(c) Department of Political Science University of Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria. ISSN:- 2006-313X All Rights Reserved Except for the purpose of private study research, criticism or review as permittee under the copyright law, no part of this publication may be reproduced or transmittec in any form or by any means electronics mechanical, photocopying, recording o: otherwise or stored in any retrieval system o any nature, without the prior permission of th< copyright owner Printed in Nigeria by Graams Prints 7a, Mushin, Lagos Nigeria. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal of Contemporary Politics Vol.2 No. 1 April, 2009. 1 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table of Contents Notes to Contributors Notes on Contributors Editorial Advisory Board E ditor’s Comment Chapter One 1-6 Democracy, what next?: Nigeria Since the 1999 Civilian administration Bamitale Omole Chapter Two 7-20 The National Assembly And Anti-Corruption Drive In Nigeria Awopeju, A, Afinotan, LA. & Ilegbusi, M.I. Chapter Three 21-43 Disarmament, Demobilization And Reintegration (Ddr): Panacea To Peace And Development In The Niger Delta Region Wenibowei MC. Korikiye Chapter Four 44-52 Osofisan and His Commitment to Socio-Political Change: Explicating The Intrinsics Of Yungba Yungba And The Dance Contest Owoeye, Omolara kikelomo. Chapter Five 53-63 The Morals And Limitations Of Consensual Democracy J.O. Fasoro Chapter Six 64-80 Ideology and African Development: Nkrumah’s Philosophical Consciencism Revisited Lawrence O.. Bamikole ill UNIVERS TY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2. No. 1. 2009. Chapter Seven 81-107 Capacity Building Effort And Brain Drain In Nigerian Universities Bankole Oni, Chapter Eight 108-126 Combating Rural Feminine Youth Poverty In Nigeria’s Democrati Governance Grace Modupe Adebo Chapter Nine 127-142 Electoral Democracy Mike Opeyemi Omilusi Chapter Ten ' : 143-153 Development of Gender- Role Identity in the Society: A Critical Analysis Olaniyan, Modupe Elizabeth Chapter Eleven 154-171 Religious Conflict, Sharia Question and Nigerian Unity Idowu Johnson Chapter Twelve 172-181 Political Violence and Democratisation In Nigeria (2003-2007) Dare Arowolo and Tolu Lawal IV UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2. No. 1. 2009. used , and each symbol properly aligned to d istinguish superscrip ts . Procedure Notification of acceptance will be w ithin one m onth . Article will be ecjited for style an d clarity and re tu rn ed to the au th o r for review. All articles are subject to the editor's norm al peer review. No paper can be published w ithout sig n atu re of the editor based on referees, recom m endations. References Use a u th o r/d a te citation m ethod. N um ber footnotes or endnotes will not be required. Include com plete publication information. S tandard is The Chicago M anual of Style, 14th ed., The University of Chicago press. For example: Books Achike, 0. (1980) G roundwork of M ilitary Law and M ilitary Rule in Nigeria. Enugu, F ourth D im ension pub lishers Edited Collection Glym, P, Kobrin, S. J , and N aim M. (1997. 7 27), The G lobalization of Corruption, in Elliot, K. Aled) C orruption and The Global Economy; W ashington DC, In stitu te for International Econom ics. vi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Notes on Contributors A.A. Agagu Prof. Political Science Department, University o f Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria. Afmotan, L.A. , Ph.D. is a lecturer in the Department o f Political Science, Joseph Ayo Babalola University, Ikeji-Arakeji Awopeju, A, is a lecturer in the Department o f Political Science, Joseph Ayo Babalola University, Ikeji-Arakeji Bamitale Omole, Prof., Department o f International Relations, Faculty o f Administration, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile- Ife. Osun State.Nigeria. Bankole Oni, Ph.D., NISER-Ibadan, Nigeria Dare Arowolo is a lecturer, Department o f Political Science & Public Administration, Adekunle Ajasin, Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. Grace M odupe Adebo Idowu Johnson Department o f Political Science, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Ilegbusi, M.I. is a lecturer in the Department o f Political Science, Joseph Ayo Babalola University, Ikeji-Arakeji J.O. Fasoro Ph.D, Department of Philosophy University o f Ado- Ekiti Ekiti State, Nigeria Lawrence O. Bamikole Mike Opeyemi Omilusi Olaniyan, M odupe Elizabeth Owoeye, Omolara kikelomo, Department o f English, University o f Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria. Tolu Lawal is o f IJMB Unit, Rufus Giwa Polytechnic, Owo, Ondo State Wenibowei MC. Korikiye is a lecturer in the Department o f Public/Local Government Administration College o f Arts and Science Agudama-Epie, Yenagoa. vii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY J< urnal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2. No. 1. 2009. Journal of Contemporary Politics Editor: Prof, Dipo Kolawol Editorial Advisory Board - Prof Tale Omole - Prof. R.F. Ola - Prof. R.T. Suberu - Prof. Alex Gboyega - Prof. Remi Anifowose - Prof. Tunde Adeniran - Prof. S.O. Agbi - Prof, Kunle Ajayi - Prof. A. A. Agagu - Dr. A.O. Olaleye viii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY XI RELIGIOUS CONFLICT, SFIARIA QUESTION AND NIGERIAN UNITY Idowu Johnson Abstract One of the noticeable problems in Nigeria’s political history is religious conflict. Religious conflict has threatened the unity of Nigeria, because of the inherent politics played along with it. However, this problem was an age long phenomenon, as old as the emergence of modem Nigeria, with the advent of Christianity and Islam; and the attendant modes of worship and hatred for each other. The complexity of religion has adversely affected inter-group relations in Nigeria. Indeed the use of religion to gain political power is noticed, and has become a do or die affair, especially for attaining other benefits (social and economic) through the state. Today, the Sharia issue has become controversial not essentially because of its religious essence but for its political expediency. This paper explores the effects of religious conflict .and the Sharia issue on Nigerian governmental policies, and examines its impact on socio-economic development. The paper argues that in a pluralistic society like Nigeria, this conflict is inevitable due to the ethno-cultural diversities and the universal claims of the two religions, but the responsibility of government is largely based on how best to manage and resolve these conflicting world views within the polity. The paper concludes that no matter the contradiction of secularism in our constitution, it is still the only alternative measure in resolving religious conflict for the unity of Nigeria within the context of a true federalism. INTRODUCTION Religion has been at the heart of some of the best and some of the worst moments in Nigerian history. In fact, one of the noticeable problems in Nigeria political history is religious conflict. Religious 154 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary? Politics, Vol 2. No. 1. 2009. conflict has threatened the unity of Nigeria, because of the inherent politics played along with it. It must be noted that the rate at which these conflicts spread from one place to another in Nigeria indicates that religion is used for political gains by the political elites. Segun Allah-De in support of this view explains: It is unfortunate that our religious immaturity, our parochial fanaticism compounded by our tribal and ethnic hatred have caused the present cut throat struggle for power and thus our sense of objective reasoning has been beclouded that the small class of the elites who are supposed to blow better and who are opportuned to know better to champion the cause ■of unity are, themselves, the agents of disanity. ( 1987:5). However, the conflict in Nigeria based on religion is due to the intolerance emanating from the people. On the other hand, the nature of the conflict is between Muslims and Christians, also within Muslims and within Christians. It is imperative to note that we have three religions in Nigeria i.e. '.Christianity, Islam and Traditional religion, but with the idvent of the Europeans into Nigeria and the advancement of capitalist ystem into our country, the popularity of traditional religion have been ub verted. Essentially, the “Sharia” issue becomes the most controversial ?bate as related to political process and religion. This conflicting issue l Sharia have serious implication on government policies, especially in bid to follow an ideal federalism. It also contradicts the principles of mocracy and threatens the existence of Nigeria as a state. The tensions )und the role of religion and politics are largely based on the iflicting perspective of world religions. Both Christianity and Islam re different conceptions of politics. While Christianity attempts to arate religion from politics, Islam makes no such pretence ahammed, 2002:260). While it is true that religion has often been directed into a negative role, this is not enough justification to ignore inherent potential for meaningful emancipatory projects (Enwerem. 155 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2. No. 1. 2009. 1995:4). Thus, the integrative roles of religion in the national integration of Nigeria form the basis of this paper. Religion in Nigeria: An Historical Exploration The origin of Christianity can be traced to the period of colonialism in Nigeria. Christian mission in Nigeria came with the Europeans. The work of Ade Ajayi (1965), gave detail accounts of the Christian Mission and activities in Nigeria. Ajayi traced the origin to the mid-nmeteenth century and to the town of Badagry. On the other hand, Ayandele (1967), gave a historical account of the Christian penetration to Nigeria through Badagry on the basis of Christian elites with political and social modernization. At this particular period, credit is due to the Christian zeal of the liberated Africans, former slaves, who had been christianized during their stay in Europe. The abolition of slave trade allowed African slaves to settle in Sierra Leone. Those who could trace their roots in Nigeria immigrated back to their homeland, and Sierra Leone became the “nursery” for missionary penetration into Nigeria (Enwerem, 1995:23). The spread of Christian mission now reached Abeokuta, Onitsha and other parts in the Southern region. Even in the North, Christianity has gained ground. The major aim of the Christian mission is to make known to the adherents the good news of Christ; which also involves spiritual behaviour and freedom from ignorance. But as time went on, the missionaries and mission-connected churches were closely associated with the colonial administration. Indeed, Christian missions gave Nigerian the opportunity to acquire Western education. This western education later produced the western oriented elite; who later became interested in the administration of Nigeria. Essentially, the intrusion of Christianity and the beginning of colonial administration marked the starting point in politicizing religion in Nigeria. This was v/itnessed in the attitude of the Northern Muslims towards their Northern Christian counterpart. For instance, the Northern indigenous Christians were perceived as traitors to the Northern system; especially their religious affinity with the Christian South which was 156 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2. No. J. 2009. perceived as posing a political threat to the Fulani-Islamic hegemony (Emverem. 1995:30). Today, different Christian denominations have spread all over Nigeria with different doctrines. The first being the Church Missionary Society (CMS), the Methodist and the Baptist which became prominent in Yorubaland, the Roman Catholic which concentrated more in the Eastern and Middle Belt region of Nigeria, and the twentieth century arrivals which include the Seventh-Day Adventist, the Salvation Army and the Apostolic Church. We also have the indigenous churches like the African Church, Christ Apostolic Church, the Cherubim and Seraphim, the Celestial Church of Christ, the Aladura Movement and some native churches who combine both the orthodox and indigenous methods together in their mode of worship. However, the most significant of this denominational spread r the new Charismatic, Evangelical and Pentecostal movements which have its roots in Europe and America.. These Pentecostal movements have their own doctrines and often regarded the orthodox ones as not having “spiritual power” in their dealings. Hence, their bom again syndrome, with their “speaking in tongue” attitudes. . Similarly, Islam arrived Nigeria through the Northern region from Saudi Arabia. It must be noted that Islam became prominent in Nigeria with the help of Usman Dan Fodio, particularly from 1804 to 1810. Usman Dan Fodio used the Jihad to win to his side his followers. Thus, Siokoto became the seat of Islamic affairs and Hausa the dominant language. From all information, Islam have been introduced to Nigeria before Nigeria became a state. The Kanem-Bomu area is worth mentioning in the influence of Islam in the present day Nigeria. The existence of earlier Muslim rulers in Kanem-Bomu is indicated by the suggestion that Muhammed Ibn Mani, the Muslim scholar who was credited with the conversion of Umme Jilmi, was also a contemporary of three predecessors of Mai Umme, namely Buhl, Arki and Kadin Hawam (Smith, 1961). More importantly, with expansion of territories and the quest for victory in the Jihad War, the Sokoto caliphate wielded more power for political and religious issues. With the exception of Bomu which 157 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2 No. 1. 2009. escaped full integration into the Sokoto caliphate, the bulk of the present day Northern Nigeria came under the political domination or influence of the caliphate in the nineteenth century before the British brought the area under their authority as part of colonial Nigeria (Balogun, 1989). With the arrival of militant Islam and the founding of Sokoto caliphate in the nineteenth century by Usman Dan Fodio, Islamic theocratic state have emerged and the application of Sharia law in all ramifications follow suit. On this expansion of Islam and the introduction of the Sharia law, it became inevitable that this will affect both social and economic activities. The pursuit of their leaders’ economic and political interests had led to systematic policies of slavery, compulsory labour and hereditary succession of emirate throne. By the time of the advent of the British in Lagos in 1861, Islam was already a force to be reckoned with in Yorubaland, particularly in Oyo-Yoruba, Egba, Ijebu and what later became the Lagos colony areas (Gbadamosi, 1978). It was not surprising therefore that by the time Nigeria got her independence, Islam had spread to most of Northern Nigeria even though non-Muslims are still common in areas like Plateau, Nassarawa, Adamawa, Benue, Taraba and Southern Kaduna (Zaria). Even Islam continued to spread into the South East, reaching through traders to places as distant as Onitsha and Calabar (Gbadamosi and Ajayi, 1980:348). It is important to note that the Edos had a strong Muslim influence through the Nupe; and a majority of Muslims can be found in Edo State among the Auchis. Nevertheless, there are hundreds of Muslim associations each with its own style of worship and doctrines. Today, we have the Tarigah Movement, the Izala Movement, the Sufi Orders, the Shites, Jumaatu Nastril Islam, the Ahamadiya Movement, the Zumuratul and the Ansar- ud-Deen Society. The historical exploration indicates that Northern Nigeria was Islamized as a result of their contact with Arabs of North Africa, while the Christian mission intrusion into Southern Nigeria was as a result of slavery and colonialism. Thus, Nigeria was polarized into two geographical entities, with Muslims in the North and Christians in the South. 158 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2 No. 1. 2009. escaped full integration into the Sokoto caliphate, the bulk of the present day Northern Nigeria came under the political domination or influence of the caliphate in the nineteenth century before the British brought the area under their authority as part of colonial Nigeria (Balogun, 1989). With the arrival of militant Islam and the founding of Sokoto caliphate in the nineteenth century by Usman Dan Fodio, Islamic theocratic state have emerged and the application of Sharia law in all ramifications follow suit. On this expansion of Islam and the introduction of the Sharia law, it became inevitable that this will affect both social and economic activities. The pursuit of their leaders’ economic and political interests had led to systematic policies of slavery, compulsory labour and hereditary succession of emirate throne. By the time of the advent of the British in Lagos in 1861, Islam was already a force to be reckoned with in Yorubaland, particularly in Oyo-Yoruba, Egba, Ijebu and what later became the Lagos colony areas (Gbadamosi, 1978). It was not surprising therefore that by the time Nigeria got her independence, Islam had spread to most of Northern Nigeria even though non-Muslims are still common in areas like Plateau, Nassarawa, Adamawa, Benue, Taraba and Southern Kaduna (Zaria). Even Islam continued to spread into the South East, reaching through traders to places as distant as Onitsha and Calabar (Gbadamosi and Ajayi, 1980:348). It is important to note that the Edos had a strong Muslim influence through the Nupe; and a majority of Muslims can be found in Edo State among the Auchis. Nevertheless, there are hundreds of Muslim associations each with its own style of worship and doctrines. Today, we have the Tarigah Movement, the Izala Movement, the Sufi Orders, the Shites, Jumaatu Nastril Islam, the Ahamadiya Movement, the Zumuratul and the Ansar- ud-Deen Society. The historical exploration indicates that Northern Nigeria was Islamized as a result of their contact with Arabs of North Africa, while the Christian mission intrusion into Southern Nigeria was as a result of slavery and colonialism. Thus, Nigeria was polarized into two geographical entities, with Muslims in the North and Christians in the South. 158 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2. No. 1. 2009. Religious Conflict in Nigeria: An Overview Since 1945, when the first inter-ethnic clash between the Hausa and Igbo was recorded, it has since been characterized by ethno-religious disturbances party clashes, electoral violence, political assassination and their violent conflict that have undermined national stability (Plotnicov, 1971). From this period, political events were based on religious affairs. Within the context of party formation, Nigeria political elites were much more religious than ethnic; this is because religion for individuals is a sine qua non to see and attain the goodwill of God. However, at the eve of Nigeria’s independence, colonial policies have divided the country of the struggle for political leadership along religious lines. During this period, Christianity and Islam had made tremendous impact on the society (Ekoko and Amadi, 1989). Many Nigerians had identified themselves with either of the religions. This period witnessed many political gestures which took the form of religious sentiments. Thus, causes of struggle between Christians and Muslims were recorded and interdenominational rivalries were rife. In fact, politics in the First Republic was religious affiliated. On accounts of events, political appointments were religious-based and the trend continued until the termination of the civilian regime in a military coup of July 29, 1966. Beginning from 1970, religious intolerance in Nigeria has increased and citizen’s identification with religion is witnessed within the political division. Religious conflicts in the 1970s became a source of political manipulation by the political elites for their own selfish end. In the wake of Nigerian Civil War, there were rhetorics' of religious polarization which have domestic and international influence (Garba, 1998, Tamuno, 1989). Essentially, the most devastating religious fanaticism in Nigeria was the one organized by the Matatsine Movement in 1980. . Two Maitatsine uprisings occurred; that of Kano and Kaduna state, which claimed many lives. The Maitatsine doctrine was to averse anything modem. However, the Maitatsine group does not fall within the pattern of Islamic-Christian conflict; rather, it was an insurgency against the orthodox Islamic sect. Quite obviously, with the Maitatsine uprising in 1980, violent religious conflict has come to occupy a center stage in the 159 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Journal o f Contemporary Politics, Vol 2. No. 1. 2009. bodv polity. Similarly, the violent demonstration in Sabon Gari Kano by the Muslim student’s society on Saturday 30th October, 1982, involved killing on much smaller scale (Usman, 1987:72). However, the attack on, and destruction of Christian churches in Sabon Gari, Kano marked the highest, and most dangerous point this manipulation of religion has reached in its opposition to the unity of the people of Nigeria. It is important to examine intra-religious conflict in Nigeria. Within the organization and structure of the church among the Christians and the Mosque among the Muslims, there exist conflicts. In Christianity, conflicts have splitted churches into different denominations; and conflict exists within churches either for leadership tussle or ideological differences. The most noticeable of this conflict among churches is ideological differences between the orthodox churches and the Pentecostal sects. While the Pentecostal churches were condemning the orthodox for their inability to be involved in Holy Spirit as a way o f preaching, the orthodox also lay attack on the Pentecostal in {heir attitude towards social life. The conflicts which arise within the Christian sect can be summarized in these words: TV»p Pplpctia! dwurrJb jxF CSamFf xsm xWuvALvrg' AtAt