l e  
Problems e s p e c i a l l y  d i s p u t e s  among v a r i o u s  N a t iv e
Au tho ritie brought  to  the c o u n c i l  f o r  a d j u d i c a t i o n 105
103. I n t e r v i e w ,  Msgr. A .O .  O g u n tu y i  on 2nd August,  1986.
104. I n t e r v i e w ,  Msgr. A .O .  O g u n tu y i  on 2nd August,  1986
105. I n t e r v i e w ,  w i t h  C h i e f  J . A .  Arokodare on 5th Ju n e ,
1988.
354
At  a meeting o f  the A u t h o r i t y  held at  I s a n -  
E k i t i  on 2 l s t  Ju n e ,  1950, the golden j u b i l e e  of  the 
f i r s t  E k i t i - I j e s a  C o n f e d e r a t io n  C o u n c i l  which took 
p la c e  at Oke-Imo, I l e s a  on 21st Jun e ,  1900 was 
c e l e b r a t e d .  At  t h i s  m eeting,  the D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  
f o r  the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  was commissioned to w r i t e  an
account o f  the f i r s t  meeting a t ’ Oke-Imo sa and
a rra n g e  f o r  i t s  p u b l i c a t i o n  in  " Iwe I r o h i
< V
In s p i t e  of the w o r k a b i l i t y  of  the S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e
A u t h o r i t y  in  the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n  of  E k i t i l a n d ,  the need
f o r  f u r t h e r administrative reform s i n  the System had
O v
been f e i t  as f a r  back as 1949. Mr. W. Simpson, who
served  as D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  o f  the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  from
4 th  O cto b e r  to  31st December 1949, expressed s a t i s -
f a c t i o n  at the l e v e l  of  c o - o p e r a t i o n  between the i n t e l l i -
g e n t s i a  and the E k i t i  Oba but he ca u tio n e d  t h a t
Mthe N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  System w i l l  have to be601 
watched c a r e f u l l y  and m o d if ie d  where n e ce s sa ry ,  
to  i n t e g r a t e  the best  i n  a l l  walks of  l i f e .
Some E k i t i  D i s t r i c t  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t i e s  w i l l  not
• . .
be able  to bear  the  s t r a i n  of  Local  a d m i n i s t r a ­
t i o n  in  a few y e a rs  t im e ,  and 1950 may be the
106. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CS026/11874/Vol. X V I I I , Annual Report  on 
Ondo P r o v in c e .  1950, p a r a . l l .
355
y e a r  to examine t h e i r  s t r u c t u r e  and see 
where they are w e a k ." IO ?
As r i g h t l y  p r e d i c t e d ,  the B r i t i s h  c o l o n i a l  
a u t h o r i t i e s  took a hard look at  the i n d i r e c t  r u l e  
System in  N i g e r i a  in  g e n e r a l .  C o n s e q u e n t ly , the 
Macpherson C o n s t i t u t i o n  was adopted in  1951 and t h i s  
r e s u l t e d ,  i n t e r  a l i a , in  the emergence o f  Local  
C o u n c i l s  ( r e s p o n s i b l e  l o c a l  governments)  in  Yorubaland 
i n c l u d i n g  E k i t i l a n d .
Another  s i g n i f i c a n t  advantage o f  the E k i t i
S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  was t h a t  i t  p ro v id e d  an 
avenue f o r  some Baale to  la y  Cla im  to beaded crowns as 
w e l l  as f o r t h e i r  v i l l a g e s  to be d e s ign ated  " D i s t r i c t s . "  
F o r  in s t a n c e ,  when f o u r  Baale p e t i t i o n e d .  His  Honour 
the A c t i n g  C h i e f  Commissioner, Commander J . G .  P k y e -N o tt  1
in  J u l y ,  1951 o v e r  the r i g h t  to wear beaded crown, he 
r e f e r r e d  t h e i r  p e t i t i o n  to  the E k i t i  S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e  
Autho r i t y which r e j e c t e d  i t  e n t i r e l y .  The a f f e c t e d
—_____
107. ( N. A . 1 . ) ,  CS026/11874/V o l . X V I I , Annual Report on 
Ondo P r o v in c e .  1949, p a r a .1 3 .
108. See Western S ta te  of N i g e r i a ,  An I n t r o d u c t i o n  to 
the New Local  Government C o u n c i l  System in  the 
Western S ta t e  o f  N i g e r i a ,  l o c .  c i t ■, p . 1.
356
Baale had no a l t e r n a t i v e  o t h e r  than to abide by the
109
d e c i s i o n  of  the A u t h o r i t y .  And when one of  the
Baale who a r ro g a te d  to h im s e lf  the r i g h t  to  wear a 
beaded crown d e f i a n t l y  attended the meeting of  the 
A u t h o r i t y  held at I j e r o  i n  J u l y  1951, he was e je c t e d  
from the m e e tin g .  The Baale l a t e r  complained to the 
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  t h a t  the b u r g i e r  of  one of  the Oba 
who attended the meeting had " b u r g l e d  at him i n s u l -  
t i n g l y . "  However at the m eeting,  the Olo1a-Oke of
Okemesi was e l e c t e d  P r e s id e n t  " t o  take O f f i c e  from
I s t  September, 1 9 5 1 " . 111 l i l a r  meeting was held
in  August 1951 at I j e r o  d u r i n g  which some Oba were
e l e c t e d  to re p r e s e n t  E k i t i l a n d  in  the newly c o n s t i t u t e d
112
Western N i g e r i a  House o f  C h i e f s .  The meeting a lso
recommended the admission o f  f o u r  ' independent v i l l a g e s "  
o f  I la w e ,  I m e s i - L a s i g i d i , O s i  and Ig b a ra -O d o  i n t o  the
C o u n c i l t h i s ,  the membership of  E k i t i  S u p e r i o r 2901* 
____________
109. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CS026/11874/Vol. X I X , Annual Report on 
Ondo P r o v in c e ,  1951, p a r a . 1 3 .  These Baale were
the O lo ju d o  of Ido I r a p a ,  the A ra j  aka of  I g b a r a -O d o ,  
the O l o s i  o f  O s i  and the Alawe of  I la w e .
1 1 0 . I b i d .
111. I b i d . , p a r a .1 4 .
112. I b i d .
357
N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  C o u n c i l  rose  from 140 to 1 4 7 . ^ ^
However, another  dimension was in tro d u c e d  i n t o  
the  meeting of the S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  C o u n c i l  
held  at Okemesi in  December 1951 when the Ewi of  
A d o - E k i t i  moved a motion f o r  the admission o f  mernbers 
o f  the Western N i g e r i a  House of Assembly who were
in d ig e n e s  of E k i t i l a n d  i n t o  the S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e  A u th o -  
r i t y  C o u n c i l .  114 T h i s  motion was s l i g h t l y  amended by
the Ogoga of  I k e r e - E k i t i  to  the  e f f e c t  t h a t  the 
mernbers o f  the House o f  Assembly should o n ly  be adm itted 
as " e x t r a - o r d i n a r y  mernbers w i t h o u t  v o t e s . " H 5
The is s u e  generated a l o t  o f  c o n t r o v e r s y  among 
the Oba at the m eeting.  While  some saw the wisdom in  
i n c l u d i n g  the mernbers of  the House o f  Assembly i n t o  
the  C o u n c i l ,  o th e r s  expressed the v iew  t h a t  the raove 
was aimed at t h r u s t i n g  a l i e n  ideas upon the Oba * s
c o u n c i l  as w e l l  as p o l i t i c i s i n g  i t .  A f t e r  an e x h a u s t iv e
d e l i b e r a t i o n , the id ea  was r e j e c t e d .  1. *16 Two p l a u s i b l e 65431 
113. I b i d .  In  a d d i t i o n  to the f o u r  v i l l a g e s ,  I d o - I r a p a  
( s i n c e  1946 known as I d o - A j i n a r e )  was l a t e r  a d m itte d .  
A l l  the f o u r  v i l l a g e  c o u n c i l s  were c o n ve rte d  i n t o  
D i s t r i c t  C o u n c i l s .  See ( H . A ^ I ) ,  CS026/11874/Vol. XX, 
Annual Report  on Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1952, p a r a . l l  f o r  
d e t a i l s .
114. I b i d .
115. I b i d .
116. I b i d
358
reasons could  be adduced f o r  the d e c i s i o n  o f  the Oba1s 
C o u n c i l .  F i r s t l y ,  i t  might be t h a t  the d e c i s i o n  arose
because o f  the emerging c o n f l i c t  between the t r a d i t i o n a l
and the new e l i t e .  S e con d ly ,  i t  i s  p robable  th a t  E k i t i
Oba forsaw danqer i n  i n c o r p o r a t i n g  p o l i t i c i a n s  i n t o
—the  S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y  C o u n c i l .  HoweveVr,  whether
t h e i r  fe a rs  were j u s t i f i e d ,  o r  n o t ,  i t  was the events
o f  the  post -  1951 era  th a t  c o u ld  com prehensively
p r o v i d e  an answer to  t h i s  questxon.
Having sa id  t h i s ,  the E k i t i  S u p e r i o r  N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t y
was used as a forum f o r  the  s e l e c t i o n  o f  the r e p r e s e n -
t a t i v e s  of  the E k i t i  Oba on the  Ondo P r o v i n c i a l  Conference
. 117
o f  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t i e s .  The Conferen ce,  which was
in a u g u ra te d  in  1947, had the f o l l o w i n g  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s
from E k i t i l a n d :  the Ewi o f  A d o - E k i t i ,  the O lo iu d o  of
~ ~
I d o ,  the Obanla o f  I j e r o  and Mr. S . A .  Okeya: , a School
m aster  o f  the M e th od ist  S c h o o l ,  I f a k i - E k i t i . 118 The
117. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CS026/11874/Vo1 . X V I I ,  Annual Report on 
Ondo P r o v in c e .  1947, p a r a . l l .
118. A p a rt  from f o u r  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  from E k i t i l a n d ,  
the Conference comprised one nominated member
each from Ondo, Id a n re  and Akure N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t i e s  
i n  the Ondo D i v i s i o n ,  one member each from Owo, 
Akoko, Oka in  Owo N a t iv e  A u t h o r i t i e s ,  One member 
nominated by the I k a l e  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y  and two 
mernbers nominated by and represent. ing  the N a t iv e  
A u t h o r i t i e s  served by the O k i t i p u p a  D i v i s i o n a l  
T r e a s u r y  i . e .  H a j e  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y ,  A p o i - I j a w  
and B i n i  C o n f e d e r a t i o n .  See ( N . A . I . ) ,  I b i d . , 
p a r a . 1 2 .
359
aim of  the B r i t i s h  i n  i n a u g u r a t i n g  t h i s  conference^-19
was to p r o v i d e  a " u s e f u l  l i n k  from the t a x - p a y e r
through the N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t i e s  to  Western House of
Assembly and then the L e g i s l a t i v e  C o u n c i l .  "120 b ^;q s
coming bef or e the House o f  Assembly e s p e c i a l l y  d r a f t
Regional  Est i mates  were n o r m a l l y  p r e v i o u s l y  debated
by the P r o v i n c i a l  Conference.  121 At i t s  i n c e p t i o n ,
the Conference was headed by "Mr.  L .  Adegbola,  a
commoner from A k ur e "^22 The Chai rmanship  of  the c o n -
f e r en c e  was hel d  on a y e a r l y  b a s i s .  L i k e  the E k i t i  
S u p e r i o r  N a t i v e  A u t h o r i t y ,  the P r o v i n c i a l  Conference 
was p e r i p a t e t i c  at  the i n i t i a l  stage w i t h  the members 
of  the House o f  Assembly from the Ondo P r o v in c e  
v i s i t i n g  i n d i v i d u a l  N a t i v e  C o u n c i l s  to a pp ra is e  i t s
the E k i t i p a r a p o  Oba. through
the p a r t i c i p a t i o n  o f  t h e i r  r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s  i n  the 
P r o v i n c i a l  Conference,  were able  to c o n t r i b u t e  t h e i r  
quota to the p o l i t i c a l  development of  the Ondo P r o v i n c e .  19203
119. I b i d .
120. I b i d ,
121. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CS026/11874/ Vol .XI X,  Annual  Report  on 
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1951, I b i d . « p a r a . 1 2 .
122. I b i d .
123. I b i d .
3 6 0
From the f o r e g o i n g ,  i t  i s  obvi ous  t h a t  i n  the wake 
o f  the problems which beset  c e n t r a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  i n  
E k i t i l a n d ,  the B r i t i s h  deci ded as from 1946 to embark 
on some a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  reforms geared toward r e - i n v i g o -  
r a t i n g  t h e i r  machinery of  governance.  C o n s e q u e n t l y , 
the E k i t i p a r a p o  Oba viere put  i n  a good stead to make 
p o s i t i v e  c o n t r i b u t i o n s  to the p o l i t i c a l  development of  
not  o n l y  E k i t i l a n d  but  a l so  the e n t i r e  Ondo p r o v i n c e .  
Moreover ,  some E k i t i  Oba were e l e c t e d  i n t o  the Western 
N i g e r i a  House o f  C h i e f s  i n  1951. T h i s  a f f o r d e d  them 
the o p p o r t u n i t y  o f  s i t t i n g  s i d e  by s i de  and r u bbi ng
minds w i t h  t h e i r  c o l l e a g u e s  from o t h e r  p a r t s  of  the
d e f un c t  Western N i g e r i a  on the i s s u es  of  the day.  L i t t l e  
wonder t h a t  the E k i t i p a r a p o  C o u n c i l  c ont inued to f u n c t i o n  
and make fundamental  c o n t r i b u t i o n s  towards the p o l i t i c a l  
development o f  E k i t i l a n d  i n  p a r t i c u l a r  and Western 
N i g e r i a  i n  g ene ral  u n t i l  the passage of  the Local  Govern­
ment Law o f  1952.^24 i n the l i g h t  o f  t h i s ,  one can 
submit  t ha t  the E k i t i p a r a p o  c o u n c i l  as a loose form 
of  C e n t r a l i s e d  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  i n  E k i t i l a n d  up t i l i  the 
end of  our  p er i o d  i n  1951 succeeded to a v e r y  l a r g e  
e x t e n t . 124
124. See Western S t a t e  of N i g e r i a ,  An I n t r o d u c t i o n  to 
the New Local  Government C o u n c i l  System i n  the 
Western S t a t e ,  l o c .  c i t . , p.§.
-  361
CHAPTER SIX
THE ECONOMIC DIMENSION OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION 
IN EKI T I L A ND ,  1915 -  1951
The Economic i s s u e  i s  an i m p o r t a n t  aspect  of  B r i t i s h  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  was s et  up to
1
f a c i l i t a t e  the economic e x p l o i t a t i o n  of  E k i t i l a n d .  I t  
i s ,  t h e r e f o r e ,  n ec e ssa ry  to d i s c u s s  the framework as 
w e l l  as the process  by which E k i t i l a n d  was e x p l o i t e d
economically under British Administration.
Having established the machinery of colonial 
administration, the British proceeded largely to put in 
place some infrastructures to facilitate the economic 
exploitation of the area. There was also the need to 
generate funds for the sustenance of the Administration. 
In fact, it was all part of the device for the full
1.  T h i s  was not  p e c u l i a r  to E k i t i l a n d .  I t  was a g e n e r a l
p o l i c y  pursued by the B r i t i s h  i n  a l l  h e r  c o l o n i e s .  For  
d e t a i l s  o f  how A f r i c a n  s u r p l u s  was e x p a t r i a t e d  i n t o  the 
M et r op ol e  ( i . e .  the Mother  C o u n t r y )  See A . G .  H o p k i n s ,  An 
Economic H i s t o r y  o f  West A f r i c a , ( Longman, 1 9 7 3 ) , pp * 135­
164; M. Crowde r,  West A f r i c a  under  C o l o n i a l  R u l e , ( L on d on , 
H ut ch i n s o n  and Company L i m i t e d ,  I 9 6 0 ) ,  p p . 2 7 3 - 4 ;  W. 
Rödney,  How Europe U n d e r - d e v el o p e d  A f r i c a , ( Wash i n g t on ,  
Havard^ U n i v e r s i t y  P r e s s , 1^72)  , Revised E d i t i o n ,  1981,  
p p . 1 49- 173;  and 0 . 0 .  O m o si n i ,  " A l f r e d  Moloney and h i s  
s t r a t e g i e s  f o r  Economic Development i n  Lagos Col ony  and 
H i n t e r l a n d ,  1 8 86 - 1 8 9 1 " ,  J . H . S . N . , V o l . V I I ,  N o . 4,  1975,  
pp.  6 5 7 - 6 7 2.
3 6 2
c o n s o l i d a t i o n  o f  the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  T h i s  c h a p t e r  examines 
how the e x p l o i t a t i o n  of  the economic r e s o u r c e s  by the 
u r i t i s h  led l a r g e l y  to the b e n e f i t  of  t he  Me tr op ol e  (Mother  
c o u n t r y )  r a t h e r  than the development  of  E k i t i l a n d .  What -  
ever  b e n e f i t s  d e r i v e d  by the peopl e from the i n f r a s t r u c -  
t u r e s  are secondary  and t a n g e n t i a l  to  the B r i t i s h  p o l i c y .
I  s h a l l  d i s c u s s  the i s s u e  under  the f o l l o w i n g  s ub - themes :  
I n t r o d u c t i o n  of  a monetary  Economy, Development of  
C o mmuni cat ion , A r c h i t e c t u r a 1 change,  Emergence of  Wage 
L a b ou r ;  I n t r o d u c t i o n  of  Cash Croj ds and A b o l i t i o n  of  the
Land T e n ur e  system.  I  would begi n o u r  d i s c u s s i o n  w i t h  the 
I n t r o d u c t i o n  of a monetary  economy,
I n t r o d u c t i o n  of a Monetary Economy
Before B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,  the cowry S h e l l s
2 . 
( c y p r a e a  moneta)  c o n s t i t u t e d  the  predominan£ medium of
2.  T .  Adams, Remarks on the C o u n t r y  E x t en d i n q  from Cape 
Palmers to the R i v e r  Conqo 1823) ,  p . 2 4 0 .
-  3 6 3  -
. 3
exchaft'ge in  Y o r u b a l a n d .  Cowry Shells were o r i g i n a l l y
found i n  the I n d i a n  Ocean and i n i t i a l l y  c o l l e c t o r s  o n l y
4
p r i z e d  them because o f  t h e i r  b e a u t y .  C o w n e s  became
a c c e p t a b l e  l e g a l  t e n d e r  i n  the a n c i e n t  empi res  of  Mal i
and S o n g h a i . ^  T h e r e  i s  no Consensus o f  o p i n i o n  as to when
c o w r i e s  were r e - i n t r o d u c e d  i n t o  West A f r i c a  a f t e r  the f a l l
o f  these e m p i r e s .  P r o f .  A . C . F .  Ryder  i s  o f  the v i e w t h a t
c o w r i e  Shells were impor ted  i n t o  Benin Kingdom by the
£
Por tuguese  i n  the S i x t e e n t h  C e n t u r y .  T h i s  v i e w i s
7
c o r r o b o r a t e d  by C h i e f  J acob E g h a re v b a .  A n ot h e r  school  of
- - ^
3 T r a d e  by B a r t e r  t h r i v e d  v e r y  w e l l  i n  some p a r t s  of  
Y o r u b a l a n d  e s p e c i a l l y  in  the v i l l a g e s .  I n t e r v i e w ,  M r . 
E l i j a h  Adekanmbi,  102,  f a r m e r ,  on 4th A p r i l ,  1986.  See 
R . O .  Ekundare,  An Economic H i s t o r y  o f  N i g e r i a ,  1860­
1960,  (New Y o r k ,  A f r i c a n a  P u b l i s h i n g  Company, 1973, 
p 7 T 8 7 .
4. See Chamber 's  E n c y c l o p a e d i a , V o l . 9 ,  p . 4 8 6 .
5, K.  Yeboa Daaku,  " P r e - E u r o p e a n  c u r r e n c i e s  o f  West A f r i c a  
and Western Sudan,  Ghana Notes and Q u e r i e s , N o . 2,
May -  A u g u s t ,  1961,  p .  13.
6 A . C . F .  R yd e r ,  "An E a r l y  P o rt uguese  T r a d i n g  Voyage to the 
Forcados R i v e r ,  " J . H . S . N . ,  V o l . l ,  N o . 4,  December,  1959,  
pp.  2 9 4 - 3 2 1 .
7 See J . U .  Egharev ba,  A S h o r t  H i s t o r y  of  B e n i n , ( I badan 
1 9 6 0 ) ,  pp.  3 0 - 3 1 .
364
t h o u g h t  i s  of  the o p i n i o n  t h a t  t he y  were i m p or t ed  i n t o  
West A f r i c a  from the Mal di ve  I s l a n d s .  With the 
development  of  European t r a d e  w i t h  both I n d i a  and West 
A f r i c a  i n  the 17th and 18th c e n t u r i e s ,  c o w r i e s  were 
shipped from I n d i a  t o  Europe and t h e r e a f t e r  to the c oast
Q
of  West A f r i c a .  Whi l e  a g r e e i n g  t h a t  c o w r i e s  were 
b r o u g h t  from I n d i a  to West Af r i .ca  by the Europeans who 
i n i t i a l l y  used them as b a l l a s t s  i n  the s h i p s ,  P r o f .  K . O.
Dike a f f i r m e d  t h a t  t h i s  development  o c c u r r e d  o n l y  " e a r l y
9
i n  the n i n e t e e n t h  C e n t u r y "  . F u r t h e r  s t i l l ,  Marion
Johnson d i f f e r s  fundamental  l y  from t h i s  v i e w - p o i n t  by
p o s i t i n g  t h a t  cowry had a long h i s t o r y  of  a n t i q u i t y .  He
a s s e r t s  t h a t  the cowry was i n  use as a medium of  exchange
10
long b e f o r e  the i m p o s i t i o n  o f  c o l o n i a l  r u l e .  A.  Dazel  
i s  of  the v i ew t h a t  the cowry was p r o b a b l y  i n t r o d u c e d  i n t o  
both the Nupe and Yoruba c o u n t r y  from Dahomey i n  the 8910
8 . See G . I .  J o n e s ,  ' N a t i v e  and T r a d e  C u r r e n c i e s  i n  Southern 
N i g e r i a  d u r i n g  the E i g h t e e n t h  and N i n e t e e n t h  C e n t u r i e s , "  
A f r i c a ,  V o l . 2 8 ,  No.  1,  J a n u a r y  1958,  p . 4 8  and A . H . M .
K i r k - G r e e n e ,  "The Major  C u r r e n c i e s  i n  N i g e r i a n  H i s t o r y , "  
J . H . S . N . ,  V o l . 2 ,  No. 1, D e c . ,  1960,  p p . 1 3 6 - 7 .
9 .  K . O .  D i ke ,  T r a d e  and P o l i t i c s  i n  the N i g e r  D e l t a  1830­
1855, ( O x f o r d , The Clar endon P r e s s ,  1 9 5 6 ) ,  p . 1 0 7 .
10.  See M. J ohnson,  "The Cowr i e  C u r r e n c i e s  of  West A f r i c a  
par.t 1 , "  J . A . H . , V o l . X I ,  No. 1,  1970,  p p . 1 7 - 4 9 .
365
" e i g h t e e n t h  Century or probably much earlier." 11
R eg a r d le s s  of  the p e r i o d  when the cowry was r e -  
i n t r o d u c e d  i n t o  West A f r i c a ,  a l l  the v i ews expressed show 
t h a t  ifc was an a c c e p t a b l e  medium of  exchange b e f o re  the 
i m p o s i t i o n  of  C o l o n i a l  R u l e .  Among the E k i t i  p e o p l e ,
e i  P&
l i k e  t h e i r  c o u n t e r p a r t s  i n  Y o r u b a l a n d ,  the cowry was used
i n  commerci al  t r a n s a c t i o n s .  A p a r t  from i t s  shape and 
s i z e  which made i t  easy to h a n d l e ,  c o n v e n i e n t  to count  
and i m p o s s i b l e  to c o u n t e r - f e i t , the c o w r y ' s d u r a b i l i t y
made i t  p r e s e r v a b l e  by the E K i t i  people f o r  many y e a r s . ^  
In s p i t e  of  the above- ment i.o ned m e r i t s  of  the cowry 
as a medium o f  exchange,  the b r i t i s h  saw i t  as bei ng *
c apabl e  of r e t a r d i n g  the growth of  a market  economy. To 
them, i t  was a too i n e f f i c i e n t  and weak medium of  exchange 
which c o u l d  c o n s t i t u t e  a h i n d e r a n c e  t o  the development  of
d k
'
1 1 . l. D a z e l ,  Hi s t o r y  o f  Dahomey, (London,  1 78 3) ,  p .  135.
12 . I n f o r m a t i o n  r e c e i v e d  from M r . E l i j a h  Adekanmbi,  102, 
on 4th A p r i l ,  1986.  See a l s o  Re v. S.  Johnson,  The 
H i s t o r y  of  the Y o r u b a s , ( L a go s ,  C . M . S .  N i g e r i a ,  1 9 2 1) ,  
p p . 118-119 and A . G .  Ho p ki n s ,  "The C u r r e n c y  R e v o l u t i o n  
i n  Sout h- West  N i g e r i a  i n  the l a t e  n i n e t e e n t h  C e n t u r y " ,  
J . H . S . N . ,  V o l . 3 ,  N o . 3,  December,  1966,  p . 4 7 2 .
366
l a r g e  s c a l e  commerce t h a t  t hey  had c o n t e m p l a t e d . F i r s t ,
the c o w r i e s  v a l u e  was not  u n i f o r m l y  f i x e d  o v e r  the v a s t
r e g i o n  i n  which they were u sed . 13
Second,  the B r i t i s h  p e r c e i v e d  the cowry as an a l i e n
c u r r e n c y ;  i t s  sources  and the amount i n  c i r c u l a t i o n  bei ng
< 0 -
beyond the power of  the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  to c o n t r o l .
In f a c t ,  the massive s up pl y  o f  the c o wr i e s  o f t e n  r e s u l t e d  
i n  h i g h  i n f l a t i.o n . 14
T h i r d ,  c o wr i e s  lacked a w h o l l y  c^o n v e n i e n t  u f H.t  of
h i g h  d e n o m i n a t i o n , a phenomenon t h a t  was a g r e a t
d i s a d v a n t a g e  in  t r a n s a c t i o n  i n v o l v i n g  l a r g e  sums o f  money
f o r  one bag of  c o w r i e s  weighed about a hundred wei ght
( c w t ) .  C o n s e q u e n t l y , to  exchange and t r a n s p o r t  a s i z e a b l e
. 15
volume of  the c u r r e n c y  was a maj or  d i f f i c u l t y .
Moreover ,  tbe growth o f  l e g i t i m a t e  t r a d e  w i t h  
N i g e r i a  f o l l o w i n g  the a b o l i t i o n  of  the s l a v e  t r a d e  f u r t h e r
n e c e ss i  ttaatt e dJ  tAhe rneed to have a new medium o f  exchange,  1345
13.  Rev.  J ohnson,  o p .  c i t . , p .  119
14.  See A . G .  H o p ki n s ,  o p . c i t ♦, p .473
15.  I b i d . ,  p .  472.
367
T h u s ,  the i n i t i a l  at tempt  was made i n  t h i s  r e g a r d  by 
McGregor  L a i r d  i n  1858 when he i n t r o d u c e d  smal l  copper  
c o i n s  each of  the v a l u e  of o n e - e i g h t h  of a penny ( I d )  
f o r  use i n  A n gl o - p h on e West A f r i c a .  By 1908,  a new 
l o c a l  co i n a ge  was i n t r o d u c e d  c o n s i s t i n g  a pe>nnny ( d )  and 
a t e n t h  of  a penny,  a l l  h a vi n g  h o l e s  i n  the c e n t r e .
Most people s t r u n g  the c o i n s  t o g ^ t h e r  i n  the s ame f a s h i o n
'
as the c o w r i e s .  T h i s  was the f i r s t  ma jor  success by the
B r i t i s h  i n  i n t r o d u c i n g  the c o i na ge  sys;ltem. The c o i n s
were mi nted i n  the Royal  Mint  i n  E n g la n d . 16
By 1894 17 , the B r i t i s h  had i n t r o d u c e d  s i l v e r  c o i n s
i n  Ibadan and some p a r t s  of  Y o r u b a l a n d .  And by 1917, 1.8
copper  c o i n s  were i n t r o d u c e d  i n  E k i t i l a n d  as a medium 
of  exchange.  I n i t i a l l y ,  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  the new 
medium of  exchange gen e ra te d a l o t  o f  mixed f e e ü n g s  
among the E k i t i  peopl e l i k e  t h e i r  c o u n t e r p a r t s  i n  o t h e r  
p a r t s  of  Yorubaland.  F i r s t l y ,  most E k i t i  peopl e  saw
16.  R.  0 .  Ekundare,  o £ .  c i t . ,  p . 1 8 8 .
17.  I b i d .
18.  See Msgr .  A . O .  O g u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  of  E k i t i  from the 
Beqi n ni nq  t o  1939,  ( I b a d a n ,  B i s i  Books and Co.  L t d . ,  
1 9 7 9 ) ,  p .  1Ö6.
368
the c o i n  as too f l a t  and of  a low q u a l i t y .  T h u s ,  i t  was 
common p la c e  f o r  people  when g i v e n  the c o i n s  as a medium
o f  exchange to e x c l a i m  t h us ,
" K i.  mo t i  a se ye e? " 19
(what w i l l  I  do w i t h  t h i s  t ype  of  t h i n g ? )
S e c o n d l y ,  t h e r e  were c o m p l a i n t s  t h a t  the c o i n s ,  u n l i k e
the c o w r i e s ,  d i d  n o t  have enough smal l  deno mi n a t i on s  to
f a c i l i t a t e  the exchange of  r e t a i l  goods l i k e  pepper ,
v e g e t a b l e s ,  f r u i t s  and some o t h e r : f o ö d  i. t e m s .  20 C ons e-  
q u e n t l y ,  most E k i t i  t r a d e r s  r e j e c t e d  the  new c u r r e n c y  
and stuck t e n a c i o u s l y  t o  the use of  the c o w r i e s  as a 
medium o f  exchange.  T h i r d l y ,  most t r a d e r s  expressed
g r e a t  d i s p l e a s u r e  o v e r  whatJ at he y  r egar ded as the u n u s u a l l y
h i g h  exchange r a t e  o f  the new c o i n s  v i s _ a_ v i s  the 
c o w r i e s .  21 The S i t u a t i o n  was not  p e c u l i a r  to E k i t i l a n d .
In o t h e r  p a r t s  o f  Y o r u b a l a n d ,  c o w r i e s  were s t i l l  bei ng
T x :
19.  O r a l  I n f o r m a t i o n  from M r . E z e k i e l  A pa ta ,  100,  at  E f o n -  
A l aa ye  on 2nd F e b . ,  1990.  He was one of  the people 
who p e r s o n a l l y  used the f i r s t  set  o f  c o i n s  i n t r o d u c e d  
as a medium of  exchange i n t o  E k i t i l a n d .
20.  See d e t a i l s  of  the c o m p l a i n t s  i n  The Lagos Weekly 
Record ,  G en er al  News Column i n  the i s s u e  of  26 May, 
1894.
21 I b i d .
369
used i n  n e a r l y  a l l  r e t a i l  t r a n s a t i o n s .  22 I nd e ed ,  some 
European f i r m s  c l u n g  to  the cowry because they c o ns i d e r e d  
exchange of  t h i s  b a s i s  as more p r o f i t a b l e  and l ess  
c o m p e t i t i v e  than commercial  t r a n s a c t i o n  w i t h  the use of
c o i n s 23
In s p i t e  of  the f o r e g o i n g  d e f' i c i e n c i e s , tnhe new
c u r r e n c y  became a l e g a l  t en d e r  among the E k i t i  people
owing to the f o l l o w i n g  f a c t o r s :  F i r " s t l y ,  t he  f l u c t u a -  
t i o n s  24 i n  the exchange r a t e  of  the c o w r i e s  v i s - a - v i s  
the new c u r r e n c y  rendered  the for mer  u n s u i t a b l e  as 
l e g a l  t e n d e r  f o r  example,
Egbaa ( 2 , 0 0 0  c o w r i e s )  or  Egbejo  ( 1 , 6 0 0  c o w r i e s )  = 1s
Egberun ( 1 , 0 0 0  c o w r i e s )  o r  E g b e r i n  (800 c o w r i e s )  = 6d
25
Edegbeta (500 c o w r i e s )  o r  I r i n w o  (400 c o w r i e s )  = 3d
These f l u c t u a t i o n s  made the use o f  the  B r i t i s h
c u r r e n c y  v e r y  p o p u l ä r  among E k i t i  p e o p l e .  S e c o n d l y ,  the 
B r i t i s h  took a d e c i s i o n  to  s t a n d a r d i s e  the new c u r r e n c y  
v i s - a - v i s  the c o w r i e s  as f o l l o w s :  2345
2 2 . I b i d .
23.  See A . G .  H o p k i n s ,  oja. c i  t . ,  p . 4 8 3 .
24.  I b i d . , p . 4 7 2 .
25.  See I . B .  A k i n y e l e ,  Iwe I t a n  I b a d a n , ( E n g l a n d ,  1 9 5 0) ,  
T h i r d  E d i t i o n ,  p . 1 2 4 .
3 7 0
Eqbaa (2,000 cowries) = 6d Eqberun (1,000 cowries) = 3d
Eqbewa (20,000 cowries) = 5s Oqo j i (40 cowries) = 1 of 3d 2 6
25
Following the Standardisation, English coins became
acceptable and recognised as legal tender by 1899 though
there were some areas where the cowries were still more
populär than the coins. 27 However, the spitited efforts 
made by British political officers like Captain R.L. 
Bower, first Resident and Travelling Commissioner of the 
North-Eastern District and his successor, Captain F.C. 2678
Füller resulted in further popularisation of the British
silver coins as a medium of exchange by the 1920's. 2 8
Also, there was a growing awareness that coins were
more portable than the cowries especially when the latter
. v /
was in a large denomination. Furthermore, with the 
___________________________________________________________
26. For these rates see Lagos Annual Report, 1899, p.85 
and Rev. S. Johnson, History of the Yorubas, op. cit. 
pp.118-119. Other demoroinations are:
Oqbonwo (30 cowries) * l/10d;
Adojo (150 cowries) = hd
Information received from Mr. Adedayo Ojo, 99, at Oda 
near Akure on 2nd October, 1987.
27. Lagos Annual Report, 1899, p.85.
28. See A.G. Hopkins, o£. cit. , p.483.
371
development  o f  l a r g e  t r a d i n g  a c t i v i t i e s  g e n e r a l l y  i n  
Y o r u b a l a n d ,  the c o w r i e s  soon l o s t  a c c e p t a b i l i t y  c o m p l e t e l y .  
T h i s  development  was a gg ra va te d by the l e g i s l a t i o n  
passed by the B r i t i s h  making the s t e r l i n g  the o n l y  l e g a l  
t e n d e r .  Thus oy 1934,  the cowry was o ut  o f  c i r c u l a t i o n  
as a c u r r e n c y  not  o n l y  i n  E k i t i l a n d  but  a l s o  t n r o u g h ou t  
the e n t i r e  Y o r u b a l a n d .  They were,, however ,  used as 
adornments i n  Sekere drum (a t y p e o f  cal abash drum) as w e l l
as d i v i n a t i o n  ana„  d e c o r a t i, o n  c o i n s  f o rv tVhe I f a  O r a c l e
and gods l i k e  Esu r e s p e c t i v e l y . 29
T he i n t r o d u c t i o n  of  the c o in  had f a r - r e a c h i n g  
s a l u t a r y  e f f e c t s  on t he  people of  E k i t i l a n d .  F i r s t l y ,  
they  p e r c e i v e d  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  the new medium of 
exchange as a p r e c u r s o r  to an e r a  o f  p r o s p e r i t y  i n  E k i t i ­
l a n d .  C o n s e q u e n t l y , the E k i t i  peopl e  n i ck - n amed the new
c o i n meaning the v e i l  o v e r  the
w o r l d  917 and 1918,  o t h e r  c o i n s  2930
29.  J . A .  Atanda,  The New Oyo E m p i r e , o p . c i t . , p . 2 3 3 .
30.  I t  was a l s o  c a l l e d  "kobo." gee A.  O g u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  
o f  E k i t i , o p . c i t . , p . 1 2 2 .
372
l i k e  three pence, six  pence and one Shilling were
introduced into  E k i t i l a n d .  31 The West Afr ican  Currency
Board, establ ished in November 1912 with i t s  headquarters
in London,ihad issued and put into circulation currency
notes in the denominations of £5, £1, 10s and ls  by 
1916. 32 Consequently, by 1919 currency notes were 
already in c i r c u l a t i o n  in E k i t i l a n d  though only a few 
in d i v i d u a l s  were in a f in a n c ia l  pos i t ion  to possess them. 33
Secondly,  the populär acceptance of the coin and 
currency notes stimulated economic a c t i v i t i e s  in E k i t i ­
land.  In f a c t ,  the demand for  var ious goods resul ted in
trade between the Ekiti people and other people within
/
and outside Yorubaland.  Export produce was taken 
i n i t i a l l y  to trade depots at Agbabu and E j i n r i n  and 
l a t e r  to OsogDo^^ by the E k i t i  people where they purchased
31. I b i d .
32. See R.O.  Ekundare, ££.  ci_t. , p.191.
33. A.Oguntuyi ,  o£. c i t . ,  p.123.
34. ( N . A . I . ) ,  CO 147/56, 17th June,  1886, Captain A . 
Moloney to the Ear of Ganville.'f K.G.  Secretary of 
State fo r  the Colonies.
373
i m p or t ed  m a t e r i a l s  such as c o r r u g a t e d  i r o n  s h e e t s ,  sewing
machi nes,  b i c y c l e s ,  e t c . 35
T h i s  n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of  the B r i t i s h
c u r r e n c y  had some adverse e f f e c t s  on E k i t i  p e o p l e .
F i r s t l y ,  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of  c o i n  and paper  c u r r e n c y
r e s u l t e d  i n  i n f l a t i o n  i n  E k i t i l a n d  as p r i c e s  of  f o o d s t u f f s
ro se  a s t r o n o m i c a l l y . Many t r a d e r s  i n  a d e s p e r a t e  o id
to p r o c u r e  the new c o i n  and paper  c u r r e n c y  e s c a l a t e d  the
p r i c e s  of  t h e i r  goods.  C o n s e q u e n t l y , Customers were
made to pay h i g h e r  p r i c e s  f o r  goods so t h a t  the t r a d e r s
c o u l d  have enough sup pl y  of the c u r r e n c y .  3 6 S e c on d l y ,  
some E k i t i  peopl e due to the f a c t  t h a t  t he y  were u n l e t t e r e d
were cheated w h i l e  t r y i n g  to  exchange the new c o i n s
\
w i t h  t h e i r  ( c o i n s )  e q u i v a l e n t  i n  pound s t e r l i n g  when the 
l a t t e r  was i n t r o d u c e d  i n  1919.  T h i s  a t r o c i t y  was m o s t l y  
p e r p e t r a t e d  by some Co ur t  C l e r k s  at  the Ado D i s t r i c t  
O f f i c e  who cashed i n  on the i l l i t e r a c y  of  many people to
35.  See J . O .  A t a n d a r e ,  Iwe I t a n  Akure a t i  Agbeqbe r e , 
o p . c i t . ,  p . 7 8 .
36. Msgr. A.O. Oguntuyi , o_£. ci t. , p.123.
374
exchange eighteen Shillings instead of  20 Shillings f o r
One pound ( £ 1 )  which the a f f e c t e d  peopl e j o y f u l l y  but
i g n o r a n t l y  a c c e p t e d .  37 T h i r d l y ,  sometimes a few E k i t i  
people  who a n x i o u s l y  changed t h e i r  c o i n s  to c u r r e n c y  notes  
o f t e n  found i t  d i f f i c u l t  to c o n v e r t  the l a t t e r  i n t o  c o i n s  
agai n whenever t he y  wanted t o  c a r r y  out  commerci al  
t r a n s a c t i o n s  w i t h  o t h e r  p e o p l e .^1 1
A l s o ,  t h e r e  arose i n  l a t e r  y e a r s  the problem of
i l l e g a l  c o u n t e r f e i t i n g  of c o i n s ,  a phenomenon t h a t  was 
unknown when t he  use o f  the cowry was i n  vogue i n  E k i t i -
l a n d .  U n l i k e  the c owr y,  the n e wl y  i n t r o d u c e d  metal  c o i n s
'
c o u l d  be c o u n t e r f e i t e d . In  f a c t ,  some c o u n t e r f e i t  c o i n s  
i n  c i r c u l a t i o n  r e f e r r e d  to  as " i j e b u "  found t h e i r  way 
i n t o  E k i t i l a n d  and t h i s  eroded the c o n f i d e n c e  which the 
people  had i n  t he  new B r i t i s h  c o i n s .  A S i t u a t i o n  t h e r e -  
f o r e  arose whereby people  s c r u t i n i s e d  any c o i n s  g i v e n  to *38
37, I b i d ,
38.  I n t e r•v i ef wr ,  C h i e f  T . O .  J e g e d e , 80,  at  I s e - E k i t i  on 
l O t h  Septei.iv.er, 1988.
375
them d u r i n g  t r a n s a c t i o n s  to e ns ure  t h a t  they  were g e n u i n e ,
and n o t  c o u n t e r f e x t . 39
By and l a r g e ,  the  i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  a modern c u r r e n c y
system lias been seen as a g r e a t  r e v o l u t i o n  i n  the e n t i r e
Sou th - We st  of  N i g e r i. a .  40 I t  l ed  to  i n c r e a s e d  demand f o r  
European goods,  g r e a t e r  i mpetus  to pursue the p r o f i t
, 4 4 / x T
maxirni s a t i o n  m o t i v e  on the p a r t  of  t r a d e r s  w i t h  a t t e n d a n t  
s h i f t  from a s u b s i s t e n c e  economy to a p r e d o m i n a n t l y
, V
money economy.  In f a c t ,  tne  s h i f t  r e s u l t e d ,  i n  l a t e r
y e a r s ,  i n  the growth o f  modern banki ng system as w e l l  as
l a r g e - s c a l e  e n t e r p r i s e s .  41 In o t h e r  words ,  the people  of  
E k i t i l a n d  d e r i v e d  immense b e n e f i t s  from the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n  
of  t h e i r  s u b s i s t e n c e  economy i n t o  a money economy through 
the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  tne c o i n  and paper  c u r r e n c y  n ot es  as 
media of  exchange d u r i n g  the c o l o n i a l  r u l e .  I  would now 
d i s c u s s  the development  of  commuri ication under  B r i t i s h  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . 401
3 y .  I n f o r m a t i o n  ^ o l l e c t e d  from C h i e f  T . O .  Jegede at  I s e -  
E k i t i  on l O t h  Septemoer,  1988.
40.  See A . G .  Ho p ki n s ,  £ £ .  c i  t . ,  p . 4 8 3 .
41.  I b i d . See a l s o  J . S .  Coleman,  N i g e r i a ;  Background to 
N a t i o n a l i s m , ( B e r k e l e y ,  Los A n g e l e s ,  London,  U n i v e r -  
s i t y  o f  C a l i f o r n i a ,  1 9 7 1 ) ,  p p . 6 6 - b 7 .
376
Development of Communication
The British Colonial Administration realised that the 
construction of good roads was sine qua non to the full 
exploitation of the economic resources of Ekitiland.
In fact, British traders were in need of more goods for 
export and in Order to «juarantee steady supply of such 
Commodities, tap the economic resources of Ekitiland at 
reduced cost as well as facilitate the evacuation of 
agricultural products, the colonial Administration 
embarked upon the construction of roads.
At that material time, the transport Situation in 
Ekitiland was very pathetic ere were no motorable
roads; the Ekiti people had to trek to and fro their 
farms daily. Travelling from one town to the other was
very hectic and laborious as it was done through bush 
paths 42 which were mostly narrow, winding, rough and
rugged. Foir  eOxa-mrpl e, whenever anyi Assistant District 42
4 2 .  Although the bush paths were periodically cleared
through communal e f f o r t  n e v e r t h e l e s s  they were o c c a -  
s i o n a l l y  r en d e r ed  almost  i mpassabl e  by o v e r gr o w t h  i n  
between p e r i o d s  o f  C l e a r i n g .  I n t e r v i e w ,  M r . I b i k u n l e  
O j o ,  98,  f a r m e r ,  at  A i y e t o r o - E k i t i  on 14th March,  
1989.
377
O f f i c e r  ( A . D . O . )  s t a t i o n e d  at  A d o - E k i t i  was t r a v e l l i n g
from one town to the o t h e r  on an o f f i c i a l  a ssi gnment ,  he
would be c a r r i e d  i n  an hammock. The s w i n g i n g  of  the
hammock from one s i d e  to the o t h e r  l i k e  the pendulum of
a c l o c k  o f t e n  made such j o u r n e y s  v e r y  cumbersome and
u n i n t e r e s t i n g .  I n  f a c t ,  such j o u r n e y s  were t i r e s o m e ,
t i me - c o nsu mi n g  and u n p l e a s a n t .  -And owing t o  the rugged
t opogr aphy  of  the a r e a ,  horses c o u l d  n o t  be used as an
a l t e r n a t i v e  to  hammock due to the s h o r t  l i f e - s p a n  o f  these
b eas ts  of  b ü rd e n.  43 I n the c i r c u m s t a n c e , t h e r e f o r e ,  i n
o r d e r  to f a c i l i t a t e  the movement o f  the B r i t i s h  p o l i t i c a l
O f f i c e r s  to a l l  p a r t s  o f  E k i t i l a n d  to ensure  e f f e c t i v e
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i t  was f e i t  t h a t  the c o n s t r u c t i o n  of
44
m o t o r a b l e  roads  was h i g h l y  i m p e r a t i v e .  B e s id e s ,  the 
C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  a l s o  saw the need f o r  the c o n s -  
t r u c t i o n  o f  roads to l i n k  some i m p o r t a n t  E k i t i  towns w i t h  
o t h e r  p a r t s  o f  Y o r u b al a nd  not  o n l y  to promote i n t r a - t r a d e  
r e l a t i o r f e b u t  a l s o  to ensure a g r e a t e r  c®*ordinat i on of  the 43
43.  See A . O .  O g u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  of  E k i t i , o p . c i t . , pp.  111
44.  Dü r i ng  an i n t e r v i e w  on 15th O c t o b e r ,  1986,  the l a t e  
Msgr .  A . O .  O g u n t u y i  r e l a t e d  to me how he p e r s o n a l l y  
watched an A s s i s t a n t  D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  bei ng c a r r i e d  i n  
an hammock from A d o - E k i t i  to I f a k i - E k i t i  d u r i n g  an 
o f f i c i a l  t o u r  i n  1920.
378
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e  machi ner y  o f  B r i t i s h  r u l e .
To t h i. s  end,  the P u b l i c  Works Depar tmen t ,  45 e s t a b -
l i s h e d  i n  1896,  was saddled w i th  the t ask  of  c o n s t r u c t i n g
m o t or a b le  roads  i n  E k i t i l a n d .  The f i r s t  a t t e mp t  to  be
made i n  t h i s  r e g a r d  was i n  1904 when the c o n s t r u c t i o n
o f  the road from Akure to Ondo s t a r t e d .  46 In 1 9 1 2 , a
road was b u i l t  ac r oss  Ekitiland from I g b a r a - O k e  to O t u n . 47
The I k e r e - A d o - E k i t i  r o a d ,  s t a r t e d  i n  191 ? V ? a  s completed
. 4 8 i.n... ...J..u...n..e........at  a c o s t  o f  £525  19
...2...1 .  .I .t  was extended 
to I w o r o k o - E k i t i  i n  1922. 49 The I g b a r a - C d o - I l a w e  road
spanni ng a d i s t a n c e  of 8 m i l e s ,  which was commenced i n
1925,  was completed i n  1927.  50 A l s o ,  I g b a r a - O d o - O g o t u n  4567890
4 5.  I t  was charged m a i n l y  w i t h  the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y  of  c on s ­
t r u c t i o n  and maintenance of  roads  and t e l e g r a p h s .
Among the roads  c o n s t r u c t e d  by t he  Department  were the 
L a go s - I b a d a n  road which was completed i n  1906 and the 
I b a da n - O y o  r o a d . o p e ne d  to t r a f f i c k  i n  1907.  . See ( N A I ) ,  
Annual  Report  f o r  the Col on y  of  Southern  N i g e r i a ,
1907, p.~85~.
46.  ( N A I ) ,  ONDO D I V . 8 / 1 ,  1 90 3- 1912,  Aug.  1904,  N o t e s .
4 7.  A . O .  O g u n t u y i ,  o p .  c i t . ,  p . l l l .
-------  N . A . C
4 8.  See ( N A I ) ,  C S O . 26/29734,  / Wei r ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  
on Ado D i s t r i c t , 1933, Appendi x  C» p a r a .  7.
4 9.  ( N A I ) ,  CSO 26/29734 I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ado 
D i s t r i c t , I b i d . ,  p a r a .  83.
50.  ( N A I ) ,  CSO 26/29762,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  ; on Ogotun 
D i s t r i c t ,  p a r a .  44.
379
51
road was opened i n  1927.  The I g b a r a - O k e - I g b a r a - O d o -
A d o - E k i t i - I d o - E k i t i - I l o r i n  r o a d ,  which was begun i n  1920,
was completed i n  June 1921.  52 In 1927,  the c o n s t r u c t i o n  
of  a r oad r u n n i n g  from A d o - E k i t i  t h ro u g h  I y i n - E k i t i  to
I g e d e - E k i t i  was embarked upon by t he  C o l o n i a l
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
In 1930,  a s ur v e y  o f  the A d o - E k i t i - I m e s i  L a s i g i d i 53
c o v e r i n g  a d i s t a n c e  of  23 m i l e s  was un d e rt ak e n by Mr.
W.G.  Wormal,  the then A s s i s t a n t  D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  f o r
E k i t i .  The e x e r c i s e  was des ig n ed  to p r o v i d e  a m o t or a b le
road to t a p  the economic r e s o u r c e s  of  the Ea st er n  p a r t  of 
E k i t i l a n d .  54 Thus i n  1934,  the c o n s t r u c t i o n  of  a road
S t r e t c h i n g  from A d o - E k i t i  p a s s i n g  t hr ou gh  I j a n ,  A i s e g b a ,
! ( N '
Agbado,  I m e s i - L a s i g i d i  and l i n k i n g  the I k a r e - O g b a g i - I r u n
road had s t a r t e d .  SS The C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  a l so 5123 4
5 1.  I b i d . ,  p a r a .  24.
—
52.  ( N A I ) , CSO 26/29799,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on I k e r e  
D i s t r i c t  o f  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  1934, p a r a . 25, C . S . O .  
26/29734,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ado D i s t r i c t , o p . 
c i t . , paraT 5TT
53.  T h i s  town i s  now c a l l e d  I m e s i - E k i t i .
54.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  N . A . C .  W e i r ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ado 
D i s t r i c t , o p . c i t . ,  p a r a .  90 and Appendix  C r p a r a .  7.
55.  I b i d . ,  p a r a .  35.
380
c o n s t r u c t e d  a road  from I f a k i - E k i t i  through Egosi  , S fi
I t a j i ,  Ayede to  I s a n - E k i t i .  5 7 The I w o r o k o - A f a o  road
was embarked upon i n  1933.  5 8 By 1950,  a t o t a l  of  32 
m i l e s  o f  mo t or ab le  roads had been completed i n  E k i t i l a n d  
w h i l e  81 m i l e s  of fe ed er  roads  were under  c o n s t r u c t i o n
i n  v a r i o u s  p a r t s  of  E k i t i l a n d . 59
I t  i s  g r a t i f y i n g  to note t h a t  the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s -
t r a t i o n  a l so  l i n k e d  E k i t i l a n d  t hr ou gh  rco ads w.i t h  some
P a r t s  of  N i g e r i a .  For  example,  the  Ibadan -  Benin road
passed through I g b a r a - O k e ,  I s a r u n ,  E r o , I l a r a  and Akure 60
By 1950,  a sum of  £13, 696 had been expended on the
r o a d .  A l s o ,  Akure was l i n k e d  by r oad w i t h  Ondo and 
Agbabu 61 The I k e r e - A d o - E k i t i - I w o r o k o - I d o  Road led to
56.  T t ' i s  now c a l l e d  H u p e j u - E k i t i .
57.  ( N . A . I . )  |E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/223 , I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on 
I t a j i  D i s t r i c t , p a r a .  14.
58.  ( N . A . I ) ,  N . A . C .  W e i r ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ado 
D i s t r i c t , o p . c i t  ♦, p a r a .  90 and Appendix  C, p a r a . 7.  5960*
59.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . 0 . 2 6 / 1 / 8 7 4  V o l . X V I I I ,  Annual  Report  on 
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1950, p a r a .  120.
60.  I b i d . , p a r a .  1 1 2 .
61. ( N . A . I . ) ,  N . A . C .  We ir ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Akure 
D i s t r i c t , o p . c i t . ,  p a r a .  16.
381
I l o r i n  t hr ou gh the n o r t h e r n  p a r t  o f  E k i t i l a n d . 6 2
The B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  l a r g e l y  employed th® use o f  
c or ve e ( f o r c e d  o r  c o n s c r i p t  l a b o u r )  i n  the c o n s t r u c t i o n  of  
i n f r a s t r u c t u r e s  l i k e  roads and t e l e g r a p h i c  l i n e s  i n  E k i t i ­
l a n d .  Whenever a road  was to be c o n s t r u c t e d ,  thh eo   Al s s i s t a n t
D i s t r i c t  O f f i c e r  w i t h  the a s s i s t a n c e  o f  E n g i n e e r s  and 
S u r v e y o r s  would d e c i d e  i t s  c o u r s e  as w e l l  as number of  
l a b o u r e r s  needed f o r  i t s  c o n s t r u c t i o n .  A r e q u e s t  was then 
made to the Oba and C h i e f s  whose domains the road would 
t r a v e r s e  to s u p p l y  t he  l a b o u r e r s  requ i r e d  f o r  the e x e r c i s e .  
A b l e - b o d i e d  men i n  such towns and v i l l a g e s  were then
c o n s c r i p t e d  f o r  the j ob .
The c o n s t r u c t i o n oads opened up E k i t i l a n d  to
°f r
economic i n t e r c o u r s e  w i t h  o t h e r  p a r t s  o f  N i g e r i a .  I t  a l so  
went a long way t o  speedy up the tempo of  commercial
64
a c tiiv1 i t i e s  amor ig Ek i  t i  towns.  Good road network a ls o  
f  ac;i l i t a t e d  the movemen t  of  peopl e w i t h i n  and o u t s i d e  6234
62.  I b i d . See a l s o  N . A . C .  W e i r ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  oh 
Ado D i s t r i c t , o p . c i t . ,  p a r a . 34.
63.  I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  Oj o  O g u n s u y i ,  100,  at  A r a m o k o - E k i t i  on 
4 th A p r i l ,  1990.
64.  I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  O.  Ogunsuyi  on 4th A p r i l ,  1990.
3ea
E k i t i l a n d .  What i s  more, i t  a l s o  f a c i l i t a t e d  the f u l l  
e x p l o i t a t i o n  o f  the economic r e s o u r c e s  o f  E k i t i l a n d  by 
the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  as B r i t i s h  t r a d e r s  and f i r m s  
found i t  e a s i e r  t o  t r a n s p o r t  goods e s p e c i a l l y  cash c rops  
purchased from E k i t i  f ar mer s  to the c oast  f o r  e x p o r t . ^ 5 
T h u s ,  by 1922,  c a r s  had begun to p l y  E k i t i  r o a d s .  In the
same y e a r ,  the O l o j u d o  of  I d o - E k i t i ,  Oba Adejuwon,  became
the f i r s t  Oba t o  own a motor c a r . 66 Ar ay 1929,  most
roads  i n  E k i t i l a n d  had become mo t o r a b le  t h er e b y  f a c i l i t a -
6 7
t i n g  the use of  m o t o r c y c l e s  and c a r s .
The C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  a l s o  opened a t e l e g r a -
p h i c  and t e l ephon e S e r v i c e  at  A d o - E k i t i  on I s t  A p r i l ,
1949. 68 The T r u nk  Te l ep ho ne  L i n e  from Akure to Ondo was
a l s o  commissioned i n  1950. 69 A l l  these f a c i l i t a t e d
communi cat i on between E k i t i l a n d  w i t h  Lagos and Ibadan
The B r i t i s h  P o Ll ii t i c a l  O f f i c e r s  now found i t  e a s i e r  to
6 5.  I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  J . O .  Ogunsuyi  on 4th A p r i l ,  1990.
6 6 . See A . O .  O g u n t u y i ,  H l s t o r y  o f  E k i t i , op . c i t . , p . 148.
67.  I b i d . , p.  102.
68 . ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . 0 . 2 6 / 1 1 8 7 4 / V o l . I I I ,  Annual  Report  on 
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1949, p a r a . 6 9 .  69
6 9.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . 0 . 2 6/ 1 18 74  V o l . X V I I I ,  Annual  R ep ort  on 
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1950, p a r a .  71.
3 8 3
communicate w i t h  the S e c r e t a r y  o f  S t a t e  f o r  the C o l o n i e s
based i n  La gos .  70 A r c h i t e c t u r a l  i n n o v a t i o n  i s  the
s u b j e c t  of  o ur  n ex t  d i s c u s s i o n .
A r c h i t e c t u r a l  I n n o v a t i o n
Bef ore B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,  the houses i n
E k i t i l a n d  were b u i l t  w i t h  mud and t h a t c he d  r o o f s .  How-
e v e r ,  w i th  the advent  o f  b r i t i s h  r u l e  b u i l d i n g  m a t e r i a l s
' int©
such as c o r r u g a t e d  i r o n  sheets  were i mp or te d 1 E k i t i l a n d  
by commerci al  f i r m s .
G o n s e q u e n t l y , c o r r u g a t e d  i r o n  sheets  began to  r e p l a c e
t h a t c h e d  r o o f s .  Wi th  t h i s  dev elopmen t ,  t h e r e  was a
d r a s t i c  r e d u c t i o n  i n  the i n c i d e n c e  o f  c o n f 1 a g r a t i o n  which
was n o r m a l l y  a s s o c i a t e d  w i t h  t ha tc he d b u i l d i n g s .  71 And
by 1920 when cement was . i nt roduced i n t o  E k i t i l a n d ,  the
r i e h  ones among the peopl e s t a r t e d  to p l a s t e r  t h e i r
b u i l d i n g s  w i t h  cement.  7 2 The emergence of  wage l ab o u r  
under  B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  i s  the s u b j e c t  o f  o ur  next  
d i s c u s s i o n . 7012
70.  I n f o r m a t i o n  c o l l e c t e d  from Mr .  J . A .  F a l o y e  at Akure 
on 27th A p r i l ,  1989.
71.  I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr .  J . A .  F a l o y e  on 27th A p r i l ,  1989.
72.  See Ms gr .  A.  O g u n t u y i ,  H i s t o r y  of  E k i t i ,  op.  c i t . , 
p . l l l .
384
Emerqence of Wage Labour
The l a b o u r  needed f o r  p u b l i c  works was s u p p l i e d  
communal ly i n  E k i t i l a n d  b e f o r e  B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  
A l s o ,  any i n d i v i d u a l  who needed a s s i s t a n c e  i n  h i s  farm 
g o t  t h i s  through Owe ( O b l i g a t ö r y  l a b o u r )  o r  Aj 
( r e c i p r o c a l  l a b o u r )  System.  Those who p a r t i c i p a t e d  i n  
e i t h e r  the Owe o r  Aaro were e n t e r t a i n e d  w i t h  good mealj  
t h e r e  was no f i n a n c i a l  r e m u n e r a t i o n . T h i s  S i t u a t i o n
underwent d r a s t i, c  change under B r i t ivs hV Administ rat ion .
A number of factors led to the emergence of wage 
labour in E k i t i l a n d .  F i r s t l y ,  the in t r od uc t io n  of cash 
economy into  E k i t i l a n d  by the Colonia l  Administ rat ion and 
the r es u l t a nt  propensity  of the people to acquire money 
made many able-bodied E k i t i  men to p a r t i c i p a t e  in publ ic  
works such as road c o n s t r u c t i o n , erect ion of telegraph 
l i n e s ,  construction  of pub l ic  b u i ld i ngs  such as Post 
O f f i c e ,  Native Court b u i l d i n g s ,  Government Rest Houses, 
e tc .  People involved in the exercise were paid for  the 
Services rendered.  Th i s  afforded them the opportuni ty  to
g e t,  money to pay t.a x7.  733
73.  I n f o r m a t i o n  c o l l e c t e d  from Mr .  J u l i u s  O g u n l e y e ,  105, 
at  E f o n - A l a a y e  on 2nd F e b r u a r y ,  1989.
385
S e c o n d l y ,  the e s t a b l i s h m e n t  o f  cocoa and c o t t o n
74
farms on commerci al  b a s i s  n e c e s s i t a t e d  the use of 
a d d i t i o n a l  hands on the f a r m s .  In the c i r c u m s t a n c e , 
t h e r e f o r e ,  a group of  h i r e d  l a b o u r e r s  c a l l e d  A l aq ba ro  
emerged who worked on these farms and r e c e i v e da wagges f o r
their Services. 75 T h u s ,  the development  of  cash cr op
economy put an end to the age-long Owe and Aaro System 
among the Ekiti people.
Thirdly, another opportunity for Ekiti people to
engage i n  wage employment was p r o v i d e d  by the C o l o n i a l
Administration which employed some people as court
c l e r k s ,  c a r r i e r s ,  m a i l  r u n n e r s ,  e t c .  In a d d i t i o n ,
some B r i t i s h  f i r m s  engaged some E k i t i  i n d i g e n e s  as s a l e s ­
men, c l. e r k, s ,  c a r r i. e r s ,  e .t c . 76
Moreover, the desire for European goods also impelled
some E k i t i  people  to  go i n t o  wage employment.  F u r t h e r -
more, with the introduction of taxation 77 into Ekiti.-
land i n  1920,  some t a x a b l e  A d u l t s  went i n t o  wage 
_______________________________________________________________________________
74.  D e t a i l s  of t h i s  w i l l  oe d i s c u s s e d  l a t e r  i n  t h i s  C h a p t e r .
75.  I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr .  J u l i u s  O g u n l e y e ,  on 2nd A p r i l ,  1989.
76.  I n f o r m a t i o n  from Mr.  J . A .  F a l #ye on l l t h  A p r i l ,  1989.
77.  I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr.  J . A .  F a l o y e .
386
employment in  O r d e r  to  o b t a i n  money to pay t h e i r  t a x e s .  7 8
A l s o ,  w i t h  the monetary  w e al th  becoming a y a r d s t i c k  to
h i g h  social S t a t u s  i n  the emergi ng social s t r u c t u r e  i n
E k•i t i l a n d ,  many y o u t h s  deci ded to b o o st .  t h e i r  s t a t u s . 79
Mo re ov er ,  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  a new c u r r e n c y  s erv ed as an
impetus  f o r  many young people to engage i n  wage employ ­
ment .  A Situation arose whereby dowry had to be p a i d  in
the new c u r r e n c y  r a t h e r  than i n  l a b o u r  on the farnis,
8 0
c o w r i e s ,  yams, e t c .  . T h u s ,  the o n l y  o p p o r t u n i t y  opened
f o r  the a f f e c t e d  y o u t h s  were t o  take up wage employment
so as to be abl e  to pay the dowry o f  t h e i r  s u i t o r s .  8 \
F i n a l l y ,  the g e n e r a l  a c c e p t a b i 1i t y  of  the new Standard 
c o i n  and c u r r e n c y  as l e g a l  t e n d e r  i n  p r e f e r e n c e  to  the 
cowry n a t u r a l l y  n e c e s s x t a t e d  a s h i f t  to wage employment
82
i n  E k i t i l a n d . "  -  A
A p a r t  from engagi ng i n  v a r i o u s  t ypes  o f  wage
employment,  many y ou t hs  became m i g r a n t  l a b o u r e r s  i n  the *789012
_ _____________ ______ _ _________________________ — ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
78.  T h i s  i s s u e  has been d i s c u s se d  e x h a u s t i v e l y  v i d e
Supra pp.  266- 272.  “
79.  I n f o r m a t i o n  c o l l e c t e d  from C h i e f  T . O .  Jegede at  I s e -  
E k i t i  on l O t h  September,  1988.
8 0.  I n t e r v i e w ,  C h i e f  T .  0 .  J eg e d e .
81.  I n t e r v i e w ,  Msgr .  A . O .  O g u nt u y i  on 15th O c t o b e r ,  1986,
8 2 .  I n t e r v i e w ,  Msgr .  A . O .  O g u n t u y i .
387
O O
p l a n t a t i c n s  e s t a b l i s h e d  i n  Ondo,  I k a l e  and I j e b u .
Thus hundreds of youhg men l e f t  t h e i r  homes f o r  wage
O A
employment on the r a i l w a y  i n  I b a d a n ,  Osogbo,  e t c .  For
example,  t h e r e  were l a b o u r e r s  of I f a k i  and Usi  o r i g i n
i• n  ITj-e bKu . 85
S c h o l a r s  do not  agree on when l a b o u r  m i g r a t i o n
a c t u a l l y  s t a r t e d  i n  Y o r ubal and i n  genera l e D r .
S . O .  Osoba 8 6 argues t h a t  the ph enomenon commenced i n  the 
8 7 C v
1930s;  D r .  G . O . I .  Olomola i s oft OthseT v i e w  t h a t  l t began
i n  the e a r l y  p a r t  of  the T w e n t i e t h  C e n t u r y .  However,  
t h e r e  i s  a Consensus o f  o p i n i o n  among s c h o l a r s  t h a t  the 
phenomenon of l a b o u r  m i g r a t i o n  had f a r - r e a c h i n g  changes 
on the demographic  p a t t e r n  o f  N i g e r i a  as a whole and 
Y o r u b al a nd  i n  p a r t i c u l a r .
83. See G . 1 . 0 .  Ol omol a, ? r e - C o l o n i a l  p a t t e r n s  of I n t e r -
S t a t e R e l a t i o n s  in E a s t er n  Y o r u b a l a n d ,  Ph . D. T h e s i s ,
I f e ,  1977,  p .  346.
84. I b i d .
85. < 6See 50th Annual  Report  o f  the Lagos D i s t r i c t  (West 
A f r i c ä i )  of  the M e th od i s t  M i s s i on  S o c i e t y , 192"?, p T 8 
and A.  O g u n t u v i ,  H i s t o r y  of  the C a t h o l i c  Church i n  
Ondo D i o c e s e , o p . c i t . , p . 1 6 3 ,  p.  346.
86 . S . O .  Osoba,  " The  phenomenon of  l a b o u r  m i g r a t i o n  i n  the 
e r a  of  B r i t i s h  C o l o n i a l  R u l e :  A n e g l e c t e d  aspect  of  
N i g e r i a ' s  S o c i a l  H i s t o r y ,  11J  .H . S . N. , V o l . 4 ,  N o . 4,
June 1969,  p p . 5 1 7 - 5 3 8.
8 7.  See G . O . I .  O l omol a ,  o£ .  c i t . ,  p . 3 4 6 .
» 388
In  s p i t e  o f  the tremendous p r o p e n s i t y  on the p a r t
of  E k i t i  i n d i g e n e s  to engage i n  wage employment,  the
wages p ai d  to E k i t i  l a b o u r e r s  were v e r y  l o w .  8ö T h i s
S i t u a t i o n  was not  p e c u l i a r  to E k i t i l a n d .  In f a c t ,
t h r o u g h o u t  c o l o n i a l  A f r i c a ,  empl oyer s  of  l a b o u r  p ai d
e x t r e m e l y  low wage -  a wage t h a t  was i n s u f f i c i e n t  to
keep body and s oul  t o g e t h e r .  Hence,  many workers  had to
r e s o r t  to s u b s i s t e n c e  f a r m m g  to s u r v i v e .  89 The 
magnitude of  the p l i g h t  of  the A f r i c a n  worker  would be 
a p p r e c i a t e d  i f  i t  i s  r e a l i s e d  t h a t  the l e v e l  o f  wages 
payabl e to t h e i r  European and North American c o u n t e r p a r t s  
i n  comparable employment at  the  t ime was by f a r  h i g h e r
than t h e i r s .  T h u s , i t  can be argued t h a t  t h e r e  was an
u n b r i d l e d  e x p l o i t a t i o n  of  the A f r i c a n  worker  under
co l, o n .i a .l .l  s m . 90
_______
88 . I n f o r m a t i o n  c o l l e c t e d  from Mr .  J .  A .  F a l o y e ,  who was 
i n  wage employment d u r i n g  c o l o n i a l  r u l e ,  on l l t h  
A p r i l ,  1989.  T h i s  was a l s o  c o r r o b o r a t e d  by C h i e f  
T . O .  Jegede i n  an i n t e r v i e w  at  I s e - E k i t i  on l Ot h  
S e p t . ,  1988.
89.  See W. Rodney,  How Europe un d e rd e ve lop ed  A f r i c a , 
o p . c i t . ,  p . 1 4 9 .
90, I b i d .
389
W a l t e r  Rodney advanced a number o f  reasons  f o r  the 
e x p l o i t a t i o n  of  A f r i c a n  workers  under  c o l o n i a l  r u l e .  
F i r s t ,  the C o l o n i a l  o v e r l o r d  had a monopoly of  p o l i t i c a l  
power a f t e r  c r u s h i n g  a l l  o p p o s i t i o n s  by s u p e r i o r  
m i l i t a r y  m i g h t .  Second,  the A f r i c a n  w or ki n g  d a s s  was 
s m a l l ,  v e r y  d i s p e r s e d  and u n s t a b l e  due to m i g r a t o r y  
p r a c t i c e s .  T h i r d ,  the p r i m a r y  o . b j e c t i v e  o f  c a p i t a l i s m
was always to e x p l o i t  workers  w o r l d - w i d es .  o A l s o ,  d i s c r i -  
m i n a t o r y  wage p o l i c y  pursued by t he  C o l o n i a l  Masters
*37
towards the A f r i c a n  workers  was r a t i o n a l i s e d  on the b a s i s  
of an u n r e a l i s t i c  r a c i a l  t h e o r y  t h a t  the b l ac k  man was 
i n f e r i o r  to h i s  w h i t e  c o u n t e r p a r t  hence the former  ha<3 to 
r e c e i v e  l ower  wages 
•91
The s h i f t  towa r ds  wage employment i n  E k i t i l a n d  had
some adverse e f f e c t s .  In the f i r s t  p l a c e ,  owing to the 
f a c t  t h a t  most v a r i o u s  j obs  i n  which w a g e - e a r n e r s  were 
engaged were based i n  the urban c e n t r e s  l i k e  A d o - E k i t i  
and Ak u re ,  a S i t u a t i o n  arose whereby t h e r e  was an 
i n t e n s e  m i g r a t i o n  from the r u r a l  areas to the urban 
c e n t r e s .  The d i  s e q u i l i b r u m  c r e a t e d  by t h i s  r u r a l - u r b a n
91.  I b i d  . ,  p . 1 5 0 .
390
m i g r a t i o n  c o n s t i t u t e d  a bürden on the few s o c i a l  Services
i. n  the urban c e n t r e s . 92
S e c o n d l y ,  the a ge - gr a de s  i n  v a r i o u s  towns and 
v i l l a g e s  i n  E k i t i l a n d  s t a r t e d  to l ose  g r i p  o v e r  t h e i r  
members, many o f  whom seldom came home owing to  the 
demands o f  t h e i r  new j o b s .  C o n s e q u e n t l y , many age-  
grades  l o s t  membership a g r e a t  deal  as w e l l  as became
i n c a p a b l e  o f  f u l l y  p e r f o r m i n g  t h e i r  t r a d i t i o n a l  f u n c t i o n s
w i t h i. n  the v a r i. o u s  E k i t i  s o c i e t i e s .  93 T h i r d l y ,  t r a d i ­
t i o n a l  c r a f t s  were n e g l e c t e d  owing to the m i g r a t i o n  of
many a b l e - b o d i e d  E k i t i  men to the urban c e n t r e s  i n  search
of  wage employment.  94 A l s o ,  some seasonal  and m i g r a n t
l a b o u r e r s  who l a t e r  r e t u r n e d  to t h e i r  v a r i o u s  towns and
v i l l a g e s  had a c q u i r e d  new i d e a s ,  t a s t e s  and h a b i t s  many
of  which were d i a m e t r i c a l l y  opposed to the s o c i a l  norms
i n  vogue i n  t h e i r  t r a d i t i o n a l  s o c i e t i e s .  9234595
92.  I n t e r v i e w ,  M r . J . A .  F a lo y e  on l l t h  A p r i l ,  1989.
93.  I n t e r v i e w s ,  Messrs J . A .  F a l o y e ,  E l i j a h  Adekanmbi and 
M s g r . A . O .  O g u n t u y i  on l l t h  A p r i l ,  1989,  l l t h  A p r i l ,  
1986 and I 5 t h  O c t o b e r ,  1986 r e s p e c t i v e l y .
9 4.  I n t e r v i e w s ,  Messrs F a l o y e  and Adekanmbi as w e l l  as 
Msgr .  O g u n t u y i .
95.  See J . S .  Coleman,  N i g e r i a :  Background to N a t i o n a l i s m , 
o p . c i t . ,  p . 71.
391
Moreov er ,  f u l l - t i m e  s a l a r i e d  employees in  the urban
centres were subjected to strong individualising influ- 
ences. 96 Many of them became mdividualistic to the 
extent of isolating themselves completely from their 
traditional milieu. Others were obsessed with the 
dilemma of either keeping aloof from their respective 
families or sacrificing their cpmfort and happiness in 
Order to fulfil family and communal obligations. In the
V
c i r c u m s t a n c e , t h e r e f o r e ,  a few of  them d e ci ded  to sever
r e l a t i o n s h i p  w i t h  t h e i r  r e s p e c t i v e  extended f a m i l i e s  and
live i. n Isolation i. n the urban c e n t r e s . 97
F i n a l l y ,  owing to the p r e v a i l i n g  low l e v e l  of  wages
v i s - a - v i s  the c o s t  o f  l i v i n g ,  many wage e a r n e r s  i n c u r r e d
a l o t  o f  debt  i n  a d e sp er at e  at tempt  to keep body and
soul  t o g e t h e r .  Of c o u r s e ,  the consequences of t h i s  were
98
v e r y  d i s a s t r o u s  f o r  the E k i t i  s o c i e t y .  The s u b j e c t  of  
o ur  n ex t  d i s c u s s i o n  i s  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of  cash c rops  
i n  E k i t i l a n d .
_______ _______________________________________________________________________________
96.  I b i d .
97.  J .  S .  Coleman,  I b i d .
98.  I n t e r v i e w ,  M s g r . A . O .  O g u n t u y i  on 15th O c t o b e r ,  1986.
392
I n t r o d u c t i o n  of  Cash Crops
The B r i t i s h  encouraged the p r o d u c t i o n  of  a g r i c u l ­
t u r a l  p r o d u c t s  f o r  European m a r k e t s .  As e a r l i e r  s t a t e d ,  
i t  was t h e i r  p r i m a r y  o b j e c t i v e  to e x p l o i t  the  f o r e s t  
w ea l t h  of  E k i t i l a n d ,  l i k e  t h a t  o f  o t h e r  p a r t s  o f  Y o r u b a -  
l a n d ,  through the c u l t i v a t i o n  o f  cash c r o p s .  Before 
B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ,  the a g r i c u l t u r a l  economy o f  
E k i t i l a n d  was s u b s i s t e n t .  T h u s ,  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  cash 
c r o p s  i n  t h i s  area had f a r - r e a c h i n g  consequences.  A l o t  
o f  a g r i c u l t u r a l  changes f o l l o w reed  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  of  new
c r o p s  (i.e. palm prod u ce ,  cocoa,  r u b b e r  and c o t t o n ) .  I  
s h a l l  d i s c u s s  these changes i n  t u r n  s t a r t i n g  w i t h  those
t h a t  f o l l o w e d  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  palm p r o d u c e .
Palm Produce
T h i s  was an i n d i g e n o u s  a g r i c u l t u r a l  p r o d u c t  i n  E k i t i ­
land b e f o r e  the i m p o s i t i o n  o f  c o l o n i a l  r u l e .  Palm t r e e s  
grew w i l d  i n  the f o r e s t  and were found i n  abundance i n  
a l l  p a r t s  of  E k i t i .  Most of  the Palm o i l  and k e r n e i s  
produced was used f o r  home c o ns u m p t i o n .  Wh i l e  palm o i l  was 
use d f o r  c o o k i n g ,  the o i l  e x t r a c t e d  by women from palm 
k e r n e l  known as adin was used f o r  p l a i t i n g  h a i r ,  soap
393
making and o t h e r ' p u r p o s e s  as w e l l  as f o r  makin^ ose dudu
( i n d i g e n o u s  s o a p ) .  99 However, t r a d e  i n  palm produce
a t t r a c t e d  B r i t i s h  commercial  i n t e r e s t s  i n  E k i t i l a n d  as
w e l l  as o t h e r  p a r t s  o f  Southern N i g e r i a  d u r i n g  the p e r i o d
under  c o n s i d e r a t i o n . T r ad e  i n  palm produce by the 
B r i t i s h  w i t h  N i g e r i a  dates  back to  1588 when one C a p ta i n  
Welsh from England came to Benin and e x p o r t e d  a smal l  
q u a n t i t y  of  palm o i l .  In 1600,  he r e t u r n e d  to Benin and 
e x p o r t e d  32 b a r r e i s  o f  palm o i l  i n  a d d i t i o n  to o t h e r  
C o m m o d i t i e s . T h e  expansi on o f  i r o n  and c o a l  i n d u s t r i e s  
f o r  r a i l w a y  t r a n s p o r t a t i o n  and the demand f o r  o i l  f o r
l i g h t ,  soap and l u b r i c a n t s  f o r  machines a l so  f a c i l i t a t e d
t,,h e  need,  f_ o r  t,,h e commo.d.x.  ty.  101 Al t ho uq h ̂  t h e r e  were s u^p p l i e s
99.  I n f o r m a t i o n  c o l l e c t e d  from Madam Wemimo I s i j o l a ,  107, 
a t  I s a r u n  on l l t h  J d l y ,  1988.
100.  See R . E .  DKennet ,  " A g r i c u l t u r a l  p r o g r e s s  i n  N i g e r i a , "  
J o u r n a l  of  Royal  A f r i c a n  S o c i e t y , ( l a t e r  p u b l i s h e d  
as A f r i c a n  A f f a i r s , V o l . 1 8 ,  1 918- 1919,  p . 2 7 3 .
101.  C . N .  Newbury,  "Pr ic .es and p r o f i t a b i l i t y  i n  E a r l y  
N i n e t e e n t h  C e n t u r y  West A f r i c a n  T r a d e "  i n  C.  
M e i l l a s s o u x  ( e d . ) ,  The Development of I n d ig e n o u s  T r a d e  
and Markets i n  West A f r i c a , ( 0 .U .P . ,  1 9 7 1 ) ,  p p . 9 1 - 9 2  
and W.K.  Hancock,  Survey o f  B r i t i s h  Commonwealth 
A f f a i r s ,  V o l . I I ,  Problems o f  Economic P o l i c y  1918­
1 93 9, p a r t  2 ( London, Macmi l l an  and Company L i m i t e d , 
1963 ) , p . 1 5 9 .
- 394 -
of  o i l  from a n i m a l s ,  f i s h  and f a t s  n e v e r t h e l e s s  these
could not meet the increasing demand for oil. Moreover,
oil was required for the manufacture of candles and
magan. ne.102 
Trade in palm kerneis began very late in the nine- 
teenth Century. As earlier stated, oil was used initially
i n  the manuf acture  of  soap.  However,  by the 1870s i  t
was d i s c o v e r e d  t h a t  through the process  of  r e f m i n g , palm
«TV
k e r n e i s  were b e t t e r  than palm o i l  i n  the ma nuf ac tur e of
soap and m a g a r i n e . 103 A p a r t  from the a n x i e t y  o f  B r i t i s h
merchants  t o  tap the abundant l o c  a l . p o t e n t i a l i t i e s  i n
palm o i l  and k e r n e l s  they saw the development  of  such a
104
market  as an a l t e r n a t i v e  to the s l a v e  t r a d e .
The e x a ct  date when the Yoruba s t a r t e d  e x p o r t i n g  
palm o i l  and k e r n e l  i s  not  known.  C.  W. Newbury t r a c e s  
t h i s  to  the 1840s a r g u i n g  t h a t  i t  was the i n c r e a s e  i n 102* 4
102.  C .  W i l s o n ,  The H i s t o r y  of  U n i l e v e r  (2 Volumes)  Volume 
I_, (London,  C a s s e l l  and Co.  Ltd". , 1954)^  p.  77.
M 0 3 .  See F . J .  F e d l e r ,  Economic Geoqraphy o f  West A f r i c a , 
(London,  Methuen and Co.  L t d . ,  1955), p . 77.
104.  S.  A.  Agboola " A g r i c u l t u r a l  Changes i n  Western
Nigeria, 18 50 - 1 91 0"  in I.A. Akinjogbin and S.O. Osoba 
(eds ), Topics on Niqerian Economic and Social History, 
(Ile-If e~ Uni v e r  sity of If e , Press , 1980')', p . 134 .
395
the w o r l d  p r i c e  of  palm p r o d u c t s  which p r o v i d e d  impetus
f o r  the development  o f  ' l e g i t i m s t e  t r a d e . '  105 Thus by
the 1840s,  palm o i l  had been e x p o r t e d  from Badagry by
some European t r a d e r s . 106 The demand f o r  palm o i l  by
European t r a d e r s  was met t hr ou gh  the Yoruba t r a d e r s  who
serv ed  as middlemen between the Yoruba f ar me rs  107 i n  the 
h i n t e r l a n d  and the European t r a d e r s  on the c o a s t .  
O b v i o u s l y ,  the r o l e  p laye d by these  Yoruba t r a d e r s  went 
a long way i n  b o o s t i n g  the palm o i l  t r a d e  i n  Y o r u b a l a n d .
In r e t u r n ,  the middlemen s o l d  European c l o t h s ,  gun and 
gun- powder  to  the Yoruba p e o p l e . ^ ^ .
What i s  more,  some European f i r m s  had s t a r t e d  
p l a y i n g  a c t i v e  p a r t  i n  the e x p o r t a t i o n  of  palm produce by 105678
105.  See C.W.  Newbury,  The Western S lav e Coast  and I t s  
R u l e r s , ( O x f o r d ,  The C l ar en d o n P r e s s ,  1 9 6 1 ) ,  pp.  42 
and 60.
106.  C.W.  Newbury,  B r i t i s h  P o l i c y  Towards West A f r i c a  
S e l e c t  Documents 1 7 8 6 - 1 8 7 2 , ( O x f o r d ,  The C l arendon 
P r e s s ,  1 9 6 5 ) ,  p . 2 0 .
107.  Among these were the "Lagos E k i t i  Parapo S o c i e t y "  and 
"Men of  the I j e s a  Company".  See S . A .  A k i n t o y e ,  "The 
Ondo Road Eastwards of  Lagos C . 1 8 7 0 - 1 8 9 5 , "  J . A . H . ,  
V o l . X ,  N o . 4,  1969,  p . 5 8 9 .
108.  The Ekiti people benefited immensely from the supply 
of European cloths, gun and gun powder by the Lagos 
Ekitiparapo Society." Interview, Oba Samuel Adelabu, 
Ewi of Ado-Ekiti (now deceased) ,on 2nd February, 1987.
-  3 9 6  -
the t u r n  of  the T w e n t i e t h  C e n t u r y ,  however ,  the s uppl y  of 
palm produce f e i l  s h o r t  of  the demandl of  European 
i n d u s t r i a l i s t s . C o n s e q u e n t l y , the need to i n t r o d u c e  new 
method o f  p r o d u c t i o n  came i n t o  f o c u s .  I t  was thoug ht  
t h a t  the i n d i g e n o u s  method of  c r a c k i n g  the palm k e r n e i s  
( i . e .  the t w o -s t on e  method)  was s lo w,  t e d i o u s  and u n -
e c o n o m i c a l . 109 A l s o ,  nsoap b o i l e r ? ” i n  Br i t a i n  -were of
the v i ew  t h a t  i t  would be b e t t e r  to cont » i the sources
of  s up p l y  o f  palm o i l  and k e r n e l .  As a r e s u l t ,  the 
Le ver  B r o t h e r s  r e q u e s t e d  f o r  palm b e i t  c o n c es s i o n  i n  
o r d e r  to e xp er i me nt  w i t h  p l a n t a t i o n  p r o d u c t i o n  as w e l l  as 
ma chi ner y  to o b t a i n  b e t t e r  y i e l d s  o f  palm o i l .  But the 
r e q u e s t  was t u r n e d  down by the Lagos Government owing to 
a spate o f  p r o t e s t s  by land owners who r eg a r de d  the
B r i t i s h  f i r m ' s  demand as " th e  w o l f  of  economic s e r v i t u d e .1 10
However ,  the L e v e r  B r o t h e r s  put  up a g i g a n t i c  k e r n e l
1910. 111c r u s h i n g  mi 11  i n  Lagos i n
109.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  Annual  R e p o r t ,  Co l on y  o f  Lagos,  1904 p u b -  
l i s h e d  as Supplement to Government G a z e t t e e  Col ony  o f  
Lagos,  1905.
110.  See The Lagos S t a n d a r d ,  May 17,  1911 and ( N . A . I . ) ,
C . S . O l  267317171", Vö'1.1,  " The P l a n t a t i o n  System i n  
N i g e r i a :  G en er al  P o l i c y . "
111.  See The N i g e r i a n  C h r o n i c l e , J u l y  1 4 , 1 9 1 1 .
397
I n  E k i t i l a n d ,  the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  embarked 
on the d i s t r i b u t i o n  of  o i 1 palm s e e d l i n g s .  In 1949,  
a d e c i s i o n  was taken t o  e s t a b l i s h  a g e r m i n a t o r  of  
25,000 nut  c a p a c i t y  i n  Akure to  meet the i n c r e a s i n g
demand o f  palm p l a n t e r s  i n  Ondo P r o v iin c e . 11265431 By 1952,
many t r a y  s e e d l i n g s  had been sent  t o  N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a ­
t i o n  N u r s e r i e s  f o r  d i s t r i b u t i o n  to f ar me rs  w h i l e  the
r e s t  were consumed by the G e r m i n a t o r  e s t a b l i s h e d  i n
A k u r e .  113 Tmhl_ e dj  emand. ...f..o...r.. ...o...i..l.. ...w...a..s.. ...s..o.. ...h...i..g..h... ...t..h...a...t. ...p...n...c e s
ro se  s t e a d i l y  from y e a r  to y e a r .  114 I n f a c t ,  w i t h  the
development  o f  trsdle i n  palm p r o d u ce ,  f a rme rs  e v o l v e d  a
System of  ' palm c u l t u r e '  which gave them the maximum
o u t p u t  w i t h  minimum l ab o u r  c o s t 115 By 1905,  palm o i l  
e x p o r t s  g e n e r a l l y  had reached 9 ,2 19  tons and between
1906 and 1910,  palm produce r e p r e s e n t e d  the g r e a t e s t
p e r c e nt a ge  o f  a l l  the e x p o r t s  from Y o r u b a l a n d .  D e t a i l s
112.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . 0 . 2 6 / 1 1 8 7 4,  V o l . X V i i ,  Annual  Report  
on Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1949, p a r a . 8 2 .
113.  I b i d .
114.  I b i d . ,  p a r a .  80.
115.  See R.  0 .  Ekundare,  An Economic H i s t o r y  o f  N i g e r i a , 
op . c i t . ,  p .  162.
116.  S.  A .  A g bo o l a ,  £ £ .  c i t . ,  p .  134.
398
o f  palm produce e x p o r t s  i n  r e l a t i o n  to o t h e r  e x p o r t s  
d u r i n g  the p e r i o d  are as f o l l o w s :
TABLE I
Palm Produce E x p o r t  1906-1910 (Western P r o v i n c e s )  Lagos
Combined 
PALM O I L PALM KERNELS v a l u e  as p e r -  
centage (%)  
Year Tons Value ( £ ) Tons Value ( £ ) o f  T o t a l  E x p o r t
1906 10. 271 198,676 48, 341 529,282 71. 0
1907 12,829 285,751 57, 505 729,138 74. 6
1908 12, 446 221, 247 52,899 503, 284 74.0
1909 17, 004 305,646 67,817 775,252 75. 4
1910 18, 420 442, 086 79,157 1 , 1 7 6 , 1 8 6 78.5
117
I n s p i t e  of  the tremendous i n c r e a s e  i n  the volume o f  
e x p o r t  o f  palm o i l  and k e r n e i s ,  t he  f a r me r s  i n  E k i t i l a n d  
d i d  not  g e t  enough f i n a n c i a l  r e t u r n s  on t h e i r  p r o d u c t s  
t h a t  were commensurate w i t h  t h e i r  e f f o r t s .  The f i r m s  
of  Messrs John H o l t  and Company and the M i l l e r  B r o t h e r s  17
117.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  Southern N i g e r i a  Annual  R e p o r t ,  1910.
399
which handled the bulk o f  the e x p o r t a t i o n  of the p r o d u c t s  
a pp oi nt ed  Buying Agents who l a r g e l y  cheated E k i t i  
f a r m e r s .  E k i t i  farmers  were p a i d  v e r y  low p r i c e s  f o r
t h e i r  p r o d u c t s .  A l t houg h the bul k  of  the p r o f i t
a c c r u i n g  from the t r a d e  got  to  Messrs John H o l t  and
Company and the M i l l e r  B r o t h e r s ,  n e v e r t h e l e s s , the Buying
A g e n t s ,  more o f t e n  than n o t ,  c o l l u d e d  w i t h  the Produce
I n s p e c t o r s  to  ch e at  the f i r m s .  119 The i n t r o d u c t i o n  of
cocoa i s  the s u b j e c t  of  our  next  d i s c u s s i o n .
Cocoa
Cocoa was a n o t he r  economi c r o p i n t r o d u c e d  i n  E k i t i -
l and d u r i n g  the p e r i o d  o f  B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .  The
i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  cocoa i n t o  N i g e r i a  has been dated back
to about 1874 when one C h i e f  I b a n i g o  b r o u g h t  the c r o p
from the  Fernado Po I s l a n d s  and e s t a b l i s h e d  a farm i n  
1201 8920
Bonn y , The p l a n t i n g  of  the c r o p  was l a t e r  spread i n t o
118.  I n f o r m a t i o n  c o l l e c t e d  from M r . Cal eb  I b i t a y o ,  107,  at  
I g b a r a - O d o  on l l t h  J u l y ,  1987,  M r . Joshua I b i k u n l e ,  
102,  at  O s i - E k i t i  on 5th December, 1987 and Mr.  Gab­
r i e l  O g u n g b i t e ,  97,  at  K a j o l a - I g b a t o r o  V i l l a g e  near  
Akure on 5th December,  1988.  They a l l  r ec o un t ed  
' h a r r o w i n g  e x p e r i e n c e s  w i t h  these B uy i ng  A g e n t s .
119.  I n t e r v i e w s ,  Messrs O g u n g b i t e ,  I b i t a y o  and I b i k u n l e .
120.  See J . A .  A y o r i n d e ,  " H i s t o r i c a l  Notes on the I n t r o d u c ­
t i o n  and Development o f  Cocoa I n d u s t r y  i n  N i g e r i a , ” 
The N i q e r i a n  A g r i c u l t u r a l  J o u r n a l , V o l . 3 ,  A p r i l ,  1966,  
pp.  1 8 - 2 3 .
-  400 -
o t h e r  p a r t s  o f  t h e  E aster n P r o v i n c e s  by the Royal  N i g e r  
Company and some o t h e r  European T r a d i n g  F i r ms  between 
1887 and 1 8 8 9 . 121
However,  the c rop was not  i n t r o d u c e d  i n t o  the 
Yoruba c o u n t r y  front the E a s te r n  P r o v i n c e s .  R a t h e r ,  i t  
was i n t r o d u c e d  i n t o  Y o r u bal and by some Lagos t r a d e r s  who
<
had had some c o n t a c t  w i t h  cocoa p l a n t a t i o n  i n  the Fernado
Po I s l a n d s .122 These t r a d e r s  e s t a b l i s h e d  cocoa p l a n t a -
t i o n  at  I j a n  v i l l a g e  near  Agege "where cocoa and the
A f r i c a n  Church went p r o f i t a b l y  hand i n - h a n d V  123 From
t h e r e ,  the p l a n t i n g o f  t he  commodity spread to o t h e r
p a r t s  of  Y o r u bal and p r i m a r i l y  through the e f f o r t  of
some C h r i s t i a n  M i s s i o n a r i e s . 124
The f ar mer s  i n  E k i t i l a n d  i n i t i a l l y  showed some 
a p a r t h y  to  the i n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  c o co a.  Two reasons can be
. s  : . . . .
121.  F . M.  Howes., "The E a r l y  I n t r o d u c t i o n  o f  Cocoa to  West
A f r i c a . "  A f r i c a n  A f f a i r s ,  V o l . 4 5 ,  J u l y , 1 9 4 6  
p p . 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 .
122.  See J . B  . Webster ,  ' Agege P l a n t a t i o n s  and the A f r i c a n  
Chu r ch  1 901- 1920,  " NISER Conf er en ce  P r o c e e d i n q s , 
( March 1 9 6 2 ) ,  pp. 124-130 and J . A .  A y o r i n d e ,  £ £ .  c i t .
123.  J . B .  Webster ,  ojd. c i t . ,  p .1 29
124.  See S . S .  B e r r y ,  ' C h r i s t i a n i t y  and t he  Rise o f  Cocoa 
Growing i n  Ibadan and Ondo,  J . H . S . N. , V o l . I V ,  
December 1968,  p p . 4 3 9 - 4 5 1 .
401
adduced f o r  t h e i r  lukewarm a t t i t u d e .  F i r s t ,  most
Farmers  ex pressed s c e p t i c i s m  a s . t o  the p r o f i t a b i l i t y
o f  the cocoa t r a d e  i n  comparison w i t h  t h a t  o f  palm
produce which they had been accustomed t o .  T h e i r
indifference stemmed from the fact that they had to  waifc
p a t i e n t l y  f o r  f i v e  o r  more y e a r s  b e f o r e  cocoa c o u l d  be
r i p e  for harvesting, a Situation that was difficult >to 
t o l e r a t e .  125 S e c o n d l y ,  the r e a l i s a t i o n  t h a t  cocoa
c u l t i v a t i o n  had to  be done i n  a t h i c k  f o r e s t ,  a p heno-  
menon which i n v o l v e d  a l o t  of manual  l a b o u r ,  tended to  
make the c u l t i v a t i o n  o f  the commodity a l e s s  a t t r a c t i v e
v e n, t u r e . 126 
In the l i g h t  of  the above,  the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a ­
t i o n  took a number of  measures to encourage the c u l t i v a ­
t i o n  of  cocoa i n  E k i t i l a n d .  F i r s t ,  an A g r i c u l t u r a l  
O f f i c e r  was posted to Akure i n  1946 to ov ersee
—
125.  I n t e r v i e w ,  M r . G a b r i e l  O g u n g b i t e ,  97,  a cocoa f a rme r  
at  K a j o l a - I g b a t o r o  near  A k u r e ,  on 5th December,  1988 126*
126.  I n t e r v i e w ,  Mr .  G a b r i e l  O g u n g b i t e ,  on 5th December,
1988.
402
the p r o d u c t i o n  of  cocoa as w e l l  as the mai ntenance of  cocoa
farms t h r o u g h o u t  the e n t i r e  Ondo P r o v i n c e .  The o b j e c t i v e
of t h i s  was to ensure  a rema rk a bl e  improvement i n  the
127
q u a l i t y  of  cocoa ppoduce.  Second,  M r . T h o r o l d ,  a
P l a n t  P a t h o l o g i s t ,  was commissioned to s t u d y  the problem 
o f  b l a c k  pod d i se a s e  which d e v a s t a t e d  cocoa farms on a
l a r g e  s c a l e  i n  1949 128 A l t h o u g h  based i n  Owena, Mr
T h o r o l d  e s t a b l i s h e d  t h r e e  cocoa O b s e r v a t i o n  P l o t s  i n  
E k i t i l a n d . 129 The Solutions p r o f f e r r e d  by Mr .  T h o r o l d
went a l ong way i n  redeeming the cocoa t r a d e  which had
s u f f e r e d  a s e t - b a c k  f o l l o w i n g  the  d e v a s t a t i n g  e f f e c t s  of
130
the b l a c k  pod d i se a s e T h i r d ,  C o - o p e r a t i v e  S o c i e t i e s
were encouraged to employ Cocoa S ur vey  and A g r i c u l t u r a l  
Development S t a f f  and D e mon st rat or s  who mounted i n t e n -
______
127, c .  S . 0 .2 6/11874 V o l . X V I I ,  Annual  Re po rt  on 
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1946, p a r a . 9 9 .
128 ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . O .  26/11874 V o l . V I I ,  Annual  Report  on 
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1949,  pa ra u8 1.
129.  I b i d ,
130.  I b i d .
403
s i v e  cocoa q u a l i t y  Campaign,  a d r i v e  which k i n d l e d  the
e nt husi asm o f  f ar me rs  to produce h i g h  q u a l i t y  y i e l d . 131
C o n s e q u e n t l y , 99% o f  the cocoa graded i n  the e n t i r e  Ondo
P r o v i n c e  i n  November 1949 was of  Grade I  and I I  q u a l i t y .132
A l s o ,  the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  e s t a b l i s h e d  t hr ee
a cr es  of  m u l t i p l i c a t i o n  p l o t s  on the  new Government Farm
at  Akure where 4 , 500 s e e d l i n g s  were p l a n t e d . 133
Mo re ov er ,  the B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  i n t r o d u c e d
the "Amazon" v a r i e t i e s  of  cocoa i n t o  ,t Vhe e n t i r e  Ondo
P r o v i n c e  i n  1950.  134 T h u s ,  a forum was o r g a n i s e d  whereby
f a r m e r s  were educated on how to  produce the new v a r i e t y .
On I s t  A u g u s t ,  1950,  two cocoa p r o p a g a n d i s t s  were
employed by the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  w i t h  the o b j e c t i v e
of  h o l d i n g  r e g u l ä r  meet i ngs  w i t h  f ar me rs  i n  v a r i o u s
135
towns and v i l l a g e s  p r o d u c i n g  cocoa The propagandists
131. Ibid.
132. I b i d .
133. I b i d .  T h e r e  was no a v a i l a b l e  se pe ra te  data f o r  E k i t i -  
l a n d .
134. ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . O .  26/11874 V o l . X V I I I ,  Annual  Report  
on Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1950, p a r a .  91.
135. I b i d . , p a r a . 92.
404
were to a dv i s e  f a rme rs  and P r o d u c e - b u y e r s  on the moda-
l i t i e s  f o r  h a r v e s t i n g ,  f e r m e n t a t i o n , d r y i n g  and s t o r a g e
of  cocoa 136 As a r e s u l t  of the f o r e g o i n g  e f f o r t s ,  the
p e r c e nt a g e  of  Grade I  eöcoa produced i n  the e n t i r e  Ondo
P r o v i n c e  had reached 90% by the end of  1950.  137 By t h i s
date a l s o ,  t h e r e  had been a tremendous improvement  i n
the Standard o f  Processing and handling of the commodity 
by p r o d u c e rs 13S ^
I t  i s  h i g h l y  e x p e d i e n t  to d i s c u s s  how cocoa was 
marketed i n  E k i t i l a n d  under  c o l o n i a l  r u l e .  E s s e n t i a l l y ,  
the Cocoa M a rk e t i n g  B o a r d » e s t a b l i s h e d  i n  1947, handl ed the 
e x e r c i s e  not  o n l y  i n  E k i t i l a n d  but  a l s o  i n  the e n t i r e  
Y o r u b a l a n d .  The body a l so  handled the e x p o r t a t i o n  of  the 
commodity a b r o a d .  A b r i e f  h i s t o r i c a l  s u r v e y  o f  the 
e s t a b l i s h m e n t  of  the Board i s  v e r y  germane to  t h i s  
e x e r c i s e .  The i mpac t  of  the body on cocoa f ar me rs  in  
E k i t i l a n d  w i l l  a l s o  be examined.  13678
136.  I b i d .
137.  I b i d .
138.  I b i d . ,  p a r a . 9 8 .
405
The g e n e s i s  of  the Cocoa M a r k e t i n g  Board can be 
t r a c e d  to the 1937 Cocoa Agreement e n t e r e d  i n t o  by a 
number of  p ro mi ne nt  European e x p o r t i n g  f i r m s  i n  N i g e r i a .  
T he  p r i m a r y  o b j e c t i v e  of the f i r m s  was to e l i m i n a t e  
c o m p e t i t i o n  among t h em se lv es .  Under the d i s p e n s a t i o n ,
the European merchants formed
combines and pursued a common
towards m ax im i s in g  t h e i r  p r o f i t s .  The cocoa f armers  
were made to  s e i l  t h e i r  cocoa at  p r i c e s  which were
c o m p l e t e l y  r e p u l s i v e  and u n p a l a t a b l e  t o  them 139 I n  the
c i r c u m s t a n c e ,  they  were h e l p l e s s !
However,  the  cocoa f ar me rs  woke up from t h e i r  
slumber  and o r g a n i s e d  t hemselves  i n t o  a " s e l l i n g  monopoly"  
to c o u n t e r  the " b u y e r s  monopoly"  o f  the  European 
i n  the c e l e b r a t e d  cocoa c r i s i s  o f  1 9 3 7 - 3 8 .  The farmers  
t h r e a t e n e d  i n  1937 to  d e s t r o y  t h e i r  cocoa u n l e s s  the
' p o o l '  was and cocoa market  thrown open t o  f r e e
c o m p e t i t i o n .  The c r i s i s  was not  l i m i t e d  to  N i g e r i a ;  i t  139
139.  See ( N . A . I . ) ,  PR/12 "Stat ement  of  P o l i c y  proposed
f o r  the f u t u r e  M ar ke t i n g  of  N i g e r i a n  O i l s ,  o i l  geeds 
and C o t t o n " ,  S e s s i o n a l  P a p e r , N o . 18,  1948.
406
extended to t he  Gold Coast  (now G h a n a ) . F o l l o w i n g  a 
j o i n t  meet ing  of  f ar me rs  f r o m _ the two c o u n t r i e s  hel d  on 
18th J a n u a r y ,  1938 i n  A c c r a ,  the N i g e r i a n  Produce 
T r a d e r s '  Union began a b i g  cocoa h o ld  up i n  c o n c e r t  w i t h  
t h e i r  c o u n t e r p a r t s  i n  the Gold Coast  i n  o r d e r  t o  p r o t e c t  
the economic i n t e r e s t  of  the p r o d u c e r s  from the e x p l o i t a ­
t i o n  of  c a p i t a l i s t s  who by combi -nation of  i n t e r e s t s  were
d e t e rm i n e d  to monopol i se  the produce market  of  the two
141
c o u n t r i e s  ( i . e .  N i g e r i a  and the Gold C o a s t ) .  S p e c i -
f i c a l l y ,  the N i g e r i a n  Cocoa p r o d u c e r s  i n  Eg b al an d,  I f e ,
Ondo and Ibadan u nani mousl y  t h r e a t e n e d  to burn t h e i r
cocoa u n l e s s  the ' p o o l '  was di sbanded and the cocoa
market  thrown open t  © f r e e  c o m p e t i t i o n . 142
In o r d e r  to r e s o l vce  the impasse c r e a t e d  by the 'cocoa 
c r i s i s ' ,  the  B r i t i s h  C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  a pp oi n t e d  the Nowel l  
Commission i n  e a r l y  1938 t o  v i s i t  West A f n c a ,  examine
! o /  „ . . „
and r e p o r t  on the c o n d i t i o n  of  Cocoa M a r ke t in g  w i th  
s p e c i a l  r e f e r e n c e  to the s t a l e m a t e  which o c c u r r e d  as a 1402
140.  A.  O l o r u n f e m i ,  "Background t o  the e s t a b l i s h m e n t  of  
t he  N i g e r i a n  Cocoa M a r ke t in g  Board 1 9 4 7 - 4 8 " ,  ODU, 
No. 19,  J a n . / J u l y ,  1979,  p.  61.
141.  I b i d .
142.  I b i d .
407 -
r e s u l t  o f  the b uy in g  agreement.  A n ot he r  term of
r e f e r e n c e  of  the Commission was t o  a s c e r t a i n  w h e th e r ,
o r  n o t ,  the f a l l  i n  the p r i c e  o f  cocoa had been caused
o r  a cc e nt ua te d by the b u yi ng  agreement.  Among the
recommendations o f  the Commission was the e l i m i n a t i o n  of
the 'Cocoa P o o l '  o f  1937. 143
The r e p o r t  of  the N o w e l l ' s  Commission was r e c e i v e d  
wi, th mixed f e e l i n g s  by the v a r i o u s  PavrtVies concerned
w i t h  the  cocoa t r a d e .  As r e g a r d s  the r e a c t i o n  of  the 
P r o d u c e r s ,  t h e r e  was a f e e l i n a  o f  r e l i e f  and g r a t i f i c a -
tion over the elimination of However
most f ar me rs  f e i t  d i s g r u n t l e d  and d i s a p p o i n t e d  t h a t  the 
Commission d i d  not  f i x  a minimum l o c a l  p r i c e  f o r  cocoa.
In f a c t ,  f ar me rs  had § i e n e r a l l y  expected a r i s e  i n  the 
p r i c e  o f  cocoa as an e vi d e n c e  t h a t  the f i r m s  had a c t u a l l y
abandoned the 'pool' System 145 The middlemen r es e n t ed
the Commission's criticism of their mode of Operation. 
They also frowned at the idea that middlemen should be 143
143.  I b i d .
144.  I b i d . , p .62
145.  I b i d .
408
l i c e n s e d  t o  p r e v e n t  f u t u r e  i n c r e a s e  i n  t h e i r  number.  14 6
A l t h ou g h the  European f i r m s ,  the t h i r d  p a r t y  i n  the 
c r i s i s ,  were n a t u r a l l y  not  happy w i t h  the  e l i t n i n a t i o n  
of  the ' p o o l '  System,  t h e y ,  n e v e r t h e l e s s , r e j o i c e d  o v e r
the Commi ss io n ' s  recommendation t h a t  t h e r e  s houl d be a 
r a p i d  development  of  C o - o p e r a t i v e  M a r k e t i n g  S o c i e t i e s  
among p r o d u c e r s .  I t  was t h e i r ,  hope th;  r a p i d
expansi on of  C o - o p e r a t i v e  b u y i n g  S o c i e t i e s  sponsored by
government  c o u l d  e v e n t u a l l y  pave the way once again f o r
147
t h e i r  monopoly o f  the cocoa t r a d e .
In the c i r c u m s t a n c e , t h e r e f o r e ,  i t  was c l e a r  by
March 1939 t h a t  t h e r e  was no l i k e l i h o o d  o f  a g e n e r a l
. 148
acceptance of  the N o w e l l ' s  Commission R e p o r t ,  
were
B e s i d e s ,  t h e r e  no p o s i t i v e  p r o p o s a l s  from e i t h e r  the
N i g e r i a n  Produce T r a d e r s '  Union o r  the European f i r m s  
t h a t  were a c c e p t a b l e  to a l l  the p a r t i e s  c o n c e r n e d .  
C o n s e q u e n t l y , t he  C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  de ci d e d to 14678
146.  I b i d .
147.  I b i d .
148.  I b i d .
409
a p p o i n t  i t s  own Commission headed by C a p t a i n  K e l l y ,  
R e s i d e n t  o f  Oyo Pro.vrnce,, to c o n s i d e r  and make a p p r o p r i a t e  
recommendations to  be taken to " g i v e  e f f e c t  to  such of  
the C ommi ss ion ' s  ( N o w e l l s ' )  p r o p o s a l s  as appear  to be 
p r a c t i c a b l e  and a d v i s a b l e  i n  the i n t e r e s t  o f  the cocoa
t r a d e " . 149
The K e l l y  Commission,  l i k e  i t s  p r e d e c e s s o r  ( i i e .
N o w e l l ' s ) ,  d i d  not  f i x  a minimum p r i c e  f o r  cocoa.  I t ,  
however ,  recommended t h a t  A f r i c a n  e x p o r t e r s  s houl d  be 
a l l ow ed  f r e e  and u n f e t t e r e d  acces s t o  d i r e c t  e x p o r t  from
E u rope.  The Commission opposed vehement ly  t he  c r e a t -
‘
i on  of  an E x p o r t  Agency on the ground t h a t  such a body
would always i n v o l v e  an element of  p r i c e  s p e c u l a t i o n
and g i v e  r i s e  to d i s c o n t e n t  among cocoa p r o d u c e r s ,  a
phenomenon t h a t  was capabl e  o f  shaking t h e i r  c o nf i d e n c e
i n  the C o - o p e r a t i v e  movements.  14950151
149.  I b i d . p . 6 3 .  See a lso  ( N . A . I . ) ,  Cmd,6654,  Report  on 
Cocoa C o n t r o l  i n  West A f r i c a  1 9 3 9 - 1 3 , ^London, His 
M a j e s t y ' s  S t a t i o n e r y ' s  O f f i c e ,  1944), P a r t  I ,  p a r a . 3 4 .
150.  See A.  O l o r u n f e m i ,  £ £ .  c i  t . ,  p . 6 4 .
151.  I b i d .
4 1 0
U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the cocoa c r i s i s  had not  been 
r e s o l v e d  when t he  second w o r l d  war broke out  i n  September 
1939.  The seeming l o ss  of  markets  i n  many of  the c o n s u -  
ming c o u n t r i e s  of  the w or ld  as a r e s u l t  of  the war 
gave the C o l o n i a l  Government a f r e e  hand i n  the c r e a t i o n  
of  a government  sponsored p u r c h a s e r s  monopoly c a l l e d  
West A f r i c a n  Produce C o n t r o l  Boa,rd which came i n t o  
O p e r a t i o n  d u r i n g  the 1940-41 season.  The Board p ai d  
p r i c e s  t h a t  were below w o r l d  p r i c e s  to f a r m e r s .  In f a c t ,
the Situation W5l$•. more pathetic than what f ar mer s
e x p e r i e n c e d  d u r i n g  the 1937-38 ' Cocoa P o o l ' .  The
recommendation of  the N o w e l l ' s  Commission was suspended
w h i l e  under  ' w a r - t i m e  emergency p o w e r ' ,  s t r i c t  c o n t r o l
measures were imposed on the m a r k e t i n g  o f  maj or  ex por t ;
c r o p s  i n  O r de r  to d e p r i v e  ' t h e  enemy'  153 o f  a l l  s u p p l i e s
o f  raw m a t e r i a l s  from West A f r i c a ,  and thus  ensure
adequate s u p p l i e s  o f  the r e q u i r e m e n t s  o f  the B r i t i s h  
Gov ernment . 154 15234 The M i n i s t r y  o f  Food i n  London was
152.  I b i d .
153.  i . e .  Germany which was then at war w i t h  the A l l i e d  
powers of  which Gr eat  B r i t a i n  was one.
154.  A .  O l o r u n f e m i ,  o £ .  c i t . , p .  64.
411
charged with the responsibility of handling the purchase
o f  the whole ccop under  the c o n t r o l  scheme. The Chairman
o f  the Cocoa Board w i t h i n  the M i n i s t r y  of  Food was John
C a d b u ry ,  a D i r e c t o r  o f  Cadbury B r o t h e r s ,  who took p a r t
i n  the b u yi ng  ' P o o l '  of  the 1937-38 cocoa season. 155
Although one aspect of war-time Controls was the 
promise that cocoa would be purchased at prices which 
would protect that Standard of living of the 'colonial 
people', nevertheless, the Operation of the control 
scheme in practice was no more than a mere transfer of the
w e a l t h  of  N i g e r i a  to B r i  taxn at the O f f i c i a l  government 
l e v e l . 156 T h e r e  was e x c e s s i v e  f l u c t u a t i o n  i n  cocoa p r i c e
from one y e a r  to the o t h e r  d u r i n g  the  war p e r i o d .  A l l
these factors ^d isillusioPnerd cocoa farmers who now realised 
that the objective of control was not to protect their 
interest.^  ̂
The a f t er ma ’th o f  these g r i e v a n c e s  was an i n t e n s e
a g i t a t i o n  by cocoa f armers  f o r  an i n c r e a s e  as w e l l  as 
s t a b i l i t y  i n  the p r i c e  o f  the commodity.  The N i g e r i a n  1567
155.  I b i d . ,  p p . 6 4 - 6 5 «
156.  I b i d .
157.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  Cmd.5845,  N o w e l l ' s  Commission,  1938, 
p a r a s .  1 0 - 1 8 .
412
Produce T r a d e r s  U ni o n ,  Middlemen and cocoa f ar mer s
soon e n l i s t e d  the sympathy of  the n a t i o n a l i s t s  f o l l o w i n g
an i n t e n s e  mass media campaign,  who nominated D r .
A k i n o l a  Maj a,  a member of  the N i g e r i a n  Youth Movement,
to lead a d e l e g a t i o n  t o  London to n e g o t i a t e  w i t h  the
S e c r e t a r y  o f  S t a t e  f o r  the C o l o n i e s  i n  September 1945
f ©r  an i n c r e a s e  i n  t he  p r i c e  of  co.coa to £50 per  ton as
w e l l  as the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n  of  the Nowel l  Commission 
R e p o r t . 158 H ow e ve r , when the d e l e g a t i o n  was r e b u f f e d  by
the S e c r e t a r y  o f  S t a t e  f o r  the C o l o n i e s  on the ground
t h a t  i t  d i d  not  r e p r e s e n t  the i n t e r e s t  of cocoa f a r m e r s ,
i t  o r d e r e d  a h o l d - u p  o f  a l l  cocoa u n t i l  i t  ( d e l e g a t i o n )
was g r a n t e d  an audi ence by the S e c r e t a r y  of  S t a t e  o r
whenever  t h e r e  was a s u b s t a n t i a l  i n c r e a s e  i n  p ro d u c e r  
p r i c e s .  159 T h e r e  was a spontaneous r e a c t i o n  to t h i s  c a l l  1589
158.  See D a i l y  S e r v i c e , September 29,  1945,  N i g e r i a n  
f a r m e r s '  D e l e g a t i o n  t o  London,  Memo s u b mi t t e d  to 
the S e c r e t a r y  of S t a t e ,  London,  27th September, ,1945.
159.  West African P i l o t ,  O c t o b e r  9,  1945.
4 1 3  -
by cocoa f ar me rs  as o v er  90 markets  i n  I ba da n,  I l e - I f e  
and Ondo D i s t r i c t s  had no cocoa s a l e s  because farmers  
r e f u s e d  to b r i n g  t h e i r  p r o d u c t s  to  the m a r k e t s .
A l t ho ug h  the d e l e g a t i o n  d i d  not  meet the S e c r e t a r y  
o f  S t a t e  n e v e r t h e l e s s  i t s  pr esence i n  London c o n v i n c e d  
the B r i t i s h  Government t h a t  cocoa f ar mer s  and d e a l e r s  
were no l o n g e r  i n t e r e s t e d  i n  a r e t u r n  to p r e - w a r  c o n t r o l  
c o n d i t i o n s  on co co a.  C o n s e q u e n t l y , i n  i t e  Paper
i s s u e d  on 25th J a n u a r y ,  1946,  the C o l o n i a l  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n
proposed the establishment of a n ew c ocoa marketing 
Organisation to be set up in Nigeria, not in London as
p r e v i o u s l y  e n v i sa ge d . t o  p r o v i d e  a ma chi ner y  f o r  " i n s u l a -  
txng p r o d u ce r  p n c e s  f o r  cocoa from the d a y - t o - d a y  
f l u c t u a t i o n s  i n  the w o r l d  market  v a l u e s «««9 "161 Tinhuns_ 
the Cocoa M a rk e t i n g  Board was e s t a b l i s h e d  i n  N i g e r i a  i n
the 1947-48 cocoa season. 162 I ndeed,  t h i s  was a
160.  See D a i l y  S e r v i c e , 15th O c t o b e r ,  1945.
161.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  Cmd 6950,  Statement  on F u t u r e  M a r ke t in g  of  
West A f r i c a n  C o co a , London,  H i s  M a j e s t y ' s  S t a t i c n e r y  
O f f i c e ,  November,  1946.
162.  See Government G a z e t t e . ,  No. 37 of  June 1947,
414
m i l e s t o n e  i n  the h i s t o r y  of cocoa t r a d e  i n  N i g e r i a .
O t h e r  f u n c t i o n s  of  t h i s  Govern ment -sponsor ed  B u y e r s '
Monopoly were to c r e a t e  a s u r p l u s  to  f i n a n c e  r e s e a r c h
i n t o  cocoa,  f i x i n g  p r o d u ce r  p r i c e s ,  the e v o l u t i o n  o f  a
new System of  licensed buying agents as well as m a i n -
taining legally prescribed grades and Standard of  the 
Commod.i. .t y. 163 ,
The e s t a b l i s h m e n t  of  the M a r k e t i n g  Board was g r e e t e d  
w i t h  e c s t a s y  by cocoa f ar mer s  s i n c e  t he y  were assured thatt
i t  was set  up i n  o r d e r  t h a t  the ' whole  p r o f i t ' 164
a c c r u i n g  from the cocoa t r a d e  mi ght  go to the p r o d u c e r s .
In 1950,  the cocoa M ar ke t i n g  Board a l l o c a t e d  a sum of
£ 44, 500  f o r  the c o n s t r u c t i o n  and mai ntenance o f  roads
l e a d i n g  to cocoa farms t h r o u g h o u t  the Ondo P r o v i n c e .  16345*^165
163.  I b i d . See a l s o  R . O.  Ekundare,  An Economic H i s t o r y  of  
N i g e r i a , o p . c i t . ,  p .286 and H . M . A .  O n i t i r i  and D. 
O l at ub osun ( e d s 5, The M a r k e t i n g  Board System:  P r ocee-  
d i n g s  o f  an I n t e r n a t i o n a l  Conf er en ce  h e l d  at  the 
U n i v e r s i t y  o f  Ibadan from 29th Ma rc h , to 3rd A p r i l ,
19 71 , ( I b a d a n , U n i v e r s i t y  P r e s s ,  19 74) , p .  28 .
164.  A .  O l o r u n f e m i , The e x p o r t  t r a d e  o f  S out h- Wes ter n 
N i g e r i a ,  1 90 0- 1 9 5 0 :  a s t u d y  i n  the economic d e v e l o p ­
ment of the Yoruba C o u n t r y , M. P h i l .  T h e s i s ,  I f e ,  
November 1972,  p . 1 9 7 .
165.  ( N . A . I . ) , C . S . 0 . 2 6 / 1 1 8 7 4 ,  V o l . X V I I I ,  Annual  Report  on
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1 95 0, p a r a . 1 2 4 .
415
C o o p e r a t i v e  S o c i e t i e s  helped to complement the 
e f f o r t s  of  the Cocoa Mar ke t i n g  Board i n  the m a r k e t i n g  of 
the Commodity.  I n  1946,  t he re  were 10 C o - o p e r a t i v e
S o c i e t i e s  i n  E k i t i l a n d  w i t h  a membership o f  987. 166
T hey  o r g a n i s e d  themselves i n t o  ' E k i t i  Gr oup '  l i k e  t h e i r
c o u n t e r p a r t s  i n  o t h e r  c o - o p e r a t i v e  u ni on s  i n  Ondo
P r o v i. n c e  namely " O n d o - I d a n r e - A k u r e "  and "O wo-Akoko.”167
Most of  these s o c i e t i e s  owned t h e i r  own s t o r e s  , we i g h i n g
machines,  safe and o t h e r  equi p me nt .  They  handled the
m a r k e t i n g  o f  cocoa on b e h a l f  of  the A s s o c i a t i o n  of  N i g e r i a n
C o - o p e r a t i v e  E x p o r t e r s ,  a b u y i n g  agent  w i t h  h e a dq u a r te r s
i n  Ibadan which worked i n  c o l l a b o r a t i.on w i t h  the N i g e r i a n
Cocoa Board. 1.68
The q u a l i t y  of cocoa produced by c o - o p e r a t i v e  
farmers  was v e r y  h i g h .  T h u s ,  a t o t a l  of  2 ,689 tons of  
cocoa were marketed by the C o - o p e r a t i v e  s o c i e t i e s  i n  the
166.  See ( N . A . I ) ,  CSO 2 6 / 1 1 8 7 4 / V o l . X V I I , Annual  Report  on 
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1946, p a r a . 3 5 .
167.  ( N . A . I . ) ,  C . S . 0 .2 6/11874 V o l . V I I ,  Annual  Report  on 
Ondo P r o y i n c e ,  1 94 9, p a r a . 8 7 .  168
168.  I b i d .
416
1948-49 cocoa season while a net profit ef £5,061 
was «ade. 169 However, this flgure declined to 2,356
tons by March 1950 ©wing t© a fall in the total cecesa
produced in the whole ©f Ond© Province as ® result of
devaatatlng e t fect ef black pod disease 170 By December,
1951, the number ®f Co-operative Societies in Ekitiland 
had risen t© 25.*'* Out ©f this number, 22 wer© cocoa
Co-operative Societies located in Okemesi, Erijiyan,
Emure, Efen-Alaaye, Afao and Ipoti. 172
Zn addition to marketing of cocoa, Co-operative 
Societies established the Co-operative Group Parming 
and Plantation Scheoies in 1951 wlth the responsibility 
for spreadlng Propaganda ameng farmers on the merlts ©f
Group farming. Zn this regard, land was acquired st
Ado-Ekiti, Egosi (Hupeju-Ekiti) and Zkere-Ekitl fer th©
■■ mm i ......  i i. ■■ imi i . i i  i —       . m ih i . < -  ■■  ■ — — .............■■— ■ ■ ■■ — —
169. Zblfl*
170. See (N.A.Z.), C.S.0.26/11874 Vol.XVZZZ, Annual Report 
on Ondo Provlnce, 1950. op. clt«. para.102.’"'
171. These in respect of Ondo and Owo Divisiens were 25 •'
and 27 respectlvely thus bringing the total number 
to 77 in Ondo Province. See (NAZ),C.S.0.26/11874/ 
Vol.XZX, Annual Report on Ondo Provlnce.1951 para.89.
172. Others were Thrift and Loans Societies - ©ne (1) and 
Thrift and Credit Societies - Tw© (2). See (n .a .I.)), 
C.S.0.26/11874/Vol.XZX.Annual Report on Ondo 
Province. 1951. Zbld.
417
enterprise. 173 Farmers were thoroughly educated on co-
operative methods of farming and land devel«; Ment. By
the end of the year, cocoa Propagandist» had visited 602
villages and held Meetings with 11,987 farmers throughout
the entire Ondo Province* 174 As a way of enhancing th®ir 
performance, a tralning course for ce-^nerative Secreta- 
ries was held in June 1951 at Akure with 51 trainees
attending. 175 All the foregoing efforts of co-operatira 
societies went a long way in enhancing the cultivation 
and Marketing of high quality cocoa in Ekitiland.
The efforts mode by the Cocoa Marketing Board and 
the Co-operative Societies ln Marketing cocoa produced
in Bkitiland had some adivver■sse effects on cocoa farmers.
First, the nope of cocoa f. armers in Ekitiland that the
whole profit accrulng from the cocoa trade would go t®
thero was dashed. 1 ™ As events unfolded themselves,
173.See (N.A.I.), CSO 26/11874/Vol.XIX, Annual Report on 
Ondo Province, 1951, op. clt>, para.89.
174. Ibld.
175. Ibld.
176. Intervie#, Mr. John Ojo, 90, farmer, at Igbara-Odo, 
on llth July, 1988.
418
farmers became disillusioned f©r the greater Proportion 
of the profit was reserved by the Marketing Board 
ostensibly to stabllise the producer price in case ©f
a slurop in the worid market as well as provide economic
and social welfare Services for the people ©f Ekiti- 
land. 177 Secondly, farmers realised, t© thelr chagrin,
that the avowed economic and social welfare Services
were merely a paper tiger. In fact, none of these
programmes took off the ground during ©ur period* 1.73
Thirdly, an indefensible dichotomy existed between 
world producer prices ef cocoa and the market prices
actually* paifl to cocoa farmers in Ekitiland. 179 This
phenomenon soon became a potent source of vehement 
agltation among Ekiti Cocoa Farmers after the period
under revlew for they saw the market price ©f cocoa as 
not being commensurate with the effort put in by them
177* Interview, Mr. John Ojo, Ibid, See also A. Olorunfemi, 
op. d t » » p. 197 and R.G. Ekundare, op. cit• , p.287.
178« Interviews,Messrs John Ojo and Gabriel Ogungbite 
©n llth July, 1988 and 5th December, 1988
respectively
179* Interviews, Messrs John Ojo and Gabriel ügungbite 
on llth July and 5th uecember 1988 respectlvely.
419
180
its preduction. Again, there were instances when
some functionaries ©f varlous c®~©perative sociaties
(!•«• Managers, Secretaries, Inspectors, etc.) collufled
with the Licensed Buying Agents t© cheat the largely
unlettered Ekiti farmers especially during the gradimg 
•f pr©duce. 181 As a result ©f the foregoing short-
comings, the Colonial Administration took far-reaching 
steps after 1954 aimed at reforming the Cocoa Marketing 
Board.* Howeve^, an appraisal of these post - 1954 
Reforms is outside the purview ©f this thesis. The 
introduction of rubber is the next issue to be examined.
Rubber
Before British Administration, rubber, like palm 
trees, grew wildly in Ekiti forest as in other parts of 
Yorubaland but since it was not consumed domestically, 
it did not enter into the local trade of the people of
180. Information collected from Messrs John Ojo and 
Gabriel Ogungbite.
181. Messrs John Ojo and Gabriel Ogungbite recounted 
their personal experiences with these officials and 
licensed Buying Agents in separate Interviews ©n 
llth Julyt 1988 and 5th December, 1988 respectively.
182« See «Details of these Reforms in R.O. Ekundare, 
op. eit., pp.287-288.
420
Ekitiland. 183 Howevar, by the 1890s, rubber had become 
a valuable product not only in Ekitiland but also in 
West Africa.184
This was due to a demand for the commodity in 
Europa which assumed a new Dimension wlth the Invention 
•f the vulcanisatien process in 1840. Rubber, which 
had been used predominantly ior the manufacture of 
footwear, toys and floor enats, was ntow increasingly 
required for conveyor belting, medical and surgical 
appliances as well as insulators for electric cables and 
wires. Also, the invention of preumatic tyre by 
John Boyd Ounlop in Scotland radically boosted the 
demand for rubber ln Surope. v Moreover, the need to 
meet the lncroasing demand for blcycle and meter tyres
183« Information collected from Pa. J.A. Faloye, 105, 
on 12th June, 1969.
184. See (N.A.I.), Lagos Annual Report. 1895.
185. See O. Omosinl, "The Rubber Export Trade in Ibadan: 
1893-1904: Colonial Innovation or Robber Economy?" 
in Seminar Papers 1978-79. Department of Hlstory, 
University of Ife, lie-Ife, pp. 188-189.
186. Ibld.
421
made It imperative for industsrialists t© expand their
search for rubber later t© all the Tropica! Region® in 
the world# 187 As*/corollary, the growth in the rubber
industry in Europe necessitafeed the need for more markefca
•verseas for the sale ©f the producta as the existing
merkets in Angola, Brazil, Mozambique, Gong© and McSa-
gascar (now Malagasy) could no longer absorb all the
Products of European industriellst*.1*06
Thus, a new market for the commodity was sought in 
West Africa in the 1870s#*89 Sir Alfred Moloney,
Governor of Lagos (1886-1891), wh© had started rubrer 
Collection ln the Gold Coast (now Ghana) in 1882, dr©w 
the attention of the people of Lagos t@ the need to 
estafeliöh a similar industry in the Lagos Colony. In 
fact, he formulated a number of strategies gearea
187. Ibid . O
188. See detalls of the development of the Rubber industry 
in Europe in W.Woodruff, The Rlse of the British 
Rubber Industry Purina the ÜTneteonth Centur yTTUver. 
po'ol'i' 1958), P • Schidrowi Is' and T#” R . Dawson (eds. ), 
History of tha Rubber Industry, (Cambridge, 1952) and 
T.K. Derrv and R.t. willjlamaTAahort History of 
Technology. (Oxford, 1960).
189. Initially Sierra Leone and later the Gold Coast 
(Ghana)»
422
towards the promotlcn of the rubber trade. 190 In spite «ff
his effarts, na consciaus attempt was made by the Colonial
Administration to encourage rubber praductian until 
1894* 191 In that year, Sir Gilbert Carter, then Governer
af Lagas, embarked an the palicy an the advice af some
rubber experts from the Gold Coast. 192 ?he Experts had
reparted that certain districts within th® Yoruba country
namely IJebu, Onda, Ibadan and Ilesa were rieh in rubber
yielding plants and trees especially the landolphla viraes
and the tree lecally called Ire (funtumia elastica). 193
Pallawing the dlrective af the Colonial Administration, 
Captain R.L. Bewer, the British Resident at Ibadan, 
embarked an a campaign far the rubber trade in Ibadan in
190« See 0. Omosini, 'Alfred Moloney and His Strategien far 
Scanamic Development af Lagas Colany and Hinterland, 
1886-1891', J.H.StN., Val.VII, Na.4, 1975, pp.657-672.
191. J.R. Jackson, "The Vegetable Resaurces af West Africa", 
Jaurnal af Afrlcan Hlstory, No.111, April, 1902, 
p.292.
192. Ibld.
193. See J.R. Jackson, ap. clt.. 0. Omosini, "The Rubber 
Expart Trade in Ibadan 1893-1904s Colonial Innevatiesa 
ar Robber Economy?" ap. clt.. p.200, Government 
Gazette 1893-4. and L a g o s Week'lv Record. artlcTe an 
"The Passibilifcies of the Yoruba Country," 2nd June, 
1894.
423
ld94 in Order to boost the revenue of the Lagos 
Government# 194 And by 1895, the exportation of rubber 
from Lagos had begun# In that year, a total of 21,131 
Ibs of rubber valued at £1,214 was exporteü and this 
increased to 948,000Ibs valued at £51,488: 9s : 2d by 
1896.*^ The Rubber rush* which folloved was encouragea 
by Yoruba traders frem Lagos who enjoined the people of 
the hinterland to step up the tapping of ru bber. Anether 
Impetus for the growth of the rubber trade was provided 
oy an increate in the world prlce «f the commedity which 
rose fro*. 2/8d per Ib in 1894 to 4s per Ib in 1905#Ä ^
Consequently, ther« was a tremendous increase in the
voluuie o• f tubb■er export from the Western Provinces betweem
194# See details of the Propaganda and policy decisions ©Jf 
the Colonial Administration in T# Falola, The Politi­
cal Economy of a Pre-Colonial State: Ibaflan, 18 M - 
190Ö, (ile-Ife, University of t fe Press Ltd#7 1384), 
pTTTo.
195# JEx•pRo. rtJ acfkrsoomn ,L agoops.  FceiTtw.e, ens ee1 89a3l soa ndt he1 90d0e taini lsL agofo s RuBblbueer  
Books, 1893-1900 and W.N.M. Geary, Nigeria under 
B r l T I sh R u l e , (London, Frank Cass and Company L t d . ,  
1965), p.56.
196. (N.A.I.), Lagos Blue Books, 1905.
424
1900 and 1907;1 97 In fact, after the 1890s, mögt ©f the
rubber exported from Lagos came frem Ilesa, Ond® and 
Bkitiland.198
In Ekitiland, the Department of Agriculture ensured
that the funtumla elastica was tapped under the supervl-
ffilon ©f the staff of the Department» The latex was
bailed and the resultant ceagulant was rolled into thin
'buscuits' On a table by wooden roIlers. The sheets
wäre then washed wlth very het water before Smoking in a 
long dry shed. 199 Although na specific data en rubber
praductian in Ekitiland in any given year durlng ©ur
perlad are avallable, neve helees, the total praductian 
©f the commodity in the Ond© Provlnce increased from 
39,200 Ibs in 1950 ta 336,229 Ibs ln 1951?00 While there
_
197. See details af the quant^J^^/0 Ib) and the value
(in £) of the Export of fr©» thls area in
(N.A.I.), Annual Trade Report. Colany and Pratectoratte
af Southern^NlgarlTr 1907.
198. See 0. Omosini, "The Rubber Expert Trade in Ibadant 
1893-1904, Colonial Innovation ©r Robber Economy", 
ap. clt.« p.198.
199. (N.A.I.), Report an Blue Baak, Colony and Protectora- 
te af Southern Nigeria. 19l6.
200. (N.A.I), C.S.0. 26/11874/Val.XIX, Annual Report en Oflda 
Provlnce, 1951« ep. cit., para.87.
425
was a large concentration of rubber productlen in Agbabu
and Ondo, the trade flourished to a lesser e x t e n t  i n
Kki tiland.201 Apart from the conscious effort made by
the British Administration to encourage the  p r o d u c t i o n
of rubber in the Forest Reserves 202 at Aramoko, Ise-Ekiti
and Ikere-Bkiti, ©nly a few farmers engageO in the pro-
duction of rubber on an appreciable scale< 203
Three roajor problems limited the scope of the r u b b e r
trade in Bkitiland. First, there was aparthy on the
part of most Ekiti farmers to engage in rubber production
for they «aw the trade as less profitable than the cocea
ot  palm produce enterprise« 204 Second, Ekitiland was
then ln the grip of the protracted Kiriji War (1878 - 
1893), 205 a fracticidal war between the Ekitiparapo and
201* Interview, Mr. Gabriel Ajayi, 92+-, at Aramoko-Ekiti 
on 15th September, 1990.
202. The Forest Reserves were created between 19th June, 
1930 and 9th February, 1933. See A.O. Oguntuyi, 
Hlstory of Ekiti. ©£. clt.t p.l27#
203. Interview, Mr. Gabriel Ajayi 92+, ®n 15th Sept., 1990.
204. Oral Interview, Mr. Gabriel Ajayi, 92.
205. This war has been exhaustively discussed vide supra,
PP« 164-9. ,
4 2 6
Ibadan forces. This internecine war diverfced the atten­
tion of the combatants front such a productive economic 
pursuit in Ekitiland. Third, sotae Ekitl people feit that 
th« labour exerted ©n the fcapping process was not copimgn- 
surate with the market price of rubber per Ib offered 
by the British firms like Messrs John Holt and Company 
which were engafced in the rubber trade. In this Connec­
tion, such a category of farmers naturally diverted thalr
productive energies to the cultivatien ®f subsistence
crops like yams, maize, cassavs, etc. 206 Despit« this
aparthy, the rubber trade breught some wealth to those 
wh© engaged in the trade in Ekitiland.207
On comparatlve ai one can submit that the
rubber trade in Ekiti l not flourish in the sams
degree as obtained in Ibadan, Agbabu and Ijebuland. 
Similarly, it can be argued that the rubber enterpris©
• • • ............ j #  . . .  ' ' ;  /
206. Oral interview, Msgr. A.O. Oguntuyi (now deceased) 
on 15th October, 1986.
207. Oral interview, Msgr. A.O. Oguntuyi on 15th October, 
1986.
427
in Ekitiland was not as successful as the cocoa, palm 
produce or cotton trade. « I shall now discuss the 
introduction of cotton.
Cotton
With regard to the trade in cotton, the commodlty 
was by far sedondary in importance t© the palm produce 
and cocoa trade in Ekitiland. Indigenous cotton had 
been cultivated since time immemorial in Ekitiland. In 
fact, the cotton produced in Ekiti had entered into the
internal trade of the Yoruba country befere the nine- 
teenth Century.
The genesis of the exportation of cotton can bo
traced to the efforts of the early missionaries who
inspired the trade in Abeokuta in 1852. 209 At that 
material time, the price of cotton in America was rising 
and the Lancashire cotton industry was unable to procure
208. Interview, Chief Samuel Ajibewa, 90+, farmer, at 
Ilawe-Ekiti on 2nd April, 1988.
209. See S.O. Biobaku, The Ecba and Their Neiqhboura, 
(Oxford, Clarendon Press, 19510, pp. 57-60 and J.B. 
nebster, "The Bible and the Plough", J.H.S.N., 
Vol.II, No.4, December 1963, pp.418-442“
428
enougn supplxe3 fer its production. This shortage ©f
supplies led t© increaslng demand fer raw cotton fr®m 
Yerubaland. 210 There was als® the need t© secure regulär
and adequate seurces ef supply ln ©rder t© have a perma­
nent selution to the periodic , shortage ef cotton
supply t© the Lancashire Zndustry. 211
Thus, in 1902, repräsentatives ef 15 cotton firms
decided, at a meeting held in Mancheste)r, to form the
British Cotton Growing Association (B.C.G.A.) which
would prospect for Cotton in some of the British
Tropical Africa dependencies namely Egypt, Indla, West
Indies and West Africa« 212 The B.C.G.A. was to "assist
in freeing us (British Merchants), to a very large 210
210. S.A. Agboola, "Agricultural Changes in Western Nigeria 
1850-1910" in I.A. Akinjogbin and S.O. Osoba (eds ) , 
Toplcs on Niqerlan Economic and Social Hlstory, 
(Üniversity of' Ife Press, Ile-Ife, 19ÖÖ), p.142;
Lagos Annual Reports 1868-1870 and Chambers* Bncy- 
clepaeclla, Voi.IV, p.l74.
211. Cmd 2543, "Report on the Royal Commission ©f Supply
of Food and Raw Materials in the Time ©f War" in 
W.H.B. Court, British Economic Hjstory 1870-191#; 
Commentary and Documents7* (Cambridge, Üniversity 
Press, 1965), pp.188-9.
212. See A.O. Anjorin, The British Occupatlon and the 
Development ef Northern Nigeria 1897-1914. PK *D. 
fF.esis, London, 19^7*^71^1 and E.D. Morel, Affalrs 
of West Africa, (London, 1902), pp.188.
429 «
extent from a Position ©f depandence ©n and
with particular reference t® West Affrica, the Association
was t© ensur© thaf* •••• w® hav© s®ri« ©ther stapla
trade to depend up*n other than th©se ©ff palra @11 and 
rubber." 214 The B.C.G.A. was als® ciaarged with tha 
respensibility ©f acquiring land for the establishmcnt ®f 
experimental ffarms, free distribution ®f seeäs aiaong 
indigeneus peopl© for cultivatisrn ©n their farmsj est©b- 
lishment of buying stations as well as tha purchase ©ff 
the by-products ©f cotton.2*5
When the B.C.G.A. was ffermed in 1902, its Capital
was ©nly £50,000 but this was* rmreaised t© £500,000 when the
Asioclation was granted a reyal charter in 1904* 216
Xnltially, the B.C.G.A. concentrated efforts at Ilugun
213. E.D. Morel, Ibld.. p.195.
214. See J. R. Jackson, ©£. clt.. pp.298.
215. Ibld.
......
216. Allan McPhee, The Economic Revolution ln British West 
Afrlca. (London, 1926), p. 46 and Ä.6I Anjorln, 
"Cotton Industry in Northern Nigeria during th« 
Colonial Period" in A.l. Akinjogbin and S.O. Osoba 
(eds )f ©£. clt., p. 122 (ffootnote).
430
Ishan, beth near Abeokuta however a few years later,
it had spread lts tentacles t® Ibadan, Sruwa, Iw© and 
Oke-Iho. 217 Thereafter, the Association started
Operation in Akoke and Ekitiland.218 Good seil and 
suitable elimatic conditiens facilitated the cultivatlen 
ef cotten in Yerubaland in general and Ekitiland in 
particular. The extensive cultivatien and use ef 
cetten all ©ver Yerubaland further brightened the h©pe 
©f the B.C.G.A. that their experiment would be a 
success ln Yerubaland. In fact, Y©ruba farmers had
always grown cotton on a large scal® for domostic:use;2 19
Befere the 19th Century, lecally preduced clethes 
wäre experted in large quantities frem Yerubaland fc® 
Brazil.220
The efficials ©f the B.C.G.A. settled down at 
Omue-Oke and looked ferward t© a profitable trade in
" ' r . ___ ____
217. See S.£. Agboola, op. clt., p. 134.
218. (N.A.I.), OX/A5, Report on Cotton Growing ln West 
Afrlca, 1902-1905 (General Information).
219. See Annual Report on the North-Eastern District 
of Lagos 1904 published in Government Gazette. 
Colony of Lagos, 1906.
220. S.A. Agboola, op. clt., p.133.
431
Ekitiland. 221 T h «  S t r a t e g i e  employed by th« Associa­
tion to achieve its objective t?ere as follows: First, 
cotton seeds mostly of Ishan type were distributed to 
farmers in all parts of Skitiland for cultivation in 
their farras. Second, the B.C.G.A. also mad® relentless 
efforts to divert the supply of cotton from the 
indigenous looms being operated in var< s parts of
Ekitiland to meet the demands of the power looms in 
Lancashire. 222 Thus, in 1911, 2,400 Ibs of cotton
were ginned in the first six months of the year at 
Omuo-Oke. 223 Initlally, the Overall exportation of
cotton in Yorubaland increased between 1903 and 1907,
This was a result of the initial enthusiasm by cotton
farmers. However, the cotton trade was to witness a
Sharp decline thereafter. The details of the Export of
cotton from 1903-1907 are shown belotf: 224
________________ ____________ _ ________________ __________________________ __ ______
221. Oral Interview, Mr. S.O. OJo,farmer, 92, at Omuo-Ekiitl 
on 15th May, 1988.
222. Interview, Mr. S.O. Ojo at Omuo-Ekiti on 15th May, 
1988.
223. See C.O. Akomolafe, Akoko Undcr British Rule, 1900­
1935, M.Phil. Thesis, X f ® , p . H ä .
224. (N.A.I.), Annual Trade Report Lagos, 1907.
432
TAELE II
Export Cotton (Lagos) 1903-1907
1903 1904 1905 1906 1907
Unginned Tons 204 636 497 1,453 4,441
Ginned Tone - 170 287 1,086 1,679
Seed Cotton Tons 25 490 1,288 2,007 4,017
TOTAL 268 1,296 2,072 5,546 10,137
In splte of the frantic effort® made by the Field 
Agents of the B.C.G.A., th« Association was unaole to 
realise its dream of an exten sive cu ltiwation of cotton
in Ekitiland owing to the focllOowing factors. 225 Firstly,
the outbreak of the First World War (1914-1918) led to a 
phenomenal rise in the priee of imported goods particu- 
larly textile materials with the result that the Ekiti 
people were unable to afford the cost of buying 
British made cloths and thereby reverting to their
225. fIanrfmoerrm,a tiaot n Oyceo-lElkeicttie d onf rolml thM r*M ayJ,a me1s9 88A*kinola, 102» 
433
locally made Products. The after-effect wa» an 
increase in the use of cotton for domestlc consumption
rather than for exportation 226 Secondly, the low
price offered by the buying Agents of the B.C.G.A. 
discouraged most farmers ln Bkitiland from selling 
their raw cotton to the firm. While a pounfi of cotton
sold at one nreat Brltaln
at the time, two pence
(2d) to the farmers in Skiti and Akoko areaa.227 The
unfair treatment metAO out to cotton farmers was not 
pecullar to Ekitiland. In Osogboy cotton farmers by 
1920 haG complained about the sum of three pence Ofl) 
being offered by the B.C.G.A. for a pound of cotton. 
What is more, the price offered by the Buying Agents 
of the B.C.G.A. was much lower than that of the 
indigenous cotton merchants with the result that many
cotton farmers wer® Oiscouraged and therefore preferred
to seil their products to the latter. 2 28 Thirdly, the
226. Interview, Mr. James Akinola on llth May, 1988.
227. See C.O. Akomolafe, op. cit., p. 216.
228. (N.A.I.), Ondo Prof.4/1, Annual Report on Ondo
Provlnce. 1920-21« paras 3-6. "
434
Skiti farmers wäre not too enthuslastic about stepping 
up the production of cotton to the degree envisaged by 
the B.C.G.A. Being largely eubsistence farmers, the 
attention of Ekiti farmers was focussed on the produc­
tion of foodstuffs such as yams, malze and cassava 
for the maintenance of ' ' ‘ ' the
cultivation of cotton
importance.
Also, at the time the B.C.G.A. was laying emphasis
on the expansion of cotton production, färmere in Ekiti-
land had paid so much attention to the proöuction of
palm produce and cocoa that not much labour could there-
fore be spared for cotton production. 229 In fact, since
the trade was now competing with the cocoa trade, moet
farmers had to abandon the former as lese profitable.230
As a result of the foregoing, the volume of cotton 
pnrchased by the B.C.G.A. decreased conslderably• For 
instance, the total number of pounds which was available 9032
229. See (N.A.I.), OX/5, Sir Ralph Moor to Eider Dempster 
and Co. of Liverpool, February 12, 1903.
230. Ibid.
435
for the Association to purchase at Omuo-Oke decreased 
from 4,500 Ibs in 1913 to 1,785 in 1917.231 Most 
Ekiti cotton farmers preferred to take their products
to the Ado-Ekiti Community Weaving Centre as well as
the Rural Industries Centre at Oye-Ekiti for sale. 23 2
The Ado-Ekiti Community Weaving Centre had developed
to a stage whereby it had a staff strength of 22 with
four »Standard' and five ’plain* looms for the produc-
tion of »native designs.' 233 8y 1950, a total of
2,287 yards of cloth were produced from this Centre
out of whlch 2,083 yards were sold. 234 Similarly, the
Rural Industries Centre,. Oye-Ekiti utilised aore and
more locally made cotton for its weaving production. 235
Locally made products such as ikeji« iketa» ikerin
cloths produced at Ado-Ekiti and Oye-Ekiti were
marketed within and beyond Ekitlland. 236 The impact
131. C.O. Akomolafe, 0£. cit., p. 216.
232. See (N.A.I.), CSO 26/11874, Vol.XVII, Annual Report 
on Ondo Province, 1950, para.51.
13. Ibld.
234. Ibld.
235. Ibld.
236. Interview, Mr. J. Akinola at Oye-Ekiti on llth Play, 
1988.
4 3 6
of British Administration on the land tenure System
in Ekitiland is the subject of our next discussion.
Abolition of the Land Tenure System
The impact of Britisn Administration on the land
tenure System in Ekitiland was very devastating. Land
in pre-colonial Skiti, like other parts of Yorubaland,
was orporately owned. Since lt was commonly owned,
nobody could alienate it (land) for whatever reasons.
This land tenure System served as a cohesive force which
united all the inhabitants of each town or village. 237
However, the advent of colonialism dealt a great
blow to this corporate ownership of land. The desire
by individuale in Ekitiland, like other parts of Yoruba- 
land, 238 to obtain maximum profit from cash crops like
cocoa and also to build separate houses of their own led
to the urge to own land on individual basls. 239 Since
237. Details of the land tenure System in the pre-colonial 
Ekitiland have been exhaustively discussed vlde 
Supra. pp. 98—104o
238. For the impact of British Administration on the land 
tenure System in Yorubaland generally see J.A.
Atanda, An Introduction to Yoruba Hjstory, (Ibadan, 
Ibadan University Press, 1980), p. 62.
239. Information collected from Msgr. A.O. Oguntuyi on 
llth May, 1986 shortly before bis death.
437
cash crops such as cocoa involved a long-term Invest­
ment on land, an individual who had invested a lot of 
money and labour on pieces of land became unwilling to 
part with it. This actlon started to ©rode th« land 
tenure system. And what is more, there developed a 
tendency for individual to lay Claim to land for a® 
long as their cocoa trees were ther®. This later 
crystallised in a Situation whereby such individuals 
in Skitiland laid permanent ownership on land at the 
expenee of others withln the community, a phenomenon 
that was non-existent in the pre-colonial period.
As land started to acquire raore and rnore economic 
valuet there arose the issue of land speculation. Some
individuals began to acquire pieces of land mostly free
of Charge which were later sold out in later years» 240
This was 4the last straw that broke the camel's back.
It was not long when individuals and communities 
started making Claims and counter-claims to land
240. Oral interviews, Msgr. A.O. Oguntuyi and Mr. J. 
Akinola on llth May, 1986 and llth May, 1988 
respectively.
438
possession. The S i t u a t i o n  soon degenerated into charges 
of t. r_e spass, boundary dispute, protracted litigations
and inter-community strife, a phenomenon that was virtually
unknown in Ekiti communities before colonial rule. 241
Consequently, land and boundary disputes became a
common feature of the relations among communities in
Ekitiland since the second decade of the 20th Century.
Among such ca$es were-Ado and Ikole, 242 Ido and Ijero, 243
Ado and Ilawe, 244 Ogotun and Igbara-Odo, 245 Ise and
Emure, 246 and Ise and Orun 247 land disputes. In essence, 
British Administration not only destroyed the age-long 
land tenure System in Ekitiland but also led to the 
emergence and, in some cases, accentuation of inter­
community strifes.- - - ........... .......................
241. Oral Interviews, Msgr. A.O. Oguntuyi and Mr. J.A.
‘ Akinola. '
242. (N.A.I.), Ekiti Div.1/2, 364, Ikoyi (Ikole) and Iqbl wb>
(Ado) Land Dispute. ' ..... *
243. (N.A.I.), Ekiti Div.1/2/309,. Vol.I, Iloqbo (Ido)
‘ and Ijurin (Ijero) Boundary Dispute.
244. (N.A.I.), Ekiti Div.1/12/1215, Oqotun-Igbara-Odo 
Land Disputes, 1928-1950, p.38.
245i Ibid., pp.47 and 142. ’ .
246. (N.A.I•), Ekiti Div.1/1/312,Vols.I&II, Ise, Emure 
' and Orun .
247. Ibid.
439
From the foregoing, it is cryatal clear that British 
Administration was a mixed blessing in the economic 
sphere in Ekitiland. While it was beneficial in some 
respects, British Administration was largely an unmiti- 
gated disaster in other spheres. Although the develop­
ment of communication especially the construction of 
roads to link some towns and villages facilitated 
greater mobility, opened up Ekitiland to economic inter- 
course as well as laid the foundation of the economic 
development q£ the area, nevertheless, fcha objective 
of the British Administration for undertaking such a
venture in Ekitiland was ogeca?rxed towards tapping the 
economic resources of the area. Consequently, the subs- 
tantial gains from the cocoa, palm produce, rubber and 
cotton trade went to the Metropole (mother country) 
rather than the indigenous people of Ekitiland. Against 
this background, it is apparent that the argument of 
some Colonial Apologists like Bla Myint, William Geary,
440
Allan McPhee, G.K. Helleiner, L.H. Gann and P. Duignan, 
that Colonial Administration was the 'prime mover' and 
Instrument which galvanised the indigenous African 
communities into action in all processes of economic 
change is highly contestable. This conventional school 
of thoughtalso contends that it was the European 
trading firms which transformed the "essentially static"
and "backward economies" of colonial i ca into a 
vibrant state. With reference to Ekitiland, it is 
observed that the messaiahic garb which these Colonial 
Apologists have donned the British Colonial Authorities 
does not take into cognizance the contrlbutions of the 
local farmers,middlemen and traders towards the promotion 
of the British economic enterprise in the area. This 
category of people demonstratdd a considerable degree 
of market responsiveness and economic initiatives in
248. See Hla Myint, 'The "Classical Theory" of Interna­
tional Trade and the Underdeveloped Countries', 
Economic Journal, 68, Juney 1958, pp.317-337, W.N.M. 
Geary.' Nigeria Under British Rule. (London, Frank 
Cass and Co. Ltd., 1965), Allan McPhee, The Economic 
Revolution ln British West Africa, (London, 1926)7' 
p.7 G.K. Helleiner. Peasant Aqriculture« Government 
and Economic Growth ln Nigeria, (Homewood, Illinois, 
1966), p.12 and L.H. Gann and P. Duignan, The 
Bürden of Empire, (New York, Praeger, 1967)•
441
both the production and Organisation of the trade in 
primary products. In other words, the whole credit 
cannot go only to the Colonial Authorities and the 
trading firms.
While other innovations such as the introduction 
of corrugated iron sheets to replace thatched roofs in
Ekitiiand as well as the advent of a monetary economy
were important landmarks in the'  economic development of
the area, 'British Administration disrupted some aspect»
of the indigenous economy, For example, the creation of
Forest Reserves ostensibly "to preserve the natural
wealth of the country for the coming generation" 249
dealt a fatal blow to the land tenure System as forest 
lands belonging to individual families and communities 
were appropriated by the Colonial Administration. Ekiti 
people were later disillusioned as these Forest 
Reserves turned out to be a cloak employed by the 
British to tap the valuable timber resources of the area
-- . . •
249. (N.A.I.), Froceedlnqs of the Second meetlnq of the 
Wiqerian Council« December, 1915, p.ll.
\
442
f o r  e x p o rt  to Great  B r i t a i n .  To t h i s  e x t e n t ,  B r i t i s h  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  was e x p l o i t a t i v e .  A g a in ,  the m u l t i p l i e r  
e f f e c t  o f  the a b o l i t i o n  of  the land tenure  System was 
the emergence of  i n d i v i d u a l i s t i
p a r t  of  many people i n  E k i t i l a n
My f i n d i n g s  on the impact
i n  the economic sphere i n  E k i t i l a n d  d u r in g  o u r  perio<$ 
do not support  the v iew  of the R a d ica l  School  of  
th ou g ht  on c o l o n i a l i s m  c o m p r is in g  W a lte r  Rodney, Claude
Ake, F r a n t z  Fanon, Segun Osoba, T o y i n  F a l o l a ,  e t c . , 2 5 0
which contends t h a t  c o l o n i m was t o t a l l y  an
250, See W. Rodney, How Surope Underdeveloped A f r i c a .
op.  c l t . , p p .2 0 TJ  2o5 a n d ' 210; t. A k e,"X he Congruence 
of  P o l i t i c a l  Economies and i d e o l o g i e s  in  A f r i c a "  in  
G u tk in d  and W a l l e r s t a i n  ( e d s ) ,  The P o l i t i c a l  Economy 
o f  Contemporary A f r i c a .  ( B e r k e r l e y  H i l l s  Sage 
P u b l i c a t i o n s ,  1976) ,  p p . 118-211,  F r a n t z  Fanon, The 
Wretched of the E a r t h ,  (New Y o r k ,  Grove Pre ss,  1 9 6 3 ) ,  
S .O .  Osoba, "The Phenomenon of Labour M i g r a t i o n  in  the 
era of  B r i t i s h  C o l o n i a l  R u le " ,  0£ .  c l t . . p p . 522, 529 
and 537 and T .  F a l o l a ,  The P o l i t i c a l  Economy of 
P r e - C o l o n i a l  A f r i c a n  S t a t e :  Ibadan,  1830-1900. 
o p . c i t . . p p . 179-182.
443
u n m i t i g a t e d  d i s a s t e r  as i t  d i d  not lead to the economic 
development of  A f r i c a n  s o c i e t i e s .  A lthoug h B r i t i s h  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  was l a r g e l y  e x p l o i t a t i v e  and d i s r u p t i v e  
to  the in d ig e n o us  economy o f  the people ,  one cannot 
g a in s a y  the f a c t  t h a t  some b e n e f i t s  accrued to the E k i t i  
s o c i e t y  in  the economic sphere.  Hence the E k i t i  people 
re a cte d  p o s i t i v e l y  to the aspects  t h a t  were b e n e f i c i a l  
to  them w h i le  they were e i t h e r  suspect of  o r  d i s p l a y e d  
an o u t r i g h t  n e g a t i v e  r e a c t i o n  to  those ones which they
c o n s id e r e d  to have u n f a v o u r aab lTe  e f f e c t s .  L i t t l e  wonder 
t h a t  i n  s p i t e  of  the p e rv a d in g  i n f l u e n c e  o f  B r i t i s h  
A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  in  the economic sphere ,  the t r a d i t i o n a l  
economic System o f  the people of  E k i t i l a n d  was not 
e n t i r e l y  swept away. In  f a c t ,  a few aspects  of  the 
System s t i l l  endure t i l i  the p re se n t  day.
444
On balance, one can conclude that British Admini­
stration in the economic sphere during the period under 
review was largely exploitative and resulted in a 
disruption to the internal dynamics of the indigenous
economy of the people of Ekitiland.
445
CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSION
Fr®m this thesis, four phases are discernible 
in the development ©f British Administration in 
Ekitiland fr®m 1915 t® 1951. These include peri®d ®f 
establishment ®f the administrati®n; era ®f c®ns®li- 
dati®n and creati®n ®f a centralised political 
auth®rity; the peri®d when central administrati®n was
beset with s®me pr®blemiss as well as the phase ®f
re-®rganisati®n.
The Administrati•o__n_ _was in its embry® between 
1915 and 1920. Düring the period, the British were 
•nly able t®• estsablish the machinery ©f c®l®nial
administration. Thusf the Native courts System and 
direct taxation were introduced. The Oba ®f the
seventeen Ekiti kingdoms were constituted int® 
Native Auth®rities.
The Administration reached its ap®gee between 
1920 and 1936 when frantic «ff®rt® were made by the
British t® create a centralised political auth®rity
4 4 6
in Ekitiland. This palicy was taken in twa directiana. 
First, an attempt was made ta make the Ewi af Ada-Ekiti 
the Sale Autharity far the whale af Ekitiland. In 
embarking an the palicy, the British were encauraged 
by the success af an earlier attemptmade in Ijebu and 
Egbaland where the Awujale af Ijebu-Ode and the Alake 
»f Abeakuta were recagnised as paramount Oba far their 
respective damains.
Hawever, the British attempt ta make the Ewi the 
Sale Autharity in Ekitiland was distateful ta the 
ather Ekiti Oba« In fact, the palicy did nat take 
cagnizance af the segmentary nature af the Ekiti 
saciety befare calanial rule. Ekitiland was a highly 
decentralised area where all the Oba were independent 
af ane anather in the pre-calanial era. Nane af the 
Oba had any paramauntcy aver the ather. Cansequently,
the attempt t* mliake the Ewi the Sale Autharity far the
whale af Ekitiland was unpalatable and unacceptable ta 
the ather Ekiti Oba since nane af them was ready ta 
surrender his age-lang savereignty. Fallawing the 
the abysmal failure af this palicy, the British resarted 
ta the secand appraach by aanstituting Ekitiparapa 
Cauncil inta an Instrument af central Administratian.
447
Between 1938 and 1946, the British policy ef
central Administration in Ekitiland was beset/ws i otm he 
Problems. The attendant problems of Central Admini­
stration included political agitations for secession, 
autonomy and other political reforms by some communi- 
ties such as Ado-Ekiti, Akurej- Igbara-Odo, Ilawe, Osi, 
Imesi-Lasigidi etc. To some extent, the vehement
agitations impaired and dismembered the political 
agglomeration called the Ekitiparapo. Hitherto, it had 
existed as a corporate and indivisible entity.
After realising that the political Integration 
of Ekitiland was at the verge of collapse, the British 
decided to embark on some re-organisation efforts as 
fr©m 1946 aimed at redeeming the political cohesion 
among the Ekitiparapo as well as savaging their 
(British) tottery administration in the area. The 
new policy thrust was a fundamental departure from a 
rigid form of centralisation of political authority that 
was unpalatable and unacceptable to the Ekiti Oba to 
that ®f a loose form of centralised Administration 
which allowed them (the Oba) t© retain their sovereignty 
Also, under the new political arrangement, the Presidency 
of the Ekitiparapo Council became rotational among
Ekiti Oba while the venue ®f its meetings ratated 
am«ng Ekiti towns. Hence the new political dispensa- 
ti®n succeeded t© a very large extent up tili the end 
•f #ur peri©d in 1951.
As sh©wn in the preceding chapters, British 
Administration was a mixed blessing t® the pe®ple ef 
Ekitiland. The reacti®n ®f the'Ekiti people t® the 
variaus p®licy decisi®ns and changes which t®®k place 
under c®l®nial Administration depended ©n the pe®ple's 
(Ekiti) percepti®n ®f the impact ®f a particular 
inn®vat.ion ®r policy decision ®n their seciety. While 
accepting and adapting t® innevations ®r pelicy decisions 
considered benficial t® them, the Ekiti people resisted 
•r rejected ®utright the ones regarded as being detrimental 
to their well-being. F®r instance, the anti-tax 
agitati®ns and riots which ®ccurred in some towns in 
the 1930's c®uld be construed as people's reacti«n and 
resentment t® the intr©duction ®f direct taxati®n by 
the British. The inference which could be drawn fr®m 
this is that the Ekiti pe®ple did n®t swall®w all 
British policies ho®k, line and sinker. Apparently, 
the implications ®f any p®licy decisi®n were, m®re 
often than not, critically analysed before a decision
- 449 -
•n its acceptability, ®r ©therwise, was taken. More- 
©ver, the Ekiti people's p©siti©n in the scheine ©f 
things under British Administration was peri©dically 
appraised and their feelings articulated where need 
be. This is manifested in the agitations f©r secession 
aut©n©my and ©ther p©litical ref©rms by some communi- 
ties in Ekitiland between 1938 and 1946, ^gainst this
background, it is understandable that in spite ©f the 
pervading influence ©f British Administration, the 
p©litical and economic System ©f the people ©f Ekiti­
land was not entirely swept away. Some aspects ©f thei
political and ec©n©mic .System were resilient t© the 
corroding influence ©f c©l©nial rule. Indeed, a few 
aspects ©f the System still endure tili the present day 
In appraising the impact ©f C©l©nial Administration,
•ne can submit that thsugh a few benefits accraed t© 
the Ekiti s©ciety, nevertheless, British Administration 
was essentially expl©itative and disruptive t© the 
pre-c©l©nial political and economic structure ®f the 
people of Ekitiland during our peri©d.
From the f©reg®ing, it is ©bvious that in the
development ©f British Administration in Ekitiland 
during ©ur period ©f study, the pith ©f the thesis is
450
that the British political experiment of rigid 
centralisation which w©uld have brought Ekiti kingd©ms 
under *ne central Authority failed abysmally. The 
spirited eff©rt made by the British in this directi»n 
was stalled by the fact that the policy did n©t take
int© acceunt that Ekitiland was a highly segmentary
society where the Oba were auto.n©m©us ©f «ne an©ther 
in the pre-c©l©nial era. C©nsequently, n«ne of the 
Ekiti Oba was ready t© surrender his s©vereignty by 
accepting the Ewi ©f Ad©-Ekiti as S©le Authority for 
Ekitiland. Little wonder that the British p©litical
experiment ©f rigid centralisation failed in the area.
This thesis has contributed t© the existing 
kn©wledge ©f the study ©f British Administration in 
Nigeria. H©wever, its uniqueness lies in the fact 
that it has demonstrated vividly that while the British 
p©licy ©f rigid centralisati©n ©f political auth©rity 
succeeded in some other parts ©f Nigeria such as 
Ijebu, Egbaland and Oy®, it failed in Ekitiland during
®ur study period.
451
APPENDIX I
LIST OF IMPORTANT TOWNS IN EKITILAND
1. Otun-Ekiti
2. Ijero-Ekiti
3. 'Ikole-Ekiti
4. Ado-Ekiti
5. Aramoko-Ekiti
6. Ido-Ekiti
7. Akure*
8. Okemesi-Ekiti
9. Ikere-Ekiti &
10, Efon-Alaaye
11. Ise-Ekiti / * \
12. Oye-Ekiti
13. Ire-Ekiti
14. Omuo-Ekiti
15. Emure-Ekiti
16. Itajl-Ekitl
17. Ogotun-Ekiti
Aiyede-Ekiti
19. Isan-Ekiti
0T0
•
*
\
452
20. Osi-Ekiti
21. Ode-Ekiti
22. Ilawe-Ekiti $
23. Igbara-Odo
24. & Ijan-Ekiti
25. Agbatio-Ekifci
26. Aisegba-Ekiti
27. Ilu-Oraoba
28. Ilupeju-Ekiti
29. Isinbode
30. Ifaki
31. Igbole
32. Igedc
33. Iyin
34. Erijiyan
35. Ikogosi
36. Ijesa-Isu
37. Aiyetoro-Ekiti 1*$
38. Aiyedun-Ekiti
39. Ipoti-Ekiti
40. Iworoko-Ekiti
41. Awo-Ekiti
42. Usi-Ekiti
453
43. Igogo-Ekiti
44. Iropora-Ekiti
45. Ilogbo
46. Iloro-Ekiti
47. Aaye-Ekiti
48. Afao-Ekiti
49. Ijurin-Ekiti
50. Orin-Ekiti
51. Aiyegbaju-Ekiti
52. Orun-Ekiti
53. Erlo
54. Araromi-Ekiti
55. Egbe-Ekiti
56. Epe-Ekiti
57. Ewu-Ekiti
58. Ifisin
59. Osan-Ekiti
60. Osun-Ekiti
61. Itapa-Ekiti
62. Ara-Ekiti
63. Oain-Ekiti
64. Ilasa-Ekiti
454
65. Ikoro-Ekiti
66. Aiyebode-Ekiti
67. Ikun-Ekiti
68. Ipao-Ekiti
69. Iye-Ekiti
70 Iludun-Ekiti
71. Erinmope-Ekiti
72. Iroko-Ekiti
73. Eda Oniyo
74. Oke-Ako
75. Ora-Ekiti
76. Ipere-Ekiti
77. Ilukuno
78. Odo Owa-Ekiti 
79. Temidire
80. AiyegunleA-Ekiti
81. Idao-Ekiti
82. Iyemero-Ek iti
83. Irele-Ekiti
84. Itapaji-Ekiti
85. Are-Ekiti
86. Eyio-Ekiti
87. Esure-Ekiti .
*Up to Ist April, 1946
-£-EK l T4î DUÄ/4iiUJ in—
.i v  •; :- : •-• -
ÖNDO PR0V1NCE APPENDIX IX
5 30* "
ILORIN DIVISION Ervfa
KABBA DIVISION
To KopinjM
5-£vSX."OT«i3lu-oA-k jo- ’jxrinya
\fcloiDunI VISEIsOsaN-O/ke
i" -  ■ r>s a\E:r rc X  i
f? 
/Id/io S/j
Ilesha«
O W O  DIVISION
- ir
ONDO DIVISION! Idanre
456
APPENDIX III
DISTRICT OFFICERS WHO SERVED IN EKITI 
DIVISION OF ONDO PROVINCE BETWEEN 1913 
AND 1951
1915 A.R.W. Living 
1915/16 W.E. Hunt -
1916/17 A.R.W. Livingstane
1917/18 R.D. MaVc Greg.ar
1918 B.M. Carkeek
1918/20 G.H. Find
. .l a. .y
1920 G.H. Findlay
1920 J.H. Dadds
1920/21 G. H. Findlay
1922 H. G. la Mathe 
J. Jacksan
G .  H. Findlay
H* de B. Bewlwey 
Capt. A.P.  Pullen
1923 H. de B. Bewley 
Capt. A.P. Pullen
G. H. Findlay 
A. P. Pullen
457
1924 A.P. Pullen 
E.C. Clegg 
W.J.W. N*rc«tt
1925 A. P. Pullen 
E. Burgess
E„.  Burg*e 1926 ss Q ~
L.H. Boileau
B. J.A. Matthews
A. P. Pullen 
1927 Capt. A.P. Pullen
B. J.A. Matthews 
T.E. Purchase 
1928 Capt. A.P. Pullen 
B. M. Carkeek 
1929 Capt. A.A. Pullen 
I K.G. W#rmall
T.B. B©we]l-J©nes (Akure P.O) 
K.E.S. M*rgan (Akure, P.O) 
B.J.A. Matthews 
1930 Capt. A.P. Pullen
W.G. W»rmal 
B.J.A. Matthews 
G.G. Harris
J.E. Juli
458
R.H. Grett»n
1931 G. G. Harris
H. F.M. White
1932 H.F.M. White
1933
1934
1935
1936
R.A. V#sper 
G.G. Harris,
T.B. B*vell-J*nes 
T.B. B©vell-J®nes 
R. Rankine 
A.F. Abeil 
A.R.A. de Gart*n 
A.R.A. de Gart»n 
R. Rankine 
A.F. Abeil
D.M. Elli«t
R.G. Wats*n
459
1939 A.R.A. de Garst*n 
R. Rankine 
R.B. Kerr
D. M. Elli«t
E. G. Wats*n 
J.M. Cruddas 
1940 R.B. Kerr
B.J.A. Matthew£s 
1941 B.J.A. Matthew» 
R. A. V«sper 
J.H. Blair 
1942 J.H. Blair
D.A. Murphy
1943 D.A. .Murphy
T.B. B»vell-J©nes 
1944 T.B. B«vell-J*nes 
D.A. Murphy 
J.H. Ellis 
1945 J.H. Ellis 
< 5 R.L.V. Wilkes 
R.E. Br#wn 
1946 R.E. Br*wn 
A.F. Abeil
R.E. Br*wn
- 460 -
1947 R.E. Brown
W.M. Milliken
W. Simpson 
C.E. lies 
H.K. Robinson 
1949 H.K. Robinson 
W. Simpson
C.E.B.B. Simpson
J.O. Udoj i ^  
E.P. Lanning 
1950 W. Simpson 
J.R.V.A. Bronage 
J.O. Udoji 
J.R. Northeast 
D.C. Igwe
J.R.V.A. Bronage 
W. St. P.M. Hancock
D.C. Igwe 
J.R. Northeast 
B.E. Thompson 1
1. See (N.A.J.) i L.C. Gwam, A Prelifnjnarv inventory of
the Administrative Records assembled from Ondo Province, 
(1963), Appendix.
461
BIBLIOGRAPHY
SOURCES AND METHODOLOGY
The source-material for this thesis ca 
catogorised into Primary and Secondary sources.
Pri. mary sources compnse Oral evidence, 3Archival 
materials, Private papers and other related documents. 
Secondary sources are Books, Articles, unpublished 
materials such as theses, Conference and Seminar
papers.
I intend to discuss 'tShe above-named categories of 
sources in turn as well as the methodology which I 
adopted in the utilisation of these source-material 
for historical reconstruction.
PRIMARY SOURCES
(a) Oral Evidence
In the writing of this thesis, I made copious use 
of oral evidence. This is usually defined as verbal
- 462 -
testimony mostly transmitted from one genersetion to the
other. It is constantly being used as source-material
for the reconstruction of the history of preliterate
societies. In fact, this is manifested in the efforts
made by many Nigerian Scholars such as S. 0. Biobaku,
K. 0. Dike, I. A. Akinjogbin, S. A. Akintoye, G.O. I.
Olomola, E. J. Alagoa etc for the reconstruction of
the pre-colonial history of Nigeria. Also, a number of
books has been written on the value and techniques of
using oral evidence for histoncal reconstruction. 1
Oral sources have also served as the basis for 
many written sources. In fact, the Intelligence
1. See J. Vansina, Oral traditioniA-study in
AHkiisntjoorgibcianl,  Me'tEhnoadcoilmoegnvt.  ce(rLeomnodonni,e s 19as6 5)a,  soI.u rcA.e  
of unwritten history' in NISER Conference 
Proccedinqs. Dec., 1958, pp.168-179, p.D.Curtin, 
’Field Techniques for collecting and processing 
Oral Data' in J.A.H.. IX,No.3, 1968, pp.367-385, 
D. Henige, The Chronoloqy of Oral Traditions:
Quest for a Chimera. (Oxford, 1974, _______ .
Oral Historioqraphy, (London, Longman, 1982),
S. 0. Biobaku, Sources of Yoruba History.
(Oxford, 1973), __________, 'The problem of
Traditional History with reference to Yoruba 
Traditions' J.H.S.N.. No.l, 1956, pp. 43-47 
and W. Abimbola (ed.), Yoruba Oral Tradition: 
Poetrv in Music, Dance and Drama, (Ile-Ife, 
1975).
- 463 -
Reports written by the British Administrative 
Officers are a case in point. Be that at it may, some 
of the Intelligence Reports were sometimes intermingled 
with the bias and prejudice of the British Political 
Officers.
Having said all these, oral evidence as a source 
of historical reconstruction is’subject to the 
following shortcomings. First, due to loss of memory, 
the informant may forget part of the details of the event.
Second, oral evidence may be subject to tendentious 
distortion especially if the issue affects either the 
clan or town of the informant e.g. a land dispute 
between one town and another. Third, there could be a 
contradiction in the testimony supplied by an informant. 
Also, the field worker who goes to collect oral evi­
dence may be faced with so many variants of the same 
story and this often leads to confusion if the 
researcher is not well-versed in historical methodology. 
Moreover, the informant may engage in telescoping 
especially if he has to recount unpleasant memories about
4 6 4  -
his ancestor, clan or town. In this wise, he may 
remove certain parts of the tradition which may bring 
such people to disrepute or degradation.
Furthermore, there is the problem of dating 
especially when dealing with the history of a pre- 
literate society. Also, the informant may, owing to 
loss of memory, throw chronology over board thus posing 
a great pfcoblem to the field worker who will now be 
saddled with problem of re-arranging the events in a 
chronological order. Moreover, there is the problem 
of prejudice. This may arise out of the desire of 
the informant to alter the story to fit into the 
cultural values of Contemporary society. At times this 
happens when a researcher carries out a Group Interview. 
Some articulate members of the group may reconstruct 
the history to suit their prejudice especially on 
issues affecting their village or town and the 
neighbouring one. Also, Information collected 
through oral evidence often centres unduly on the 
role of leaders and elite of society at the expense
of the common man
465
In order to overcome some of the foregoing 
limitations which beset me during my field work to 
collect oral data for this thesis, I took the 
following measurest First, I endeavoured to collect 
as many versions of the same story as possible. 
Thereafter, I compared them and made my deductions. 
This helped me in establishing their degree of 
reliability. It also enabled me to know the most 
probable of the versions collected. The comparative 
method enabled me to detect distortions. Sometimes, 
the method assisted me in supplementing one source 
with the other in order to put the historical event 
in its proper perspective,
Second, I subjected the oral evidence collected 
to the searchlight of historical criticism i.e. 
analysis, synthesis and Interpretation, Third, 
effort was made t'o evaluate oral data by cross-
checking them with documentary material where 
poss:;ible. Also, I employed a multi-disciplinary
approach in my analysis and Interpretation where 
applicable. In this connection, historical 
information was supplemented with findings from other
466
auxiliary disciplines of Archaeology, Sociology, 
Anthropology, Linguistics etc.
Lastly, I related oral evidence collected on the 
history of an area in Ekitiland with other areas 
especially on issues which cut across; the whole o f 
Ekitiland. This went a long way in e►] liminating
distortions which arose from the testimonies of some 
of my informants.
Categories of peoplev iVnterviewed
(i) Actual eye-witnesses of some of the events of 
this study e.g. old traders, farmers, craftsmen as 
well as descendants of families who specialised in on 
kind of economic activity or the other. This cate- 
gory of informants provided information on the 
economic changes brought about by the British colo­
nial rule.
(ii) Present holders of important positions and 
titles - Oba and Chiefs.
(iii) Other selected informants with second-hand 
knowledge of colonial rule in Ekitiland during the 
period under consideration.
- 467 -
( i v )  T r a d i t i o n a l  h i s t o r i a n s  who have w r i t t e n  
books on v a r i o u s  aspects of  the h i s t o r y  of  E k i t i  
such as Msgr. A. 0 .  O g u n t u y i ,  C h i e f  T .  0 .  Jegede 
and Mr. Sam. Alade who were themselves e y e -w it n e s s e s
to some of the events described. Hence their accounts 
were first-hand Information.
(v) Some mdividuals who served m  the colonial
bureaucracy as court clerk, messenger or in other 
capacity. Such people included Chief J.A. Arokodare 
and Mr. J. A. Faloye. Their illuminating accounts 
of the changes which occurredin the Ekiti Native 
Administration during the period of our study are of 
a tremendous value.
Methods of Interview Je
I undertook a field work in Ekitiland between 
1986 and 1993 for the purpose of collecting data 
for this thesis. Essentially, the field trips were 
concentrated in the period between 1986 and 1989.
In view of the fact that the field work was inter-
mittJenStly carried out, I was able to traverse almost 
the entire Ekitiland. In this regard, the number of
468
kilometres covered during the period is difficult 
to estimate.
In the conduct of my interviews with informants, 
I used two methods namely the use of the tape­
recorder and on the spot note-taking.
(i) The use of the tape-recorder
i were con-
ducted in the Yoruba language using a portable 
battery-powered cassette recorder. I normally began 
with a preliminary interview during which I explained 
to my prospective informan tthe purpose of the study 
and why it was necessary for the testimony to be 
recorded. I often made broad Statements on colonial 
rule in Ekitiland between 1915 and 1951.
Thereafter, both of us would fix a date for the
main interview which often came up within two days 
afterwards. During the main interview, I asked open- 
ended questions from my informant to enable him talk 
at length without being unnecessarily interrupted or 
led to say what must conform with my pre-conceived 
ideas. In the process, I would tape-record the
- 469 -
Information supplied. After the interview, I 
normally played back the tape to assure the 
informant that I had recorded exactly what he said 
during the interview. Recordings were transcribed 
into a written form thereafter. An informaöt was 
often interviewed twice. on the first occasion, a 
'text* of the particular even.t in which the infor­
mant was knowledgeable was collected. Later on,
I would read the text and go back the second time to 
ask specific questions, test the informant's memory,
cross-check his or her Statements with those of others 
I had interviewed and clarify other issues, if any, 
arising from my previous discussion with him or her.
The tape-recorder has a number of advantages. 
First, it gives the exact wording of the testimony. 
Second, it is faster in recording oral evidence than 
note-taking by hand# Third, it allows the informant
to speak at the speed and in the rhythm natural to 
him with little interruptions since the field worker
hardly asks questions during the recording
470
However, the use of the tape-recorder has the 
following short-comings: First, some informants are 
too old for their voices to be clearly audible on 
tape. If a field worker records the testimony of 
such an old person on tape, his or her (old person) 
voice may be muffled and thereby creating problems for 
the data collector when transcribing the testimony 
into a written form. Second, the use of the tape 
recorder wastes time since the process of transcri­
bing a testimony from the tape into a written form 
involves playing it back as many times as possible
to ensure co the task extremely
tedious and the use of the
tape-recorder may interfere with the naturalness of
the behaviour of the informant. An informant may
deliberatelyI embellish a story knowing fully well 
that his or her testimony is being recorded for 
posterit Also, except the field worker has a
personal car of his own, it is extremely burdensome
and at times embarrassing to carry a tape-recorder 
from one place to the other in an urban centre.
471
I wish to state that the use of the tape­
recorder was not imposed on any of my informants. 
While the majority of them willingly allowed me 
to record their testimonies and expressed delight 
in listening to the play back, a few others objected 
to the use of the tape-recorder during my Interviews 
with them. The latter group of informants would 
rather prefer their evidence being taken down in 
my field note-book.
(ii) On the spot note-taking
I used on the spot note-taking method in con- 
ducting interview for most of my informants. General- 
ly, I employed this method under the following 
circumstances:
First, whenever my informant raised an objection 
to the use of a tape-recorder in recording his or 
her testimony. Second, on occasions when the 
batteries of my tape-recorder ran down in some remote 
villages without electricity and a new set of 
batteries could not be readily procured. In such
472
circumstances, I would take down the oral evidence 
in my field note-book. Thereafter, I would read 
over what was recorded to my informants to ensure 
the accuracy of the Information supplied.
The advantages of this method of interview are
as follows: In the first place, it is more ecÖon~o- 
mical since it saves money which would have been 
expended on the purchase of a tape-recorder, batteries
and cassettes. Second, the use of fiveld note-book 
and pencil for recording oral evidence often allays 
the fears of a suspecting Informant or Community 
about the objective of the interview especially if it 
borders on chieftaincy matters. In this regard, 
some informants are rest assured to talk at length 
without inhibitions when they are sure that their 
testimonies are not going to be tape-recorded.
Third, field note-book and pencil are more
handy for a■ field worker than * tape-recorder,
Be that as it may, on the spot note-taking 
method of interview has a number of limitations. 
first, the process is time-consuming especially if
473
the field worker often wants to record the 
testimony verbatim. Second, the process may become 
too tire-some for the informant who will have to 
wait until the data collector finishes writing what 
he or ahe has earlier said before going on with the 
testimony. Third, in case of a 'fixed text' e.g. 
songs, cognomen etc, the researcher may lose its
rhythm.
In the use of the above-named methods of
collecting data during my field work, I conducted
pre-arranged and impr- omptu int_erviews for my in- 
formants. pre-arranged interviews gave the infor- 
mants ample opportunity to prepare for the interviews 
It also enabled them to supply coherent evidence. 
However, some of the informants often failed to keep 
their appointments. This wasted a lot of time as 
I had to re-schedule such interviews.
On occasions where I got assistance from certain 
individuals mostly educated elite who directed me to 
some informants in some towns, I sometimes conducted 
impromptu interviews with the latter. Generally, I
474
n o t i c e d  th a t  the success of  such endeavours was 
p r e d i c a t e d  on a number of  f a c t o r s  which in c lu d e d  the 
d i s p o s i t i o n  of  such in fo rm a n ts  at the time o f  my 
a r r i v a l ;  the degree of  p a t ie n c e  of  the i n d i v i d u a l s  
c o n c e rn e d .a s  w e l l  as t h e i r  p r e -o c c u p a t i o n  at the t im e .  
The in fo rm a n ts  who I  met i n  a v e r y  re la x e d  o r  
j o y f u l  mood responded f a v o u r a b l y  to  my re qu e st  f o r  
i n t e r v i e w .  On the o t h e r  hand, the im p a t ie n t  ones 
o r  in fo rm a n ts  who I  met d u r i n g  t h e i r  busy p e r io d s  
tended to r e s e n t  my encroachment on t h e i r  time 
and t h e r e f o r e  r e a d i l y  despatched me q u i c k l y .  In 
co m p a ra t ive  a n a l y s i s ,  my e x p e r ie n c e  d u r in g  the
field work showed that wpre-a rranged I4 ntervi4ews 
viere more r e l i a b l e  and coherent than Impromptu
i n t e r v i e w s .
I t  i s  p e r t i n e n t  to s t a t e  t h a t  in  every  
i n t e r v i e w  conducted d u r in g  the  f i e l d  work, I  
n o rm a l ly  recorded the name o f  the in f o r m a n t ,  
h i s  Of her age, o c c u p a t i o n ,  sex, s ta t u s  (where 
a p p l i c a b l e ) ,  p la c e  and date of  i n t e r v i e w .
- 475 -
On the whole, 81 informants wer.e interviewed 
during the field work. Below is the list and 
particulars of the informants:
4 7 6
477
478
479
Place  o f  D a t e ( s )  of Pa rt ic u la rs  of  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
Madam A de-  Akure l l t h Aged 89, she was the 
s i d a ,  Mary J  a n u a r y , Eye-Owa o f  the  D e i i ' s  
1988 Palace u n t i l  her  death 
in  1990.
Rev. Adesua, O g o t u n - 12th May, Aged 75, Rev. Adesua i s  
Emmanuel E k i t i 1989 a r e t i r e d  A n g l ic a n  
Church V i c a r .
Madam Ade-  Akure l l t h Aged 65, she i s  a 
t i n u ,  A. Ju n e , t r a d e r .
1987
Mr. Agboola,  O t u n - 25th  May, Aged 82, Mr. Agboola i s  a 
D . T . , E k i t i 1989 r e t i r e d  t e a c h e r .
- 480
Place of  D a t e ( s )  of  P a r t i c u l a r s  o f  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
Mr. A g i d i - Akure 22nd May, A le a d in g  b la c k s m it h
g b i ,  0 . 1988 i n  Ak ure ,  Mr., A g i d i g b i
i s  68 v e a rs  o l d
Mr.  A j a y i , Aramoko- I 5 t h  S e p t . , Aged 92 + , Mr. A j a y i
G a b r i e l E k i t i  i s  engaged in  rv.bber 
..........._.. ._ c u l t i v a t i o n
Mrs A j a y i , | A d o -  ^ lO t h  J u l y , Aged 69+^ she i s  a t r a d e r .
Ivabo 1 E k i t i 1989
]
M r.  A j a y i , 0. | I l a w e - j 6th J a n u a - A f armer, Mr, A j a y i  i s
] E k i t i : rv, -  1988 82 ye a rs  o l d .
C h i e f  A j i - I l a w e - 2nd A p r i l , Aged 90+, C h i e f  Aj ibewa
w v \
bewa, ' E k i t i 1988 i s  engaged in  c o t to n
Samuel c u l t i v a t i o n .%
481
Place of Date(s) of Particulars of 
Informant Interview Interview Informant
Mr. Aji- Ado-Ekiti 27th Sept, Aged 82, Mr. Ajibade 
bade,J.A. 1989 was a member of the 
Ekiti Progressive Union*
Mr. Ajisafe, Ilawe- 2nd March, Aged 81, Mr. Ajisafe 
Elij ah Ekiti 1988 personally witnessed 
tax Collection in 
Ilawe during colonial 
A ..... rule.
Oba Akaiyejo, Ikere- 8th June, Aged 55, Ot>a Akaiyejo 
Adegboye Ekiti 1988; 4th is the Oqoqa of Ikere- 
Sept.,1988; Ekiti.
llth Feb., 
Q ?— 1989
482
Place of Date(s)
(Informant Particulars of Interview Interview Informant
Mr. Akinola, Oye-Ekiti llth May, Aged 102, Mr. Akinola,
J ames 1988 farmer is engaged in
cotton cultivation.
Mr. Alade, Akure I5th Aged 75, Mr. Alade, a
Samuel November, retired teache^ took 
1986 öEn active part in the
struggle for the Se­
paration of Akure from 
& Ekiti Native Admini­
stration. An author 
of a book on Akure,
Mr. Alade died on 4th 
,< P August, 1990 *
483
Place of  D a t e ( s )  of  P a r t i c u l a r s  of  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
ö v
Oba A l a d e -  I f a k i - 5th J a n u a r y ,  Aged 62, he i s  the 
g bam i, E k i t i 1988 O l u f a k i  of  I f a k i -  
Aqbai e E k i t i .
C h i e f  A l a d e -  O b a - I l e I s t  Decem- C h i e f  A la d e r o t o u n ,  
r o t o u n , b e r ,  1986 aged 77, was the 
Ja c o b Adaia of  O b a - I l e  
u n t i l  h i s  death in  1989,
Mr. Akomo- I y i n - E k i t i 4th  March, Aged 80, Mr. Akomolafe 
l a f e ,  James 1987 i s  a fa rm e r .
Oba A k o s i l e ,  J 26th N o v e -  Aged 57, Oba A k o s i l e  i s  
Bamidele 1mber, 1986 the O lo io d a  o f  Oda.
484
485
P la ce  of D a t e ( s )  of  P a r t i c u l a r s  of  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
Mr.  Bada, Ipogun 5th J u l y ,  Aged c . 7 1 ,  Mr. Bada 
J  ames 1987 i s  a p o p u lä r  h u n te r  
in  the town.
Mr. Bodunde, I k o l e - 3rd O c t o b - Aged 75, Mr. Bodunde
Emmanuel E k i t i e r .  1987 i s  a r e t i r e d  Dispensei
Mr. Dada, I k o g o s i - I 5 t h  S e p t - Aged 90, fa r m e r ,  Mr.
M ich a e l ember, Dada p a r t i c i p a t e d  in  
1989 i n  A d u l t  L i t e r a c y  
c la s s e s  o rg a n is e d  by 
the B a p t i s t  M ission  
in  I k o q o s i - E k i t i .
Mr. Fabunmi, I k o l e - l l t h  March, Aged c . 6 9 ,  he i s  a
T i t i l a y o E k i t i 1989 fa rm e r .
—
0
— 486 —
............
Pla ce  of  D a t e ( s )  of P a r t i c u l a r s  of  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
Mr.  F a b u s u y i , I d o - E k i t i 7th J a n . , , Aged, 78, Mr. Fabusuyi
S .O . 1989 i s  a fa r m e r .
Mr. Fagbemi, O d o - A i y e - 5th  S e p t - Aged c . 8 0 ,  he i s  a
J  ames d u n - E k i t i ember,1987 fa rm er.
Mr. F a la d e ,  Aramoko- l l t h  Ja n u a -  Aged 82, f a r m e r ,  he was 
James E k i t i r y ,  1988 one of  the e a r l y  C h r i s ­
t i a n  c o n v e r t s  in  the
- w *
town.
Mr.  Falodun, O r i n - E k i t i 27th J a n . , Aged 83, Mr. Falodun i s
E .  0 . 1988 a fa rm e r .
4d7
488
P la c e  of D a t e ( s )  of  P a r t i c u l a r s  of  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
Mr. Fayemi, I f a k i - 15th F e b . , Mr. Fayemi, a fsarmer, 
A . O .____________ E k i t i 1989 i s  99 y e a rs  o l d  ♦
C h i e f  F i l a n i ,  I k o l e - 2nd A p r i l ,  Aged 82, he i s  the 
J.O. E k i t i 1986 Rewa o f  I k o l e - E k i t i »
Mr. I b i k u n l e ,  O s i - E k i t i  JV5th F e b r u - Aged 102, Mr. I b i k u n l e  
Joshua a r y ,  1987 engaged in  cocoa c u l -  
t i v a t i o n  d u r i n g  c o l o ­
n i a l  r u l e .
—I g b a r a - l l t h  J u l y ,  Aged 107, he engaged 
Odo 1987 in  cocoa c u l t i v a t i o n  
d u r in g  the p e r i o d  of 
c o l o n i a l  r u l e .
489
Place  of D a t e ( s )  of 
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w Inform ant
C h i e f  Idowu, I j  an—E k i t i 8th A ugust,  Aged 60+, C h i e f  Idowu 
J.O 1990 i s  a r e t i r e d  t e a c h e r .
He gave I n f o r m a t i o n  on 
the o r i g i n  of  the Equn-  
qun masquerade.
Madam I s i j o l a ,  l l t h  J u l y ,  Aged 107, she was
Wemimo 1988 f o r m e r l y  a t r a d e r . _______
C h i e f  Jegede, 9th F e b . , Aged 80, C h i e f  Jegede 
1988; 4th i s  a r e t i r e d  t e a c h e r  and 
M a r c h , 1988; t r a d i t i o n a l  h i s t o r i a n .
lO t h  S e p t .  , He i s  the a u t h o r  o f  a 
1988; l l t h book on the h i s t o r y  of 
M a r c h , 1989 I s e - E k i t i .
and 5th May 
1989.
- 490 -
P la c e  of D a t e ( s )  of P a r t i c u l a r s  of  
Inform ant I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
Mr. Kumapayi,  I k o l e - E k i t i 3rd Septem­ Aged 80, he i s  a 
E . B . ber, 1987; r e t i r e d  C i v i l  S e rva n t  •
3rd O cto b e r ,  
1987.
V
Mr. M o r a k in -  I j  a n - E k i t i 8th August,  Aged 70, Mr. M orakinyo,  
yo j  C.A. 1990 a r e t i r e d  C i v i l  S e r v a n t ,  
gave informsetion on how 
a Equngun masquerade o r i -  g i n a t e d  at I j a n  and was 
l a t e r  i n t r o d u c e d  to  o th e r  
............. p a r t s  o f  E k i t i .
M r . O d e l u s i , Aramoko- I 6th F e b r u -  Aged 90, Mr. O d e l u s i ,
Joshua E k i t i a r y ,  1988. fa rm e r ,  w itn e sse d  the 
e s ta b l is h m e n t  of  the f i r s t
se of  sch o o ls  in  
Aramoko.
491
492
Pla ce  of D a t e ( s )  of P a r t i c u l a r s  of
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w Inform ant
C h i e f  Ogun- Aramoko- 4th A p r i l , Aged 100, he i s  a
s u y i ,  Oio E k i t i 1990 f armer.
Mr. Ogun- O r u n - 9th  J a n u a - Aged 75, he was one of
s u y i ,  Samuel E k i t i fiy, 1989 the e a r l i e s t  t a x - p a y e r s
i n  the town.
Msgr. Ogun- A d o - E k i t i l l t h  May, Aged 65, he was a t r a d i -
t u y i ,  Anthony 1986; I 7 t h t i o n a l  h i s t o r i a n  who was
0 . J u n e ,  1986; the a u th o r  o f  many books
u r
4th J u l y ,  on E k i t i  h i s t o r y .  Msgr. 
C r
1986; 2nd Aue]. , O g u n tu y i  p e r s o n a l l y
A
1986, 7th  A u g . ,  w itnessed some of  the
1986; l l t h  changes ushered in  by co­
Aug. ,  1986 l o n i a l  r u l e  i n  E k i t i l a n d
/ S ?
I s t  S e p t . , de d ie d  on 5 th  December,O y
1986 and 1986.
I 5 t h  Octolper, 
19fS«
493
—
Place  of D a t e ( s )  of  P a r t i c u l a r s  o f  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w Inform ant
M r.  O jo ,  E f o n - 4 th  March, Aged 75, Mr. Ojo  i s  a 
Adebayo A la a y e 1987 fa rm e r .
C h i e f  O jo ,  O d e - E k i t  i 15th May, Aged 87, he i s  a 
Baisemo 1989 fa rm e r .
Mr. O jo ,  A i y e t o r o - 14th March, Aged 98, f a r m e r ,  he 
I b i k u n l e E k i t i 1989 cla im ed to have seen an 
A . D . O .  b eing  c a r r i e d  i n  
an hammock along the then 
rugged and sometimes 
unkempt bush paths in  
E k i t i l a n d  d u r i n g  an 
o f f i c i a l  t o u r .
Mr. O jo ,  John Ig b a ra -O d o l l t h  J u l y , A fa rm e r ,  Mr9 O jo  i s  aged 
1988 90.
494
------- _ ---------------
P la c e  of D a t e ( s ) of P a r t i c u l a r s  of 
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
Mr. O jo , Ä a y e - 7th A p r i l , Aged 70, he i s  a
Olusanva E k i t i 1987 fa rm e r .
Mr.  O j o , O m u o -E k i t i 15th  May, Aged 92, f a r m e r ,  he
S .O . 1988 engaged in  c o t to n  c u l t i -
v a t i o n  d u r i n g  c o l o n i a l
r u l e .
Mr.  Oke, I g b a r a - 13th Aged 90, fa r m e r ,  Mr.Oke
Jonah Odo J a n u a r y , was one o f  the e a r l y
1988 - C h r i s t i a n  c o n v e r t s .
Mr. O ladapo, Emure- 2nd J a n . , A fa rm e r ,  Mr. Oladapo
A. E k i t i 1986 i s  60 y e a r s  of  age.
Mrs O l a t u n j i , Aramoko- 4 th  J u l y , Aged 68+, she i s  a
Adenike E k i t i 1993 t r a d e r .
495
Place o f  D a t e ( s )  of P a r t i c u l a r s  o f  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
Oba O l a y i -  I d o - E k i t i l l t h  F e b ru a -  Aged 90, Oba O la y is a d e  i s  
sade, 0. r y ,  1989 the O lo iu d o  o f  I d o - E k i t i .  
He was an e y e -w i t n e s s  of 
f most of  the  changes which occurred in  E k i t i -  land d u r i n g  B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
Mr.  O l o f i n -  Akure 22nd A p r i l ,  Aged c . 6 0 ,  he i s  a 
sao E z e k i e l 1986 t r a d e r .
Mr. Olomofe, Okemesi- lO t h  June, Aged 75, Mr. Olomofe
Omolayo E k i t i 1987 i s  a f a r m e r .
Mr.  O l o r u n -  I s e - E k i  t i 12th A p r i l ,  Aged 80, he was f o r m e r ly  
s o la  G a b r i e l 1987 a fa rm e r .
496
_________________________________
Place o f  D a t e ( s )  of P a r t i c u l a r s  of  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w Inform ant
C h i e f  O l u b i , Akure l l t h  Decem- Aged 100, he was the
Adebayo b e r ,  1987 Osukute of  Akure
b e f o re  h i s  death in  
1988.
High C h i e f I  j a n - 8th August, Aged 80, he gawe a
O l u f o n ,  0 . E k i t i 1990 d e t a i l e d  account o f  ho\
the Equnqun masquerade 
o . r ig in a t e d  in  I j a n -  
e r E k i t i  and spread to 
o t h e r  p a r t s  of  E k i t i -  
la n d .
■ ....c
Mr. Oluwadara, Oda l l t h  Novem- Aged 75, h i s  i s  a
Joshua b e r , 1986 f armer.
497
P la c e  of D a t e ( s )  of P a r t i c u l a r s  of  
In fo rm a n t I n t e r v i e w I n t e r v i e w In fo rm a n t
High C h i e f Akure 5th Jun e, Aged 72, High C h i e f
O l u w a t u y i , 1987; O lu w a tu v i  w asi the L is a  
Kole 2nd J u l y , of..  Akure b e f o re  h i s
<199J0Sv..... death on 27th September, 1991.
C h i e f  Omotoso, O g o t u n -  14th March, A fa r m e r ,  C h i e f  Omotoso
Michael E k i t i  . . 1986 i s  aqed 82.
Mr. O n i l e a r o , O s i - E k i t i 14th Ju n e ,  Aged 100, he i s  a farmer
1988
Mr. Oyewole, I j  e r o - l l t h  J u l y , Aged 110, Mr. Oyewole
John E k i t i 1989 was one of the  e a r l y  
< > C h r i s t i a n  c o n v e r t s  in  
& the town.
498
( b )  A r c h i v a l  M a t e r i a l s
A r c h i v a l  m a t e r i a l s  are I n t e l l i g e n c e  R eports ,  
P r o v i n c i a l  and D i v i s i o n a l  Papers,  B r i t i s h  P a r l i a -  
mentary Papers, C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  Pa p e r3 f . M is s io n a r y  
Papers ,  Government P u b l i c a t i o n s  and Newspapers.
The attempt made by the B r i t i s h  in  1 9 3 0 's
to  w r i t e  b r i e f  and at  times comp re h e n siv c  s t o r y
o f  v a r i o u s  N ig e r ia n  communities r e s u l t e d  in  the 
emergence of  I n t e l l i g e n c e  R e p o rts ,  P r o v i n c i a l  and 
D i v i s i o n a l  Papers. These are accounts on c la n s  and 
v i l l a g e  groups as w e l l  as the in d ig e n o u s  O r g a n i s a t i o n  
i n  the p r e - c o l o n i a l  e r a .  The accounts sometimes a v e  
c o v e r  the e a r l y  p e r io d s  of  B r i t i s h  c o l o n i a l  r u l e .
The B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  O f f i c e r s  employed the use 
of  o r a l  t r a d i t i o n s  of  v a r i o u s  communities under t h e i r
j u r i s d i c t i o n  in  c o m p i l i n g  the R e p o rts .  These have 
become sources of  p r im a ry  documentary m a t e r i a l  on the
p o l i t i c a l  h i s t o r y  and c u l t u r e  o f  E k i t i l a n d
499
I n t e l l i g e n c e  Reports are c l a s s i f i e d  under 
C . S . O .  s e r i e s  ( i . e .  The C h i e f  S e c r e t a r y ' s  O f f i c e )
at the N a t i o n a l  A r c h i v e s ,  Ibadan.  The r e l e v a n t  ones
to  t h i s  study are c l a s s i f i e d  under C . S . O .  26.
B e fo re  B r i t i s h  and N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  were e s t a -
b l i s h e d  i n  the i n t e r i o r  of Lagos, the 3n i a l
S e c r e t a r y  ( L a t e r  the C h i e f  S e c r e t a r y  to the Government 
Lagos d i r e c t l y  handled the a f f a i r s  in  t h a t  a rea.
And even a f t e r  the e s ta b l is h m e n t  o f  N a t iv e  A d m i n i s t r a ­
t i o n ,  the C h i e f  S e c r e t a r y ' s  O f f i c e  remained the 
f i n a l  a r b i t e r  on m a tte rs  a r i s i n g  in  any l o c a l i t y  in  
N i g e r i a .  C o n s e q u e n t ly , m a tte rs  on N a t iv e  A d m i n i s t r a ­
t i o n  abound among the r e c o r d s  kept by t h i s  O f f i c e .
The P r o v i n c i a l  and D i v i s i o n a l  Papers c o n t a in  
r e c o r d s  kept by the A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  O f f i c e r s  who served 
i n  Ondo P r o v i n c e .  These papers are a lso  a v a i l a b l e  
a t  the N a t i o n a l  A r c h i v e s ,  Ibadan where they are 
c l a s s i f i e d  as 'Ondo P r o f . '  and ' E k i t i  D i v . ’ r e s p e c t i -  
v e l y .  A p a rt  from h i g h l i g h t i n g  the a c t i v i t i e s  o f  the 
B r i t i s h  C o l o n i a l  O f f i c i a l s  i n  the e s ta b l is h m e n t  o f
j
N a t i v e  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  in  E k i t i l a n d , the f i l e s  a ls o
deal  w i t h  tax assessment and re -a s s e ss m e n t  as w e l l  as
- 500 -
corresponden ce between t r a d i t i o n a l  r u l e r s ,  C h i e f s ,
o p i n i o n  le a d e rs  and the B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  
Of f i c e r s .
O th er  A r c h i v a l  m a t e r i a l s  c o n s u lte d  are B r i t i s h  
P a r l i a m e n t a r y  Papers, C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  Papers, M i s -  
s i o n a r y  Papers, Government P u b l i c a t i o n s  and News­
p a p e rs .  A r c h i v a l  sources are of  immense v a lu e  in  
h i s t o r i c a l  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n .  S in c e  A r c h i v a l  m a t e r i a l s  
and secondary sources such as Books, A r t i c l e s ,  u n -
p u b l is h e d  m a t e r i a l s ,  Conference and Seminar papers 
are c a t e g o r i s e d  as Documentary souces, I  in te n d  to 
d i s c u s s  the m e r i t s  and d e m e ri ts  of  the two sources 
o f  h i s t o r y  t o g e th e r  as w e l l  as the approach employed 
by me in  h a n d l in g  such sources of  h i s t o r y .
The m e r i t s  o f  documentary sources o f  h i s t o r y  are 
as f o l l o w s :  In the f i r s t  p la c e ,  they can p r o v i d e  a 
background knowledge o f  the theme of  a re se a rc h  work
thus g\i v ivn g  shape and d i r e c t i o n  to  the s tu d y .  Second, 
some of these sources can se rv e  as a g u id e  to a r e -  
s e a rc h e r  to o t h e r  sources of I n f o r m a t i o n  on the
501
s u b j e c t  o f  w r i t i n g .  T h i r d ,  they  do p r o v id e  a d i r e c t
e v id e n ce  e . g .  I n t e l l i g e n c e  and Annual R epo rts .
A l s o ,  they do p r o v id e  d i r e c t  dates thus f a c i l i -  
t a t i n g  the task o f  a r e s e a r c h e r  in  p u t t i n g  the events  
under study i n  a c h r o n o l o g i c a l  o r d e r .  l io re o ve r ,
documentary sources can s e rv e  as a p o,i n t e r  to^ an 
aspect  of  a re se a rc h  work which r e q u i r e s  f u r t h e r  s tu d y .  
F o r  example, an a u th o r  of a book may c o n s c io u s ly  
suggest the need f o r  f u r t h e r  re se a rc h  on the is s u e  
under  d i s c u s s i o n .
F u rth e rm o re ,  documents such as P r i v a t e  Papers can 
p r o v i d e  a d e t a i l e d  i n s i g h t  i n t o  the s o c i a l  and 
p o l i t i c a l  events of  the age o f  the  w r i t e r .  P r i v a t e  
Papers l i k e  a D i a r y  a lso  p r o v i d e  a p ersonal  and a u th e n -
t i c  p i c t u r e  of  people*s r e a c t i o n s  to  c e r t a i n  G o v e rn -
m e n t 's  p o l i c i ers  ass opposed to  the o f f i c i a l  v i e w ­
p o i n t .  Moreover, newspapers can serve  as a medium 
f o r  a ssessing  the r e a c t i o n  of the people of  a c o u n t ry  
to  t h e i r  r u l e r s  d u r in g  a p a r t i c u l a r  p e r i o d .  They 
can a lso  p r o v id e  an i n s i g h t  i n t o  the cu ltursc l  and 
i n t e l l e c t u a l  development o f  the people at th a t  t im e .
502
However, documentary sources have the f o l l o w i n g  
l i m i t a t i o n s :  F i r s t ,  th e re  can be a wrong I n t e r p r e ­
t a t i o n  of  evidence by the a u th o r  of  a document 
e s p e c i a l l y  i f  he/she has to i n t e r p r e t  i t  in  the l i g h t  
o f  h i s / h e r  p r e j u d i c e .  Second, th e re  can be an o u t -  
r i g h t  element of s u b j e c t i v i t y  in  c o m p i l in g  a document
For  i n s t a n c e ,  the b ia s  and p r e j u d i c e  of Compiler
may be manifested in  h i s / h e r  usage of  w#ords e . g .
' t h e  n a t i v e s ' .  In the same v e i n ,  accounts of  Euro­
pean m i s s i o n a r i e s , t r a d e r s  as w e l l  as the r e c o rd s  of  
B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t o r s  are sometimes f u l l  of  b ia s  
and p r e j u d i c e .  Some of t hese accounts o v er -em ph asise  
the öfreas of  i n t e r e s t  to the B r i t i s h  at the expense o 
the in d ig e n o us  A f r i c a n  S o c i e t i e s .  For  example, 
European accoun t s  1 a r g e l y  p la y  down on the domestic 
economy of the Yoruba,  w h i le  o v e r - c o n c e n t r a t x n g  on
B r i t i s h  t r a d e  in  cash crops  w i t h  Lagos and i t s
h i n t e r l a n d .  T h i r d ,  some documentary sources such as 
I n t e l l i g e n c e  Reports  and P r o v i n c i a l  Papers are
503
e th n o g r a p h ic  accounts which set  out to d e s c r ib e  a 
s t a t i c  s o c i e t y .  In o t h e r  words, such accounts do 
no t  take cognizan ce  of  the s o c i a l  and h i s t o r i c a l  
development of  the a f f e c t e d  s o c i e t i e s .
A l s o ,  the use of  c e r t a i n  t e r m i n o l o g i e s  o r  a b b r e -  
v i a ± i o n s  as w e l l  as the problem of i l l e g i b l e  hand- 
w r i t i n g  may sometimes r e n d e r  some P r i v a t e  Papers u n -  
i n t e l l i g i b l e  to the r e s e a r c h e r  e s p e c i a l l y  w h i le  Con­
s u l t i n g  a D ia ry  kept by a deceased person.  A p a rt  
from the I n t e l l i g i b i l i t y  of  some documents being 
r e s t r i c t e d  to  the w r i t e r ,  absence of d e t a i l s  o f  the 
e v e n ts  d e s c r ib e d  may pose a problem to o b j e c t i v e  
a p p r a i s a l  by the r e s e a r c h e r .  C l o s e l y  r e l a t e d  to t h i s  
i s  the problem of a s c e r t a i n i n g  the a u t h e n t i c i t y  o f  the 
Cla im s made i n  some P r i v a t e  Papers l i k e  D i a r i e s .
S in c e  e ve ry  i n d i v i d u a l  has a m o tiv e  of keeping r e c o r d s ,  
t h i s  c o u ld  a f f e c t  the manner i n  which I n f o r m a t io n  i s  
re c o r d e d .  For  i n s t a n c e ,  a l e t t e r  o r  D ia ry  may set out
to  boost the  w r i t e r ' s  ego, make bogus Claim o r
504
a s s e r t i o n  th a t  may be i n d i s p u t a b l e  f o r  e v e r .  I t  
may a ls o  be designed to e n tre n c h  the a u t h o r ' s  
P o s i t i o n  i n  s o c i e t y .  In  the c i r c u m s ta n c e ,  t h e r e -  
f o r e ,  the  task o f  a s c e r t a i n i n g  the a u t h e n t i c i t y  of 
such C la im s may be h i g h l y  p r o b le m a t ic  f o r  the 
r e s e a r c h e r .
Moreover, be fore  re a c h in g  a r e s e a r c h e r ,  a 
document may have passed through many 'dishonest* 
hands who may have d o ctore d  them to s u i t  t h e i r  s e l f i s h  
purposes .  A l s o ,  th e re  are cases of  o u t r i g h t  f r a u d .  
Documents which do not e x i s t  are known to have been 
c l e v e r l y  'created* by f o r g e r y  to  a chieve  s o c i a l ,  
economic o r  p o l i t i c a l  o b j e c t i v e s .  T h e re  i s  a lso  a 
problem of  m u t i l a t i o n .  An e a r l i e r  r e s e a r c h e r  may 
have d e s tro y e d  o r  to r n  o f f  c e r t a i n  aspects of  a 
document th a t  i s  a g a i n s t h i s / h e r  i n t e r e s t  o r  t h a t  of 
h i s / h e r  e t h n i c  group o r  c l a n .  F o r  in s t a n c e ,  a r e ­
s e a rc h e r  was caught red-handed at the premises of the 
N a t i o n a l  A r c h i v e s ,  Ibadan in  A p r i l  1986 w h i l e  a tte m p -  
t i n g  to  escape w i t h  some documents on land d i s p u t e
505
in  Oyo S t a t e ,  I f  he had escaped w i t h  the documents, 
any f u t u r e  r e s e a r c h e r  making use of the f i l e  on the 
i s s u e  would d e f i n i t e l y  have an in com p le te  and d i s -  
j o i n t e d  I n f o r m a t i o n .  C l o s e l y  r e l a t e d  to t h i s  i s  the 
problem of weather which o c c a s i o n a l l y  does a l o t  of 
damage to documents. I n s e c t s  l i k e  t e r m i t e s ,  moths 
and w h ite  ants may a ls o  d e s t ro y  v i t a l  pages of  f i l e s
i f  not  p r o p e r l y  kept in  a safe p la c e .
F u r t h e r n o r e ,  some events  may be recorded a f t e r  a 
long time has e la p s e d .  In  such a S i t u a t i o n ,  i t  i s  
p o s s i b l e  f o r  the a u th or  of  the document not to be able 
to  re c o r d  the d e t a i l s  of  the events  due to lo s s  of  
memory. Th e re  i s  the problem of g e t t i n g  access to 
some v i t a l  documents e . g .  " c l a s s i f i e d  documents” 
which are not re le a s e d  to r e s e a r c h e r s  by government
r e J
depaaEtments. Such researchers may, therefore, have 
a lop-sided view of the issues they are writing
upon. C l o s e l y  r e l a t e d  to t h i s  i s  the problem of 
o f f i c i a l  r e s t r i c t i o n  whereby some v i t a l  documents are
506
n o t  r e le a s e d  to the p u b l i c  by the N a t i o n a l  A r c h i v e s  
u n t i l  a f t e r  a p e r io d  o f  35 years  o r  so. Sometimes, 
t h e r e  can be an i n d e f i n i t e  ban on documents f o r  
p o l i t i c a l  o r  s e c u r i t y  reasons.
Having re gard  to the f o r e g o in g  shortcom ings  of  
documentary sou rce s ,  I  took the f o l l o w i m  ' aps in
my use of documents f e l a t i n g  to  the theme of t h i s  
thesis; F i r s t ,  I  s u b je c te d  the documents to the 
s e a r c h l i g h t  of  h i s t o r i c a l  c r i t i c i s m  to enable my
r e s e a r c h  work have a wide i n t e l l e c t u a l  h o r i z o n .  I
n o r m a l ly  endeavour to survey  the  m o t i v a t i o n  of  the
a u th o r  of  any document wvhiYch) 'I  came across in  o r d e r  
to  a s c e r t a i n  whether,  o r  n o t ,  he/she had any b i a s  o r  
p r e j u d i c e  e . g .  P r i v a t e  Papers. In  some cases,  I  
t r i e d  to probe i n t o  the p e r s o n a l i t y  of the au th or  
o f  a book, h i s / h e r  degree of in vo lve m e n t  i n  o r  
p r o x i m i t y  to the even ts  being  d e s c c r ib e d  b e fo re  making 
use of  such documents. Examples of  these are books 
w r i t t e n  by l o c a l  h i s t o r i a n s s u c h  as Msgr. A. 0 .  
O g u n t u y i ,  Messrs J . O .  A ta n d a re ,  D. A to la g b e ,  T .  0 .
je gede e tc  on d i f f e r e n t  aspects  o f  E k i t i  h i s t o r y
507
Second, I  o f te n  examined the sources of I n f o r ­
mation ( e . g .  f o o t n o t e s )  of  a w r i t e r  of  a book o r  
a r t i c l e  in  o r d e r  to assess i t s  r e l i a b i l i t y  and o b j e c t i -  
v i t y .  In  t h i s  C o n n e c t io n ,  I  c o n s u lte d  the o r i g i n a l  
documents c i t e d  by an au th or  whenever I  had doubts 
about the a u t h o r ' s  i n t e r p r e t a t i o n  of  the issue s  under 
d i s c u s s i o n .  T h i r d ,  I  o c c a s i o n a l l y  c o n s u lte d  o t h e r  
p r i n t e d  m a t e r i a l  on the  same i s s u e  to a s c e r t a i n  the 
a u t h e n t i c i t y , o r  o t h e r w i s e ,  of  the in f o r m a t io n  c o n -  
ta in e d  in  a document. T h i s  com p a ra t ive  method enabled 
me to have a c l e a r e r  p i c t u r e  of the issue s  at hand.
Also, in my appraisal and interpretation of events 
contained in documents, I endeavoured to develop a 
"trained or stalled doubt" about the veracity of Claims 
made therein. As much as possible, I avoided placing 
too much reliance on Claims made in written sources 
in view of the possibility of subjectivity on the part 
of the writers. On a few occasions, I  drew a distinction 
between "certainty" and "probability" in my analysis 
and interpretation of historical events.
508
Moreover, I  r e l a t e d ,  where a p p l i c a b l e ,  d o c u -  
mentary sources to  o t h e r  sources of h i s t o r y  s in c e  a l l  
sources are complementary to  one a n o th e r .  For  i n -  
s ta n c e ,  I  o f te n  c ro s s -c h e c k e d  documentary m a t e r i a i s  
such as I n t e l l i g e n c e  Reports w i t h  O ra l  sources w i t h  a 
v i e w  to a s c e r t a i n i n g  the degree of o b j e c t i v i t y  of  the 
B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i v e  O f f i c e r s  who wrote the R e p o rts .  
T h i s  approach was v e r y  re w a rd in g  s in c e  i t  put me in  a 
vantage P o s i t i o n  to c r i t i c a l l y  r e -a s s e s s  and r e - i n t e r p r e t  
documentary m a t e r i a l s  in  l i n h f  of  the o r a l  evidence
c o l l e c t e d  through my
L a s t l y ,  I  took c o g n iza n c e  of the f a c t  t h a t  a 
p ro p e r  u n d e rs ta n d in g  o f  the h i s t o n c a l  development of
the E k i t i  people ,  t h e i r  a c t i o n s ,  r e a c t i o n s  to  e x t e r n a l
S t i m u l i ,  the dynamics of  change in  the s o c i e t y  as seen 
from the p e r s p e c t i v e  o f  the in d ig e n e s  should form a 
broad framework w i t h i n  which any document(s)  on t h e i r  
h i s t o r y  should be i n t e r p r e t e d  i n  O rd e r  to ensure a 
balanced and o b j e c t i v e  h i s t o r i c a l  r e c o n s t r u c t i o n .
509
In  my a p p r a i s a l  o f  the even ts  which occurr.«d 
d u r i n g  the p e r io d  covered by t h i s  s tu d y ,  I  o c c a s i o n a l l y  
employed and i n t e r - d i s c i p l i n a r y  approach. In  t h i s  
c o n n e c t i o n ,  I  r e l a t e d  my source m a t e r i a l s ,  where 
a p p l i c a b l e ,  to  the techniques  and f i n d i n g s  of  the
A r c h a e o l o g i s t , L i n g u i s t ,  Economist,  S o c i o l o g i s t ,  E t h n o -
grapher, Anthropologist e.t.c. Indeed, the ap>pr>oach 
was very illuminating, fascinating and rewarding as it 
provided an in-depth analysis of and probable Solutions 
to some hitherto knotty historical Problems.
The d e t a i l s  of  the Documentary sources (P r im a ry  
and Secondary)  c o n s u lte d  d u r in g  the  p r e p a r a t io n  of 
the t h e s i s  are as f o l l o w s :
A r c h i v a l  M a t e r i a l s  
( N a t io n a l  A r c h i v e s ,  Ibadan)
These are r e c o rd s  kept by the N a t io n a l  A r c h i v e s ,
Ibadan.  D u pcl ic a t e s  of  m i c r o f i l m s  of  some of  the 
m a t e r i a l s  could  a ls o  be found in  the L i b r a r i e s  of  the 
U n i v e r s i t y  of  Ibadan and Obafemi Awolowo U n i v e r s i t y ,
I l e - I f e
510
(i) Intelligence Reports
A b e l l ,  A . F . ,  ( E k i t i  D i v . 1 / 1 / E D . 4 4 4 ) ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  
Report on Otun D i s t r i c t  of  E k i t i  
D i v i s i o n ,  Ondo P r o v in c e ,  1938.
B o v e l l  -  Jon e s ,  T . B . ,  ( I j e  P r o f .  2 No. C . 5 5 / 1 ) ,
I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on - I j e b u -  
Ode towns .and v i l l a q e s ,  1943. 
B r i d e l .  H . , ( E k i t i  D i v .  1/1/220A),  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report
on Aiyede D i s t r i c t .  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  Ondo 
P r o v in c e ,  1933.
M a r s h a l l ,  H . F . ,  (CSO 26/29834),  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report
on Ara D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  Ondo 
P r o v in c e ,  1932.
Vosper,  R . A . ,  (CSO /26/30169) , I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on
Efon D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .  Ondo 
P r o v i n c e ,  1934.
___, ( E k i t i  D i v . 1 /1 / 2 5 2 ) ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report
on Okemesi D i s t r i c t , E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .  Ondo 
P r o v i n c e .  1942.
and Swayne, A . C . C . ,  (CSO 26/31015),
I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on
511 -
Ido D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  Ondo 
P r o v in c e .
W e ir ,  N . A . C . ,  (CSO 26/29734, V o l . l ) ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e
Report on Ado D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1933.
., (CSO 26/4/30014),  I n t e l l i g e n c e  R
-A-ku-r-e- -D i s- t-r-i c-t ,^ E k i t-i  -D-i-v-i sTi o nS,  Ornd"o
P r o v i n c e ,  1934,
, (CSO 26/29799),  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on
I k e r e  D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i  s io n ,  Ondo
P r o v i n c e .  1933.
> (CSO 26/29762),  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on 
Ogotun D i s t r i c t .  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  Ondo 
P r o v i n c e .  1933.
( E k i t i  D i v .  1 /1 / 2 3 3 ) ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report 
on I t a j i  D i s t r i c t .  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .  Ondo 
P r o v i n c e .  1934.
( E k i t i  D i v .  1 /1 / 2 7 5 ) ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  
Report  on Isan D i s t r i c t .  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1936
512
__________ , (CSO 26/31318), Intelligence Report
on Oye D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  , Ondo 
P r o v in c e ,  1936.
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/306, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on Ise
D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .
ONDO PROF.1/1/363, V o l . l ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on
Akure D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,
Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1934-44 and 1945-48.  
ONDO PROF.1/1/392/Vol. i i ,  I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on Ado
D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n .  1 9 34-50.
ONDO PROF.1/1/457, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on Ondo
P r o v i n c e .  1934-49.
ONDO PROF.1/1/831, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on Isan D i s t r i c t ,
E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  1936-52.
ONDO PROF.1/1/818, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ido D i s t r i c t ,
E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  1936-52.
ONDO PROF.1/1/c906/V o l . i i , I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on I i e r o  -
E k i t i .  1936-55.
ONDO PROF.1/1/915, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report on I k o l e - E k i t i ,
1936 - 5 2 .
ONDO PROF.1/1/930, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Emure
D i s t r i c t ,  1936-52.
513
ONDO PROF.1/1/392, Intelligence Report on Oqotun-
E k i t i ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  1933/36. 
ONDO PROF.1/1/625, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Aiyede
D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i o n ,  1934/52. 
ONDO PROF.1/1/633, I n t e l l i g e n c e  Report  on Ara
D i s t r i c t ,  E k i t i  D i v i s i oSn ,  r1934/46.
( i i )  O th e r  R e p o rts .
BEN. D I S T R I C T . 3/1/1, Akure C h i e f s  to  P o l i t i c a l
O f f i c e r  (C a p t a in  R o u p e l l )  of
Benin ,  26th A p r i l ,  1897, Benin 
P o l i t i c a l  Papers, 1897.
CSO 26/09493, L u q a r d 's  Memo3 con N a t i ve C o u r t s ,  1917,
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/215, O q o t u n - Iq b a r a -O d o  Land D is p u t e ,
1928-1950.
E K I T I  D I V . 1 .1 .4 9 5 ,  V o l . l ,  Erinmope -  Aye Land D i s p u t e .
n . d .
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/572, Okemesi -  I l a  Land D is p u te .
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/309, V o l . i i ,  I lo q b o  ( I d o )  and I j u r i n
( I j e r o )  Boundary d i s p u t e .
514
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/320, Boundaries of  Northern  and
Southern P r o v in c e s .
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/613, The past and p re se n t  a d m i n i s t r a t i o n
of  E k l t i  D i v i s i o n .  1934.
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/518, Akure -  I k e r e  boundary d i s p u t e s .  
E K I T I  D I V . 312, V o l . l ,  Orun -  Is e  Land D isp u te s .
1943-1956.
E K I T I  D I V . l  312, Vols  1 & 2, Is e  -  Emure and Orun 
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/864, Ado -  I la w e  Land D is p u te .
E K I T I  DIV.1/2/ED/364,  I k o y i  ( I k o l e )  and Iqbimo (Ado)
Land d i s p u t e .
E K I T I  D I V . 1/1/470/777, Ado D i s t r i c t  T a x - p a y e r s 1
A s s o c i a t i o n  to  H is  E x c e l l e n c y , 
the G o v e rn o r ,  14 S e p t . ,  1942. 
ONDO D I V . 8/1, T r a v e l l i n q  Co m m iss io n e rs ' D i a r i e s ,
1901 -  1914, 4 v o l s .
Gwam, L . C . ,  A P r e l i m i n a r y  I n v e n t o r y  of  the A d m i n i s t r a -  
& e  Records assembled from Ondo P r o v in c e ,
V(1963).
515
IB A .  PROF.3/6, Residentes T r a v e l  J o u r n a l ,  1897-1899. 
Oyekan, J . A . ,  ( E k i t i  D i v . 1 /1 /2 8 7 ) ,  H i s t o r y  of  the 
Ewi o f  Ado and E le k o le  of I k o l e .
0Y0 PROF.1/1372, Yoruba crowns:  R igh ts  and P r i v i ­
leges to wear by c e r t a i n  C h i e f s .
0Y0 PROF.2/3/1372, Yoruba crowns:  R ig h ts  and P r i v i ­
leges  to  wear by c e r t a i n  c h i e f s .
0X/A5, Report on c o t to n  Growinq in  West A f r i c a  
1902 -  1905 (G e n e ra l  I n f o r m a t i o n ) .
W e ir ,  N . A . C . ,  ( E k i t i  D i v . 1 / 1 / 6 1 3 ) ,  The broad o u t l i n e s  
of  the past and p re se n t  O r g a n i s a t i o n  in
the E k i t i  D i v i s i o n  o f  Ondo P r o v in c e ,  
1934.
( i i i ) B r i t i s h  P a r i ia m e n ta r y
and C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  Papers. 
( N . A . I . ,  U . I . L .  and O . A . U . L . )  
B r i t i s h  P a r i ia m e n ta r y  Papers. 
Those c o n s u lte d  i n c lu d e
B r i t i s h  P a r i ia m e n t a r y  Papers V o l .  63
( Cmd. 4957 and V o l . 64 (Cmd. 5144)  c o n t a i n i n g  m a t e r i a l s  
on E a s te rn  Yorubaland as from the 1880' s .
516
_____________  Correspondence R especting  the War
Between N a t iv e  T r i b e s  in  the I n t e r i o r  of  Lagos 
Cmd. 4957, 1887.
Cmd. 5957 B r i t i s h  P a r l i a m e n t a r y  Papers
V o l . 6 3 ,  N i g e r i s ,  Despatches from S i r  G i l b e r t  T .  C a r t e r  
f u r n i s h i n g a  ge n e ra l  r e p o r t  of the Lagos I n t e r i o r  
E x p e d i t i o n ,  C. 7227, 1893.
_____________  Cmd. 6654 'R e p o rt  on cocoa c o n t r o l  in
West A f r i c a ,  1939 -  4 3 ' (HMSO, 1944) .
_____________  Cmd. 5845, N o w e l l ' s  Commission, 1938.
_____________  Cmd. 468 Report on the Amalqamation of  the
N o rth e rn  and Southern N i g e r i a  and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
1912 -  1919 by S i r  F .  D. Lu g a rd .
_____________  Cmd. 6950, Statement on F u tu re  M arketin g
o f  West A f r i c a n  Cocoa (HMRO, 1946)
S e s s io n a l  Paper No. 18, 1948.
C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  Papers 
879/45 N o . 509 "Correspondence Respecting
N a t iv e  A f f a i r s " ,  November, 1895 to Ja n u a ry  1898.
517
CO 879/62, 'Two J o u rn e y s  in  Lagos P r o t e c -
t o r a t e  1900'
_____________  CSO 1/1 -  1/12 f o r  despatches of  the Colony
and P r o t e c t o r a t e  of  Lagos 1861 -  1906.
_____________  CSO 1/19 -  1/25 f o r  Despatches of the
Colony and P r o t e c t o r a t e  of  Southern N i g e r i a ,  1906-1914. 
_____________  CSO 5 / l x x i i  and 5 / 2 / x i ,  T r e a t i e s  w i th  I j e s a ,
Id a n re  and E k i t i  r u l e r s .
CO 147/60, C o l o n i a l  O f f i ce Records, 1887.
_____________  CO 147/195, C o l o n i a l  O f f i c e  Records. 1894.
CO 147/98 V o l . I ,  Report  on the Lagos 
C o n s t a b u la r y  f o r  the h a l f  y e a r  endinq 31st December,
1894.
( i v )  M is s io n a r y  Papers.
( N . A . I . ,  U . I . L .  and O . A . U . L . )
These are a v e r y  im p o rta n t  source m a t e r i a l s  f o r  
the u n d e rs ta n d in g  of  the  impact o f  the m i s s i o n a r i e s
\ V /
in  b r i n g i n g  about a s o c i a l  change in  E k i t i l a n d .  The 
m i s s i«o nVa r y  !papers cor.sulted in  w r i t i n g  t h i s  t h e s i s  are
518
m a in ly  the Church M is s io n a r y  S o c i e t y ' s  Papers. The 
document f a l l s  i n t o  two c a t e g o r i e s  namely C . M . S .  *Y’ 
and C . M .S .  Yoruba M ission Records.
The second c a t e g o r y  i s  s u b d iv id e d  i n t o  C . A . 2  
an^ C .3  A 2 s e r i e s .  The C . A .  2 s e r i e s  are re c o rd s  up 
to  1880 w h i le  those a f t e r  1880 are l a b e l l e d  G.3 A 2.
The papers were sent to the m i s s io n a r y  headquarters  in  
London by the m i s s i o n a r i e s  i n  the f i e l d  in  N i g e r i a .
Up to 1880, the documents were numbered acco rd in g  to 
source  each m i s s io n a r y  having a f i l e .  A f t e r  1880, they 
were (documents) numbered in  a c h r o n o l o g i c a l  o r d e r .
However, the ones d e a l in g  he post  -  1880 p e r io d
are the most r e l e v a n t  to  t h i s  t h e s i s
While the C . M .S .  ’ Y '  Papers were read by me at 
the  N a t io n a l  A r c h i v e s ,  Ibadan,  the l a t t e r  re c o rd s
(C .A 2  and G.3 A 2 ) ,  kept in  m i c r o f i l m s ,  were c o n s u lt e d
at the u n i v e r s i t y  of  Ibadan L i b r a r y .
The j o u r n a l s  and Magazines of the Church m is s io n a r y  
S o c i e t y  c o n s u lte d  are as f o l l o w s :
- 519 -
D o b in s o n ,  H . H . ,  ' T h e  c o n d i t i o n  and Prospects  of the 
N i g e r  m is s io n ,  Church M is s io n a r y  I n t e l 1iq e n c e r ,
47, 1896.
_____________ O g u n b iy i ,  T . A . J .  'P i o n e e r  work at A k u r e ' ,
N ig e r  and Yoruba Notes,  V o l . V ,  N o . 54, Dec.1898. 
_____________ , 'Seven weeks I t i n e r a t i o n  Round the E k i t i
T o w n s ' , N ig e r  and Yoruba Notes,  V o l .  V I I ,  N o .L X X V I I ,
Nov. 1890.
C . M . 5 .  I n t e l l i g e n c e r ,  1852 -  1855.
P h i l l i p s ,  Bishop C . , 'Two T o u rs  in  the E k i t i
c o u n t r y ' , Church m i s s io n a r y  I n t e l  1i g e n c e r , N o .47,
Feb. 1896. , ,, V  T , ,
The Church M is s io n a r y  I n t e l l i g e n c e r : A
monthly  J o u r n a l  of M is s io n a r y  I n f o r m a t i o n ,  V o l s .  XX, 
XXI and X I I ,  New S e r i e s .
.
I s t  Annual Report  of  Lagos D i s t r i c t  (West A f r i c a ) o f  
the M e thod ist  M iss io n  S o c i e t y ,  1918.
50TH Annual Report o f  the Lagos D i s t r i c t  (West A f r i c a )  
o f  the M ethod ist  M is s io n  S o c i e t y ,  1927.
West E g u a t o r i a l  A f r i c a  Church magazine r e p r e s e n t i n g  
the Diocess o f  Lagos and the N i g e r  (1921 -  1 9 3 2 ) .
I
520
The Magazine c o n t a i n s  the pro g re ss  of  the Church
M is s io n a r y  S o c i e t y  of  the E a stern  Yorubaland from the 
1 8 9 0 ’ s to the 1 9 3 0 's .  In  t h i s  r e p o r t ,  the r o l e  of  the
e x - s l a v e  c o n v e r t s  in  the spread of  c h r i s i t i a n i t y  and 
the cash cro p  economy i s  e x h a u s t i v e l y  d is c u s s e d .
(V )  Government P u b l i c a t i o n s .
............................................................. ..
Lagos Annual Report 1895.
Annual Reports ( f o r the y e a r )  1899) .
Annual Reports ( f o r the v e a r ) 1900 -  1901.
Annual Reports f o r the v e a r  1902.
Lagos,  Annual Report on the N o r t h - E a s t e r n  D i s t r i c t  of  
Lagos, 1904.
Lagos, Annual Report ,  Colony of Lagos, 1904.
Lagos,  Annuaml  Reports  of  the Colony of  Southern N i g e r i a ,
Lagos, Annual Report f o r  the Colony of  Southern 
N i g e r i a ,  1907.
L■ ago' s, Southern N i g e r i a  Annual. R e p o rt ,  1910.
Annual Report  on Ondo P r o v i n c e ,  1921.
521
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1924.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1925.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1926.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1927.
Annual Reports on Ondc> P ro v in c e , 1929
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1942.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1943.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1944.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1945.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1946.
■
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v i n c e , 1947.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v in c e , 1948.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v in c e , 1949.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v in c e , 1950.
Annual Report on Ondo P r o v in c e , 1951.
522
Government O f f i c i a l  G a ze tte s  
and Blue Books, ( N . A . I . )
Government G a z e tte  f o r  the Colony o f  Lagos, 1886-1906. 
Government Ga ze tte  1893 -  4.
Government G a ze tte  Colon y  of  Lagos, 1906.
Government Gazette  Colony of  Lagos, 1905, (p u b l ics h e d  
29th J a n u a r y , 1 9 1 4 ) .
Supplement to E x t r a - Q r d i n a r y  G a z e tte  No— 13, 19th
F e b r u a r y ,  1914.
G a z e tte  N o . 17 of 5th March 1914.
G a z e tte  N o . 32 of  June 1924
G a z e tte  N o .53 o f  3rd O c to b e r ,  1929.
Supplement to E x t r a - Q r d i n a r y  G a z e tte  of  6 March, 1933. 
Government G a z e tte  N o . 37 of  June 1947.
Lagos Blue Books, 1893 -  1900.
Lagos,  P r o t e c t o r a t e  of  Southern N i g e r i a  Blue Books
—  , - .
1904 -  5.
Lagos Blue Books, 1905.
Lagos Colony and ProtectorsEte of  Southern N i g e r i a  
B lue  Books, 1906 -  13.
Report  on Blue Book Colony and P r o t e c t o r a t e  of N i g e r i a ,  
1910.
523
O rd in a n c e s ,  ( N . A . I . )
N a t i v e  C o u rts  P r o c l a m a t i o n , 1900.
N a t i v e  C o u rts  O rd in a n c e ,  1914.
N i g e r i a  O rd in a n c e s ,  1916.
The  N i g e r i a  C i v i l  S e r v i c e  L i s t  ( N . A . I . )
The document contains a list of officials who 
s e rv e d  in the colonial Government of N i g e r i a  as well 
as a brief record of their Service.
O th e r  Government P u b l i c a t i o n s .
(Ondo S ta te  Government S e c r e t a r i a t ,  A k u r e ) .  
Western N i g e r i a ,  An I n t r o d u c t i o n  to the New Local  
Government C o u n c i l  system in  Western N i g e r i a .  ( Ibadan,  
Government P r i n t e r ,  n . d . )
Ondo S ta te  on the move, ( P u b l is h e d  by the M i n i s t r y  of  
Lo ca l  Government and I n f o r m a t i o n ,  Akure,  1977) .
I
Ondo S ta te s  The cocoaland o f  N i g e r i a ,  (P u b l is h e d  by the 
M i n i s t r y  of  Lo c a l  Government and I n f o r m a t i o n ,  Akure,  
n . d )  .
C o l .  Ahmed üsman Mili.tary_.Adiii .iai.s± r a.tQX.f...Qada. St a t e l
365 Days of  Dynamism, S i m p l i c i t y  and F irm ness,
524
(P u b l is h e d  by the M i n i s t r y  of  I n f o r m a t i o n ,  Youth,  
S p o rts  and C u l t u r e ,  A k ure ,  1 9 9 5 ) .
( V I ) Newspapers.
( N . A . I . ,  U . I . L .  and O . A . U . L . )
The A f r i c a n  T im es.  1876 -  1877.
The N iq e r ia n  C h r o n i c l e ,  J u l y  14, 1911.
—D a i l y  Cromet,  A p r i l  1, 194.6.. .....• • <9$*-
The Eagle  and Laqos C r i t i q u e , 1884 
The Laqos D a i l y  News, 1925 -  31.
The Laqos O b s e rv e r ,  1883 -  88.
The N iq e r i a n  P io n e e r ,  1917 -  36.
The D a i l y  S e r v i c e ,  1938 r
The D a i l y  S ketch,  1974.
The Laqos S tan dard ,  May 17, 1911 and A p r i l  2, 1919. 
The D a i l y  T im es,  1941.
The Laqos Weekly Record, 1894, 1910.
Owena News, A p r i l  26 -  May 2, 1992.
West A f r i c a n  P i l o t ,  O ctober  9, 1945. 
and A p r i l  1, 1946.
525
(C ) P r i v a t e  Papers.
P r i v a t e  Papers r e l a t e  to the personal  a c t i v i t i e s ,  
a c t i o n s  and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s  of  Contemporary events 
by t h e i r  owners. They are le s s  formal and sometimes 
attempt to j u s t i f y  the a c t i o n s  of  t h e i r  owners. A 
Examples o f  P r i v a t e  Papers are D i a n e s  and personal  
m a n u s c r ip t s .  A p a rt  from i n d i v i d u a l s ,  some o r g a n i s a -  
t i o n s  l i k e  commercial Houses do keep P r i v  a ^ P a  p e r s .
P r i v a t e  Papers, t h e r e f o r e ,  c o n s t i t u t e d  v e r y  
u s e f u l  m a t e r i a l s  f o r  u n d e rs ta n d in g  some aspects  of  the 
im pact of  the B r i t i s h  A d m i n i s t r a t i o n  in  E k i t i l a n d .
In  t h i s  r e g a r d ,  I  c o n s u l t e d  the f o l l o w i n g  P r i v a t e  
Papers d u r in g  the p e r io d  o f  my r e s e a r c h l
P r i v a t e  Papers of  Oba R.W. Adedayo, a former 
O l u s i  of  U s i - E k i t i  on the a c t i v i t i e s  of  the E k i t i  
P r o g r e s s i v e  Union .  The documents are being kept at
the  p alace  of the  O l u s i  o f  U s i - E k i t i .
P r i v a t e  Papers of  Pa J . A .  Arokodare at h is  r e s i -  
dence in  I j e r o - E k i t i .
526
D i a r i e s  and m a n u s c r ip ts  o f  Pa J .  A. Faloye at 
h i s  r e s id e n c e  in  Ak ure .
Papers o f  Rev. Bishop C h a r le s  P h i l l i p s  dep o site d  
at the N a t io n a l  A r c h i v e s ,  Ibadan.
(D) O th e r  Documents
Log-book of Emmanuel 
S c h o o l ,  A d o - E k i t i .
Log-book of  S t .  Jam es's  ( A n g . ) S choo l ,  
A r a m o k o -E k i t i cf
Log-book of S t .  Jam es's  ( A n g . )  S choo l ,  
Ig b a r a -O d o .
Log-book of S t .  D a v i d 's  ( A n g . )  Sch oo l ,  
A k ure .
. ..i / L ,,
- 527 -
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( A ) Books
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