E
B RITH AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC 
REGULATORY MECHANISM IN ANCIENT ISRAEL AND 
TRADITIONAL ÈG̣BÁ-YORÙBÁ SOCIETY 
 
 
 
 
___________________________ 
 
 
OLUGBEMIRO OLUSEGUN BEREKIAH  
MAT. NO. 124391 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 AUGUST 2014 
  
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E
B RITH AS A SOCIO-POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC REGULATORY 
MECHANISM 
IN ANCIENT ISRAEL AND TRADITIONAL ÈG̣BÁ-YORÙBÁ SOCIETY 
 
BY 
 
 
OLUGBEMIRO OLUSEGUN BEREKIAH  
MAT. NO. 124391 
OND,(Bida) Dip.Th, Dip.RS, B.A.HONS, M.A. (Ibadan) 
 
 
A Thesis in the Department of Religious Studies, 
Submitted to the Faculty of Arts 
in partial fulfilment of  the requirement for the Degree of 
 
 
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
of the 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ÌBÀDÀN 
 
 
 
 
 AUGUST 2014 
 
 
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Abstract 
 
e
 B rith, a concept similar to ìmùlè ̣ among the Èg̣bá-Yorùbá of South-Western 
Nigeria, is a pact ratified by oath, binding two or more parties in a relationship of moral 
commitment to certain stipulations. It was used to regulate socio-political and 
e
economic life in ancient Israel. Previous studies on B rith have focused on its legal 
aspect, neglecting its moral basis as a means of effectively regulating and controlling 
socio-political and economic aspects of human society in ancient Israel and its 
relevance to the traditional Èg̣bá-Yorùbá sociocultural context with shared experiences. 
e
This study, therefore, examined the effectiveness of b rith as a means of regulating 
socio-political and economic life in ancient Israel as replicated by ìmùlè ̣ among 
traditional Èg̣bá-Yorùbá. 
 The work was premised on Manus’ intercultural hermeneutics which relates the 
Bible to African socio-cultural situations. The historical-critical method was used to 
analyse relevant texts (2 Kgs.22:8-23:3; Exod.20:22-23:33; Deut.6:1-28:69), taking the 
Leningrad Codex as the vorlage. One thousand copies of a questionnaire were 
purposively administered in traditional Èg̣bá -Yorùbá homesteads in five local 
government areas across Ogun and Oyo states, Nigeria. Forty key informants including 
The Aláké of Èg̣báland, The Olórí-Pàràkòyí of Ìjejà, a magistrate, 22 Èg̣bá Chiefs, and 
15 clergymen were interviewed. A focus group discussion (FGD) was held with the 
Aláké Regency Council in session. Observation was conducted at the traditional courts 
at Aké Palace and Olúwo’s residence. Data generated were subjected to exegetical 
analysis and percentages. 
e
 Three stipulations of b rith were applied in ancient Israel: the lex talionis 
(Exod.21:22-25), the law of restrictive royalty (Deut.17:14-15) and the law of standard 
metering (Deut.25:13-16). In Èg̣bá land, The Ògbóni enforced retributive justice and 
restricted royalty to a family while the Pàràkὸyí enforced market standards through 
e
ìmùlè.̣ B rith produced bonding experiences by creating artificial kinship ties, replicated 
in ìmùlè ̣ as Alájọbí, and annual religious convocations (Deut.16:16), not exactly 
replicated in Èg̣báland where Ògbóni, Pàràkὸyí and Olórógun held religio-political 
e
meetings tri-weekly. B rith bound the hitherto autonomous Israelite tribes in religious 
commonwealth through common allegiance to YHWH (Deut.12:5-7).  In ìmùlè,̣ the 
earth stood as the common source-matter, binding 300 traditional Èg̣bá-Yorùbá clans 
e
under one central Ògbóni. B rith like ìmùlè,̣ imposed socio-religious obligations 
requiring members of the commonwealth to seek each other’s personal wellbeing 
(Deut.15:39-43), material security (Exo.23:4) and financial stability (Deut.15:7-11). 
About 90% of the respondents affirmed that ìmùlè ̣ effectively regulated political and 
socio-economic behaviour of traditional Èg̣bá by fear-appeal through potent oath-
taking. All the key informants agreed that perceived grievous consequences associated 
with breaking ìmùlè ̣ coupled with anticipated rewards for upholding it motivated the 
people towards honesty in their social, political and economic activities. The FGD 
revealed that ìmùlè ̣was effective because it employed potent oath implements. 
e
 B rith in ancient Israel is approximately equivalent to ìmùlè ̣ in Èg̣báland based 
on the shared conceptual experiences of the two societies. Thus, the effectiveness of the 
concept in regulating and controlling socio-political and economic activities in each 
case was anchored to these shared experiences. 
e
Key words: B rith, Ìmùlè,̣ Traditional Èg̣bá-Yorùbá society, Ancient Israel.  
Word count: 485 
  
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
 I register my unreserved gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. O. A. Dada who has 
been a very good mentor and motivator. During this research, he did not merely guide 
my academic pursuit; he served as a role model morally. He saw me through the rigours 
of the research with timely words of encouragement. The incumbent Head of the 
Department, Prof. I. D. Ayegboyin; the Postgraduate Coordinator, Dr. S. A. Fatokun; 
and the Sub-Dean Postgraduate, Faculty of Arts, Dr. S. A. Odebunmi were helpful. 
They went an extra mile to facilitate the registration of title of this thesis. Prof. David T. 
Adamo’s works in the area of African cultural hermeneutics offered me good insight. 
Prof. Oyedele Abe had pioneered some works on covenant and these were particularly 
helpful. Prof. S. Oyin Abogunrin helped me with a good deal of literature. I wish to 
particularly put on note his publication “Covenant in the Ethical System of the Yorùbá” 
in Africana marburgensia XXIX.1,2 :3-15 which offered a great deal of guidance. Dr. 
P. O. Oguntoye, a worthy elder and senior colleague in the Faculty, also assisted me 
with good academic advice, and pointed me to very useful resources. In fact, the duo of 
Dr. P. O. Oguntoye and Dr. O. A. Dada, were very magnanimous in bearing the larger 
burden of teaching courses in our unit in the Department so that I could have more time 
for my research, especially while I was doing the literature review and during, my 
fieldwork. I am indebted to the entire staff of the Department of Religious Studies, 
particularly Dr. Helen Labeodan, Dr. S. A. Olaleye, Dr. O. O. Familusi, Dr. S. M. 
Mepaiyeda, and the entire academic staff for the support I received during the pre- and 
post-field presentations, and at the abstract stage. Their contributions and pieces of 
advice have greatly contributed to the success of this work. I am indeed very grateful. 
Members of the Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan gave me immeasurable help 
during the course of the Research. Prof. Ogundeji had been very supportive. Late Dr. 
Dorcas Akintunde assisted me with publications while Late Prof. S. Olu Owolabi 
granted me a very enlightening discussion on the conceptual framework of my 
research. Prof. Nwaomah, who was then in Babcock University, Ilisan Remo, Ogun 
State, Nigeria, helped me with the Bible Works software and other electronic resources 
which greatly facilitated my work. Prof. Chris, U. Manus introduced me to intercultural 
hermeneutics. There were also numerous scholars and researchers, many of whom I had 
not met in person whose works have greatly enhanced my research; I am indeed 
grateful. I owe my interest in Old Testament Studies to the mentorship of Very Rev. 
Okechukwu Ogba, who mentored me as an undergraduate student, and encouraged me 
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to proceed to the Masters Degree in Old Testament Studies; as well as Rt. Rev. Prof. J. 
O. Akao, who supervised my Masters Project. My wife was very supportive and 
understanding throughout the period; she had to grapple with the serious business of 
keeping two curious toddlers under check while I spent legitimate “family evenings and 
weekends” on the research work. She also graciously weathered the financial strain 
throughout the time of the research. 
 I also appreciate the benefits I have enjoyed from my scholarly fellowships. 
First is the Society for Biblical Literature (SBL), and then, the Nigerian Association for 
Biblical Studies (NABIS). I have greatly benefited from the SBL International 
Cooperative Initiative books project. Though I was too financially constrained to attend 
the conferences, I gained the higher percentage of my academic exposure through the 
SBL book reviews sent electronically on regular basis. The Nigerian Association of 
Biblical Studies was my major means of connection and fellowship with Biblical 
Scholars Nationwide. The peer review during NABIS conferences greatly informed my 
reading culture.  
 I am also grateful to so many who granted me interviews, focus group 
discussions, and offered other technical assistance during the course of the research. 
Most especially, I am grateful to my Royal Father, Oba Aremu Gbadebo, Okukenu IV, 
the Alake of Èg̣bá Land, who granted me an interview lasting late into the night, despite 
his tight schedule; His Grace, Most Rt. Rev. Luke Odubajo,  Archbishop of Riye and 
Bishop of Èg̣bá; Rt. Rev. M. O. Owadayo, Bishop or Èg̣bá, Anglican Communion; the 
Alake Regency Council; the Ake Palace Secretary, Mr. Bola Lawal and others. I am 
indebted to Yoseph Ben Daud of Israel Museum as well as Mrs. Adekola, Chasim, and 
Morits Tsayat, my tour guides to Israel, Palestine and Sinai. 
 His Grace, Most Rev. S. Ayo Ladigbolu, and the Very Rev. J. O Adeogun may 
not be aware of the significant roles they played at a very crucial time during the course 
of the research; it was through their influence that I gained sponsorship for my research 
trip to Israel. The personality and charisma of Most Rev. S. Ayo Ladigbolu had earlier 
influenced my decision to answer the ministerial call. I cannot but express profound 
gratitude to the Bode Akindele foundation, for sponsoring my trip to Israel, Palestine 
and the Sinai Peninsula during the course of the study. Without this trip, I would not 
have had access to the originals of the Dead Seas Scrolls, the Aleppo Codex and the 
resources at the Israel Museum, Jerusalem. I also appreciate the financial privileges I 
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enjoyed after joining the Faculty at the University of Ibadan. The wager on the fees was 
a great relief, and enabled me to go deeper in the research.  
 Dr. S. O. Sotumbi had played parental roles in my life during the course of the 
research, particularly at the beginning, while I was the Chaplain of Immanuel College 
Chapel, Samonda, Ibadan. My Biological Parents, Pa Amos, and Granma Christiana 
had supported me with prayers. Bro. Yinka Adewale of Methodist Church Nigeria, 
Oke-Odo had been my prayer partner during the time of the research. Some of my 
students have also played significant roles. Rev. Sotoyinbo had virtually functioned as 
my research assistant in administering the questionnaire. 
 Finally, I express deep gratitude to my spiritual fathers, His Grace, Most Rev. 
M. Kehinde Stephen, Archbishop of Ibadan; Rt. Rev. Raphael Opoko, TFG Secretary of 
Conference, Methodist Church Nigeria; His Eminence, Dr. S. Ola Makinde, GJP, 
Prelate Emeritus, Methodist Church Nigeria under whose spiritual oversight I 
commenced this research, for graciously supporting me with financial grants to start off 
this research, and later releasing me from the Church itinerary, with permission to serve 
full-time in the Faculty of Art, University of Ibadan; and also His Eminence, Dr. 
Samuel ’Kanu Uche, JP Incumbent Prelate, Methodist Church Nigeria, under whose 
spiritual oversight I completed this research. To these and many others I am indebted 
for the success of this work. 
  
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CERTIFICATION 
 
I certify that this work was carried out by Mr. Olugbemiro, O. Berekiah in the 
department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan. 
 
 
 
 
 
…………………………….  Date ……………. 
Supervisor 
O. A. Dada 
B.A., M.A., Ph.D.(Ibadan) 
Associate Professor, Department of Religious Studies, 
University of Ibadan, Nigeria.  
  
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 
ANE   Ancient Near East 
BBR   Bulletin for Biblical Research 
BHS   Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia 
CC   Covenant Code or  the Book of the Covenant 
CTH   Emmanuel Laroche, Catalogue des textes Hittites (Paris:  
   Klincksieck, 1971). 
D   Deuteronomic Code 
DH   Deuteronomistic History 
E   The Elohist Source Stratum of the Pentateuch 
H   Holiness Code 
J   The Yahwist Source Stratum of the Pentateuch 
JBL   Journal of Biblical Literature 
K   Ketibh 
LH   Hamurabbi Law Code 
LXX   The Septuagint 
P   The Priestly Source Stratum of the Pentateuch 
PMT   Protection Motivation Theory 
Q   Qere 
VTE   Vassal Treaty of Esarhaddon 
 
  
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TABLE OF CONTENTS 
Title           Page 
Abstract          i 
Acknowledgements         ii 
Certification           v 
List of Abbreviations         vi 
Table of Contents         vii 
List of Tables and Figures        ix 
 
Chapter One: General Introduction      1 
1.1  Background to the study        1 
1.2  Statement of the Problem       15 
1.3  Objective of the Study        18 
1.4  Significance of the Study        19 
1.5  Scope and Delimitation         19 
1.6  Research Methodology        21 
1.7 Definition of Terms        24 
 
Chapter Two: Literature Review       26 
2.1 Concept, nature and form of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel   
 26 
2.2 tyrIb in Ancient Israel vis-à-vis ìmùlẹ in indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture
 52 
2.3 Common paradigms in Ancient Israelite concept of tyrib. and indigenous  
 Èg̣bá-Yorùbá concept of ìmùlẹ       54 
 
Chapter Three: Exegesis and Field Work      60 
3.1  Ancient Near Eastern background of tyrib.    
 60 
3.2  Translation and exegesis of selected passages from the Hebrew Bible  63 
3.3  Theological formulations from the text 116 
3.4 Forms of tyrib. in Ancient Israel interpreted from Èg̣bá Perspective           
117 
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3.5 Application                     118            
 
Chapter Four:  Evaluative Interpretation of Deuteronomistic Concept of 
tyrib. From The Periscope of Indigenous Yorùbá Concept of Ìmùlẹ           
123 
4.1  Fundamental principles of the tyrib. concept evaluated from the  
 perspective of Èg̣bá local context                   123
   
4.2 Origin and development of the tyrIB. concept in Ancient Israel evaluated 
  
 with indigenous Èg̣bá Culture           131 
4.3 Application of African Intercultural Hermeneutics to the Deuteronomistic  
 Concept of tyrIB..       
  154 
 
Chapter Five: Social Implications of the tyrIB. Concept in Ancient Israel  
 in The Context of Indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá Culture      159 
 
5.1 tyrIB. in the pre-monarchic social structure of Ancient Israel in the light of 
ìmùlè ̣
 in Indigenous Èg̣bá- orùbá context        159 
5.2  tyrIB. in the political structure of united monarchical Israel  
   165 
5.3 tyrIB. in the political structure of pre-exilic kingdom of Judah vis-a-vis  
 ìmùlè ̣elements in the confederacy of the Èg̣bá after settlement at Abeokuta   166 
5.4  tyrIB. as a means of creating and maintaining social stability  
   169 
5.5 Some aspects of human behaviour regulated through the tyrIB. 
    concept in ancient Israel in the context of indigenous Èg̣bá culture    170 
 
Chapter Six: Conclusion and Recommendation       178 
6.1 Universal principles inherent in the  ְבִרית concept       178 
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6.2 Common Paradigms in Ancient Israelite ְבִרית and Èg̣bá-Yorùbá concept  
 of ìmùlè ̣            186 
6.3 Applicable paradigms of  ְבִרית  and ìmùlè ̣concepts in postmodern  
 African Society           192 
6.4 Limitations of the  ְבִרית and ìmùlè ̣principle as a socio-political and  
economic regulatory mechanism         195 
6.5 Conclusion            196 
6.6 Recommendations          196 
References            198 
Appendices               225 
  
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LIST OF FIGURES 
Fig. 3.i: A chart showing the Protection Motivation Theory                       112 
Fig. 5.i: A chart demonstrating the segmentary nature of Ancient Israel           184 
 
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CHAPTER ONE 
1.0 INTRODUCTION 
1.1 Background to the study 
 For some time now, there has been a serious concern about the level of moral 
decadence in the society. This is evident in the remarks of many scholars, writers, 
politicians and leaders of various capacities. For example, Omoregbe remarked that all 
right-thinking Nigerians know that the basic problem of the nation is a moral one. 
According to him, 'This moral problem is the root cause of all our social, political, and 
1
economic problems .  Abogunrin corroborated this when he observed that what we 
2 
witness in the public domain testify to the degeneration of values in the society. ―Our 
3
highly treasured traditional ethical values have broken down.‖  The Nigerian 
government have responded to this situation with various initiatives, which have not 
provided any lasting solution. There were various campaign groups such as the 'ethical 
revolution', and the 'War Against Indiscipline (WAI)', which later metamorphosed into 
'War Against Indiscipline and Corruption (WAIC)'. Not quite long ago, the Government 
inaugurated some agencies like the Economic and Financial Crime Commission 
(EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and related offences Commission 
(ICPC), to combat the problem of corruption. 
 In the Academic arena, many conferences, seminars and workshops produced 
various communiqués, suggesting solutions to the deplorable moral situation of the 
4
Nation. In 1983, the Ìbàdàn annual Religious Studies Conference  chose as its theme, 
―Religion and Ethical  Revolution in Nigeria‖ while the National Association for 
5
Biblical Studies chose ―Biblical Studies and Corruption in Africa‖  as the theme of her 
2006 conference. 
 However, it should be noted that the moral issue is not a new development. It is 
a phenomenon that many generations of people in various societies have grappled with. 
But the problem seems to take new dimensions in every generation. From the Biblical 
perspective, we can observe that the same ill plagued the Ancient Israelite society, 
which had to grapple afresh with this moral challenge in every generation. The 
                                                 
1 J. I. Omoregbe, 2003, Ethics -A systematic and Historical Study, xi. 
2 S. O. Abogunrin, 1986, Religion and Ethics, Religion and Ethics in Nigeria, Ibadan Religious Studies 
Series No.1. Ed. Abogunrin, S. O, 3. 
3 B. G. Ogedegbe, 2007, Prophet Amos' Message on Corruption: A Challenge to Christian Leaders in 
Nigeria, Biblical Studies and Corruption in Africa, Biblical Studies Series No.6, Eds. S. O. 
Abogunrin, et. al. 188.  
4 Significant papers from the proceedings of this conference is published in S.O. Abogunrin, Ed. 1986, 
Religion and Ethics in Nigeria. Ibadan Religious Studies Series No.1. 
5 Papers presented at this conference are published in S. O. Abogunrin, et. al. Eds. 2007, Biblical 
Studies and Corruption in Africa, Biblical Studies Series No.6.  
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uniqueness of the Israel situation is that they seem to fall back on the same principle, 
the tyrIb. e (b rith, translated as covenant in English) concept, and attempt to 
tackle the moral challenge by re-applying the basic principles of this concept to fresh 
situations arising from a change in the socio-cultural contexts in each generation. It is 
hypothetically possible that there are universal principles underlying the covenant 
concept that can be harnessed and applied to other societies and socio-cultural contexts. 
But there is the need to clarify whether the covenant concept has been successful, in the 
Ancient Israelite case, and to what extent it is applicable in the African context. 
 This research sets out to investigate the principles that underlie the 
tyrIb. concept in Ancient Israel, and to see if they are applicable in indigenous 
African worldview; it also seeks to explore the possibility of applying these paradigms 
to the modern Nigerian context. 
  
1.1.1 Background Knowledge of Èg̣bá History and indigenous culture 
 For convenience, we demarcated the history of the Èg̣bá to two periods, with the 
settlement at Abéọ̀kúta about AD 1830 as the datum. We refer to the earlier periods (i.e. 
Before 1830) as the pre-dispersal period while we would refer to the period after the 
settlement at Abéọ̀kúta as the post resettlement period. 
  The Èg̣bá is an ethnic subgroup of the Yorùbá tribe. There are three major 
conjectures for the meaning of the name ‗Èg̣bá‘. One version says it is derived from 
6
'Esèg̣bá,' the name of a notable leader of the migration . Another probability is that it 
came from a derivation of the third person plural verb 'to receive'  ‗ẹ gbà‘ that connotes 
open handed generosity' which was considered to be the distinguishing trait of the Èg̣bá 
7 8
people . But Saburi Biobaku  using an analogy of the derivations of E. P. Cotton 
suggests a high probability that it is a contraction of  'Èg̣bálúgbó' meaning 'wanderers 
9 10
towards the forest' , most especially that the traditional territories of the Èg̣bá  are 
                                                 
6 The migration here refers to the first settling of the Èg̣bá in their various 'orílé'. According to 
Biobaku, many of the early Yorùbá settlements emerged from migrating groups.  'A bold hunter 
usually led the way and when a suitable site was struck, he founded a town. He might go back to Ile 
Ife for the symbol of authority which was a beaded crown‖ - S. O. Biobaku. 1991. The Èg̣bá and 
Their Neighbours 1842-1872. 2 
7 S.O. Biobaku, 1991, Op.cit.3 
8 Ibid. 
9 E. P. Cotton, 1905, in his report on the Èg̣bá Boundary, linked the meaning of 'Èg̣bádò' a 
neighbouring ethnic group to the Èg̣bá people, to 'èg̣bálúwè'̣ literally meaning 'wanderers towards the 
river'. Hence Biobaku conjectures that since the Èg̣bás migrated towards the hinterland while the 
'Èg̣bádòs' migrated towards the Coast, Èg̣bá could as well have been a conflation of „èg̣bálúgbó‟ 
meaning wanderers towards the forest.  S. O. Biobaku, Ibid. 
10 This is called 'Igbó Èg̣bá' or 'orílé'. 
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11
located in the hinterland . 
12
 Sources reveal to us that the Èg̣bá penetrated into their original homelands  in 
13
three successive waves in the 13th or 14th Centuries.  There is no indication that their 
incursions into these regions involved any form of conflict or violence, probably 
14 15
because these places were largely unoccupied . According to Biobaku  - ―A bold 
hunter usually led the way and when a suitable site was struck, he founded a town.‖ 
16
One group settled in the north-west of Ile Ifè,̣ and became known as the Èg̣bá Àgùrá  
with the Àgùrá as their Ọba, and Ìdó as their capital town. The territory of the Èg̣bá 
17
Àgùrá included most of the areas now occupied by the present Òỵó,̣ Ìbàdàn and Áwé ̣ . 
 Another group migrated southwards and crossed the 'Ọnà' river and became 
known as the Èg̣bá Òkè ọnà with Ọsilè as their Ọba and Òkò as their capital town. The 
group that later gained dominance was the Èg̣bá Àgbèyìn, which migrated further 
southwards and took border with the Ìjèbú Rémo. This group later became known as 
the Èg̣bá Aláké, and Aké became their capital city with the Aláké becoming the 
paramount Ọba of the group and later of the whole Èg̣bá  people. 
 The territory of the indigenous Èg̣bá Federation before the dispersion is hard to 
establish today because many of the initial homesteads have been taken over by 
enemies who expelled the original Èg̣bá settlers during the inter-tribal wars of the early 
th 18
19  century  while some have become extinct. A good example of a popular Èg̣bá 
19
town that was taken over by Òỵó ̣war Lords and veterans is the Ìbàdàn  town which 
                                                 
11 B. Sofela. 2000, Èg̣bá-Ìjèḅú Relations. 7 
12 The Èg̣bá refer to their original settlements as their 'orílé', while some refer to the various Original 
Èg̣bá towns collectively as 'Igbó Èg̣bá'. 
13 S. O. Biobaku,  1932. A Historical sketch of Èg̣bá Authority,  Africa: Journal of International African 
Institute Vol.2 No.1. 35; 1991, The Èg̣bá and their Neighbour .2;  
14 On the superficial value this strikes a note of similarity with the Israelite incursion into Canaan in 
some waves of incursions, but the major contrast is that the Biblical picture of Israelite incursions 
into Canaan under Joshua shows more violence since Canaan was largely populated before the 
Israelites took over, unlike in the case of the Èg̣bá in which the region was largely unoccupied. 
Considering Biobaku's comment in Èg̣bá and their Neighbours, page 2, the few likely occupants 
were the Fon or Ègùn, who were either expelled or absorbed as various waves of the Yorùbá 
penetrated the tropical forest. 
15 S. O. Biobaku, 1991. 2 
16 This term Ègbá Àgùrá  is commonly conflated into a single word 'Gbágùrá'. 
17 B. Sofela. 2000,  Èg̣bá-Ìjèḅú Relations: A study in Conflict Resolution in Nineteenth Century 
Yorùbáland . 9 
18  Oral Interview with Mr. Biodun, at Ibadan, Dec.24. 2009. 
19 According to Biobaku,  "Ìdó", which is now part of Ibadan metropolis, was the capital town of the 
Ègbá Àgùrá: S. O. Biobaku. 1991. 3.   Sofela and various other authorities also listed Ibadan as part 
of the original Èg̣bá forest. This refers to original Ibadan indigenous town, which had not expanded to 
the present territories it now covers. But Ibadan of today could be considered a mega-city, because it 
has expanded to include the territories of neighbouring smaller indigenous Yorùbá townships. B. 
rd
Sofela. 2000. 3; J. Blair. 1937. Intelligence Report on Abéọ̀kúta, 3  December 1937. 4.  Retrieved 
from the National Archives, Abéọ̀kúta;  W. H. Clarke. Travels and Explorations in Yorùbáland, xxvii; 
N. Adebola. 1980 Abéọ̀kúta :Some Historical Reflections. 3. 
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20
has presently grown to become one of the largest cities of Africa. Earl Philips  
described the Èg̣bá before the dispersion, as follows: 
... the  Èg̣bá were not a numerous people. And to make their situation 
even more precarious, the largely independent  Èg̣bá villages were 
scattered through the forests tied but loosely by the federation of three  
21
Èg̣bá 'provinces' or 'families '... 
 
 But though the Èg̣bá people were not very 'numerous', it is certain that their 
scattered settlements covered a vast expanse of territory, referred to as 'Igbó Èg̣bá' 
literally Èg̣bá Forest' This territory shared borders on the East with the Ìjèḅú while the 
northern borders lies deeper into the North and included most of the areas now 
occupied by the present Òỵó,̣ Ìbàdàn and Áwé,̣ before they were pushed southwards in 
22 
the early 19th century. 
 
At the initial stage, according to sources, there were not less than three hundred 
independent towns/settlements in the various Orílé before the dispersion. These were 
organised into three major states/sections as follow: Èg̣bá Aláké, Èg̣bá Òkè-Onà and 
23  
Èg̣bá Àgùrá. There is an Ọba as the head of each state. The three states were in 
confederation with each other, and had one paramount Ọba, the Aláké, exercising 
24
supremacy over the others , most probably because of prestige, accruing from his 
perceived direct descent from Odùduwà, the legendary father of the Yorùbá and 
25
founder of Ilé Ifè ̣ .  
 Each indigenous Èg̣bá settlement had three significant political institutions. (i) 
The Ògbóni, which is more or less the state council. (ii) The Olórógun, which can be 
equated with a 'defence council' and (iii) The Pàràkòyí which served as the 'council for 
trade and commerce'. These three institutions were retained even after the resettlement 
at Abéọ̀kúta. 
 
                                                 
20 E. Philips. The Ègbá at Abéọ̀kúta: Acculturation and Political Change, 1830- 1870,  Journal of 
African History, Vol. x  No. i.  117 
21 By the term 'families' Philips refers to the concept of 'sister towns' by which each Ègbá sector refers 
to the member towns within her own sector. For example, the core of Ègbá Aláké consisted of five 
adjacent towns -Aké, Ìjeùn, Ìpóró, Kémta, and Ìtòkú referred to as the 'Ọmọ-Ìyá', which according to 
Biobaku retained their premier position till date:  S.O. Biobaku. 1991. 4. 
22 B. Sofela. 2000. Èg̣bá – Ìjèḅú Relations: A study in conflict resolution in nineteenth century 
Yorùbáland, 3;  J. A, Atanda. 1980.  An Introduction to Yorùbá History. 12-13. 
23 A.K. Ajíṣafé.̣ 1972, Ìwé Ìtàn Abéọ̀kúta, 16 -19. 
24 The confederacy of the Èg̣bá townships before the dispersal was a very loose one, having much 
similarities with the pre-, monarchical Israelite tribal confederacy. The major differences include the 
fact that the Èg̣bá confederacy was not a theocratic amphictyony, and that the Èg̣bá sister towns were 
first merged into three distinct states, which had their own monarch, which were then joined in 
confederacy with each other. 
25 S.O.Biobaku. 1991 The Èg̣bá and Their Neighbours. 4; J. Blair. 1937. Intelligence Report on 
Abéọ̀kúta. 4. 
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1.1.2 The resettlement and the emergence of Abéọ̀kúta as Èg̣bá capital 
 
 The Èg̣bá people were dispersed from the homesteads by the inter-tribal war, 
which had started at the Apòmù market. The dispersal could be attributed to a breach of 
the Alájọbí, portrayed by the attitude of indifference, displayed by the various 
26
indigenous Èg̣bá towns to the plight of their sister towns. Ajíṣafé ̣  narrated the account 
of the dispersal, his account can be summarised as follows: 
 A strife started between an Ìjèḅú woman and an Òwu man at Apòmù Market, 
which was a major international market among the Yorùbá in those days. This strife 
resulted in inter-tribal war between Òwu and Ìjèḅú. The Ìjèḅú enlisted the Òỵó ̣and Ifè ̣
army. They needed to pass through some Èg̣bá townships like Ilúgùn, Ìkijà, Ìpóró and 
Kémta, in order to reach Òwu. The councils of these Èg̣bá townships summoned other 
Èg̣bá towns to arbitrate so that Òwu would not be ravaged, but the leaders of Ìjeùn and 
Ìkèrèkú replied that the battle would not affect them, so they showed no concern. In the 
course of the battle, the Òwu people turned back their enemies and pursued them as far 
as Ìbàdàn, which was then a township of Èg̣bá Àgùrá. The Èg̣bá of Ìbàdàn were not 
pleased with the victory of Òwu, because there were grudges between Ìbàdàn and Òwu, 
so they gave support to the enemies and called back the Ìjèḅú, Òỵó ̣and Ifè ̣armies, and 
with their support, Òwu was ravaged after a seven-year siege. The fugitives of Òwu 
determined to take vengeance on the Èg̣bá, and through intrigues, they gained the 
consent of Individual Èg̣bá townships, and ravaged neighbouring Èg̣bá townships. 
Furthermore, when the Ìjèḅú, Òỵó ̣ and Ifè ̣ coalition army vanquished Òwu, they 
proceeded to ravage the Èg̣bá townships one after the other. Meanwhile, the individual 
Èg̣bá townships had felt unconcerned for the welfare of their fellow Èg̣bá townships, 
thinking that they would be spared the devastation only to realise when it was too late, 
that their lack of unity would end up in near-extinction. Eventually, Ìbàdàn itself came 
under the rule of the enemies, and became the citadel for war veterans from the armies 
of Òỵó,̣ Ìjèḅú, Ifè,̣ Ìjèṣ̣à, and other warlords, from where they launched attack on other 
Èg̣bá townships. This was how Igbó Èg̣bá, consisting of the various Orílé-Èg̣bá was 
devastated and sacked by mercenaries and Yorùbá warmongers. 
 Consequent upon the devastation and sack of their indigenous homesteads, the 
fugitives and survivors of the Èg̣bá gathered together and sought to make peace with 
their enemies, through dialogue and peaceful negotiations. The Èg̣bá leaders such as 
Lamọdi, Ṣódẹké ̣and some others   went to settle at Ìbàdàn, with the enemy warlords 
                                                 
26 A. K. Ajisafe. 1972. Ìwé ìtàn Abéọ̀kúta. 40-50 
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such as Ẹgẹ, the Ifè ̣general, Lakanle, an Òỵó ̣warlord, and Kalẹjaiye the Ìjèḅú general, 
27
with a view to a peace conference . Though they were now under the rule of the Òỵó ̣
warlord, named Máyè,̣ they settled as a distinct colony. With Yisa as their first 
28
'Balógun', and Deboku as their first 'Seriki '.  Lamọdi later succeeded Yisa. Denlu, and 
subsequently, Ṣódẹké ̣ later succeeded Deboku. At that point the coalition of warlords 
were discovered to be dubious in dealing with the Èg̣bá, in that they were stealing and 
selling the Èg̣bá children into slavery. This made the Èg̣bá to resolve to flee for safety, 
and resettle in a peaceful location. They told Máyè,̣ the Chief of the warlords that they 
29
wanted to cross over the Onà river, to sacrifice to the deities . Máyè ̣was suspicious 
and labelled them rebels, insisting that he would not let them depart, unless they 
30
consult the oracle by splitting the cola . Lóṣí, an Ògbóni  from Aké, was appointed to 
split the cola and by craft, he manipulated the cola to divine in favour of the Èg̣bá. 
Hence, they were permitted to leave. However, Máyè ̣planned to double-cross the Èg̣bá, 
just as Pharaoh pursued after the Israelites in the Biblical accounts of the Israelite 
exodus from Egypt. In the long run the Èg̣bá colony was able to leave and cross the 
Onà River, but Lamọdi, the Èg̣bá warlord sustained serious injuries and died in the 
Èg̣bá camp across the river. 
 Pitching their camp across the Onà River, the Èg̣bá under the leadership of 
Ṣódẹké ̣ were able to turn back the army of Máyè ̣ and his confederates. They made 
searched for a suitable site to resettle, with a view to seeking a lasting refuge from their 
enemies. Their search was fruitful. They got wind of Abéọ̀kúta, which was initially a 
hideout for three hunters. 
 The land of Abéọ̀kúta had been a portion of the indigenous homestead of the 
Èg̣bá, (Igbó Èg̣bá) pertaining to the Èg̣bá of Ìtokò and Ìjemò.̣ When Orílé Ìtokò was 
sacked, one of her Ògbóni , 'Ìdówú Lípẹru' by name, had taken refuge with the Olúbarà 
at Orílé Ìbarà, but after a while, had returned to his farm settlement which is now a part 
of Abéọ̀kúta township. With the help of the Olúbarà, he built a house on the farm, and 
was later joined by three hunters. These hunters could not build houses, but lived under 
31
the massive Olúmọ Rock . It was from this that the name 'Abéọ̀kúta' was derived, 
                                                 
27 B. Sofela. 2000. Ega-Ìjèḅú relations. 21 
28 The title 'Balógun' meaning 'warlord'  and 'Séríkí' a transliteration of the Arabic 'Sheikh' meaning in 
this context, 'tribal leader' were not indigenous Èg̣bá titles, but were introduced by the Òỵó ̣warlords. 
29 This feature strikes a note of similarity with the exodus of the Israelites under Moses, in which they 
requested to go and offer sacrifice in the wilderness. The major difference was that the case of the 
Èg̣bá was not attended with extraordinary or miraculous events. 
30 Splitting the cola is a popular form of divination among the Yorùbá 
31 The name 'Olúmọ' was given to this massive rocks by the Èg̣bá after the settlement. It is a further 
contraction of 'Olúwa fi mo' which is a shortened form of  'Olúwa fi wàhálà wa mọ' meaning, The 
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because the hunters would describe their home to their fellows as 'a place under the 
rock'. The trio were later joined by a short, lanky hunter-farmer settler named 'Adàgbà'. 
He was a man of valour, despite his seeming physical weakness. He became popular for 
32
turning back a band of Òỵó ̣ 'Onísùmòṃí'   raiders on two occasions single-handed. 
Hence, Abéọ̀kúta also came to be known in those days as 'Oko Adàgbà', meaning 
Adàgbà's farm.  
 When Ṣódẹké ̣ and the Èg̣bá leaders got wind of the location, they sent for a 
handful of the soil of the land and consulted the oracle. The oracle forecast that they 
would prosper there and that they would come into alliance with the white men, 
through whose assistance they would overcome all their enemies. Ṣódẹké ̣
commissioned a group, including Ṣomokun, Ẹdun, Lúgéyìnbo and Arúkè to clear the 
33
route to Abéọ̀kúta. In August, 1830 , the Èg̣bá refugees, under the leadership of 
Ṣódẹké,̣ migrated to Abéọ̀kúta where they settled on the western side of the Massive 
Olúmọ Rock. The population of the initial settlers was soon swelled by waves of other 
Èg̣bá refugees who had been displaced by the wars. Ṣódẹké'ṣ  open-door policy towards 
immigrants also enhanced the growth of the population. They were further enhanced by 
the influx of Èg̣bá captives who had been liberated from slavery, and prior to the 
moment, had been resettled by the British liberators at Sierra Leone. 
 The Èg̣bá were thereby rallied to a single locality, and unity of purpose in self-
defence. After a period of hardship due to shortage of food, the population became 
stable, grew steadily and rapidly. Their enemies continued to pummel them by raiding 
their farms, and kidnapping them at any affordable opportunity. The enemies who had 
gained foothold in Ìbàdàn were weary that the Èg̣bá should rally strength to regain their 
lost territories, while the Ìjèḅú were afraid that the Èg̣bá would eventually wrestle from 
them the monopoly of trade with the coastal regions. But the Èg̣bá resisted all assault. 
Out of sheer survival instinct, and evidently by divine providence, they were able to 
survive the genocide. They repelled the marauding Ìjèḅú, and took up arms against the 
neighbouring Ìjèḅú towns, and subdued them. Their military image soared as they 
                                                                                                                                              
Lord has put an end to our troubles: J. K. Ajíṣafé.̣ 1972. 57;  Some other sources claim that the name 
is a derivation of ―Olúwa lo mọó”̣ meaning 'it is the Lord that had moulded it'. 
32 The 'Onísùnmòṃí' were bands of raiders and looters who specialise in looting the farms and 
homesteads of villages, and laying ambush for traders and kidnapping people on trade routes 
belonging to perceived enemy townships. They were not seen as thieves proper, but looters of enemy 
lands. These were sometimes sponsored by renowned warlords, and they often share their booties 
with the warlords and chieftains of their sponsor townships. 
33 This date has become a memorial in Èg̣bá History. A centenary hall was built in Abéọ̀kúta in 
commemoration of the hundredth year of settlement at Abeokuta. The date is inscribed on the 
dedication plaque on this hall. 
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discomfited the coalition army of the Ìjèḅú in the Òwìwí war of 1832, capturing the 
seven Ìjèḅú generals. They routed the Ìbàdàn army in the Àràkangá war of 1833. By 
1847, the Èg̣bá enjoyed British missionary contact, and soon gained the friendly 
alliance of the British Crown, with the aid of whom they repelled the dreaded Dahomey 
34
in 1851.   Barely five decades of settlement at Abéọ̀kúta as their common capital, the 
Èg̣bá had grown into strong and formidable military and political entity, recognised by 
the British Crown. 
 During the resettlement at Abéọ̀kúta, the Èg̣bá people from the various 
homesteads settled in distinct groups, representing their original homesteads. Hence, in 
Abéọ̀kúta there are separate wards/ sections representing Èg̣bá Aláké, Èg̣bá Àgùrá and 
Èg̣bá Òkè-Onà. The Òwu and the Ìbarà were also accepted as part of the confederacy, 
with their own distinct wards. Each ward is independent with its own independent 
political institutions, but they were all joined together in a confederation, with the 
Aláké as the paramount ruler. 
 Abéọ̀kúta, the present capital town of the Èg̣bá people, has experienced 
tremendous demographical growth and a geographical expansion since its foundation. 
At present, it is not just the capital town of Èg̣bá people, it has become the capital city 
of Ogun State, Nigeria. The ancient city lies on an altitude of 159m above sea level. It 
o o 
is located on the Longitude 7 15'' towards the North Pole and latitude 3 25'' east of 
35
Greenwich, approximately 106 km north of Lagos, and 81km south-west of Ìbàdàn.  
As at 1937, a hundred and seven years after its establishment, it has grown from a 
36 37
hamlet  to a town covering about 1,750sq Miles, with a population of  283,269  and 
by 1991, it has expanded to cover an approximate area of 57.25 sq km,   with a 
38
population of about 3,740,843 as at the value of the 1991 population census.   
 
1.1.3 Èg̣bá Socio-political Structure 
 The Èg̣bá had evolved certain socio - political mechanisms ever before British 
colonisation. For convenience, I would refer to this socio political method as 'Èg̣bá 
                                                 
34 B. Sofela. 2000. Èg̣bá-Ìjèḅú relations. 20-27 
35 O. O. Oyesiku and G.O. Kojeku. 1992. Abéọ̀kúta, Ogun State Maps, Eds, S. O. Onakomaya. O. O. 
Oyesiku and F. J. Jẹgẹdẹ. 153-155;  M. Okodua, O. A. Adeyeba, Y. M. Tatfeng & H. O. Okpala. 2003, 
Age and Sex Distribution of Intestinal Parasitic Infection among HIV Infected Subjects in Abéọ̀kúta, 
Nigeria, Online Journal of Health and Allied Schools Vol.4. No.3. 
36 E. Philip used the term 'hamlet' to describe the settlement of about three families under the crags of 
Olúmọ Rock, when the war pressed bands of the Èg̣bá moved to the site. E. Philip. Ègbá at Abéọ̀kúta. 
37 J. Blair. 1937.  District Officer, Èg̣bá Division, Western  Province of the  Nigeria Colony: Inteligence 
rd
Report on Abéọ̀kúta 3  December. 3 Retrieved from the National Archives, Federal Secretariat, 
th
Abéọ̀kúta, Wednesday 20  August 2008. 
38 S. O. Akinrombi et. al  Eds. 1999. Ogun State Business Directory and Yellow Pages. 101 
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indigenous statecraft'. The indigenous statecraft was practised in each of the indigenous 
Èg̣bá homesteads, before the dispersal and later in each of the wards/sections of 
Abéọ̀kúta after the resettlement. The most significant characteristic of this indigenous 
statecraft is its ingenuous mode of separation of powers and the federal form of 
political formation retaining the form of confederacy which they have operated since 
the pre-dispersal period. This form of confederacy is similar to the pre-monarchical 
Israelite tribal league. 
39
 According to Abogunrin  every relationship among the Yorùbá is a covenant 
relationship. This is particularly true of the Èg̣bá people. This section seeks to clearly 
set out how the covenant principle is used in indigenous Èg̣bá statecraft, and portray in 
bold relief similar motifs in Ancient Israelite Statecraft.  
 
1.1.3.1  Democratic confederation 
 Ab-initio, the Èg̣bá operated a confederation form of administration. According 
to sources, there were not less than three hundred independent towns / settlements in 
the various Orílé before the dispersion. These were organised into three major states/ 
40
sections Èg̣bá Aláké, Èg̣bá Òkè-Onà and Èg̣bá àgùrá,  with an Ọba at the head of each 
state. The three states also were in confederation with each other with one Ọba, the 
Aláké, gaining supremacy over the rest, most probably because of prestige accruing 
from his perceived direct descent from Odùduwà, the legendary father of the Yorùbá 
41
and founder of Ile Ifè ̣ . Even after the dispersion and resettlement at Abéọ̀kúta, where 
they were joined by the Òwu, the Èg̣bá still maintained a strict confederation. Yémitàn 
aptly described the administration in these words: 
 …Each of the four quarters of Abéọ̀kúta (Aké, Òkè-Onà, 
Gbágùrá and Òwu) ran its affairs without any meddling from the other 
sections. The autonomy of each quarter was strictly respected in such a 
42
way that jurisdiction did not overlap...  
 
Clarke also reiterated: 
 …small villages from various parts were formed, each preserved 
its own independence and was ruled by its own chief. In the process of 
time the people of the several towns saw it fit to merge the whole 
under one general government, in the name of a king or chief ruler for 
the purpose of better security, and to prevent petty broils and 
difficulties. So that the city, though now ruled by a nominal king, is 
                                                 
39  S. O. Abogunrin. 1996. Covenant in the Ethical System of the Yorùbá.  Africana Marburgensia 
XXIX, 1,2.  3-15. 
40 A. K. Ajíṣafé.̣ 1972. Ìwé Ìtàn Abéọ̀kúta. 16 -19. 
41 S. O. Biobaku. 1991. The Èg̣bá and Their Neighbours. 4; J. Blair: Intelligence Report on Abéọ̀kúta. 4. 
42 Y. Oladipo. 1998. Àdùbí War: A Saga of Èg̣bá and British Administrations. 16 
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43
virtually controlled by the several chiefs of the United Villages…  
 
To date, Abéọ̀kúta is organised in wards/townships representing the original 
homesteads, or 'Orílé'.  All villages were grouped together under the various 
wards/townships such that there is no Èg̣bá village without a corresponding 
ward/township in Abéọ̀kúta. As such, all the people of each village and their head are 
considered to be under the supervision of their Sectional Ọba. Consequently, Each 
village has an 'Olórég̣àn' (Literally ―head of the fields” but sometimes interpreted as 
44
―Forester”) representing its interests in the township council meetings.  Hence, it 
could be said affirmatively that the Èg̣bá people had a solid structure for democratic 
governance right from inception. Though elections were not held, the Èg̣bá conducted 
their governance procedures democratically, and it can be said that the Èg̣bá has a 
natural hatred for any form of despotism. The chiefs were seen as representatives of the 
various families, homesteads and sections.  The motif underlying the relationship 
between the various homesteads and section is the same as that referred to as the 
―covenant of brotherhood‖, hence the homesteads in each section were sometimes 
referred to as ―Ọmọ Ìyá‖ 
A similar motif in Ancient Israel s that prior to the monarchy, Israel could be 
seen as a tribal confederacy, with the Assembly sometimes constituted by the 
tribal/family heads in much the same way as the family / clan representatives constitute 
indigenous Èg̣bá Ògbóni . 
 
1.1.3.2  Separation of powers 
 Another aspect of Èg̣bá indigenous statecraft is the version of 'separation of 
powers' practised. In the first instance, the socio - political life of the Èg̣bá fall naturally 
into three departments of government under the three categories of Chiefs. The Ògbóni 
wielded executive powers over political and civil decision, trade and commerce falls to 
the portfolio of the Pàràkòyí while the military endeavours of war and defence fall to 
the Olórógun / Ológun and the Ọlóḍẹ groups. The most significant form of power 
sharing however is the practice in which certain chieftaincy titles were to be provided 
45
by particular township or sector.  By this political antique, the Èg̣bá ensured that 
various aspects of authority were supplied by various wards of the federation. Highest 
                                                 
43  W. H. Clarke. 1972. Travels and Exporations in Yorùbáland 1854 -1858.  7-8 
44 Chief A. A. Oduroye was a direct descendant of the Olórég̣àn of Kémta, which has a corresponding 
home base ―Kémta Òke-Bodé‖ in Abéọ̀kúta. In an interview he witnessed to the fact that the 
Olórég̣àn has to attend the council meetings at Abéọ̀kúta every seventeen days. 
45  Blair's Intelligence report on Abéọ̀kúta gives a sample of such sectional chieftaincy allocations: J. 
Blair.1937. Intelligence Report on Abéọ̀kúta, paragraph 96 
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Jurisdictive powers for each Sector / Town lies with the Township Ọba, but the supreme 
jurisdictive authority lies with the Aláké, with Aké thus becoming the supreme court of 
appeal in cases involving two separate townships, or in which the parties to the dispute 
may not be satisfied with the resolutions of their township council. However a balance 
of power is maintained by the Ògbóni who stood between the Ọba and the populace, 
curtailing despotic tendencies of the former and ensuring the submission of the latter. 
We would discuss this presently. 
 
1.1.3.3  The Ògbóni  
 The major feature of Èg̣bá indigenous Statecraft is the Ògbóni Institution. 
According to Biobaku, the Èg̣bá brought this institution with them from Ile Ifè,̣ but 
developed it to such an extent that it has become the most characteristic Èg̣bá 
Institution. He explained... 
 
―…the Ògbóni constituted at once the civic court, the town council, and the 
electoral college for the selection of the Ọba from candidates nominated by 
the ruling houses. By keeping their proceedings secret and binding their 
members by blood oaths, the Ògbóni ensured solidarity for their 
46
decisions.‖  
 
47
 Each township had its Ògbóni house  and its full retinue of title holders. The 
three major categories of chieftains or groups which were the Ògbóni, the 
48
Olórógun/Ológun, and the Pàràkòyí have 'seats' in the Ògbóni house .  These 
represented three major departments of political administration of the town. The 
Ògbóni were the elder–statesmen, the Olórógun and Ológun were the war and defence 
49
chiefs while the Pàràkòyí were the trade and commerce chiefs.  Authority for 
statesmanship among the Èg̣bá people was indicated by the conferment of a chieftaincy 
50
title; hence no one could participate in any political debate without holding a title.  It 
was possible for a person to graduate from Ológun / Olórógun or from Pàràkòyí status 
to become an Ògbóni. This is due to the fact that the younger ones were either active in 
military or commercial endeavours from which they might attain leadership, and hence, 
                                                 
46 Ibid 
47 The Èg̣bá refer to the meeting place of the Ogboni as ―ile Ogboni‖ meaning ―Ogboni house‖. They do 
not use the same designation as that of the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity, or the Ogboni Aborigin, who 
use the term ―ilédì‖ to refer to their own meeting place. 
48 Whereas the three distinct departments, Ògbóni, Olórógun and Pàràkòyí have specific dress codes, the 
top leaders of all three departments belong to the Ògbóni council, as the supreme council of state, and 
have a uniform dress code. 
49 J. Blair. 1937.13-15. 
50 Participant observations at 'Idi ere' Alake public complaints and grievances council at the Alake's 
th
Palace, Ake, Abéọ̀kúta Monday 11  to Wenesday13th  August 2008; Oral Interview with Chief Amos 
Olatunji Isola Odebiyi, Olori Parakoyi of Ijeja on Tuesday 19th August 2008. 
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chieftaincy title. However, they might not attain seats in the Ògbóni house until they 
became elders, at which stage they are admitted into the state council as councillors 
with regards to the department in which they had been active. A good example was the 
―Jagùnà‖ which was an Ògbóni title for a member who had most likely been 
previously active as an Ológun or Olórógun. This title corresponds with ‗minister of 
defence‘. He is the liaison officer between the state council and the active army. A 
notable aspect of Ògbóni which had similar motif with Ancient Israel is the ―blood 
oaths‖ 
 The origins of the three sectors of statecraft in Èg̣bá land is somewhat obscure, 
being more or less rooted in myth and legends, but traditions relating to the Olórógun 
sector can be considered reliable enough. 
 
1.1.3.4  The Olórógun  
 Traditions associate the origin of the Olórógun society to the organisational 
prowess of Líṣàbí, the celebrated liberator of the Èg̣bá from tributary to the Aláàfin.  
51
Initially, the Èg̣bá forest lay within the Òỵó-̣Yorùbá Empire , which then had a 
formidable army, and provided security and regional cohesiveness for the entire Yorùbá 
region, hence ensuring the Èg̣bá's safety from external aggression. As such, the Èg̣bá 
did not have any machinery for self defence against external foes, but depended on the 
52 53
Òỵó ̣ armed forces.  As time passed on, the Òỵó ̣ Ajéḷè ̣ also called 'Ìlàrí Aláàfin ' 
degenerated into power-drunk tyrants. There was the need for forceful emancipation 
from the yoke of Òỵó ̣tributary. It was this military need that created the context for the 
rise of the Olórógun society. Under a revolutionary leader, Líṣàbí, the society started off 
as a 'farmers union' traditionally called Ẹgbé ̣ Àáró which in Yorùbá culture, is a 
farmer‘s union ordinarily meant to provide joint and effective labour for farm work as 
each member takes his turn to employ the collective service of all the other members, 
in return for work when another's turn comes round. By sheer charisma and political 
wits, Líṣàbí initiated this and moulded it into a strong union of peasants, which spread 
and was consolidated throughout Èg̣bá forest. He later named the society 'Olórógun' 
                                                 
51 S. O. Biobaku. 1991. 8. 
52 Traditions followed by A.K. Ajíṣafé ̣and many other sources attribute the socio-political hegemony of 
the Aláàfin, and the Òỵó ̣- Yorùbá over the rest of the Yorùbá to the fact that the Aláàfin was the last 
born, and was too young to support himself when their parents died, so the Elders sent him some gifts 
to sustain him. Subsequently, he outlived all his elder brothers, and according to Yorùbá custom, he 
should have a share in their patrimony but instead of this he asked his elder brothers successors to 
continue bringing the gifts their forebears have been giving on annual basis. Through this he became 
very wealthy and was able to sustain a formidable regular armed force. See A.K. Ajíṣafé ̣1972, 12-16. 
53 The ―Ajéḷè'̣' or 'Ìlàrí' were resident tax collectors for the Aláàfin, the ruler of the Òỵó ̣- Yorùbá Empire 
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society, and meeting houses were built in all the Èg̣bá towns. At a favourable 
opportunity, taking advantage of the internal crisis at Òỵó ̣which led to the demise of 
Basòṛun Gáhà,  Líṣàbí asked for his own turn of service, the slaughter of all the Ajéḷè ̣in 
all the Èg̣bá townships and provinces. Thus, a rebellion was sparked which resulted in 
the total emancipation of the Èg̣bá from Òỵó ̣dominance. Líṣàbí became known as the 
liberator of the Èg̣bá, hence the Èg̣bá referred to themselves as the children of Líṣàbí- 
'Èg̣bá ọmọ Líṣàbí'. Thus they began the formidable group of warriors and warlords 
among Èg̣bá people called the Olórógun Society. 
 
1.1.3.5  The Pàràkòyí  
 One important feature in indigenous Èg̣bá townships, and in fact, all Yorùbá 
townships right from before the earliest historical times is the town market. The 
'Alájàpá' are the international traders, the importers and exporters, and bulk merchants 
that ensure the traffic of goods across township borders, while the 'Aláròóbò'̣ are the 
middlemen and retailers. In the Èg̣bá indigenous setting, the Pàràkòyí  are somewhat 
like the ‗guild of market chiefs‘. They have the cadres of chieftains, the highest being 
the ‗Olórí Pàràkòyí ‘ who is answerable to the ‗Ògbóni ‟, and has a seat in the township 
54
council. The ‗Ìpànpá‘ is the market police under the authority of the Pàràkòyí.  Hence, 
in the ideal situations, each standard market has a Pàràkòyí chief or agent attached to it, 
who is saddled with the responsibility of general oversight of the market. He enforces 
the state council‘s legislations with regards to trade and commercial activities in the 
market, and gives report at the Pàràkòyí meetings. 
 Some times during the late pre-colonial and early colonial periods, tributes and 
toll-fees were collected from traders and travellers at town borders as source of state 
revenue. This naturally falls to the jurisdiction of the Pàràkòyí . It was probably such a 
55
Pàràkòyí agent that Clarke referred to as a ―custom-house officer‖  
 
1.1.4  Ìmùlè ̣concept as a feature of indigenous Èg̣bá politics 
 In the indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture, the covenant concept permeated various 
spheres of life, including the political realm. Friendships were often sealed by 
covenant, hence we find the phrase Ọ̀ré ̣ìmùlè ̣i.e. "covenant friends" to denote the most 
intimate level of friendship. The ordinary family ties are seen as a natural covenant 
relationship, hence we find the concept of Alájọbí, which can be rendered 
                                                 
54 Oral Interview with Chief Amos Olatunji Isola Odebiyi, Olori Parakoyi of Ijeja, Tuesday 19th August 
2008. 
55 W. H. Clarke. 1972. Travels and Explorations in Yorùbá Land 1854-1858. 11 
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~yxi(a; tyrIïB. e "B rit -‘achim‖ -covenant of brotherhood". In which 
case, the mere natural fact of being nursed at the same breast is seen as consummating a 
covenant. Hence we hear of the phrase "ọmọ ìyá méṭa" meaning ―the three sister states‖ 
in reference to Ìṣábò,̣ Ṣàpóṇ and Aké.  
 Mere sharing of hospitality is, at times, conceived as having consummated a 
covenant, in the sense that the person who receives hospitality, more especially sharing 
in meals cooked with oil, pepper and salt, is bound to some sort of moral obligations in 
reciprocation of such a gesture of kindness. It must be emphasised that the obligations 
are moral and not legal in nature, and its constituents are not formally stipulated. Such a 
situation therefore generates a relationship rather than a contract. This could explain 
why the Òwu who were given succour by some neighbouring Èg̣bá during the Òwu war 
and settled with them at Abéọ̀kúta were naturally absorbed into the Èg̣bá confederacy 
on settlement at Abéọ̀kúta. Also, the Ìbarà are reckoned as part of the Èg̣bá 
confederacy. The relationship ensued because when Orílé Ìtokò, which was an Èg̣bá 
village, was sacked, one of her Ògbóni , 'Idowu Liperu' by name, had taken refuge with 
the Olúbarà at Orílé Ìbará, but after a while, had returned to his farm settlement which 
is now a part of Abéọ̀kúta township. With the help of the Olúbarà, he built a house on 
the farm, where he was later joined by three hunters and afterwards by Adàgbà. It is 
this farm settlement that attracted the fleeing Èg̣bá refugees. After the settlement at 
Abéọ̀kúta, the Ìbarà were reckoned to have naturally consummated a sort of natural 
covenant relationship which imposed an inevitable moral imperative of continuous 
bilateral hospitality, hence they were reckoned as sister states of the Èg̣bá realm. Hence, 
in their own understanding, the Òwu and the Ìbàrà are reckoned as full-fledged Èg̣bá, 
and are called Èg̣bá Òwu and Ìbarà respectively. It is obvious, but amazing to the 
modern Yorùbá mind, that there were no legend or record of any formal ratification of 
covenant among the people. This is because the fact of their common fate wsa seen as 
natural and valid consummation of covenant such that there was no need for any 
artificial arrangement. A similar situation is reflected in ancient Israelite history. The 
twelve - tribe league was not a purely blood kinship. The Kenites and the mixed 
multitude were absorbed into the twelve tribe confederacy just by virtue of 
participating in the ~yxi(a; tyrIïB. ratification ritual at Sinai / Horeb. 
The Gibeonites too were later incorporated by virtue of their submission to Israelite 
suzerainty, even though this was achieved by cunning craftiness. 
 In the administrative structure of the states, covenant concept features 
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prominently. Membership of the three organs of state, the Ògbóni , Olórógun, and 
Pàràkòyí  were confirmed by Ìmùlè.̣ The members of the council had to swear the oath 
of allegiance to the state. This included oath not to betray state secrets, and loyalty to 
the state. In modern day governments, leaders of government and public office holders 
swear similar oaths of office. But in the indigenous Èg̣bá culture, the deities were often 
invoked as guardians of the covenants. 
 
1.2 Statement of the problem 
 The problem of deciding and maintaining right conduct in human society is as 
old as humanity. In the first instance, man is a free moral being who has the capability 
for right or wrong, evil or good, useful or harmful action. This poses a challenge of 
right decision, which we would refer to as the 'ethical challenge' or ‗moral challenge'. 
In the face of this challenge, ethical principles become valuable and indispensable to 
56
society . In ancient Israel, as depicted in Deuteronomistic History, these ethical 
principles were provided by tyrIb.. On the other hand, indigenous African 
societies derive their ethical principles, in most cases, from traditional African religious 
and cultural experience. They employ similar paradigms as those employed in Ancient 
Israel, but in significantly different forms, such as ìmùlè ̣ among the Èg̣bá as a case 
study of the Yorùbá of south Western Nigeria. It is observable that the superimpositions 
of Western culture as well as Christian and Islamic religions on African indigenous 
societies seem to have destroyed the foundation of morality as practised in indigenous 
African societies thereby distorting the moral balance of modern African societies. This 
distortion of moral equilibrium is evident in the endemic nature of corruption in the 
nation today. Various alternative sources of ethical principles like the rule of law, and 
government initiatives (like ICPC and EFCC) are being experimented in the quest to 
regain the moral equilibrium.  
 However, looking at the issue from a Religious angle in socio-historical 
perspective, the human society is highly diversified and dynamic, such that these 
ethical challenges assume different dimensions, varying from one society to another, 
and from one generation to another. History and experience have shown that ethical 
principle that had previously assisted man to make right decisions, take right actions at 
some particular point in time, and behave in a way that was considered good on 
                                                 
56 According to Ayantayo, ―Ethical principles are moral rules or set of ideas which make one behave in 
a particular way‖ - J. K. Ayantayo, 2000, Socio-Ethical Problems in Retail Business in Ibadan, a 
Ph.D. Thesis in the Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan, 77. 
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specific occasions have often failed to be effective in a different context, and at a 
different time. The failure of such mechanisms can be attributed to the inability of the 
leaders of the society to identify the universal principles which underlie them, and be 
able to apply such principles to the changing situations and circumstances of the 
society. There is, therefore a need to investigate such mechanisms governing human 
behaviour in society, and find out the underlying principles which may be applicable to 
various social contexts and diverse societal situations. 
 Ancient Israel preserved her national history through her religious ingenuity. 
Anyone who studies the Old Testament could not but have a glimpse of certain aspects 
of Israel's early history and her social structure. This, according to McConville, is 
57  
because "the truth of the scripture is bound up with its validity in its telling of history"
This means that the revelations of divine truth in the Bible unfolds gradually as the 
history of the people progresses, hence the record of the revealed truth is intricately 
58
bound up with the historiography . A major religious concept in ancient Israel's history 
is the tyrIb.  concept. It could be clearly discerned that the stipulations of the 
tyrIb. at Sinai / Horeb, as it is presented in the final form of the Old  Testament 
Traditions, is a major concept in determining her social structure and in providing the 
norm and legislative structure for the community. In essence, it provided their national 
constitution, hence, this provides us with a good case study of how tyrIb. can 
be used to regulate human socio-political and economic behaviour. At the earlier stage 
of the history of Ancient Israel, the priests were custodians and guardians of the 
tyrIb.. As Dada rightly observed ―The priests guided the people on the path of 
truth and justice. Besides, they also arbitrated in disputes and the high courts were 
                                                 
57 G. McConville. 1997. Biblical History, The New Bible Commentary, D. A. Carson, et. al. Eds., 20;   
58 Various authors explained this fact in different words. For example, Carson explained that God has 
actively intervened in the world He made in order to reveal Himself to men and women in more powerful 
ways... Carson, D. A. 1997,  Approaching the Bible,  The New  Bible Commentary D. A. Carson, et. al. 
Eds., 1.  Anderson however puts it this way "...It is sacred history, to both Jews and Christians, because 
in these historical experiences, as interpreted by faith, the ultimate meaning of human life is disclosed... 
the unique dimensions of these historical experiences is the disclosure of God's activity in events... B.W. 
Anderson, 1966, The Living World of the Old Testament, 7. Th.C. Vriezen, Explained that "...The Bible 
shows us how through the history of Israel, God has entered into the world as the Living God, who seeks 
communion with man." Th.C. Vriezen, 1970  An Outline  of Old Testament Theology , 27. Von Rad 
affirmed the same fact, explaining that "...The principle of Israel's faith is grounded in a theology of 
History... based on historical acts..." G. Von Rad, 1975,  Old Testament Theology, Vol.1 , 106. Alberto 
Soggin stated it in these words -" ...it is therefore in history, that is in action, that Israel gained its 
religious experience." J. A. Soggin, ,  Introduction to the Old Testament, 39. 
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59
traditionally located in the Temple.‖    
 Another problem inherent in Biblical principles is the issue of linguistic and 
philosophical gap. On many occasions, the ideologies of concepts are often transformed 
or miss-represented in the process of translation from one language to another. In the 
case of tyrIb., there is no single English word that can be used to capture the 
full implication of the term. Hence, the English word ‗covenant‘ is employed as what 
60
Gerhad Von Rad referred to as ―only a makeshift rendering of the Hebrew word‖;  
whereas in indigenous Yorùbá language, the word ìmùlè ̣ conveys the meaning of 
tyrIb more accurately as practiced in indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá Context. This 
shows that there is a close similarity between the Ancient Israelite and the indigenous 
Yorùbá understanding of the Biblical concept denoted by the Hebrew word 
tyrIb. and the Yorùbá  word ìmùlè ̣due to shared conceptual experiences. 
 Moreover, the Biblical narratives show that the tyrIb. was accepted as 
the ideal concept in maintaining justice and the moral standard in the social, political 
and economic life of Ancient Israel. But whether or not the tyrIb. concept 
remains effective in regulating the socio-political and economic life throughout the 
changing social circumstances in ancient Israel is problematic. Otherwise, why was 
Israel portrayed as unable to fulfil the terms of the tyrIb. under Moses? Or does 
the fall of Jerusalem and the eventual exile of the tribes depict the inability of YHWH to 
fulfil the promise of the covenant? This raises further enquiries such as: What particular 
categories of human behaviour were regulated by tyrIb. in Ancient Israel? What 
are the principles underlying the tyrIb. as a framework for regulating human 
behaviour in ancient Israel? Was the tyrIb. concept effective in regulating 
socio-political and economic behaviour of people in Ancient Israel? What were the 
consequences of breaching the terms of the tyrIb. in Ancient Israel? What are 
the strengths and weaknesses of tyrIb. as a means of regulating socio-political 
                                                 
59 A.O. Dada, 2007, Priestcraft in Ancient Israel and Contemporary Nigerian Society: The Sons of Eli 
and Samuel as Exemplar, S. O.,Abogunrin, et. al, Eds. Biblical Studies and Corruption in Africa, 
Biblical Studies Series No.6 145. 
60 G. Von Rad, 1975,  129 
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and economic behaviour in ancient Israel? How can the tyrIb. framework for 
regulating socio-political and economic behaviour in ancient Israel be understood in 
indigenous Yorùbá context? What parallels are there between tyrIb. in ancient 
Israel and ìmùlè ̣ in indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture? Are there universal principles in 
the tyrIb. as a framework for regulating human behaviour that can be applied to 
solve the problem of morality in modern African societies? How can these principles be 
applied to the contemporary Nigerian context? The answers to these enquiries would 
form the thesis of this research. 
 
1.3 Aim and objectives of the study 
 From the stand-point of Manus‘ intercultural hermeneutics, this research aims to 
engage evaluative hermeneutics in order to examine the paradigms underlying the 
concept of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel, with the periscope of indigenous African 
culture, and by extension, exploring how these principles can be applied to modern 
African Society to foster morality and improve socio-political and economic behaviour. 
 In order to achieve this aim, the study endeavours to carry out a critical analysis 
of selected Biblical passages which serves the objectives, that is: to identify the aspects 
of tyrIb. depicted by the Mosaic covenant which served the function of 
regulating human behaviour in ancient Israel; to identify particular categories or realms 
of human behaviour which they regulate, with particular attention to the social, political 
and economic aspects of human behaviour; and to investigate the universal principles 
they employ. The study also seeks to show an understanding of the indigenous African 
perspective on the ìmùlè ̣concept with particular focus on the Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture of 
61
Western Nigeria. An evaluative hermeneutic  was then carried out upon the Ancient 
Israelite concept of tyrIb. as a means of regulating socio-political and economic 
behaviour from an African indigenous standpoint, on the premise of Manus‘ 
intercultural hermeneutics. Evaluative hermeneutics here refers to a method in which 
we first attempt to deduce the socio-cultural context of the biblical text through the use 
                                                 
61 According to Ukpong, the Evaluative method "is the most popular approach in studies that relate the 
biblical text to the African context". It involves the study of the local situation in the light of biblical 
witness, and the historical critical method is used in analysing the text". J. U, Ukpong, 1999, Can 
African Old Testament scholarship escape the historical critical approach? Newsletter on African Old 
Testament Scholarship Issue 7 November 1999. 
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of the Historical critical method, and then, we apply the findings to illuminate a 
contemporary African Situation. The intention here is to identify common paradigms 
underlying the concept of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel, as reflected in the biblical 
text, and ìmùlè ̣ in indigenous African culture, as exemplified in indigenous Èg̣bá-
Yorùbá socio-political culture, and to explore the means of applying this paradigm to 
the modern African societies as a means of regulating socio-political and economic 
behaviour, and thus, fostering good morals. 
 The overall objective of this research is to investigate the universal dimensions 
of the tyrIb. concept and to explore the possibility of applying it to the 
modern African society as a means of fostering morality and combating corruption and 
moral decadence in the society. 
 
1.4 Significance of the study 
 A framework for law and order, providing the basic framework for interpersonal 
relationships and social actions is a necessary prerequisite for the existence and 
stability of any human society. This research work attempts a re-interpretation and 
contextual application of the tyrIb. concept as a means of providing such a 
structure in modern African societies. It is expected that this research work will 
contribute to learning, particularly in the realm of Biblical Studies. It seeks to advance 
the work of other scholars on the tyrIb. concept by investigating and bringing 
out the phenomenological dimension, the fundamental principles it employs and its 
ethical values. 
 The researcher attempts to clearly highlight the fundamental universal principle 
underlying the tyrIb. concept which can be applied to regulate human 
behaviour in various social contexts, not withstanding time and contextual gaps 
between successive generations of people; hence, the findings of this work would also 
be useful to the society by propounding solutions to the great problem of the moral 
62
challenge in a rapidly changing world as a tool for social systems design . It would be 
a contribution from Biblical studies which would be useful in other fields of academic 
                                                 
62  From the works of Banathy, it is deduced that system design is the discipline of devising course of 
actions aimed at changing existing social situations to preferred ones. It focuses on generating, 
organising and evaluating large number of alternatives, focusing on the best possible or most Ideal 
solutions to social problems. B. H. Banathy, 1997, Designing Social Systems in a Changing World, 11-
48, 223-233. 
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and professional endeavours like social engineering, Social Systems Planning, Social 
Science, Sociology, and Management. 
 
1.5 Scope and delimitations of the study 
 The research concentrates on the understanding of tyrIb. in 
Deuteronomistic History, that is, the books of Joshua, Judges, 1Samuel, 2 Samuel 1 
Kings, and 2 Kings, as a continuous narrative unit in harmony with the Book of 
Deuteronomy. The focus text is 2 Kings.22:8-23:3; but according to the principle of 
Hermeneutic Spiral, its meaning is illuminated with other texts that reveal the 
development of Ancient Israelite tyrIb, until it reached the climax in the focus 
text. These include the Ethical Decalogue (Exodus 20:1-17; Deuteronomy 5:1-19  RSV. 
Deuteronomy 5:1-22); the Sinai Pericope in Exodus  24:3-8; the Covenant Code 
(Exodus 20:22-23:33); the Sabbath Pericope in Exodus 31:12-17; the Ritual Decalogue  
63
(Exodus 34:1,10-28 ); sections of the Deuteronomic Code : Deuteronomy 4:12-14; 
9:9-17; 10:1-4; 17:18; 27:1-8; 28:61-29:20 (RSV.8:61-29:21); 30:10-31:26; and 
sections of Deuteronomistic History (DH): Joshua1:8; 8:30-34;  23:6-24:26; 1 
Samuel10:25;  2 Kings 11:4, 12, 17, 18;  14:6; 17:35-39 as well as some 
Deuteronomistic sections of Jeremiah (Jeremiah 7:9; 11:1-17; 31:31-34; 36:1-32). 
These texts are verified using the textual critical method. 
 The field work focuses on the indigenous Yorùbá culture with the Èg̣bá people 
of Abéọ̀kúta in Ogun State of Nigeria as case study.  The choice of Èg̣bá-Yorùbá of 
Ogun State as research population is motivated by the fact that the Èg̣bá people are 
among the first groups of Nigerians whose socio-political and moral lives were 
radically modified by the activities of Christian Missionaries, and Western civilisation. 
The Èg̣bá people pride themselves as the cradle of Christianity in Nigeria, and use the 
slogan 'gateway city' to praise their major town, Abéọ̀kúta, which emerged as the final 
capital base of the ancient Èg̣bá kingdom. Before the Advent of Christianity and 
Western civilisation, the Èg̣bá people had lived as a confederation of states, and 
evolved a system of maintaining social balance, by making use of ìmùlè ̣ which is 
similar to the tyrIb. concept used in Pre-monarchical Israel, but differing in 
                                                 
63
 Exodus 34:11-26 has been identified as a self-contained pericopy called The Ritual Decalogue, in this 
exegesis, the immediate verses bordering the Ritual Decalogue, i.e. Verses 10 and 28 are also considered 
because it is these verses that served to incorporate the Ritual Decalogue into the immediate literary 
context within the canon. 
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the fact that it made use of principles drawn from indigenous African world view. With 
regards to the subject of our research, this implies that it could convincingly represent 
the African indigenous World view, and provide us with a good terrain for evaluating 
the tyrIb. concept as a means of regulating socio-political and economic 
behaviour in Ancient Israel from an indigenous African Cultural periscope. 
The Èg̣bá people are widely dispersed, having communities in the surrounding 
villages and towns as well as in distant places both in Nigeria and abroad. For instance, 
64
Lagos, Togo and Benin Republic have significant Yorùbá communities , founded or 
chiefly populated by Èg̣bá along with other Yorùbá migrants. However, this research 
will concentrate on Abéọ̀kúta township and some indigenous Èg̣bá towns and villages. 
This extends to cover Abéọ̀kúta South Local Government, Abéọ̀kúta North Local 
Government, Odeda Local Government, and Ọbáfé̩mi Owódé Local Government in 
Ogun State, as well as Ìdó Local Government of Òỵó ̣ State. The work becomes 
enhanced by the fact that Èg̣bá people dwelling in all these local government areas 
have a national attachment to Abéọ̀kúta township as the city home, while their 
homesteads and villages may fall within other local government areas outside 
Abéọ̀kúta. Hence, some of them may be contacted when they come home to Abéọ̀kúta, 
particularly during festive occasions. 
 
1.6 Methodology 
 A variety of methods were employed in the collection and collation of data for 
the study. The use of various methods, perhaps, enhanced the researcher's findings. 
Since the Bible served as the major foundation of this research, the work is 
65
predominantly an exegetical exploration; hence Intercultural Hermeneutics  was 
employed as the interpretive model while the evaluative method was utilized as an 
exegetical framework. This method, as Ukpong observed, ―involves the study of the 
local situation in the light of witness, and the historical-critical method is used in 
                                                 
64 Adamo confirms that the Yorùbá people of Nigeria are one of the largest nations on the face of the 
African continent and that they live in Western Nigeria, Republic of Benin and Togo. D. T. Adamo, 
2005, Reading and Interpreting the Bible in African Indigenous Churches, 9. But it is a notable fact 
that many of these Yorùbá colonies outside Western Nigeria were pioneered by, or mostly populated 
by Èg̣bá migrants. 
65
 Chibueze explained that Intercultural Hermeneutics involves the process of bringing African cultures, 
and equally non-African cultures, to the understanding of Africans and non-Africans in such a way 
that they would be in a position to serve as catalysts for Africans within the process of globalisation. 
It involves expression, explanation and interpretation of the aspects of culture or cultures involved. 
Udeani, C. 2008, Intercultural Hermeneutics for a Global Age, 120-122.  
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66
analysing the biblical text‖  This implies that the tools of the historical critical method 
was fully utilised in the analysis of the biblical text, while the final application and 
theoretical formulations were carried out in relation to the African indigenous 
experience.  
 The textual critical method was used to verify the integrity of the focus texts, 
while form critical analysis was employed to explore the sitz im leben. Source - critical 
and Redaction- critical methods were deployed to analyse the possible transformation 
which the inherent paradigms may have undergone in the process of preservation and 
transmission of the text. Other methods such as Narrative-criticism were also employed 
where necessary to decipher the intended message, which the compilers wish to 
communicate through the particular structure, style of composition and literary devices 
employed. However, the inferences drawn from the text through the historical critical 
method and use of literary critical tools mentioned above were used to illuminate and 
enhance our understanding of the local situation, which in the case of this study, is the 
Èg̣bá - Yorùbá concept of covenant. 
 This is why the evaluative method can be regarded as a distinct offshoot of what 
Adamo calls African cultural hermeneutics.  African cultural hermeneutics re-reads the 
scripture from a premeditatedly African cultural perspective.  ―The purpose is not only 
to understand the Bible and God in our African experience and culture, but also to 
break the hermeneutical hegemony and ideological stranglehold that Eurocentric 
67
biblical scholars have long enjoyed‖ . Gosnel Yorke justifies this method. He referred 
to it as "Afrocentric Hermeneutics". He confirmed its legitimacy based on the fact that 
all Biblical interpretations and theological formulations are inevitably done from a 
68
contextual perspective.   
 Other research methods employed for collection and collation of data include 
interview, focus group discussions, and questionnaires administration. These were 
employed during the field work. The focus of the field work was to verify the 
acceptability and validity of the research findings derived from the theoretical and 
literary analysis, in the light of the local situation.  
 The purposive sampling method was employed. This is because of the nature of 
the Study. It is important to select respondents who are conversant with aspects of the 
                                                 
66 J. S. Ukpong, 1999, Can African Old Testament Scholarship escape the historical critical approach?, 
Newsletters on African Old Testament Scholarship Vol. 7 , 3. 
67 D. T. Adamo, 2005, Explorations in African Biblical Hermeneutics (2005 ed.), 9-11; Interpreting the 
Bible in African Indigenous Churches, 46-47. 
68 G. L. Yorke, 1995. Biblical Hermeneutics: An Afrocentric Perspective, Journal of Religion and 
Theology 2.2 : 145-158. 
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study. The target samples are literate people who were expected to have some 
knowledge of the Bible, as well as the history and indigenous culture of the Èg̣bá 
people. Also, people who are in positions of leadership are also chosen as target 
respondents for interview, questionnaire and focus group discussion. 
 Structured and semi-structured interviews were conducted on appointment with 
respondents in Abéọ̀kúta, Ọdé̩dá, and Ọbáfé̩mi-Owódé, in Ògùn State along with Ìdó 
and Ìbàdàn in Òỵó ̣State. Ìdó and Ìbàdàn were included in the sample populace because 
they were originally part of the Èg̣bá settlements before the dispersion, and they still 
have significant Èg̣bá population at the time of this research. The respondents were 
selected at random from among the common people as well as political personalities 
and notable leaders in the church and community within our research populace. 
The respondents interviewed include the Aláké of Èg̣báland; the Olúpòṇà of Èg̣báland; 
the Lísà of Èg̣báland; the Aké Palace Traditional Judicial council; the Palace Secretary; 
the Olórí Pàràkòyí  of Èg̣báland; the Balógun Onígbàgbò ̣of Èg̣báland; selected Church 
leaders including some bishops, and leading pastors; selected civil servants of notable 
status; selected leaders of market women and various trade guilds within the sample 
populace. A total of forty respondents were interviewed. 
 A focus group discussion was organized by inviting respondents to a group 
discussion on aspects of the research subject so that they can make contributions with a 
view to clarifying certain aspects of the Èg̣bá-Yorùbá indigenous perspective on ìmùlè.̣ 
We were able to engage the Aláké's Regency council at the Aké Palace in a focus group 
discussion.   
 Questionnaire was used to verify the validity of the research hypothesis and the 
preliminary findings of the research across a reasonably wide range of audience. One 
Thousand copies the questionnaire were circulated personally by hand, and also by 
proxy. For effectiveness, the questionnaire were administered on ‗wait and get‘ basis, 
with a purposively selected target audience, and hence, we were able to record a 
hundred percent retrieval. A sample of the questionnaire is provided in the Appendix. 
The target sample populace for the administration of the questionnaire is summarised 
below: 
 
Target sample populace for administration of questionnaire 
Abéọ̀kúta North Local Government, Ogun State    250 
Abéọ̀kúta South Local Government, Ogun State   250 
Odeda Local Government, Ogun State     200 
Ọbáfé̩mi Owódé Local Government, Ogun State   200 
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Ìdó Local Government, Òỵó ̣State      100 
    TOTAL    1000 
   
69
 The conceptual framework  of this work lies in the realm of using religious truths 
to modify human social behaviour. The basic concept being interrogated is the 
tyrIb. concept, which could be considered from a very wide perspective, 
including business, legal and religious usages; but in this study, our concept of 
tyrIb. emphasises the oath-taking aspect. Hence the understanding of 
‗tyrIb.‘ in this work is ‗an agreement ratified with an oath‘. This is why the 
e
Hebrew word tyrIb. (b rith – pronounced as b-rith) is retained throughout the 
discourse, instead of the English word ‗covenant‘, so that the ritual / liturgical emphasis 
is not diminished. 
 The primary area of research is restricted to Biblical Studies, located precisely in 
Old Testament Studies. We are primarily concerned with generating data from the 
truths embedded in the Old Testament text for use by other scholars, researchers and 
social engineers whether in the realm of ethics, social system design, or other related 
fields. We employed the tools of the historical critical method, and narrative criticism in 
analysing the focus text, which is located within Deuteronomistic History as postulated 
70
by Martin Noth, while Manus‘ intercultural hermeneutics  was employed as the 
interpretive model. 
  Intercultural hermeneutics can be considered an offshoot of African Cultural 
71
Hermeneutics  but it is quite distinct from inculturation hermeneutics in the sense that 
it seeks to bridge the contextual gap between the biblical text and the African situation 
focusing on common paradigms and phenomena, while inculturation hermeneutics 
72
focuses on particular contemporary sociocultural issues . The advantage of 
intercultural hermeneutics is that it derives results that can be used across a wider range 
of applications than inculturation hermeneutics, which is more particularistic in focus, 
because it is issue based. 
                                                 
69 O. C. Aworh, 2006, Design and development of conceptual framework in Research, A. I, Olayinka 
et.al. Eds, Methodology of basic and applied research, 2nd Ed . 37-51. 
70 C. U. Manus, 2003: Intercultual Hermeneutics In Africa: Methods and Approaches, 124 
71 According to Adamo, African Cultural Hermeneutics is an approach to Biblical Interpretation that 
makes African socio-cultural experience a subject of interpretation. The scripture is read from a 
premeditatedly African perspective. D. T. Adamo, 2005 Reading and Interpreting the Bible in African 
Indigenous Churches, 46-47; Explorations in African Biblical Studies.  9. 
72 G. West, 2010 Biblical hermeneutics in Africa. 3-4 
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1.7  Definition of terms. 
1.7.1 Ògbóni: In this work, the Ògbóni is used to refer to the Èg̣bá indigenous 
state council. It should not be confused with the ‗Ògbóni Aborigine ‘, or the Reformed 
Ògbóni Fraternity, which are more or less esoteric cults. This usage of the term with 
reference to this method of statecraft seems peculiar to the Èg̣bá. 
 
Olórógun: This is the Èg̣bá indigenous institution which serves similar functions as the 
ministry of defence and military intelligence in a modern society. 
 
Pàràkòyí : This is an Èg̣bá indigenous institution, which serves similar functions as 
‗the chambers of commerce and industry‘ or ―ministry of finance‖ or ―customs 
department‖ in a modern society. 
  
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CHAPTER TWO  
LITERATURE REVIEW 
 The area of our concern in this work lies in the realm of Old Testament 
Theology, but the scope is limited to Deuteronomistic History. We attempted an 
examination of the books of Deuteronomy and Deuteronomistic History within the Old 
Testament with the aim of investigating how the tyrIb. concept was employed 
as a means of regulating human social relationships and moral behaviour within the 
Israelite nation, and how this can be best understood in the context of indigenous 
Yorùbá  culture, with particular focus on the Èg̣bá-Yorùbá  people of Western Nigeria 
as an exemple. Our primary objective is to recognise universal paradigms that may be 
applicable to human societies in general, and see if they can be adapted to the peculiar 
needs of Africans, particularly the Èg̣bá- Yorùbá  of Western Nigeria. 
Hence in this review, we examined various scholarly positions with regards to 
the following aspects: 
 
2.1 Concept, nature and form of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel as depicted in 
Deuteronomistic History 
 
 Before we proceed to review relevant literature with regards to the definition, 
concept, nature and form of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel as depicted in 
Deuteronomistic History, it is expedient to take a brief overview of a few significant 
previous scholarly works on the subject of tyrIb. in the Old Testament. 
 
2.1.1 Some previous scholarly works on the concept of tyrIb. in the 
Old  Testament 
 The tyrIb.  concept, translated as covenant has been given significant 
73
treatments by many scholars. Notable among them are Edmond Jacob ; Walter  
74 75; 76 77
Eichrodt  ;  John  Bright  Gerhad Von Rad  ;  G. Oyedele Abe  ;   Bernhard W. 
                                                 
73 E. Jacob, 1964, Theology of the Old Testament, Trans. Arthur. W Heathcote and Philip J. Allcock  
74 W. Eichrodt., 1967, Theology of the Old Testament Vol.1  Trans. John A. Baker  Vol.2 
75 J. Bright. 1972.  A History of Israel 
76 G. von Rad. 1975.  Old Testament Theology Vol.1 
77 G. O. Abe. 1983. Covenant In the Old Testament A Ph.D Thesis in the Department of Religious 
Studies, University of Ibadan; 1987,  The Religious Value of the Sinai Covenant, Orita II.1&2, April & 
October, 97-105 
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78 79 80 81 82
Anderson ;   J. O. Arulefela ;  Judith H. Newman  , Nicholson  Moshe Weinfeld , 
83 84 85 86 87
Menedenhall , Pfeifer , Osumi , Hultgren , and Fretheim . In the fields of 
Systematic theology and Biblical Theology, significant works have also been carried 
88 89 90 91
out by Louis Berkhof ; Herbert Lockyer  A. A. Hodge ; Richard Hooker ; and 
92
Wayne Grudem . However, as may be expected the translation from the original term 
tyrIb. to the English term ―covenant‖ has some significant influence on the 
philological and philosophical nuances of the term.   
 Edmond Jacob unequivocally agreed that tyrIb. , translated as covenant, 
(as well as other Old Testament concepts) cannot be fully investigated by mere 
etymological examinations but must be studied more in the light of their internal 
93
evolution.   This is the reason why the concept cannot be fully described by mere 
language study. The historical development of the concept is indispensable for its full 
understanding. Edmond Jacob's work shows that the initiatory rites of a tyrIb.  
could be in form of an oath, a sacrificial meal, the exchange of gifts (e.g. the sharing of 
garments in the case of the covenant between David and Jonathan), or the cutting into 
two of animals, in which the parties to the tyrIb. pass through the cut pieces. He 
pointed out that though instances of covenant with deity can be cited in some 
                                                 
nd
78 B. W. Anderson. 1973. The Living World of the Old Testament, 2  Ed. 
79 J. O. Arulefela. 1996. Covenant in the Bible and In Yorùbá  land. 
80 Newman, J.H., 2003, From monarch to bishop: ―Covenant, Torah, and community formation in the 
Old Testament   and the Anglican Communion",  Anglican Theological Review, Winter Edition 
81 Nicholson, E. W, 1986. God and His People: Covenant and theology in the Old Testament. 
82 M. Weinfeld. 1975. Covenant vs Obligation. Biblica 56:124-125; 1972. Deuteronomy and the 
Deuteronomic School; 2001. Decalogue and the Recitation of “Shema”: The Development of 
Confessions. 
83 G. E. Mendenhall. 1954a. Covenant Forms in Israelite Tradition. Biblical Archaeologist 17.3:25-53; 
1954b. Ancient Oriental and Biblical Law. Biblical Archaeologist 17.2:3-23.; 1955. Law and 
Covenant in Israel and the Ancient Near East.; 1973. The Tenth Generation: The Origins of the 
Biblical Tradition.; 1976. Social Organization in Early Israel.; 1990. The Suzerainty Treaty 
Structure: Thirty Years Later."; 2001. .Ancient Israel‟s Faith and History: An Introduction to the Bible 
in Context.  
84 R. H. Pfeifer. 1931. Transmission of the Book of Covenant. Havard Theological Review Vol.24 No.2 
Apr. 1931. 99-109. 
85 Y. Osumi. 2012. One Decalogue in Different Texts. 
86 S. Hultgren. 2007. From the Damascus Covenant to the Covenant of Community: Literary, Historical 
and Theological Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls. 
87 T. E. Fretheim. 1983 Deuteronomic History. 
88 L. Berkhof. 1949.  Systematic Theology. 
89 H. Lockyer.1964.  All the Doctrines of the Bible, 146-151. 
90 A. A. Hodge. 1983, Outlines of Theology. 
e
91 R.. Hooker.1999. B rith covenant promise; http://www.wsu.edu:8080/~dee/HEBREWS/BERIT.HTM 
Updated 6-6-1999. 
92 W. Grudem. 1994. Systematic Theology,  515-523. 
93 E.Jacob.1964.210. 
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communities apart from Israel, the centrality of this concept in form of a covenant with 
Deity, in the social, political, and economic life is a unique feature of Ancient Israelite 
religion. According to Edmond Jacobs all instances of covenant-making between 
YHWH and Israel show three aspects, namely, (a.) the tyrIb. is bestowed by 
The LORD as a gift of grace;  (b.) it creates a bond of fellowship and communion; (c.) 
it creates obligations which take concrete shape in the form of civic law. Edmond 
Jacob, however, is a bit equivocal in his opinion about the relationship between the 
Mosaic covenant and the patriarchal covenants. Though he feels that the instances of 
tyrIb., mentioned in the patriarchal narratives, were projections of the Mosaic 
covenant into Israel's past, yet he affirms that the covenant with the fathers preserve a 
memory of historical events, and that tyrIb. already held a significant position 
in the religion of the Patriarchs. The major setback in Edmond Jacob's approach as well 
as most of other scholars before him is the historical method adopted in dealing with 
Israel's religious phenomenon, which, though intricately connected with their history, is 
basically a theological concept. His work adopts a historical framework, even when he 
was dealing with tyrIb. as a theological concept. This shortfall was observed by 
Eichrodt, who proffered a better method of approach. Furthermore, Edmond did not 
attempt an examination of the reasons why later generations of Israelites failed to keep 
the tyrIb. terms, and thereby ended up in exile. His work was rather a 
panoramic view of the tyrIb. framework in the Old Testament as a whole, 
whereas, the Deuteronomistic Corpus specifically applied the cause and effect of the 
tyrIb. phenomenon to the Israelite situation. Moreover, there are certain 
phenomenological aspects of tyrIb. which were underplayed by the translation 
into the English word ―covenant,‖ and thereby contemplating the phenomenon from an 
Eurocentric perspective. Gerhad Von Rad, therefore, affirmed that the term covenant is 
94
―only a makeshift rendering of the Hebrew word‖ . This thesis attempts to fill these 
gaps. 
95
 Walter Eichrodt  has been referred to as the founding father of Old Testament 
                                                 
94
 G. Von Rad.1975.129. 
95 W. Eichrodt. 1969.Theology of the Old Testament. 
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96
Theology . He recognised that the major problem that confronts the realm of Old 
Testament Theology is how to understand its structural unity in the light of its religious 
environment on the one hand, and its essential coherence with the New Testament, on 
the other hand. 
 He observed that the historical method adopted by previous scholars was quite 
inadequate because it reduces the essential coherence of the Old Testament and New 
97
Testament to mere causal sequence  and creates a wrong perception of the reality that 
there is an actual homogeneity which lies in a similarity in contents and experience of 
life recorded in the two Testaments. Martin Noth‘s exhaustive critical presentation of 
Israel‘s history for example, did not give any room for the consideration of Israel‘s 
98
dynamic faith . Eichrodt also recognised that the nature of Israelite religion makes it 
virtually impossible to adopt a completely systematic treatment because of personal 
factors in the form of creative personalities like Moses, David, and the prophets, who 
shaped the growth and development of Israel‘s religion and historical factors which 
99
enriched the process of growth with new contents from the religious environment . 
Eichrodt therefore suggested that the best approach is to complement the systematic 
method with the historical method. We would adopt this as a significant contribution 
from Eichrodt, and it would provide us with a good working model. Eichrodt dealt 
exhaustively with tyrIb. , translated as ―covenant‖ as a framework for 
understanding the Old Testament. Eichrodt, like majority of European scholars, did not 
give adequate consideration to the ritual and psychological dimension of tyrIb. , 
probably because the English word ―covenant‖ did not convey the full import of the 
ritual and psychological aspects of tyrIb. . Hence, he finds no need to attempt to 
identify the cognitive mediating process which could be seen as the major setback for 
the continuity of the efficacy of the tyrIb. in the Israelite social history. Like 
Wellhausen and his contemporaries, they were imposing upon the Biblical Text, a 
Western cultural world-view, which is foreign to its Semitic context. But it can be 
argued that the African world-view shares much in common with the Semitic world-
view.  There is, therefore, a need for contextualisation of the understanding of the 
tyrIb. concept to make it relevant to the African understanding. The findings of 
                                                 
96  A. O. Dada. Theology of the Old Testament. 
97 W. Eichrodt. 1969. 30. 
nd
98 M. Noth. 1960.History of Israel 2  Ed.  
99 W. Eichrodt. 1969. 32 
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this research would go a long way to fill in this gap. 
100
 John Bright  disagrees with Edmond Jacob and Eichrodt on the point that the 
notion of tyrIb. (translated as covenant) was a later incursion into Israelite 
religious and political thought. Admittedly, the notions of covenant and election were 
not given formal statement by early Israel. It is also true that the term tyrIb. was 
th
scanty in Old Testament material, dating before the 17  century B.C. Furthermore, it 
was not until in Deuteronomy that the theology of the tyrIb. was given proper 
expression. Nonetheless, Bright disproved these as the basis for a late incursion of the 
notion of tyrIb. on solid reasons. In the first instance, the organization of tribal 
order of Israel for her earliest self-understanding is based on the tyrIb. concept. 
It was the cohesive force of  common treaty between the tribes before their God that 
provided the binding factor when she was without any form of central governmental 
agency, no territorial integrity and no formal machinery of state. Secondly, the antiquity 
of a tyrIb. under Moses was corroborated with the fact that there are significant 
similarities of form and structuring of this tyrIb. compared with treaty forms 
found in some Ancient Near Eastern Texts of Mosaic age and beyond, while there is 
less similarities between them and other treaties that date much later. Finally, Bright 
submits that it is impossible to understand the way in which late tyrIb. 
terminologies permeate legal and prophetic materials in the bible, and the peculiar way 
in which the early tribal league was ordered, if the notion of tyrIb. were a later 
development, rather than the foundation of Ancient Israel. But still, John Bright is also 
altogether silent on the reasons for the need of re-enactment and redefinition of the 
tyrIb.  at some later stage of Israelite history, a point which is an important 
discourse in this research. 
101
 Gerhad Von Rad  reflected upon the salvation history recorded in the 
102
'hexateuch' . He could identify the fact that the saving history was divided into 
various epochs. These epochs are marked by various instances of tyrIb. with 
                                                 
rd
100 Bright, J. 1981, A History of Israel. 3  ed; 1972, A History of Israel. 
101 G. Von Rad.1966. The Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch, The Problem of the Hexateuch and 
Other Essays. 1-78;    1975, Old Testament Theology Vol.1. 
102 That is,  the Pentateuch and the book of Joshua. 
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YHWH. Hence, he concluded in agreement with Eichrodt, that the motif around which 
the historical traditions of the hexateuch was arranged was 'covenant theology'. He 
submitted, however, that the origin of tyrIb. (translated as covenant) concept in 
Israel cannot be investigated through mere etymological investigations alone. He did 
not fail to recognise the similarities between the forms in which the covenant in Old 
Testament passages occur, and those found in various Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 
particularly the Hititie suzerainty treaties; but he emphasised that the theological 
conception of the tyrIb. concept in Israelite cultic life arose as a culmination of 
her religious experiences which are expressed in form of certain solemn ceremonies. 
He clearly affirmed that the English term ‗covenant’ does not adequately capture the 
103
full implication of the Hebrew term  tyrIb. .  From the form-critical analysis 
104
of the materials of the hexateuch, he identified two covenants recorded in the JE  
105
traditions, which were the covenant with Abraham and that of Sinai. In the P  
Traditions, Two covenants were also recorded and these were the covenant with Noah 
and that with Abraham, but Gerhad Von Rad clearly pointed out that there is a high 
probability that the P document originally recorded the tyrIb. at Sinai, which 
was eventually dropped out when it was being conflated with the E tradition. But 
Gerhard Von-Rad did not bother himself with the question of why the need to enact 
new covenants at the various epochs of Israelite Salvation history, and to what extent 
the tyrIb. at Sinai succeeded in regulating the social behaviour of early Israel, 
an investigation which is the preoccupation of this research work. 
106
 Oyedele Abe's  earlier works dwelt on the examination of the various forms of 
tyrIb. in Ancient Israel, and gave significant attention to the tyrIb. at 
Sinai / Horeb. His work follows the framework of Eichrodt's. He pointed out the 
various similarities between the Israelite tyrIb. forms, and the Ancient Near 
Eastern Treaty forms. As at the time of Abe's first submission, African hermeneutics has 
not gained strong footing in the field of Old Testament Studies. Hence, he did not do 
                                                 
103 G. Von Rad.1975. 129. 
104 The abbreviation JE is used in source criticism to denote combination of the Yahwist source tradition 
denoted by J, and the Elohist tradition denoted by E.  
105 In source criticism, P is used to designate the Priestly source strata of the Pentateuch.  
106 G. O. Abe. 1983. Covenant in the Old Testament, A Ph.D Thesis in the Department of Religious 
Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan November; 1987. The Religious Value of the Sinai Covenant, 
Orita, Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies, Vol.II Nos.1&2, April & October. 97-105. 
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much of contextualisation of the tyrIb. concept, even though he dealt 
exhaustively in a descriptive manner with tyrIb. in the Old Testament, and 
compared it adequately with its immediate social context of the Ancient Near East. One 
107
of his later works  took a brief look at some ethical implications of an aspect of the 
tyrIb. provision that borders on marriage and related it to the indigenous Yorùbá  
context. Though the work of Abe is very valuable, but it can be considered as too 
Eurocentric. There is a need to look afresh at an African interpretation of the 
tyrIb. concept, and contemplate on the cognitive mediating process, through 
which it could be used to regulate human behaviour from generation to generation. This 
is a gap which this thesis attempts to fill. 
108
 Bernhard W. Anderson  in his own contributions to the study of the 
tyrIb.  concept pointed out that the meaning of tyrIb. is not primarily 
determined by its etymology, rather by how this and its related terms function in 
various literary contexts. On this note, he submitted that covenant signifies a 
relationship based on commitment, and is usually sealed by a rite, for example, an oath, 
a sacred meal, blood, or sacrifice. We can agree with Anderson that in the Hebrew 
Bible, tyrIb. is usually conceived as being supervised by deity. This is also the 
conception of ìmùlè ̣  in the indigenous African culture.  Also, from the observation of 
Anderson that in the ancient world, covenant or treaties often govern the relationship 
between people, we can deduce that this phenomenon can be considered a universal 
109 110 111
reality because we could see from the works of Arulefela , Idowu  and Awolalu , 
that not only in Ancient Israel, but also in indigenous African culture, covenant and 
treaties govern the relationship between individuals, families, clans, tribes and various 
categories of groups of people. For Ancient Israel, in particular, as depicted in the 
Hebrew Bible, Anderson in congruence with every other contributor on this subject, 
agreed that covenant expresses the novel element of the religion of Ancient Israel, in 
which the people are bound in relationship with YHWH. Anderson's work reflected 
                                                 
107 G. O. Abe, 1989, The Jewish And Yorùbá  Social Institution Of Marriage: A Comparative Study 
Orita, Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies XXI. 1 June, 3-18. 
nd
108 B. W. Anderson. 1973. The Living World of the Old Testament, 2  ed; 1993. Covenant, The Oxford 
Companion to the    Bible Bruce,    M. Metzger & Michael D. Coogan, Eds., 138-139. 
109 J. O. Arulefela. 1996. Covenant in the Bible and In Yorùbá  land. 
110 E. B. Idowu. 1996. Olodumare, God in Yorùbá  Belief ; (Revised and Enlarged Edition);  1973, 
African Traditional Religion – A definition. 
111 J. O. Awolalu. 1979. Yorùbá  Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites. 
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upon the Noah Covenant, the Patriarchal Covenants, the Mosaic Covenant and the 
Davidic Covenant. He sees the patriarchal covenants as prelude to the Mosaic 
covenant, while the Davidic Covenant is seen as a supplement. According to Anderson, 
the Noah covenant expressed the relationship between all creation and their creator. He 
observed as well that all of God's covenants with Israel include divine promises as well 
as human obligation. Though Anderson had lived and worked for quite some time 
within Africa as a lecturer in Immanuel College of Theology, Ibadan, Nigeria, yet his 
work betrayed his European background, and is rather very Eurocentric. Moreover, the 
translation of tyrIb. as covenant, plaid down the psychological dimension and 
did not impress fully upon the phenomenological nuance of the concept. In addition to 
these, his work did not give much treatment to the function of tyrIb. as means 
of regulating  the socio-political and economic aspects of human behaviour in Ancient 
Israel. This gap would be filled by the findings of this research. 
112
 Arulefela  did a valuable work in contextualisation of the Biblical covenant 
concept from Yorùbá  indigenous perspective. He upheld the fact that covenant played a 
great role in the social and religious lives of Ancient Israel. He reiterated that the whole 
purpose of covenant relationship in the Old Testament was to establish a relationship of 
truthfulness. He followed Lockyer's taxonomy of covenant instances in the Old 
Testament.  However, his work did not give consideration to the application of the 
cause and effect aspect of the covenant concept to the Ancient Israelite Situation as 
depicted in the Deuteronomistic Corpus. Arulefela, like most other writers on the 
tyrIB. concept did not examine the cognitive mediating process which 
accounts for the failure or success of the tyrIB. concept, in regulating human 
behaviour. 
113
 Judith H. Newman  in his paper “From monarch to bishop: Covenant, Torah, 
and community formation in the Old Testament and the Anglican Communion”, offers 
a general overview of the nature of covenant in ancient Israel with a brief description of 
some of the covenants contained in the Old Testament, with a particular focus on two of 
them: the tyrIB.  at Sinai/Horeb and the divine covenant with King David. He 
then presents two portrayals of how the Torah is understood in relation to leadership 
                                                 
112 J. O.  Arulefela. 1996. Covenant in the Bible and in Yorùbá  Land.   
113 J. H. Newman. 2003. From monarch to bishop: Covenant, Torah, and community formation in 
the Old Testament and the Anglican Communion  Anglican Theological Review, Winter. 
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and community formation, from two different historical contexts. It offers a comparison 
between two depictions of the discovery of the scroll of the Torah, the book of the law, 
during the reign of King Josiah. The first narrative in 2 Kings 22-23 is pre-exilic. The 
second, in 2 Chronicles 34-35, dates to the post-exilic period, sometime in the fourth 
century B.C.E. These examples reveal that both the theological trajectory in which the 
literature stands and the historical circumstances of Israel or the Jews at the time in 
which each was written, influenced the way in which community was conceived. 
However, Judith Newman directed the applications of his observations ultimately to 
shed light on the modern role of bishops in relationship to traditions and community 
formation, and relates it to the topics of schism in the Anglican Communion as well as 
ecumenical relations. This contribution is valuable to this research because it gives a 
glimpse of insight into a relationship between covenant-making and human social 
behaviour. However, the social regulatory function of covenant is not clearly articulated 
since the author has a different focus in view. Moreover, Newman was writing for an 
English ecclesiastical audience, and hence his outlook is justifiably Eurocentric. 
Furthermore, he did not explore the factors responsible for the failure or success of the 
covenant concept in regulating human behaviour in Ancient Israel, as this work seeks to 
do. 
114
 Richard Hooker  also upheld that the most profound and deeply brilliant 
concept of the Hebrew world view is the concept of the covenant between God and his 
chosen people. But for him, "covenant," means something closer to "promise," or 
"pledge." It is this promise and the relationship it implies between the LORD and his 
people that defines the Hebrew cultural and historical identity. It could also mean 
"business deal," or "contract," and it implies a promise to deliver one end of the 
contract if the other end is met. He noted that the Romans translate the word as 
"contractual pledge" and "testament". The major fault with Hooker's contributions is 
that he was too narrow in his approach. He did not consider the full scope of the 
tyrIB. concept. Also he did not give adequate cognisance to the 
phsychological, divine or moral aspect of tyrIB.. But he clearly agrees with the 
proposition that the tyrIB. concept was designed to regulate social as well as 
religious behaviour of the people of Ancient Israel.  
                                                 
114 H. H. Richard. 2002. Biblical Social Welfare Legislation: Protected Classes and Provisions for 
Persons in Need.  The journal of law and religion xvii.1 & 2: 35- 49. 
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115
 Herbert Lockyer  deliberated briefly on the origin of the covenant concept. He 
reflected that the covenant concept was not originally a religious phenomenon, but was 
a concept transferred from ordinary life into the religious sphere; hence, ―anything 
agreed upon by two nations or two persons was a covenant‖. This, at first, seems to 
contradict the position that covenant is essentially something with religious flavour. But 
Lockyer went further to explain that God is often involved as a third party, -'the 
guardian of the contract'-. The specific instances of covenants treated by Lockyer can 
be identified as (i) the Adamic covenant; (ii) the Covenant with Noah; (iii) the 
Patriarchal Covenants; (iv) the Sinai Covenant; (v) the Covenant with David, and (vi) 
The New Covenant predicted by Prophet Jeremiah, and fulfilled in the New Testament. 
We find Lockyer's contribution very useful in this research because he clearly 
articulated some aspects of the covenant concept like the role of the divine in covenant-
making. However, he did not explore the importance of the fear appeal and the 
cognitive mediating process which determines the success of failure of covenant in 
regulating human behaviour in various human socio-political and economic contexts. 
This is another gap which this thesis seeks to fill. 
2.1.2 Etymological considerations 
 We would undertake a brief review of the definitions of tyrIb., starting 
from the Etymology of the word. 
 Many authors looking at tyrIb., which they translated as covenant, 
literally from secular perspectives, described it as a binding agreement; a contract; or 
116
an agreement in writing under a seal . For Ernst Axel Knauf, tyrIB. means 
117
‗vassal treaty‘.  Various English Dictionaries such as the Oxford Advanced Learners 
Dictionary, place the emphasis either on the legal aspect, or on the material aspect of 
covenant. These definitions seem somewhat lopsided, when applied to the 
tyrIB. concept because it obliterates certain phenomenological aspects of 
tyrIB. 118. Hornby,  for example, defines it as "a promise or a legal agreement, 
especially obliging one to pay a regular amount of money to the subject of the 
                                                 
115 H. Lockyer. 1964.  All the Doctrines of the Bible. 
116  P. Hanks et. al. Eds. 1979, Collins Dictionary of the English Language. 
117 E. A. Knauf. 2000. Does ‗Deuteronomistic Historiography‘ (DH) Exist?‖ Israel Constructs Its 
History: Deuteronomistic Historiography in Recent Research. 389. 
118 A. S. Hornby, et.al. Eds. 2000. The Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary. 
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covenant". This reveals the influence of European socio-cultural context reflected in the 
English word  ―covenant‖ used to interpret the Hebrew term tyrIB. . A closer 
examination of the etymological root of the tyrIb. as used in the Hebrew Bible 
reveals that the most important phenomenon underlying the tyrIb. concept is 
neither the legal nor the material, but the religious and moral aspect and the use of fear 
appeal. In our study, we focus more on the religious perspective of the covenant 
concept. As a religious terminology, covenant has been defined as a pact, or treaty 
119
between two parties ratified by an oath.  This is a definition that better describes the 
Hebrew term tyrIb.  
 The word translated as covenant in the English Bible is the Hebrew 
tyrib. 120in the Tanakh and the Greek diaqhkh in the Septuagint.  The 
Hebrew tyrib. has a double pronged meaning. It refers both to the process of 
121
ratification as well as the relationship ensuing from the contract.  Some scholars, 
however, have propounded some other meanings of tyrib., which have baffled 
122
simple explanation. Smith Mark  gave a brief survey of such proponents. For H. 
123 124
Torczyner , tyrib. in the context of Isaiah 42:6 means 'splendour'. E. Kutsch  
125
interpreted it as 'obligation' while Hillers  proposed that it meant 'emancipation'. 
According to Smith, all these suggestions are faced with great difficulties. Hence, we 
would not belabour ourselves much with them since their arguments are not strong 
enough. 
 The etymological root of tyrib., according to Anderson, is a cognate 
126
noun meaning 'bond', or 'fetter', indicating a binding relationship.  G. E Mendenhall 
                                                 
119 G. A. Butrick. The Interpreter's Bible Commentary, Vol.II ,196;  G. O. Abe. 1987. The religious 
value of the Sinai covenant, Orita Vol.II Nos.1&2 April and October. 
rd
120 F. C. Fencham. 1996, Covenant- Alliance,  New Bible dictionary 3  ed. Eds., J. D. Douglas et.al. 
234. 
121 This is the consensus among Old Testament Scholars. cf. F. C. Fencham,  G. Von Rad, 1975, Old 
Testament Theology Vol.1, 129;  J. L. Alen. 1990. Covenant, A New Dictionary of Christian Ethics, 
Eds. J. Macquarrie, and  J. Childress.136-137. 
122 M. S. Smith. 1981.  Critical notes- berit' am / berit 'olam: a new proposal for the crux of Isa.42:6,  
Journal of Biblical Literature 100.2:  241-243. 
123 H. Torczymner. 1935. Presidential Address, Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 16.7. 
124 Cf. M. Weinfeld. 1975. Covenant vs Obligation, Biblica 56:124-125; M. S. Smith.1981:242. 
125 D. R. Hillers. 1978.  Berit'am Emancipation of the People, Journal of Biblical Literature 97: 175-
182. 
126 B. W. Anderson. 1993. Covenant, The Oxford Companion to the Bible , Eds., B. M. Metzger & M. 
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agrees with Anderson and linked the root of  tyrib. with the Akkadian biritu 
127 128
which connotes 'fetter'.  But Benjamin and Davidson  identified it as the feminine 
129
singular declension 1a of the root hrb which in the Qal form  hr"b' means 
'to eat', 'to choose or select' or 'to cut'. Weighing the contributions of various scholars, it 
is evident that the etymology of the word tyrIb. is uncertain. But all the 
proposed roots reflect a sort of moral imperative, connected with a perception of the 
Divine. The weakness of the various contributions so far is that they do not give 
adequate consideration to the moral implications of the connection of the divine with 
the tyrib. concept, an aspect which this thesis delves into. However, it becomes 
clear from the various contributions that the English word ‗covenant‘ does not 
adequately give the full connotations of the Hebrew tyrib. . 
  Accepting the fact that the etymology of the word tyrib. is uncertain, 
we must then agree with Edmond Jacob and the majority of our contributors that the 
meaning of  tyrib. as well as other Old Testament Concepts cannot be 
determined solely by etymology, but by how they, and their related terms, function in 
130
various literary contexts . In other words, their etymology must be studied more in the 
131
light of their internal evolution . A careful consideration of various other terms 
associated with  tyrib., in various literary contexts is therefore, necessary.  This 
is an endeavour that is being contemplated in this thesis, with an African evaluative 
approach as the exegetical framework. 
 It is a unanimous position among scholars that the most common verb used with 
tyrib., which has become the technical term for making covenants in Ancient 
Israel is the verb trk in form of the phrase ― … l tyrib.   trk ‖  
                                                                                                                                              
D. Coogan. 138. 
127 G. E. Mendenhall. 1962. Covenant, The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible – an Illustrated 
Encyclopaedia, Eds., G. A. Butrick et.al. 714. 
128 B. Davidson. 1981. The Analytical Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon. 114. 
129 W. L. Holladay. 1988. A Concise Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament. 47. 
130 E. Jacob. 1964. Theology of the Old Testament, Trans. Arthur, W. H. and Philip J. A., 210; cf. B. W. 
Anderson. 1993; J. O. Cobham. 1988. Covenant, A Theological Wordbook of The Bible, Ed. A,  
Richardson: 55. 
131  E. Jacob. 1964. 
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132
which literally means 'to cut a covenant to or for...' . It must be admitted here, as well, 
that the origin of this technical term has been the object of much speculation. The most 
133
plausible conjecture is supported by Fencham,  and many other contributors to the 
subject, that the term points to the primitive method of ratifying a covenant, in which a 
sacrificial animal is cut into two or more parts, and the parties to the covenant pass 
134 135
among the cut pieces . Nonetheless, the conclusion of Mendenhall  seems justified, 
that the original meaning of the phrase must have been lost in antiquity, long before the 
time of Moses, and the phrase had simply become a technical term. We justify this 
position, based on analogy with the etymology of ìmùlè ̣ and májѐ̣mú terminologies in 
indigenous Yorùbá  culture. These Yorùbá terminologies, májѐ̣mú  (a conflation of mú 
136 137
àjè ̣  mu which literally means 'to drink with a small calabash') and ìmùlè ̣  (which 
literally means 'to drink the earth or soil‘) have verbal roots which were indeed derived 
from the process of ratification, but today, such process were not usually practised in 
the popular religions but the terms were retained purely as technical terms denoting the 
tyrIb. concept. This position is further strengthened by the fact that there are 
instances in the Old Testament in which tyrib. was ratified through other 
138
methods, (for example sacrificial meals, and exchange of gifts ) and the same phrase   
tyrib.  trk, is used to describe the contract. For instance, in 1 Samuel 18:3 
―... tyrIb. dwIßd"w> !t"±n"Ahy> troôk.YIw: 
” was used to denote the covenant between Jonathan and David in which no sacrifice 
139
was stated, but rather there was a bestowal of gift . 
 From these considerations of the etymological roots of tyrIb.  as used in 
the phrase,   tyrib.  trk, we can deduce some inferences that are useful for 
                                                 
132 J. Weingreen. 1959. A Practical Grammar for Classical Hebrew reprint 1985, 304; G. O. Abe. 
1983:39; G. E. Mendenhall. 1962: 716; F. C. Fencham. 1996: 234; many of the other authors and 
contributors were altogether silent about the etymological roots of the word covenant. 
133 F. C. Fencham. 1996. 
134 G. O. Abe. 1983: 39. 
135 G. E. Mendenhall. 1962: 716 
136 Àjè ̣is a mall calabash used as cup for drinking palm wine or water or any other drink in traditional 
Yorùbá culture. 
137 J. O.  Arulefela. 1996. Covenant in the Bible and In Yorùbá land: 31; G. O. Abe. 1983. 
138 J. A.  MacCulloch. 1960. Covenant, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics Vol.4, James Hastings 
et.al. Eds.: 206-209. 
139troôk.YIw: is the plural perfect inflection of  trk,  B. Davidson, 1981,  The 
Analytical Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon. 
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us in this study. First, if this was the original terminology that has been used to describe 
tyrib. since its inception, then it commends to us the proposition that the 
tyrib. concept has its origin in sacrifices.  Secondly, it follows upon the 
context of cutting the animal in ratification of covenant, that the root of the term  
tyrib. would certainly be the piel form of the cognate verb  hrb which means 
140
to cut . The major difficulties now standing is the fact that we do not yet have the 
means of ascertaining whether the original or the earliest method of ratification was 
through cutting of animal, or whether other processes pre-dated it. 
 Other significant words used in connection with tyrIb. include 
~yqihu 141, to establish;  awOb, to enter; !tn to give ; hwc to 
142
command , or ~y# 143to cause to enter.   
 There are also a variety of words used to denote the relationship ensuing from 
tyrIb.. These include the following: Aheb-  bha, meaning to love, 'to have 
affection for' in the passive it could denote  'to be loved like a friend', hence after 
144
making the covenant, Jonathan loved David as his own soul ;  
~wOlf' or ~lof shalom, denoting covenant peace or prosperity. In the 
various tyrib. contexts this word does not just signify the absence of violence. 
It denotes perfect peace and prosperity in the sense of good health, safety, rest, welfare 
                                                 
140 B. Davidson. 1981. 
141 !tan'   used in Gen.17:2; A primitive root To give, used with great latitude of application 
(put, make, etc.). Add, apply, appoint, ascribe, assign, bestow, bring, bring forth, bring hither, cast, 
cause, charge, come, commit, consider, count, up, direct, distribute, do, fasten, frame, , give, give 
forth, give over, give up, grant, hang, hang up, lay, lay unto charge, lay-up, leave, give leave, lend, let, 
let out, lift up, make, offer, ordain, pay, perform, place, pour, print, pull, put, put forth, recompense, 
render, requite, restore, send, send out, set, set forth, shoot forth, shoot up, slander, strike,  submit, 
surely, , thrust, trade, turn, utter, yield. 
142 hw'c' is  also a primitive root  (used intensively) and indicates - (to constitute, or  enjoin)  
Appoint, bid, forbid, charge, give a charge, command, give a commandment, give in commandment, 
send with commandment, commander, send a messenger, put in order, set in order. This is the 
terminology used in Deut 4:13. 
143 G. E. Mendenhall. Op.Cit. 
144 Though the tone of the phrase ―Av*p.n:K. Atßao 
Atïb'h]a;B.‖ is translated ―because he loved him as his soul‖ which suggests that 
the love between them is the cause and not the result of the covenant-making; yet it is indisputable 
that the covenant was meant to perpetuate this affection. In this case it served as a formal declaration 
and ratification of an existing feeling of affection.  
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and happiness. Margaret Barker described the implications of this terminology with 
reference to creation as follows: 
 These bonds of creation formed the great covenant - the word means binding 
together - and as long as the bonds of the covenant remained in place, people could live 
in peace and prosperity. The bonds were called the covenant of peace, or the covenant 
of life and peace (Numbers 25.12; Malachi 2.5).  Peace did not mean simply ‗absence 
of conflict‘.  The Hebrew word shalom implies far more: rest, balance, harmony and 
completion - we might nowadays say ‗a sustainable state.‘  The story of the creation in 
145
the Bible says this was achieved when everything was very good and at rest.  
 
hb'wOj 146toba is the feminine inflection of bwOj,  goodness; which denotes in 
the tyrib. context, 'to be good towards..' bountiful, cheerful, kindly, pleasant, 
sweet, favourable, at ease' e.t.c. 
 
ds,x, ḥesed, meaning love or solidarity; in various literary contexts it could 
mean loving-kindness, mercy, pity, favour, goodness. This same word has been used to 
render ‗grace‘. Among all the various Hebrew words used to describe the relationship 
ensuing from a tyrIb. , ds,x, is unique, because unlike the others, it is 
peculiar to Ancient Israelite traditions, and has not been found in any other Ancient 
147  
Near Eastern Document in relation to tyrIb.  .
 From the considerations of the various words describing the resulting 
tyrIb. relationships, we can safely conclude that even though tyrIb. 
does not place the parties on equal footing, it creates or perpetrates, certain rights and 
duties, and function as a means of creating a sort of artificial kinship where the natural 
kinship ties does not exist. This is a vital contribution which would help us in our quest 
to examine the use of tyrIb. in regulating human behaviour in ancient Israel, but 
the various authors did not highlight the moral implications inherent in the relationships 
ensuing from tyrIb. ratification, as emphasised in the Deuteronomistic Corpus. 
This is another gap which this thesis would fill. Furthermore, since etymological 
considerations alone are not sufficient in exploring the full implication of tyrIb. 
                                                 
145 M. Barker. 2007. Righteousness, Religion, Science and the Environment:  The Arctic: Mirror of Life:  
Symposium VII. 
146 J. Strong. 2004. Strong's Exhaustive Concordance of the Bible. 
147 F. C. Fencham. 1996: 234. 
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in the Old Testament, in this thesis we also give consideration to how these various 
related terms function in their literary contexts, as well as other cultural contexts, 
giving proper cognisance to the usage of its equivalents in the Septuagint, and Èg̣bá-
Yorùbá  indigenous linguistic parlance. 
 In the Septuagint, the Greek term '' is used to render the Hebrew 
tyrIb., and with this word, the New Testament takes over the Ancient Israelite 
concept of tyrIb.. In the Septuagint, tyrIb. is rendered on all 
occasions except Deuteronomy 9:15, where it is omitted altogether.  
 
Deuteronomy 9:15 
vae_B' r[EåBo rh"ßh'w> rh'êh'-!mi 
‘drEaew") !p,aeªw"   
`yd"(y" yTeîv. l[;Þ tyrIêB.h; 
txoålu ‘ynEv.W 
 
 
LXX: 
 kai. evpistre,yaj kate,bhn evk tou/ o;rouj kai. to. 
o;roj evkai,eto puri, kai. ai` du,o pla,kej evpi. 
tai/j dusi. cersi,n mou 
 
In this instance, the phrase tyrIêB.h; txoålu (‗tablets of the 
covenant‘) was simply rendered pla,kej (‗tablets‘) in the Septuagint, but in every 
other instance of occurrence of the Hebrew tyrIb.  in the Tanakh, is 
used to translate it to Greek in the Septuagint. 
 This Greek word is almost exclusively confined to this usage 
throughout the Septuagint. Even though in Greek jurisprudence the ordinary word for 
covenant is , but the covenant idea expressed in this term (relies 
very heavily on the legal equality of the parties involved to the extent that its usage 
would modify the scriptural context of the Hebrew word tyrIb.. Hence, the 
word , which more closely denotes ‗testament‘ or ‗disposition‘, is preferred. 
But the Greek as well, is not a perfect equivalence of tyrIb. because it 
gives more weight to the legal aspect and does not render the full import of its religious 
and moral aspect.   
 The use of the Greek however shows that the fact of Divine Initiative is 
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highly central to the idea of tyrIb. between the LORD and man in general, either 
as individuals or as a nation. This notion comes to the fore in the choice of  in 
the Septuagint and the New Testament because unlike  primarily 
signify a ‗disposition by will or otherwise‖. In contradistinction to the ordinary usage 
of the English word ‗covenant‘ it signifies more closely, ―an obligation undertaken by a 
single person‖. Nonetheless, the emphasis on Divine initiative is not such that would 
exclude or eclipse the demand for human responsibility. The import of the monopleuric 
nature of the  is explained by J. R. McRay in the following terms- ―in the case 
of covenant between God and humans, the stipulations are made by God and people have the 
148
choice of accepting or rejecting but not offering alternative conditions‖.  The exercise of 
freewill is therefore necessary on the part of human party of and this implies 
that responsibility for actions taken is a corollary of covenant-making. 
 
2.3.1   tyrIb concept in ancient Israel as depicted in Deuteronomistic 
History 
 In order to gain an understanding of the tyrIb. concept as depicted by 
the Deuteronomistic Corpus, we explored various scholarly contributions on: (i.) the 
origin of the  tyrIb. concept in Ancient Israel; (ii.)  various instances of  
tyrIb. in Ancient Israelite literary tradition; (iii.) Progressive development of  
tyrIb. concept in various Israelite literary traditions. 
 
2.1.3.1  Origin of Tyrib in Ancient Israel 
 It is indeed true that the origin of the idea of tyrIb. between the LORD 
149
and Israel is shrouded in obscurity.  This is also true of the general idea of ìmùlè ̣ and 
májẹmú in Yorùbá indigenous culture. We do not arrive at this conclusion 
presumptuously. We examined briefly the propositions from various contributors on 
this subject to validate our stand. 
 The first major approach among scholars was to suppose that there was a 
particular 'original' and 'unambiguous' form of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel, from 
                                                 
148 J. R. McRay, 1986, Covenant, The Dictionary of Bible and Religion, W .H Gentz et al. Eds. 
149 J. O. Cobham. 1988. 
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which other tyrIb. forms later developed. Four basic propositions are current 
among scholars in response to this consideration. 
 There is a proposition spearheaded by Pedersen, which presupposed that the 
original form of tyrIb. was the parity form, stemming from ordinary 
transactions between parties of equal footing. Another proposition was fostered by J. 
Begrich, and proposed that the original tyrIb. forms were in the suzerainty 
form, and that they developed from benevolence bestowed on the weaker party by the 
stronger party. A third perspective was spearheaded by Mendenhall, who studied the 
religio-historical background of ancient Hittite treaty documents. He arrived at the 
conclusion that the tyrIb. Idea in Ancient Israel derived from the treaty element 
observable in the Ancient Hittite treaty forms. Finally, another position emerged from 
the study of some recently discovered texts, proposing that tyrIb. arose from 
the mediatory role performed by a third party between two contracting parties. 
 These four schools of thought are based on the common assumption that all 
forms of tyrIb. evolved from one original and basic form. This assumption can 
be faulted on many grounds. In the first instance, covenanting may have existed in 
various basic forms at the same time in various socio-cultural and religious settings. 
And this is probably so, considering the fact that the terms associated with 
tyrIb. in diverse cultural and linguistic contexts emphasised differing aspects of 
the phenomenon.  Secondly, from the perspective of Old Testament studies, it is an 
indubitable fact that unlike the New Testament, the Old Testament was written over a 
very long period of time which, considering the range from the earliest poetry to the 
150
latest apocalypse, including the Apocrypha,  may extend to over a millennium . These 
periods reflect Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Canaanite, Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, as 
well as Hellenistic cultures. We cannot then be sure, from which of these cultures Israel 
would have taken the cue that informed her understanding and usage of the 
tyrIb. concept, or whether it is indigenous to Israelite thought. The best 
approach that would suggest a probable solution is the historical-critical examination. 
We would return to this shortly after investigating the other considerations. But it is 
                                                 
150 J. H. Newman. 2003. From monarch to bishop: Covenant, Torah, and community formation in the 
Old Testament and the Anglican Communion,  Anglican Theological Review,  Winter Issue. 
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notable that all contributors from this perspective did not look at the options of the 
Biblical writers themselves with regards to the origin and concept of  tyrIb. in 
Ancient Israel. This present work seeks to consider the Deuteronomist‘s view in this 
regard. 
 The second approach is to seek an origin of the tyrIb. concept, in 
general, not withstanding their forms. The various propositions from this perspective 
could be summarised under four basic proponents. The first of these is that 
tyrIb. concept, interpreted as covenant arose within the context of family 
structure, in which case it arose from the need to foster a form of kinship tie where the 
151
natural kinship status is absent . The second proposition is that it arose from the 
religious context in sacrificial rights. MacCulloch explained that in a great measure, all 
religious ceremony and worship is the expression of a covenant relationship between 
men and the gods. For the worship paid, the worshipper expects the god or gods to 
perform certain duties towards them and this worship also tends to confirm that 
relationship, but there are certain religious rites in which the covenant motif comes out 
152
more specifically . In this case the origin of tyrIb. could be traced to the 
method of ratification through sacrificial meals or the act of cutting animals into the 
required pieces and the concerned parties pass through the pieces. This position is 
strengthened by the usage of the technical term tyrIb.  tr'k' The third is 
that it arose from the payment of sacrificial dues in return for the LORD‘s help in 
153
battle . The fourth is that Israel adopted the concept from the cult of  tyrIßB. 
l[;B;î 154 (Baal' Berith) . This conjecture is based on the event of the 
convocation at Shechem, recorded in Joshua 24. Indeed, Shechem was a notable 
religious centre renown for the worship of Baal Berith, a deity known to bind himself 
155
to the people of the sons of Hamor by covenant . Also, Anderson pointed out that 
                                                 
151
 This position is expounded by Newman, Judith H. 2003; Smith, W. R. Religion of the Semites:  313 
quoted by J. O. Cobham. 1988. 
152
 J. A. MacCulloch. 1960. Covenant, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics Vol.4, Eds. Hastings, James 
et.al.: 208-209. 
153 nd
 F. L. Cross, & E. A. Livingstone. Eds. The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 2  Ed., 353-
354 
154
 A major proponent of this position is .E. Meyer, but his position is debunked by J. O. Cobham. 1988. 
On the grounds that it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Sinai Covenant preceded that of the 
Shechemite Covenant. 
155
 E. Jacob. 1964.  211. 
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there is a high probability that there had been a confederacy of six tribes already 
156
existing at Shechem, before the arrival of Joshua.  But he clearly stated also that it is 
evident from the passage that Joshua was not officiating at a ceremony tyrIb. 
ratification that brought Israel together for the first time, it was basically a 
reaffirmation of the tyrIb. made at Sinai / Horeb. 
 From the literature reviewed so far, it could be concluded that one must turn to 
the religio-historical analysis of Ancient Israelite religious tradition if one would gain 
any significant insight into the origin of the tyrIb. concept in Ancient Israel. 
This work seeks to fill this gap by the use of the historical critical method and focusing 
on the Deuteronomistic Corpus. 
 Chief among the great exponents of historical critical analysis of the Old 
157 158 159
Testament is Wellhausen.  Nicholson  and Barton  presented surveys of various 
scholarly works revealing the direction of opinion among scholars starting from 
Wellhausen down to the 20th century, with regards to the origin and development of the 
tyrIb. concept in Israel. Wellhausen in his historical critical analysis of the Old 
Testament concluded that the idea of tyrIb. in the religious conceptions of the 
Israelites was an invention of the great prophets of the 8th century B.C. Hence, the 
origin of tyrIb. in Israelite religious thought should be traced to the 8th century 
period. Barton, however, correctly observed that the prophetic books as they have come 
down to us assume that the idea of the tyrIb. was an older concept to which 
they appealed. Hence, the textual evidence before us directly contradicts the 
propositions of Wellhausen.  The examination of the various instances of tyrIb. 
in the Old Testament, and the forms employed would throw some light on the validity 
or otherwise of Wellhausen's claim. 
 
2.3.1.2  Various instances of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel 
                                                 
156
 B. W. Anderson. 1966. The Living World of the Old Testament, 90-94. 
157 J. Welhausen. 1881, Israel. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th Ed. Vol.xiii;  1885, Prolegomena to 
the history of Israel. 
158 E. W. Nicholson. 1986. God and His People: Covenant and theology in the Old Testament.  
159 J. Barton. 2003. Covenant in Old Testament Theology, Covenant as Context: Essays in honour 
of E.W. Nicholson. A. D. H. Mayes and R. B. Salters, Eds., 23-38. 
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 Various instance of tyrIb. are observable in the records of the history of 
Ancient Israel reflected in the Old Testament scriptures. Some are explicitly portrayed 
with the use of covenant terminologies, while some reflected the tyrIb. concept 
without employing explicit covenant terminologies. In indigenous Yorùbá  culture, we 
do not have written records of the ancient religious history. The only recourse has to be 
to oral traditions. Since our study is located in the realm of Old Testament Theology, 
we would limit our review to the available information provided by writers in the field 
of Old Testament studies, but we would employ our research findings in the area of 
indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá  religion only as an evaluative periscope.  
The various scholars examined consistently translated tyrIb. with the 
English word ‗covenant‘. Though this rendition is somewhat inadequate, we had to 
retain it at this juncture so as to be able to properly represent these authors‘ views. They 
had grouped the tyrIb. mentioned or implied in the Old Testament in diverse 
160
ways. P. R. Williamson  grouped tyrIb. in the Pentateuch generally into three 
broad spectra. (i) universal covenants: these are instances of covenanting in which God 
bound Himself in covenant with the whole of mankind, or the whole of creation, and 
not a particular race or tribe of men; (ii) ancestral covenants: These are instances in 
which God bound Himself in covenant with the Patriarchs; (iii) national covenants: 
These are instances in which God bound Himself in covenant with the Israelite nation. 
Williamson was primarily concerned with God-bound covenants within the 
161
Pentateuch. Oyedele Abe,  however, furnished a broader scope of categories of 
covenants in the Old Testament. He also categorises the covenants into three broad 
groups as follow: 
 secular covenants: which  he further divided into four subgroups: Suzerainty, 
Parity, Promissory and  Patron covenants  
 God-bound covenants: these refer to instances in which God bound Himself to 
man in covenant relationship. Under this category he mentioned the Adamic, Noahic, 
and Davidic covenants. Israel-bound covenants: these are covenants which impose 
obligations upon the Israelite nation. Under this category he mentioned the Sinai 
covenant. The covenant of Joshua at Shechem; the Deuteronomic reform, and the 
                                                 
 160 P. R. Williamson. 2003, Covenant, Dictionary of the Old Testament Pentateuch T. Desmond 
Alexander & David W. Baker, Eds. 139. 
161 G. O. Abe. 1987.  The Religious Value of the Sinai Covenant, Orita, Ibadan Journal of 
Religious Studies, II.1&2, April & October:  97-105. 
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covenant of Ezra. Of these, we are primarily concerned with the Deuteronomic reform 
under King Josiah. Since the primary aim of Abe was not directed at taxonomy of Old 
Testament covenants, he did not provide an exhaustive list of covenants under each 
category he mentioned. 
 From the review so far, it has been discovered that there has been more 
emphasis on the tyrIb. mediated by Moses because of its centrality in the 
development of the religion and history of Israel. But there has been a relative neglect 
of the phenomenological understanding of tyrIb. and its socio-moral 
significance in the life of Ancient Israel. In this research work, the researcher would 
attempt, as much as possible, to deal with the general principles even though the 
tyrIb. mediated by Moses would still serve as the particular case for study, but 
in the light of the Deuteronomic reform under King Josiah. 
 Another significant observation is that on the face value, there is no agreement 
with regards to the covenantal status of instances in which the tyrIb. 
terminologies were not clearly used. These include the so called Adamic and/or  Edenic 
covenant which is referred to as the 'covenant of works'. While contributors like 
162 163 164 165 166
Wellhausen , G.O. Abe , Herbert Lockyer , Louis Berkhof , Wayne Grudem , 
167 168
Robert G. Clouse , and J. O Arulefela  and some others recognise a covenant 
169
between God and Adam in the Edenic dispensation; others like P. R. Williamson,  do 
not recognise a covenant instance in the situations in Eden. Some other contributors 
were neutral or all together silent on the issue. On a brief overview it seems that 
‗covenant theologians‟ in general ascribe a covenantal status to the situations in the 
garden of Eden, while the majority of Old Testament theologians disagree or are neutral 
or silent on the issue. This disparity is easily recognised and reconciled by Macrae 
170
Tod . This is because majority of Old Testament theologians preoccupy themselves 
                                                 
162 Wellhausen refer‘s to the P document as a ―book of four covenants‖ reckoning the Adamic covenant 
as the first Covenant in the P corpus. 
163 G. O. Abe. 1987,  97. 
164  H. Lockyer. 1964.  All the Doctrines of the Bible, 146-151. 
165 L. Berkhof. 1949.  Systematic Theology.  211-218. 
166 Grudem, W. 1994, Systematic Theology , 515-523. 
Clouse, R. G. 1974, Covenant Theology, The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church, 
Douglas J. D.   Ed., 267. 
168  Arulefela. 1996. Covenant in the Bible and In Yorùbá  land, 10. 
169  P. R. Wiliamsson. 2003, Covenant, Dictionary of the Old Testament Pentateuch, 139. 
170 D. M. Tod. 1960. Covenant Theology, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics Vol.4, J. Hastings. 
et.al. Eds. 216-224 
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with the ‗covenant idea‘ while covenant theologians recognise the 'covenant principle' 
using it as the organising principle of the entire theological system and giving it a 
171
central importance even in places where it does not necessarily belong . Looking 
critically at the works of Old Testament theologians in general, one would see that they 
recognised that the covenant principles are present in the Eden periscope, but all agree 
that the institutional forms and express tyrIb. terminologies and elements are 
blatantly absent. Hence they are reluctant to affirm an Edenic or Adamic covenant. 
Rather they concentrate on the 'covenant idea' which is a heritage common all of 
Christendom,  gained from the Old Testament, describing the relation between God and 
His people in terms of covenant either with the nation as a whole or with individual 
persons. 
 We are able to gain a useful insight from this observation. It means that there is 
a covenant principle that could indeed be discerned in various relationships in the Old 
Testament, even where the terminologies and ritual or formal elements of tyrIb. 
are absent. This would greatly help us in our task of seeking out and outlining the 
fundamental principles and universal paradigms underlying the covenant concept, 
which can be applicable to circumstances beyond Ancient Israelite contexts. 
 
2.1.3.3 Progressive development of tyrib concept in ancient Israelite religious   
traditions 
 From the library work, the following conclusions with regards to the religio – 
historical survey of Ancient Israelite religious traditions, to unravel the progressive 
development of the tyrIb. concept through the efforts of various scholars were 
reached. 
 In the first instance, it is in the Deuteronomic traditions that the theology of 
tyrIb.  received its classical definition. This opinion was stimulated by the 
Welhausen School of thought, which presupposed that the tyrIb. concept did 
not arise in Israel until the Deuteronomic period because it was Deuteronomic literature 
that emphasised it so strongly. This has led many scholars to the conclusion that the 
                                                 
171 D. M. Tod. 1960. 216. 
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notion of tyrIb. 172 was a later development in the Ancient Israelite thought.  But 
recent scholarship has debunked this notion. An instance is the mention of 
tyrIb. 173 in Hosea , which is in agreement with the two earliest historical strata 
on the origin of the covenant. This has been cited as evidence of a much earlier date of 
the Deuteronomic School. Also, the earliest recollections of the relationship of Israel 
174
with the LORD have been in form of tyrIb. communion . 
 Secondly, it has been deduced with a degree of certainty that the history and 
religion of Ancient Israel presupposed a historic tyrIb. between the LORD and 
175
Israel . The point at which earlier scholars differ was whether the original instance of 
this historic tyrIb. was the one ratified under Moses at Sinai/Horeb or that 
ratified  under Joshua at Shechem. Here, a solution is proffered by the analytic 
comparison of Deuteronomy and the book of Joshua, with the JE traditions of the 
earlier narratives. It is the general consensus in recent scholarship that the tyrIb. 
at Sinai/Horeb was the original, and all other tyrIb. afterwards were renewals, 
176
or extensions to a wider association.  
 Finally it can be affirmed, positively, that the idea of tyrIb. was a notion 
that has been inherent in the Ancient Israelite religious thought long before the concept 
was employed at Sinai/Horeb. Even the Sinai/Horeb periscope was derived from the 
principle which is already understood by the recipients of the tyrIb.. Hence, 
Eichrodt remarked- ―…it can be demonstrated that the covenant – union between YHWH  and 
Israel is an original element in all sources, despite their being in part, in very fragmentary  
177
form…‖  
 He opined that the earlier sources depicting the post-Mosaic era manifestly portray the 
premises of a tyrIb. relationship with the LORD, even though the explicit 
tyrIb. terminologies are not present. 
                                                 
172  J. Bright. 1972.  A History of Israel. 145. 
173 For example, Hosea 6:7; 8:1.  
nd
174 This is the line tolled by Th. C. Vriezen. 1970. An Outline of Old Testament Theology, 2  Ed., 
166, 348-352; J. Bright. 1981. 145; O. Kaiser.1984. Introduction to the Old Testament. 20. 
175 Martin Noth stated emphatically that the Sinai Tradition derived from an actual event. Noth, M. 
1960. History of Israel. 128. 
176 E. Jacob. 1964.  212. 
177 W. Eichrodt. 1961. Theology of the Old Testament. 35-36. 
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 It was concluded, therefore, that the origin of the tyrIb. concept in 
Ancient Israel dated far back into antiquity and that we can affirm that is has been 
present in the understanding of the people long before the concept was employed to 
give a definite expression of their relationship with the LORD, from the inception of 
the community as a people of the LORD. But as at the moment, we do not yet have the 
means to determine with certainty, where they derive this knowledge of the 
tyrIb. 178 concept; whether from Egypt as Craigie has given a hint , or through 
familiarity with the religious rites at Schechem before the actual entrance and 
179
possession of the land, or through contact with Hittite treaty forms . Definitely 
Moses, who was brought up in the royal court of Egypt would have been familiar with 
treaty documents of Ancient Orient, and Egyptian sources. Also it is notable that 
ancient treaty documents dating far back to the times of the patriarchs have been 
discovered in Mesopotamia, from where Abraham, the great Patriarch had originated. 
Notwithstanding, we are not sure which of these were the primary sources of Israelite 
understanding of the tyrIb. concept. The only certain fact we can affirm is that, 
contrary to the Wellhausen school of thought, Israel had been familiar with the 
tyrIb. concept right from the pre-historic times. In all this discourse, however, 
none of the contributors give adequate treatment of the opinion of the Bible writers 
themselves. This insight can be garnered from the Deuteronomists who practically 
applied the covenant principle as a historical reality to the real life situation of Post 
exilic Israel. This application is evident in the Deuteronomistic Corpus. This work 
attempts to seek out this application and deduce its underlying principles with the aim 
of presenting it in a manner that can be applied to varied contexts. 
 
2.1.4 Forms of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel 
 It is a unanimous position among scholars reviewed that the various instances of 
tyrIb. recorded in Israel's literary traditions follow certain patterns and 
structural forms observable in various Treaty documents, discovered in the Ancient 
180
Near East . In the first instance, the idea of making a treaty pervades the whole 
                                                 
178 P. C. Craigie. 1976. Book of Deuteronomy. 80-83. 
179 J. H. Hayes & J, M. Miller Eds. 1977. Israelite and Judean History, 160-161.; J. Berman. 2011. 
CTH 133and the Hittite provenance of Deut13. Journal of Biblical Literature 130.1:25-44. 
180 Moshe Weinfeld has brilliantly demonstrated the similarity in structure between the Ancient Israelite 
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history of the ancient Near East, and by Archaeology, has provided access to some good 
samples of such treaties. These include from the Hittite treaties, the treaties of 
Esarhaddon from the Hittite stock as well as Assyrian treaty documents and the 
181
Aramean treaty of Sefire.  The major sorts of treaty that throw significant light on the 
tyrIb. concept are the suzerainty covenants of Hittite origin. Comparing them 
with the tyrIb., mediated by Moses, Abe highlighted clearly the basic structural 
similarities between them, and pointed out the following basic forms: 
2.1.4.1 Preamble:  in this opening section of treaty form which is similar in structure 
to the tyrIb. at Sinai/Horeb, the Superior party to the treaty who is usually the 
initiator introduces himself. In the case of the tyrIb. at Sinai/Horeb, God is the 
182
initiator, and he introduces Himself thus ―I am the Lord Your God...‖  
2.1.4.2 The historical prologue: The historical prologue in the treaty forms usually 
recount the basic situations and circumstances that underlie the treaty, and give a 
rationale for the treaty. In the case of the tyrIb. at Sinai/Horeb, the narrative of 
the deliverance from Egypt parallels this form, and presents the LORD as a Benevolent 
Sovereign. 
2.1.4.3 The stipulations: the stipulations of the Hittite treaty forms are usually the 
obligations required from the weaker and dependent state. It is usually in the form of 
tributes, and mandatory military service. The terms and stipulations of the 
tyrIb. at Sinai/Horeb  can be discerned in the provisions of the Decalogue and 
the Book of covenant, which could be seen as Israelite civil law. 
2.1.4.4 The deposit and public reading: In the tyrIb. at Sinai/Horeb, Moses 
was required to keep copies of the book of the covenant in the Ark, which is seen as the 
throne of the LORD, who is invisible but present. This parallels with the ancient Hittite 
practice of depositing copies of their treaty documents at the foot of their gods. Also, 
the book of the law is meant to be read and taught to the assembly of the Israelites 
during the religious festivals, just as the treaty terms of the ancient Near East require 
that the terms of their treaties be read in public hearing of the assemble of citizens of 
the vassal states. 
                                                                                                                                              
Covenant and ANE Vassal Treaty forms. Weinfeld.1972. Deuteronomy and Deuteronomic School. 
181 F. F. Bruce. 1996. 236. 
182 Exod.20:1-2a. 
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2.1.4.5 List of witnesses: it is a normal action in most ancient Near Eastern documents 
to call or list the objects of natural phenomena such as mountains, rivers, rocks, trees 
e.t.c., As witnesses to their contracts and treaty pacts. This is particularly visible in the 
Deuteronomic presentation of the tyrIb. at Sinai/Horeb; for instance, in 
Deuteronomy 30:19, where Moses calls the heavens and the earth as witness, and in 
Joshua 24:27 where Joshua sets up a stone and presented it as a witness to the covenant 
renewed at Shechem. 
2.1.4.6 The blessings and curses: The treaties always include a description of the 
negative consequences of breaching the terms of the treaty. These consequences are 
usually implemented by the suzerain, but the gods and deities were seen as the ultimate 
judge who would visit the offender with woes and ruin. A parallel to this is seen in 
Deuteronomy 28:1-68, in which Moses sets out the blessings and curses of the 
tyrIb., renewed in the plain of Moab. 
2.1.4.7 The Oaths: Treaties are usually concluded with swearing of oaths. Even though 
the making of oaths is not clearly depicted in the Exodus narrative of the tyrIb. 
183
at Sinai/Horeb, Abe  observed, rightly, that the people's informal verbal consent to 
abide by the terms and dictates of the book of the covenant served the purpose. 
However, in Deuteronomy, there are instances of reference to the tyrIb., 
mediated by Moses, as ― covenant and oath‖(Deuteronomy 29:13 found in 29:14 in the 
English version; ) as well as a allusion to the covenant God ―swore‖  to their fathers 
(Deuteronomy 4:31). Furthermore, the liturgical setting of the pronunciation of curses 
and blessings in Deuteronomy 28:1-68 presupposes the process of swearing an oath.  
 In summary, it could be said that, though there were no rigid forms to which all 
the treaties in Ancient Near East rigidly conform, yet the above forms give a loose 
picture of an average treaty in Ancient Near East, and show clearly that Israel utilises 
the tyrIb. concept as a phenomenon with which she was very familiar within 
her immediate environment. Ancient law-codes, dating as early as the Patriarchal 
periods, have been discovered, which also show great similarities with the structure of 
the Decalogue, and display certain structural affinities with the tyrIb. at Sinai / 
Horeb as shown in the Exodus account. These include the Urukaniga Law Code, which 
                                                 
183 G. O. Abe. 1987 , 99-103. 
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184
pre-dates the Ur-Namu Law code, dating about 2100-2050 BC  and the Law code of 
Hammurabi, dating about 1795-1750 BC. 
 However, the scholars reviewed so far, approached the tyrIb. concept 
from a European understanding, which treated tyrIb. as equivalent to the 
English ‗covenant,‘ and perhaps, is not fully concomitant with the Semitic outlook on 
the meaning and significance of tyrIb.. Though the structural affinities between 
the treaty forms and the tyrIb. concept is given a prominent place, the 
distinctive phenomenological aspect in tyrIb. is often neglected. This aspect is 
the employment of the fear appeal, in which the structural form, similar to that of the 
treaty documents of the Ancient Near East is employed in tyrIb. as a sort of 
cognitive mediating process to create a vivid awareness of the threatened dangers and 
the promised benefits of keeping the terms of the tyrIb. . It is really important 
to explore the implications of the structural forms common to Ancient Near Eastern 
treaty documents as a vehicle of cognitive mediating process which is employed in the 
tyrIb. concept to ensure its efficacy in regulating human behaviour in the 
Ancient Israelite context and investigate this phenomenon in such a way that it could be 
easily decipherable to an African mind. This thesis would fill in this gap. 
 
2.2 tyrIb in Ancient Israel -à-vis ìmùlè ̣ in indigenous Èg̣bá culture 
 
2.2-1 An overview of some scholarly works 
 It is quite notable that in the works of many pioneer scholars of African indigenous 
Religion, particularly from the Yorùbá perspective, there is little in-depth treatment of 
covenant-making as a religious practice among the Yorùbá until recently. For example, 
authorities like Bolaji Idowu, Parinder, and Awolalu did not devote a chapter to 
covenant-making as a religious practice among the Yorùbá. This does not undermine 
the significance of covenant-making in Yorùbá indigenous religious practice. The 
works of these pioneer scholars, as well as most of the more recent writers, dwell more 
on African indigenous world view and religious practices in general. Recently, Jegede 
                                                 
184 M. T. Roth. 1995, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. Writings from the Ancient 
World, vol. 6.  
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made a remarkable contribution on the role of oath-making in Yorùbá and Igbo 
Jurisprudence. He devoted a chapter to covenant in Yorùbá and Igbo indigenous 
cultures. It is a work that made very good advance on the previous scholarly works in 
that it brings out vividly the practical aspect of the covenant concept in African 
indigenous culture. These works give us insight into the processes of covenant-making 
in African indigenous culture, but these contributions need to be compiled, harmonised, 
articulated and applied to the tyrIb. concept for a good understanding of the 
scripture in indigenous Yorùbá  categories. 
 Arulefela treated covenant-making in Yorùbá Land. He identified processes of 
indigenous Yorùbá covenant-making signified by terminologies such as ìbúra, ìmùlè ̣
and májѐ̣mú. He also treated some instances or situations of covenant-making in 
indigenous Yorùbá  culture such as friendship, marriage, sale of land, communal meals, 
the aristocracy, citizenship initiation, secret societies, religious cults, and professional 
groups. These contributions are valuable to us in this research because they articulate 
certain aspects of the covenant concept in indigenous Yorùbá terms. However, 
Arulefela's work is basically descriptive of the covenant concept. This research work 
would progress on Arulefela's work by exploring the cultural and socio-religious 
correlations between Ancient Israelite tyrIb. and indigenous Yorùbá  Ìmùlè ̣ 
and why the tyrIb. concept failed to effectively regulate the social moral 
behaviour in early Israel. This is also done with the aim of revealing the universal 
paradigms in tyrIb. vis a vis ìmùlè ̣, which may be employed to regulate human 
behaviour in diverse socio-cultural contexts.  
 T. F. Jemiriye, of the Department of Religious Studies in the University of Ado-
Ekiti, explicates the phenomenon of ìbúra ojú-ìbọ (Oath taking at the shrine), which 
explains an aspect of covenant-making that gives us an understanding of the concept 
and nature of covenant-making in indigenous Yorùbá perspective. He defined ìbúra' 
(Oath taking) as 
 
…a voluntary, conscious choice of putting a curse on oneself for a 
known or desired purpose. It is a pledge, a mandate of commitment and 
strict compliance with a position at which a deviation from the agreed 
initial position will trigger the attached curse without any other 
negotiation it is …an act of self-bounding to guarantee total compliance 
185
and fulfilment of agreement...   
                                                 
185 T. F. Jemiriye. Ìbúra ojú-ìbọ: A contextual Phenomenon 
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He explained that the parties to an oath believe that when an oath is sworn at a shrine, 
the supernatural powers, residing at the shrine, have a universal potency that it can 
inflict on any defaulter, hence this confirms the use of fear appeal as a concept in oath-
making. However, oath-taking is not equivalent to covenant-making, though it is an 
indispensable aspect of covenant-making. Jemiriye did not clearly articulate this aspect. 
 The work of Charles Jegede is focused on Shrines, Oath-taking and Jurisprudence 
in Yorùbá and Igbo Religions. However, his work gave a valuable insight into the 
tyrIb. concept because oath-taking is an integral part of tyrIb. making. 
186
He described a covenant as a relationship that is deliberately entered into.   The work 
illuminates the nature of Ìmùlè ̣  in Yorùbá indigenous culture. He clearly demonstrated 
that law and morality cannot be separated form religion in the African mind-set as well 
187
as in the Bible and Quran.   He shows that ―…like most other words in English, the 
word ‗covenant‘ is not able to convey the meaning and essence of tyrIb. in the 
188
African indigenous religion‖ . He outlined the procedure of using oaths in 
jurisprudence in indigenous Yorùbá  and Igbo cultures of Nigeria, and his presentation 
shows clearly that fear appeal is a significant phenomenon in oath-making.  This 
position is clearly seen in the following statement: 
 
The use of the Bible or Koran to take oaths is very potent because they 
are sacred books. It can be suggested that what make them seemingly 
impotent is because in the oath proper, adequate maledictions are not 
used when oaths are taken with these instruments…. to make vain oath 
in the name of any sacred object is to challenge the god that the object 
symbolises; it is to query its beingness, and it is the height of sacrilege 
and desecration.  There is no god who will forgive anyone who takes 
vain oaths in his name this is the core of their being and this is the spot 
189
where their potency is even more virulent…  
 
He affirmed further that ―To every oath, there is joined either an expressed or an 
190
implied threats or malediction…‖  and that ―it can be argued that oath that is devoid 
191
of malediction is alien to African religion and jurisprudence…  these statements 
confirm the proposition of this thesis, that tyrIb. regulates human behavioural 
                                                 
186 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ. 2011, Shrines, Oath-taking and Jurisprudence in Yorùbá  and Igbo Religions, 128. 
187 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ. 2011,49. 
188 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ. 2011, 124. 
189 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ.2011, 159. 
190 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ. 2011,164. 
191 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ. 2011,165. 
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pattern through the use of fear appeal. The work of this scholar is very significant to the 
present study because oath-taking is an indispensable aspect of the form of covenant as 
conveyed by the tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣ concepts. Jegede‘s work is carried out from 
the perspective of African indigenous religion; hence the author did not expand its 
scope and application into the realm of biblical interpretation. It is very descriptive and 
analytic and gives insight into oath-taking process as a crucial aspect of covenant-
making in Yorùbá and Igbo cultures of Nigeria. But the work did not treat other cognate 
terms related to covenant-making such as Ìmùlè ̣ and Májѐ̣mú.  The present work seeks 
to apply some of the findings articulated in these past works to the realm of Biblical 
interpretation, and attempt to bridge the contextual gap between the Biblical text and 
indigenous African culture with particular focus on Èg̣bá-Yorùbá  indigenous culture. 
 
2.3 Common paradigms in ancient Israelite concept of tyrib. and 
indigenous Èg̣bá concept of ìmùlè ̣  
 During our library work, we have found that there are some particular spheres in 
which the fundamental principle common to the Ancient Israelite tyrIb.  and 
Yorùbá indigenous concept of ìmùlè ̣  come out more clearly. These include: (1) the 
religious dimension of the tyrIb. concept (2) the social maintenance 
function of tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣;  (3) aspects of human behaviour regulated by the 
tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣ concept. 
 
2.3-1 The religious dimensions of tyrib. and ìmùlè ̣  
 Gabriel Oyedele Abe, emphatically, stated that every tyrIb. in the Old 
Testament had a religious significance. He observed that sacrifices usually 
accompanied most instances of tyrIb.  in the Old Testament. Also, very often 
the presence of the Divine is invoked and God thereby becomes the witness to the 
192
covenant.  It is worthy of note here, that by careful examination of the Old Testament 
text, we found that in all instances which directly reflect tyrIb., the divine is 
always invited as the chief witness except in cases whereby God Himself is a party in 
                                                 
192 G. O. Abe. 1983.  36. 
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the covenant, in which case He was always the initiator of the tyrIb., and there 
was no need for a third party witness; but in certain cases the heavens and the earth are 
summoned as witnesses. Even in Yorùbá  indigenous culture and many other religions 
outside Israel and Africa, the gods were often called upon as witnesses to the covenant 
193
contracts and treaties.  According to Charles Jegede, etymologically, Ọdàlẹ means 
someone who ‗bends‘ the earth. For one to break a covenant, such a person has broken 
the oath of the covenant and is guilty of perjury. Indigenous Yorùbá  jurisprudence 
―emphasises the sovereignty of God. And so, it is God that can punish anyone who 
194
commits perjury.‖  This also shows the religious dimension of ìmùlè ̣  in indigenous 
African thought. 
 With regards to tyrIb. forms which involved Israel as a nation, or which 
involved the patriarchs or other Israelite National figures, it is not surprising that it 
assumes a primarily religious dimension. From our library search, all authors reviewed 
so far agree with the fact that Israel sees herself as basically a liturgical community 
whose very essence of national existence is based on tyrIb. relationship with 
the LORD. 
 In the opinion of Oyedele Abe, the most important covenant in the national life 
of Israel is the Sinai covenant. He reiterated that ―the Sinai Covenant came as the 
culmination in which the relationship between the LORD and Israel was 
195
formalised.‖  The full import of this claim is that the tyrIb. concept in the 
perception and common understanding of the ancient Israelite mind lies in the fact that 
it binds the people with God. The tyrIb. concept is able to achieve social 
maintenance functions because of the religious tone of the concept. This is so because 
it brings God into the realm of inter-human relationships. There is indeed a similarity in 
the religious dimension of tyrIb. oin Ancient Israel and ìmùlè ̣ in indigenous 
African religion and culture. These two cultures share the same view of religious 
dimension of covenant because, in both cultures, God is seen as the ultimate Judge who 
punishes the perjurer. This is unlike the Western jurisprudential framework in which ―it 
196
is the state that is vested with the power of judgement‖.  Hence, in a certain instance, 
                                                 
193 J. A. MacCulloch. 1960. 209. 
194 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ.2011. 165. 
195 G. O. Abe. 1987.  98. 
196 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ. 2011. 165. 
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the Western concept of covenant is less religious in outlook than that of the Ancient 
Israelite and the indigenous African. The Western perspective of covenant is more 
legalistic, than religious.  
 
2.3.2 The social maintenance function of tyrIb. in Ancient Israel and 
indigenous African culture 
 All authors examined so far, agree to the fact that the very fabric of the Ancient 
Israelite society was woven round the concept of the tyrIb. with the LORD. 
Oyedele Abe expressed this in the opinion that ―…The concept of covenant is of far-
reaching importance in the relations among individuals, groups and nations‖.  He 
further explained that covenant is basically a binding promise concerning not only the 
religious, but also social, legal, political and other aspects of human life. He concluded 
197
that covenant is, therefore, not only a religious, but also a social institution.   He went 
further to remark- 
….Every life experience of the Israelite was given a religious 
interpretation within the covenant provision. Covenant thereby became 
the foundation or symbolic of the community, hence every action, 
religious or otherwise, must be in conformity with the stipulations and 
198
law of the covenant…  
 
 From this statement, we can deduce that the tyrIb. concept was seen in a 
purely religious light by the Israelite nation, and furthermore, their covenant-based 
religion was used to regulate the social behaviour of members of the Israelite 
commonwealth. It is notable that though pre-monarchical Israel was made up of 
elements of exceedingly heterogeneous origins, which have neither territorial integrity, 
no political machinery like the kingship or a central government, and there is a 
considerably large social differences among the tribes since not all of them can claim 
common decent from Jacob, yet they were held together for more than two hundred 
years with incredible toughness and under the most adverse conditions, and managed to 
survive and maintain her identity as one people through the adoption of the religious 
199
dimension  of the tyrIb. concept . 
 In the indigenous African culture, particularly in the ethical system of the 
Yorùbá  ethnic group of Western Nigeria, ìmùlè ̣  / májѐ̣mú  plays an important role. 
                                                 
197 G. O. Abe. 1987. 14. 
198 G. O. Abe. 1987. 98. 
199 J. Bright. 1981. 145. 
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200
Bolaji Idowu  reflected - ―In fact, the whole of person-to-person, and divinity- to -
person, relations have their basis largely in covenant.‖ He further commented that apart 
from the ritualistic forms of covenant-making, in the case of Ìmùlè ̣, it is believed that 
being trusted by a friend, eating together, or to have received hospitality as a guest is to 
enter into a form of covenant relationship which involves moral obligations.  Various 
forms of covenant communities emerge in indigenous African culture these include 
trade cults or professional guilds like the hunters union, secret societies, political 
aristocracy guilds like the cult of the royal court, age groups, and religious cults. 
 In the indigenous African culture, the ìmùlè ̣  relationship implies that the 
covenanting parties must not think or do evil to one another in any way. Bolaji Idowu, 
however, condemned certain usages of the ìmùlè ̣  concept in the Yorùbá  indigenous 
culture as antisocial. This include the case in which members of secret societies enter 
into ìmùlè ̣  to cooperate in perpetrating deeds that are inimical to the society, and 
members of the society must not betray each other. Furthermore in covenant-making as 
a means of regulating social behaviour in indigenous Yorùbá  culture, the divinities are 
seen as providing the norms for moral obligation. This concept, therefore, becomes 
weakened in the case where members of the same cult avoid any possible harm to 
fellow members of the cult, but feel no moral obligation to extend the same love to 
201
people outside their cultic fraternity .   
 
2.3.3 Some aspects of human behaviour regulated through the tyrIb. 
concept in Ancient Israel and indigenous Yorùbá  culture. 
 
 In the library work examined, so far, specific aspects of human behaviour 
regulated through the covenant concept have been recognised. These include: religious 
202 203
and cultic behaviour,  abortion and family planning,  environmental protection and 
ecological stability, hospitality and behaviour towards strangers, fundamental human 
rights, warfare and conflict management, leadership and governance, refugee status, 
business ethics, murder and manslaughter. Some of the contributions made on this 
subject deal mainly with the interpretation and exegetical analysis of the Hebrew texts 
that relate to the particular aspect of the stipulation of the Sinai/Horeb covenant, while 
                                                 
200 E. B. Idowu. 1996. Olodumare: God in Yorùbá  Belief -revised and enlarged edition, 156-167. 
201  E. B. Idowu. 1996. 
202  Eichrodt did an elaborate work on the cultic regulating aspects of the Mosaic covenant. W. Eichrodt. 
1961, 74-97, 133-175. 
203  J. M. Sprinkle. 1993. The interpretation of Exodus 21:22-25 (lex talionis) and abortion, Westminster 
Theological Journal 55: 233-253. 
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204 205
others like Berhard Meislin and Morris Cohen , and J. R. Porter  are contributions 
from the field of comparative law who approach the subject from strictly legal 
perspective.  
 There is, however, a large lacuna in the aspect of overall cause and effect of the 
tyrIb.  concept as related to Israel as a corporate entity. The corporate socio-
political nuances of tyrIb.  as a means of regulating human behaviour is very 
visible in the theological interpretation of Israelite History as presented in the 
Deuteronomistic Corpus. There is a vintage of scholarly works on Deuteronomistic 
History, but it is surprising that none of these works pondered the meaning and 
implications of the cause and effect of tyrIb. on the society as depicted by the 
writers of Deuteronomistic History. All the contributors consulted during this research 
agree with basic thesis Noth. They also agree that Deuteronomistic History is the 
product of theological reflection on the fall of Jerusalem, based on the tyrIb. 
model provided in the book of Deuteronomy. But none of them dealt with the specific 
theme of tyrIb. 206 and its nuances in Deuteronomistic History. Weinfeld  devoted 
his studies to identifying the Deuteronomistic redaction insertions in the 
Deuteronomistic Corpus, but did not belabour himself with the theological perspective 
of tyrIb. 207 displayed by the Deuteronomistic Historian. Person  as well affirmed 
that Deuteronomistic History is a product of post-event reflection on the catastrophe of 
208
the fall of Jerusalem  but he also focused on the context and social setting of 
Deuteronomistic History, and its distinctive traits and did not consider its presentation 
of the cause and effect of the Mosaic covenant. Other works that also followed this 
209 210 211
track include Williamson Hughes , Alexander Rofe,  Auld Graeme , Adrian 
                                                 
204 B. J. Meislin and M. L. Cohen. 1964, Background of the Biblical law against usury Comparative 
Studies in Society and History 6.3: 250-267. 
205 J. R. Porter. 1965. The Legal Aspects of the Concept of 'Corporate Personality' in the Old Testament, 
Vestus Testamentum 15. 3: 361-380. 
206 M. Weinfeld. 1972. Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School. 52-53 
207 R. F. Person Jr. 2002. The Deuteronomic School: History, Social Setting, and Literature; 2010. The 
deuteronomic history and the book of Chronicles: scribal works in an oral world. 
208 Person. R. F. Jr. 2002. 23-27. 
209 H. G. M. Williamson. 1982. The Death of Josiah and the Continuing Development of the     
Deuteronomic History. Vetus Testamentum 32. 242-248. 
210 A. Rofe. 1985. The Monotheistic Argumentation in Deuteronomy 4:32-40: Content, Composition 
and Text. Vetus Testamentum 35: 434-445. 
211 A. G. Auld. 1999. The Deuteronomists and the Former Prophets or What Makes the Former Prophets 
Deuteronomistic?.  Those elusive Deuteronomists: The phenomenon of Pan-Deuteronomism. Ed.S. L 
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212 213
Schencker  and Emmanuel Tov . All these scholars concentrated on the use of text-
critical methods in conjunction with redaction criticism to verify the date and redaction 
history of Deuteronomistic History. Their contributions are very useful because their 
conclusions confirm the theoretical basis of the current research. Also, their 
methodology provides a good model. However, the current research carries the work 
further by focusing specifically on the development and application of the theme of 
tyrIb. concept in Deuteronomistic History which the previous scholars have not 
given much space, and its intercultural nuances in relation to the Yorùbá concept of 
ìmùlè ̣. 
  
                                                                                                                                              
MacKenzie and L. S. Shearing. JSOT Supplementary Series, 116-126. 
212 A. Schenker. 2000. Jeroboam and the division of the Kingdom in Ancient Septuagint: LXX 3Kings 
12:24a-z, MT1Kings 11-12;14 and the Deuteronomistic History. Israel Constructs Its 
History:Deuteronomistic Historiography in Recent Research Eds. A. de Pury, T. Romer, and J.D. 
Macchi, JSOT Supplementary Series. 214-257 
213 E. Tov. ―The nature of the Difference between MT and the LXX‖ in The Story of David and Goliath: 
Textual and Literary Criticism ed. D. Barthelemy et.al. Orbis biblicus et orientalis 73. Fribourg:  
Editions Universitaires Fribourg/ Gottingen: Vandenhoeck un Fuprecht, 1996 .19-46. 
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CHAPTER THREE  
EXEGESIS AND FIELD WORK 
 The task at this point is in two parts. For the first part, since the Bible is the 
major foundation of this research, the work is predominantly an exegetical exploration. 
The research concentrates on the understanding of covenant in the Deuteronomy and 
Deuteronomic History. The focus text is 2Kings 22:8-23:3. However, according to the 
214
principle of the hermeneutic spiral , other scriptural passages are needed for the full 
understanding and interpretation of the focus text. The selected apposite texts are:-   
i. The Ethical Decalogue (Exodus20:1-17; Deuteronomy  5:1-19 RSV.5:1-22) 
ii. The Sinai Pericope in Exodus  24:3-8 
iii. The Covenant Code (Exodus20:22-23:33) 
iv. The Sabbath Pericope in Exodus31:12-17 
215
v. The Ritual Decalogue  (Exodus34:1, 10-28 ) 
vi. Sections of the Deuteronomic Code : Deuteronomy  4:12-14; 9:9-17; 10:1-
4; 17:18; 27:1-8; 28:61-29:20(RSV.8:61-29:21); 30:10-31:26;  
vii. Sections of Deuteronomistic History (DH): Joshua 1:8; 8:30-34;  23:6-
24:26; 1 Samuel 10:25;  2Kings 11:4, 12, 17, 18;  14:6; 17:35-39. 
viii. Some Deuteronomistic Sections of Jeremiah (Jeremiah 7:9; 11:1-17; 31:31-
34; 36:1-32) 
 These texts were verified, using the textual critical method. The tools of the 
Historical Critical Methods were deployed for this exercise. The texts are based on the 
Hebrew text of the BHS. Where the verse numberings differ from the English versions, 
the Hebrew Verse Numbering is followed. 
 For the second part, since the evaluative method was used as the exegetical 
framework, data from the field work among the Èg̣bá Yorùbá people was employed as 
witness of the African indigenous experience in the application, and in making 
theoretical formulations from the text. 
 
3.1 Ancient near eastern background of ְבִרית in ancient Israel:    
 Since the scripture was not given in a vacuum, it is no doubt that to social and 
cultural background of scripture has a significant influence on the meaning and 
                                                 
214 Akao J. O. 2000.  Principles of Biblical Hermeneutics, 25. 
215
 Exodus 34:11-26 has been identified as a self-contained pericopy called The Ritual Decalogue, in this 
exegesis, the immediate verses bordering the Ritual Decalogue, i.e. Verses 10 and 28 are also considered 
because it is these verses that served to incorporate the Ritual Decalogue into the immediate literary 
context within the canon. 
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interpretation of the text. It is therefore important to examine the Ancient Near Eastern 
background of the focus text and see how this would illuminate the theological 
inference from the text before we evaluate it from the indigenous Èg̣bá – Yorùbá local 
witness. The tools of the Historical – Critical methods were used to achieve this. 
Information available on the social history of the period, and the work of form critical 
studies were harnessed. 
 
3.1.1 The political and socio - historial background 
 Striking similarities have been observed between the forms and structure of 
covenant in Old Testament passages and those found in various Ancient Near Eastern 
216 217 218
Texts,  particularly the Hititie  and the Assyrian  suzerainty treaties. The 
probability of Egyptian influence on Israelite tyrib. concept has also been 
219
sugested by Craigie, but this connection has not been fully explored by scholars . 
Most scholars examined so far, who investigated these texts have been preoccupied 
220
with the problem of dating of the Biblical texts . However, the present work is 
focused on the implication of the similar historical context for the theological import of 
the text. The overall theological deduction is that the Israelites employed vassal treaty 
221
forms and Structure to articulate their unique relationship with the LORD . This shows 
that they conceive the relationship in the same phenomenological category as that 
between a sovereign and his subjects. YHWH, the LORD is King. Israel is his 
222
subject.  As King, the LORD is the ultimate Judge, and arbitrator of inter personal 
distupts among His people. The civil law is the ‗Law of the LORD‘. Social and Moral 
justice is Divine Justice.  
 Another point of note from the political terrain of Josiah‘s reform is that Josiah 
employs the covenant renewal rites to further his political manifesto. The legitimisation 
                                                 
216
 G. Von Rad 1966, The Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch, The Problem of the Hexateuch and 
Other Essays. 1-78;    1975, Old Testament Theology Vol.1  
217
 The texts of Ancient manuscripts of the Hittite Treaties have been translated and published in English 
language byBeckman. This foasters a first hand comparison of the texts with the Biblical text and 
gives a deeper understanding of their common forms and literary structures. The Treaty of ArwandaI 
of Hatti and the Men of Ishmerika is of particular interest. G. Beckman. 1999, Hittite Diplomatic 
Texts.13-17 
218
 A particular example of the Assyrian treaty form is the Succession Treaty of Esarhaddon, which is also 
called the ‗Vasal Treaty of Esarhaddon‘. D. J. Wiseman. 1958;  
219
 P. C. Craigie. 1976. Book of Deuteronomy. 79-83 
220 th
 Scholars who emphasise the Assyrian provenance of Biblical Covenant text propose a 7  century 
dating while those emphasising the Hittite provenance propose earlier dates. Further discussions on 
this is presented by J. Berman.2011;  
221
 B. L. Bandstra. 2009. Reading the Old Testament. 176 
222
 D. T. Olson. 2003. How Does Deuteronomy Do Theology?. 201-202 
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of reforms through discovery of documents, and divine sanction is not a strange 
incidence within the context of his time. There is archaeological evidence that similar 
actions have been taken by other monarchs in the Ancient Near East long before 
223
Josiah‘s reform.   The unique trait of Josiah‘s case is the nature of the document 
discovered as a guide for Josiah‘s reform. This unique trait reveals the unique 
theological persuasions underlying the text. The political manifesto of Josiah focuses 
on reclaiming the lost territories of the Davidic and Solomonic empire and 
reconsolidating the kingdom under a Davidic King. It is a concept much encouraged by 
the Jerusalemite royal theology, which echoes throughout DH. This political endeavour 
takes advantage of the wane of the Assyrian power and the nascent condition of 
Babylonian ascendance. The theological undertone here is that the LORD should be 
king, with a human representative in the person of a Davidic king as His visible 
viceroy. Though Josiah‘s political ambition may be faulted; and it may be seen as 
disapproved by the LORD in the fact that he was killed during his move to prevent the 
re-consolidation of the Assyrian Empire by his interception of Pharao Neco, who was 
on a campaign to aid the waning Assyrian Empire against the emerging Babylonian 
power. Yet the underlying theological ideology of Divine Kingship is considered valid. 
The validity of the theological presupposition is justified in the text by Huldah‘s 
prognosis of the king‘s demise before the ultimate catastrophe of the exile. This 
prophecy, in the context of the fact that Josiah enacted a renewal of the covenant, and 
carried out extensive religious reform, shows clearly that Sovereign decision on the 
affairs of human history lies with the LORD as the ultimate ruler, and His soverign 
decisions, verdicts and judgements cannot be manipulated by the human viceroy, or any 
other human agent.  
 
3.1.2 Form - critical observations 
 In order to have a glimpse of the sitz im leben, of the original book purportedly 
found during Josiah‘s reform, the work of form critical scholars gives an insight. The 
suggested life situation underlying the covenant texts had been posited as either ‗the 
living practice of public recital of the law‘or the ancient covenant ritual at shechem. 
The inner witness of the text itself strongly supports a lithurgical context of the annual 
festivals of Ancient Israel, hence Gerhad Von Rad posited that the theological 
conception of the tyrib. in Israelite cultic life arose as a culmination of her 
                                                 
223
 N. Na‘aman. 2011:  49-62 
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224
religious experiences which are expressed in form of certain solemn ceremonies.  
These solemn ceremonies are the feasts of Passover, Pentecost and Tabernacles. During 
these feasts, the exodus event, and the giving of the law were rehearsed. Weinfeld, 
however, has demonstrated that the Deuteronomic Code was a literary composition 
right from inception. Weinfeld‘s position is valid, but it does not detract from the fact 
that the text originated in a liturgical setting. It is highly probable that the core of the 
text of Deuteronomic Code grew within a liturgical setting in the form of a covenant 
document. This core then grew gradually as it was reviewed to deal with emerging 
socio-cultural and political exigencies. 
 
3.2 Translation and exegesis of selected texts 
3.2.1 Exegesis of 2Kings 22:8- 23:3 
 The Hebrew text used is taken from the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, (BHS) 
A 225
which has the Leningrad Codex B19  designated with the symbol "L" as its basis . 
The major significant divergence between the electronically preserved manuscripts of 
the Leningrad Codex and the print version of the BHS is the placement of the Book of 
Chronicles at the end of the corpus in the BHS, whereas it is placed at the beginning of 
the Ketubhim in the accessed facsimile of the Codex. The Codex L is the oldest dated 
manuscript of the Complete Masoretic Text Hebrew Bible available at the time of this 
research work. The Aleppo Codex which is older in age, is not complete. The original 
226
manuscript of the Aleppo Codex  was also accessed during the course of the work at 
the "Shrine of the Book Complex" Israel Museum in Jerusalem, Israel. A thorough 
comparison shows that the degree of textual variance within the selected texts between 
the Aleppo and the Leningrad Codex is very negligible. The focus text is 2 Kings 22:8 - 
23:3 as provided in the BHS. 
 
3.2.2 The integrity of the text: 
 The  Critical Apparatus of the BHS, is used for the textual criticism because it is 
227
the most reliable critical tool available to us at the moment.  The work has to progress 
very slowly because the apparatus is presented in Latin; hence the work was done with 
                                                 
224
 G.Von Rad. 1966, The Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch, The Problem of the Hexateuch and 
Other Essays. 1-78;    1975, Old Testament Theology Vol.1  
225
 A. Alt et.al Eds. 1977. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. xi. 
226
 The Aleppo Codex is believed to be older than the Leningrad Codex, but it is not complete. Some 
parts of the text have been destroyed, but the focus text is among the available sections. 
227 We would have loved to compare Sperber's critical apparatus even though it is very much older than 
the BHS, but we do not have access to the complete tool. 
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228
the aid of Prof. Ruger's  key to the BHS, and Paul Ferris Jr.‘s Guide to the use of the 
229
BHS Critical aparatus . In order to supplement this apparatus, a direct personal 
comparison of the textual material and cross verification with available ancient 
manuscripts was carried out. One of the most reliable manuscripts we used for the 
230
textual critical analysis of the text is the Aleppo Codex.  The validity of the  copies of 
these codices were personally confirmed by the researcher through a visit to "the shrine 
of the book complex" in the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, and St. Catherine's monastery 
231
at the foot of Mount Sinai, Sinai Peninsula, Egypt . At the Shrine of the book 
complex, the researcher was given access to the Aleppo Codex resource centre and the 
Dead Sea Scrolls information and study centre. Even though photographs of the codices 
and the ancient manuscripts were not allowed access was granted to the microfilms, 
and online facsimile of the manuscripts, particularly the Aleppo Codex. Hence, by 
comparing the copies of the codices with the originals, the validity of these resources 
was assured. It was very encouraging to see that the texts of the Aleppo Codex agree in 
many significant details with the text of the facsimile of the Leningrad Codex used for 
this particular study.  The Monastery of St. Catherine in the Sinai Peninsula, Egypt was 
also visited with a hope of seeing the originals of the Codex Sinaiticus, but they could 
not be accessed. However, access was given to digital copies of these manuscripts, as 
well as digital copies of the Codex Vaticanus and the Codex Allexandrianus. It was 
gathered that the originals of the Codex Sinaiticus have been scattered across four 
major libraries across the globe with the majority in the British Library. Hence, we have 
232
to depend on the electronically preserved digital facsimiles.  Two synagogue libraries 
were also visited to see the versions of the Tanakh in current use among orthodox Jews. 
233
The Synagogue at the Tomb of King David was particularly helpful . It was the only 
place a few photographs were allowed. The other Synagogue visited was at the King 
Solomon's Hotel, Tiberias. 
                                                 
228
 H. P. Ruger, 1992. An English and German Key to the Latin words of the Biblia Hebraica 
Stuttgartensia 
229
 P. W. Ferris Jr. 2003.  A Guide to the use of the BHS Critical Apparatus. 
230
 A sample photograph of sections of the original manuscript of the Aleppo Codex used is shown in 
Picture Plate 01. 
231
 St. Catherine Monastry belongs to the Greek Orthodox Church. A photograph of the entrance to the 
monastery is also provided in Picture Plate 03. The ancient manusctipt were not accessed directly 
from this monastery, but through the electronice fascimiles, since most of the manuscripts of the 
relevant passages have been moved to the British Museum and the Louvre in Paris. 
232
 Visit to Mount Sinai and the Monastery of St. Catherine, St. Catherine's City, Sinai Peninsula, via 
Tama Land border, 11th and 12th November 2011. 
233
 This consisted of a single shelve with copies of some versions of the Bible. Among this was the 
Tarnakh in current use among Jews in which the portions of the focus text, 2 Kings 22:8-23:3 
corresponds in details with the Leningrad Codex. 
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 The Aleppo Codex is of particular interest because it is considered the most 
authoritative manuscript of the Masoretic text. It was created in Tiberias in the 10th 
Century A.D, and has been preserved over a long period of migrations, from Tiberias, 
to Egypt, to Syria and back to Israel in the 1950's. This Codex is the most dated 
manuscript of the Masoretic text of the Hebrew Bible discovered so far, which contains 
234 
the focus text. The major priority of L over the Aleppo is that it is more complete, 
while some pages are missing in the Aleppo Codex. Other helpful manuscripts include 
the Aramaic Targumim, written in Aramaic Language. 
 The Dead Sea scrolls accessed so far do not have entries for DH, but were 
particularly useful for the passages taken from the book of Deuteronomy, particularly 
the 29th chapter, where a very important variant in the text aided so much in the 
exegesis. The Targum Neofiti and Targum Neo Jonathan have no entries for 2 Kings. 
They contain only entries for the Torah, hence, were only helpful with the apposite 
texts taken from the Torah but were not applicable to the main focus text. The Targum 
Cairo-Geniza Texts was very fragmentary, but was applicable in sections taken from 
235
Deuteronomy Chapter five. All the Targumim  were written in Aramaic, hence they 
only serve as secondary language verification purposes along with the Greek LXX, and 
Latin Vulgate. The use of these resources was possible with the aid of electronic 
language study tools provided by Bible Works Software, the E-Sword electronic Bible 
study package and the Theophilos Bible study package. 
 
3.2.3 Text Critical observations: 
The textual variations observed include the following: 
In Chap.22, Verse 8, the manuscript reads  
rpeêSoh; !p"åv'-l[; ‘lAdG"h; !hEÜKoh; 
WhY"÷qil.xi rm,aYOw:û  
236 237
But all available Greek manuscripts  including the Codex Sinaiticus , The Codex 
                                                 
234 This information is gathered from the "Shrine of the Book Complex" at the Israel Museum, 
Jerusalem, during the course of the research. The major aspect in which L supercedes the Aleppo 
Codex is because it is the most complete coded of the M texts whereas Aleppo lacked significant 
portions of the Torah. 
235 The work was enhanced by electronic copies of the various Targumin, with associated language 
study tools. Some of them are available at the Jerome School of Torah Heritage, Jerusalem, and some 
have been incorporated into the Bibleworks electronic software. 
236 B. Kennicott. 1776, 1780, Vestus Testamentum HebraicumVol.I,II. 
237 We visited the St. Catherine Monastery on the Sinai Peninsula in order to gain access to the 
Codex Sinaiticus. The originals have been transferred to Rome. 
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238 239
Alexandrinus  and the Codex Vaticanus  read pro.j instead of epi.  in the 
phrase- 
" kai. ei=pen Celkiaj o` i`ereu.j o` me,gaj pro.j Saffan 
to.n grammate,a bibli,on  " 
which literally in Hebrew should have been: 
rpeêSoh; !p"åv'-lae, ‘lAdG"h; !hEÜKoh; 
WhY"÷qil.xi rm,aYOw:û  
Though this is a minor deviation which may be attributed to the necessity for 
grammatical accuracy in the process of translation from the Hebrew to the Greek, this 
variation affects the consonants, hence could be regarded as deviating from the 
unpointed text. The reading of !p"åv'-l[; would be grammatically wrong if 
it is literally rendered in the Greek, but it does not affect the meaning of the text in 
Hebrew language. It must be acknowledged that !p"åv'-lae, is more 
grammatically correct, following the philological viewpoints in most of the European 
language group, and is the reading followed by most English translations. 
 
There are three instances of variations observed in Chapter 22 verse 9: 
a.  The Codex Vaticanus and the recension text of Origen's Hexapla, follow the 
reading  !p"Üv' abe’Y"w:  as found in 2 Chronicles 34:16 instead of 
!p"Üv' aboúY"w: . 
 aboúY"w:  is the qal waw consecutive imperfect 3rd person masculine 
singular apocopated of the verbal root   awb while abe’Y"w:  is the hiphil 
waw consecutive imperfect 3rd person masculine singular apocopated of the same root. 
This variation occurs in the pointing of the text, hence it still adheres to the more dated 
manuscripts of the unpointed texts. This variation would have existed only among the 
Masoretic texts. The effect is grammatical and does not have significant effect on the 
connotations of the text.  
                                                 
238 The Codex Alexandrianus is in Greek, and the book of 2Kings is entered as 4th Basileion. The 
electronic texts of this manuscripts can be accessed at http://www.symeon-anthony.info/ BibleCanon/ 
Alexandrinus/ CodexAlexandrinus. html 
239 The Codex Vaticanus, along with the Codex Alexandrinus and the Codex Sinaitcus were 
considered the oldest most complete Greek manuscripts of the whole Bible, containing both the Old 
and the New Testament in Greek. 
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b. The phrase   ‘rpeSoh; !p"Üv' is missing in verse 18 in the Greek 
240
text of the Lucian recension text . Majority of the examined Hebrew manuscripts 
241
retained it.  Since the hiphil is causative active while the qal is simple active , the 
alternative reading of verse 18, taking cognizance of these variations in 'a' and 'b' above 
would be: 
"...and Shaphan the Scribe brought it to the king. And he brought word to the king 
saying..."  
or  
"and he brought it to the king. And he brought word to the king saying..." 
instead of  
"...and Shaphan the scribe came to the king, and brought the king word saying..."  
 
c. The third variation in verse 9 is the insertion of  hw"+hy>  tybeäB.  
instead of just tyIB;êb; in a few of the several medieval Hebrew 
242
manuscripts  and this reading is followed by the more weightier Greek manuscripts, 
hence, the Greek reads " evn tw/| oi;kw| kuri,ou " in some manuscripts of 
the LXX, which in Hebrew would be  hw"+hy>  tybeäB.  instead of 
tyIB;êb; . This reading is also followed by some Latin versions, for instance, 
243
the Latin Vulgate reads ―Domo Domini,‖  meaning ―house of the LORD‖, which 
suggests that the LXX Vorlage used by Jerome in preparing the Vulgate reads oi;kw| 
kuri,ou which agrees with the reading hw"+hy>  tybeäB. if the Qere 
principle is followed. 
 This may be a deviation from the original due to glosses. However, it rather 
enhanced the meaning of the original text. It did not distort the reading in any way 
whatsoever. But by principle, we adhere to the original reading as closely as possible; 
hence we adopt the reading- 
 
"...Then he brought it to the king and reported to the king saying: "Your officials have 
emptied out the money that was found in the house... 
 
                                                 
240 The recensions were reconstructed or ammeded such that the most likely reading are established 
by critical review. 
241 J. Weingreen. 1959. A practical Grammar for Classical Hebrew,100 
242 B. Kennicott. 1776, 1780. The facsimile of the Kennicott Bible is available at the Israel 
Museum, Jerusalem. 
243 The version of the Latin used here is Weber R. et.al. Eds. 1983. Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam. It 
is available in the Bible Works Bible software package. 
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In verse 13, the following variations were observed: 
a. In some manuscripts  hd"êWhy>-lK' ‘d[;b.W appears to have 
been deleted, but its exclusion from the originals is rather doubtful, hence it is 
considered more appropriate to retain the reading. 
 
b. A minority of texts omit hZ<+h; in the phrase hZ<+h rp,Seäh; in 
verse 13, the Greek equivalent is also absent in Codex Vaticanus 56.129 but the 
majority and the most dated manuscripts including the Aleppo Codex retains it.  
Therefore, it is considered expedient to retain it in the peshat. 
 
244
c. The Hebrew text of a manuscript among Kennicott's  collection agrees with the 
Lucian recension texts and reads wyl'([' instead of  Wnyle([', hence 
the Lucianus Greek text reads    in Greek. However, the LXX follows 
Wnyle([', hence, it was rendered kaqV h`mw/n in Greek. The LXX is 
considered more reliable. Hence, we follow the reading Wnyle(['  in the 
peshat. 
 
In verse 14, variant readings include the following: 
245
a. Some Greek minuscule codices and the Codex Vaticanus rendered the Hebrew 
tv,aeä as mhtera, meaning "mother of" instead of gunai/ka, meaning "wife 
of". This variation can be disregarded since it is found only in secondary texts, being 
Greek translations, whereas the Hebrew manuscripts, including the Aleppo Codex read  
tv,aeä 246 which is more appropriately rendered gunai/ka as in the weightier  
manuscripts of the LXX. 
 
b.  Many Hebrew manuscripts rendered the name  sx;r>x; as ~x;r>x;. 
This name is not found anywhere else in the Hebrew Bible except in 2Kings22:14. The 
247
variant  ~x;r>x; is not found at all  in L. The manuscripts having the variant 
also had it only in 2 Kings 22:14;  Hence the reading  is retained as accurate. The 
                                                 
244
 B. Kennicott.1776, 1780 
245
 The Minuscles are the small letter manuscripts and codices. 
246
 Manuscripts that are older in age and those who are more evenly distributed geographically are 
considered to carry more weight than the relatively younger and geographically restricted manuscripts. 
247 Here we used the electronic search engine of the Bible Works Software to search on the Hebrew 
text. For verification, we also consulted Young's Analytical concordance. 
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deviation may be a parablesis due to the similarity in shape of the final ~ and the letter 
s.  
 
In verse 16, a grammatical deviation of the manuscripts of secondary language is 
observed. 
 The phrase  hZ<ßh; ~AqïM'h;-la, (unto this place) should 
have read hZ<ßh; ~AqïM'h;-l[;  (upon this place) in the 
philological sense of most European languages, hence the LXX renders it evpi. 
to.n to,pon tou/ton. The Aramaic Targum also rendered it !ydEh' 
ar"ta; l[; 248,  following the appropriate grammatical rendition. However, 
we did not find any Hebrew manuscript that follows this reading. It is followed in the 
peshat only for grammatical convenience. 
 
In verse 17, only one significant textual variation is observed. 
 One Hebrew manuscript, the Vorlage of the Luciani textual manuscript as well 
as the consensus Syriac manuscript omit lko in hfeä[]m; lkoßB. .  
The LXX also follow this deviation by rendering evn toi/j e;rgoij tw/n 
ceirw/n auvtw/n, thereby rendering the reading as "with the works..." instead of 
"with all the works...". But all other manuscripts scrutinised, including Aleppo Codex 
and the Aramaic Targumim, retain lko. Since L and the Aleppo Codices are 
considered more authoritative, lko is retained in the peshat. 
 
In Verse 18, the  Critical Apparatus calls attention to the probability that some words 
may have dropped out at the end of the verse, hence leaving the phrase in suspense.  
But a reconstruction is totally impracticable since there is no manuscript to give a 
guiding clue. 
 
Verse 20 has four variations among the compared manuscripts. 
249
a.  The Targum according to Sperber and de Lagarde , read  ^yt,ªboa]-
                                                 
248 The Targumim are rendered in Aramaic, hence the vocabularies are different whereas the 
alphabets and some particles and conjunctions are similar. 
249 A. Sperber. 1956-1962 The Bible in Aramaic, Vol.1-111;  de Lagarde, P. 1873 Hagiographa 
Chaldaice  
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la, ^øp.siao) ("I would gather you unto your fathers") instead of 
^yt,ªboa]-l[; ^øp.siao) ("I would gather you upon your 
fathers") The reading ^yt,ªboa]-la, ^øp.siao)  is more 
grammatically appropriate in translation to Greek and English, hence the LXX renders 
it evgw. prosti,qhmi, se pro.j tou.j pate,raj sou . This is the 
reading followed by most English translations, and for grammatical convenience, it is 
followed in the peshat. 
 
250
b. Furthermore, two Hebrew  manuscripts read $yterob.qi instead of 
^yt,rob.qi, while one Hebrew along with many other versions compared in 
the  Critical Apparatus read é^t.r"buq. 
 ^yt,rob.qi is a common noun, in the masculine plural construct with 
a suffix in the 2nd person masculine singular of  rb,qñ,. Translated as your 
(masculine) graves (masculine plural),or more appropriately, your burial ground. 
 $yterob.qi  is in the masculine singular construct form of the noun 
with suffix in the second person singular. Translated as your (masculine) 
grave(masculine) 
 ^t.r"buq. is in the feminine singular inflection of the noun with the 
suffix in the 2nd person singular of hr'Wbq. Translated as your (masculine) 
grave(feminine) 
 The differences are in the gender and number of the word 'rb,qñ,' 
(qebher - grave). The masculine plural inflection reflects the socio-cultural burial 
practice in Ancient Israel, in which a common sepulcher is used for several burials. The 
masculine singular form reflects a burial custom which uses individual graves. The 
contextual meaning common to all the inflections is "burial place". 
 
c.  ~Alv'B. (in peace) is rendered evn Ievrousalhm| (in Jerusalem) in 
the recension text of Origen's Hexapla instead of  evn eivrh,nh|, as rendered in 
                                                 
250 These are found among Kennicott's collection 
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the LXX. 
 
d. Another variation in verse 20 is the addition of  ― wyb'ªv.yO-l[;w>‖ 
(and upon its inhabitants) after hZ<‚h; ~Aq’M'h;-l[   by Vorlage of 
the Codex Vaticanus and the recension text of Origen's Hexapla, which follows the 
reading as found in verse 19, and in 2Chronicles 34:28. It is deemed expedient to 
adhere to the reading in L and Aleppo, because these are considered more authoritative. 
 
CHAPTER 23:1-3 
In verse 1, the Critical Apparatus reveals that one dated manuscript follow the reading 
@so§a/Y<w: rd (...and he gathered - which is in the Qal 3  person singular) as 
in 2 Chronicles 34:29, instead of  Wpås.a;Y:w: (...and they gathered- in the 
Qal 3rd person masculine plural.) The weightier Greek manuscripts follow either this 
reading or  Wpås.a;YEw:, (...and they were gathered- which is in the niphal 
third person plural) in accordance with  the readings found in the popular Syriac 
251
versions  and the Latin vulgate.  
 All the three variant readings retain the roots as found in the more dated 
unpointed texts, the foundation of the chosen text manuscript. 
 
In verse 2, two variations are observed. 
252
a. One dated Hebrew manuscript  the Codex Vaticanus and some Aramaic 
253
Targumim,  follow the reading in 2Chronicles 34:30 by omitting lk' in 
~Øil;øv'Wry> ybe’v.yO-lk'w>, thus reading 
~Øil;ªv'Wry> ybeäv.yOw> "the inhabitants of Jerusalem" 
instead of "all the inhabitants of Jerusalem". 
 
b.   ~yaiêybiN>h;w> is missing in some Aramaic Targumim of Sperber‘s 
254
collection.  A few Hebrew manuscripts follow the reading in 2 Chronicles 34:30, 
reading ~YIëwIl.h;w> (and the Levites) instead of  
                                                 
251 M. Hetzenauer. 1922: Biblia Sacra Valgatae 
252 in Kennicott's collections 
253 B. Sperber. 1962: The Bible in Aramaic Vol.I-III. This work actually spans a period of three 
years spanning from 1959-1962. 
254 B. Sperber. 1962: The Bible in Aramaic Vol.I-III. 
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~yaiêybiN>h;w> (and the prophets). The reading of L is retained because 
L and Aleppo are considered more reliable. 
 
 In verse 3, the Critical Apparatus shows that two dated Hebrew manuscripts as 
well as the Codex Vaticanus do not have the w> prefix on the verb 
rmo’v.liw>. This is considered a minor variation and is overlooked. 
 
 
3.2.4 Summary of text critical comments 
 From the textual critical appraisal of the text, a total of 20 variations within the 
text, between 2Kings 22:8 and 23:3. One in 22:8; three in 22:9; Three in 22:13; two in 
23:14; One each in 22:16,17, and 18; four in 22:20; One in 23:1, two in 23:2 and one 
also in 23:3.  Nonetheless, the reliability of the chosen text manuscript is assured, 
because all the variations have negligible significance to the meaning of the text. In 
actual fact the entries for the focus text, 2Kings 22:8-23:3 are indeed accurately 
correspondent in the Leningrad Codex and the Aleppo Codex. These two codices were 
the oldest and most authoritative Masoretic text available worldwide as at the time of 
writing this exegesis. Majority of textual variations observed are found in later texts, 
most of which are in a secondary language to the original manuscripts. Moreover, all 
variations discovered either as presented by the  Critical Apparatus or by direct 
personal verification of manuscripts are of minor influence on the actual meaning of the 
text. This is a testimony that content of the focus text is well received and properly 
preserved. Considering the fact that there is very little variation among texts from 
diverse geographical location, it means that the tradition preserved in this text is to a 
certain extent endorsed by the Scribes of diverse schools and locations. It means that 
both the Jews of the dispersion in Egypt, Tiberias, Babylon as well as the Palestinian 
Jews endorsed the tradition represented by this text. 
 
3.2.5 The peshat: 
 The Pehsat is a literal interpretation of the text. With due cognisance of the 
variations among the ancient manuscripts compared, we can confidently affirm the 
textual integrity of the text manuscript. Hence, from the manuscript represented by the 
BHS, I present a literal interpretation into contemporary English, on which I would 
base further exegetical exploration. 
 
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2 Kings 22:8 - 23:3    
255
8 the high priest said to  Shaphan the secretary, "I found a Book of the Law in the 
256
house of the LORD " and Hilkiah gave the book to Shaphan, and he read it.   
9 Then he brought it to the king and reported to the king saying: "Your officials have 
emptied out the money that was found in the house and have entrusted it to the hands of 
257
the workers and supervisors at the house of The LORD."    
10 Then Shaphan the scribe informed the king saying, "Hilkiah the priest has given me 
a book." and Shaphan read it in the presence of the king.   
11 When the king heard the words of the Book of the Law, he tore his robes.   
12 Then he gave these orders to Hilkiah the priest, Ahikam son of Shaphan, Achbor son 
of Michaiah, Shaphan the scribe and Asaiah the king's attendant saying:   
13 "Go and inquire of the LORD for me and for the people about what is written in this 
book that was found; because great is the LORD's anger that burns against us because 
our fathers have not obeyed the words of this book to do according to all that is written 
there concerning us."   
14 Then Hilkiah the priest, Ahikam, Acbor, Shaphan and Asaiah went to Huldah the 
prophetess, the wife of Shallum son of Tikvah, the son of Harhas, keeper of the 
garments, who lived in Jerusalem, in the second sector, and spoke with her.   
15 And she said to them, "Thus says The LORD, the God of Israel: Tell the man who 
sent you to me:   
16 `Thus says the LORD: behold, I will bring disaster on this place and its inhabitants, 
all the words of the book which the king of Judah has read.   
17 Because they have forsaken me and burned incense to other gods in order to 
258
provoke me to anger by all  the works of their hand, my anger will burn against this 
place and will not be quenched.'   
18 And this is what you are to say to the king of Judah, who sent you to inquire of the 
LORD,`Thus says the LORD, the God of Israel, concerning the words you heard:   
19 Because your heart was tender and you humbled yourself before the LORD when 
you heard what I have spoken against this place and its inhabitants, that they would 
become a horror and a curse, and because you tore your robes and wept in my presence, 
I have heard you, declares the LORD.   
20 259 Therefore behold, I will gather you to  your fathers, and you will be gathered to 
260
your tomb in peace . Your eyes will not see all the disaster I am going to bring on this 
place.'" So they reported back to the king.  
 
CHAPTER 23:1-3 
1 Then the king sent, and they gathered to him all the elders of Judah and Jerusalem.  
2 And the king went up to the house of the LORD with all the men of Judah, and those 
                                                 
255 Here we adopt the reading "  !p"åv'-lae,  " because it is more grammatically 
correct from the English linguistic perspective. 
256 We follow the conventional Ketibh - Qereh practice, hence we rendered the reading of 
hw"©hy> as The LORD. The upper case is used to show that it designates God. 
257
 This is the Qere Perpetuum for the Ketibh YHWH 
258 We included the word "all" in accordance with the Leningrad Codex, which we feel is more 
authoritative, and because of its interpretive significance. 
259 Here we prefer the reading la, according to the codices of Targum Secundum instead of 
l[; is found in the Leningrad Codex basically because it is more grammatically appropriate in 
the English sense. 
260 Here we disregard the variant reading  evn Ievrousalhm| (in Jerusalem) in textus 
Graecus ex recension because is occurred in a minority text of secondary language. 
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who live in Jerusalem, the priests and the prophets and all the people from the least to 
the greatest. He read in their hearing all the words of the Book of the Covenant, which 
was found in the house of the LORD.   
3 261 Then the king stood by the pillar and made  the covenant in the presence of the 
LORD, to follow the LORD and keep his commands, regulations and decrees with all 
his heart and all his soul, thus confirming the words of the covenant written in this 
262
book. And all the people stood in  the covenant.  
 
 
3.2.6 Summary of the passage 
In brief, the message of the passage can be literally summarised as follows: 
 The High Priest, Hilkiah, found a covenant document in the temple while 
renovations were going on according to directives by King Josiah. He gave the 
document to Shaphan, who was the Secretary to the government. Shaphan read the 
document, and while giving report about the progress of the renovations, also informed 
the king that a covenant document was found. He read the document to the king. When 
King Josiah heard the content of the book, he was afraid, and demonstrated a mood of 
repentance and sorrow. King Josiah, then, sent some officials to inquire of the LORD 
concerning the situation of things. The official went to Huldah, the prophetess, in 
Jerusalem, and she confirmed that there was impending doom coming upon the land of 
Judah, according to the words of the document that was found due to their failure to 
keep the covenant, but that King Josiah would die and be buried in peace before the 
doomsday because of his penitence.  King Josiah, however, went further to gather all 
the people of the land to renew the covenant and to carry out further reforms in line 
with the dictates of the document with a hope to averting the impending doom. 
 This text raises some pertinent questions: (i) What document was it that was 
found during the temple renovations?  (ii) Which covenant does this document contain 
and what is the content of the book that was found? (iii) When was the tyrIb. 
ratified and what was its purpose? (iv.) What were the strengths and weaknesses of this 
tyrIb. and did it fulfil its intended purpose? (v.) What are the social and 
religious consequences of Josiah's action in renewing the tyrIb. ? We 
sought answers to these questions from the text with due illumination by the literary 
and socio-religious context 
                                                 
261
 This is rendered "made" in English so that it would make grammatical sense. Technically, the 
appropriate term is "cut". The definite article is retained so that it reads "made the covenant" instead 
of "made a covenant" in order to emphasise that it is a re-enactment of the former covenant and not a 
novel ratification of another new covenant. 
262
 We preferred the reading "in" instead of "to" because this is the reading of the Hebrew manuscripts. 
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 Based on the principle of hermeneutic spiral, the answers to these questions 
were first sought from the literary context by deploying the tool of narrative criticism 
upon the immediate canonical context of the passage. Secondly we seek further 
illumination through the socio-religious background of the passage, by employing the 
tools of Historical critical methods. 
 
3.2.7 The literary context:  
 The literary context is fixed within DH, which provides the immediate 
canonical literary context of the focus text. The decision to delimit the canonical 
literary context within DH is based on conclusions drawn from the arduous works of 
previous scholars, which had produced the theory of DH spearheaded by Martin 
263
Noth . 
 Source criticism during the middle and latter parts of the nineteenth century has 
given a significant attention to the various strands of traditions found in the Pentateuch, 
264
and how far these sources could be traced into other parts of the Old Testament .  This 
raises the question of the literary and theological relationship between the Pentateuch 
and other Old Testament books, particularly the books that followed the Pentateuch in 
the arrangement of the cannon.  It was discovered that materials of the  Yahwist source 
stratum designated ad "J"; the Elohist source stratum designated as "E," and the Priestly 
source stratum designated as "P", literary sources, were not found at all in 
Deuteronomy and that the Deuteronomic Source strand, "D" was very scanty in 
Genesis, Exodus, Numbers and Leviticus. Hence, the book of Deuteronomy is unique. 
The works of Source criticism has also suggested that there are traces of "J" and "E" 
traditions in Joshua and parts of Kings, but that there is a great difficulty in connecting 
these sources exclusively with any or all of the first four books of the Pentateuch vitz: 
Genesis, Exodus Numbers and Leviticus, without a connection with Deuteronomy 
because of the evident literary concordance between Deuteronomy and the Former 
265
Prophets . The first and crucial step of the exercise presently is to determine the 
266
extent and boundaries of realistic narratives  between the Pentateuch and the Former 
                                                 
263
 M. Noth.1981.The Deuteronomistic History. 
264
 D. Bracher.   Hexateuch, Tetrateuch and Deuteronomic History 
265
 The books of Deuteronomistic History are called Former Prophets in the Hebrew Bible. The term 
"Deuteronomistic History is a later development consequent of Martin Noth's thesis establishing the 
theological, literary and thematic consonance of Deuteronomy with Joshua, Judges, Samuel and 
Kings.  
266
 According to Hans Frei, 1974p.13-14, a realistic narrative is one whose meaning lies in the holistic 
interactions of the elements of the story, including the characters, events and settings, and not in 
factors outside the text itself. 
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Prophets within which the text is situated. There are four basic hypothesis proposed. All 
these hypotheses focus on the role of the book of Deuteronomy and its relationship to 
267
the first four books of the Torah and the books of the Former Prophets.  
 The Hexateuch hypothesis, of which Gerhad Von Rad is a leading proponent, 
posits that Deuteronomy reflected a fusion between two independent traditions, the 
exodus conquest traditions and the Sinai event. That fusion of traditions became the 
basis for collecting together and organising the earlier traditions into a series of creedal 
confessions about God.  Therefore, the Deuteronomic tradition was used as the basis to 
edit the earlier traditions into a coherent narrative which Gerhad Von Rad termed as, 
―salvation history‖ or ―the history of redemption.‖ In other words, he saw 
Deuteronomy as the climax and heart of the Pentateuch with Joshua as part of the on-
going narrative of the exodus-conquest complex. On the other hand, he considered 
Judges as belonging to a later body of material with a different purpose, and so, was not 
included in the confessional scheme of the history of redemption. Hence, the 
Hexateuch places the books of the Torah and Joshua in the same narrative strata, such 
268
that Genesis to Joshua can be treated as a continuous narrative  which excluded the 
rest of the Former Prophets. But a careful look at the literary form of the books of the 
Pentateuch and the Former Prophets shows without ambiguity that the content, 
presentation, and themes in the Former Prophets concur more with that of 
Deuteronomy, and diverges from that of Genesis, Exodus, Numbers and Leviticus. 
Hence, Noth exposed a literary and theological connection between Deuteronomy and 
the books of the Former Prophets and posits his theory of DH, thus establishing a basis 
for considering Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings and Jeremiah as a 
realistic narrative. Based on Noth‘s thesis, we therefore fix the immediate canonical 
269
context of the focus text within DH, while considering Deuteronomy and Jeremiah , 
as introduction and Conclusion of the Story in DH. 
270
 The Principle of Hermeneutic Spiral  justifies the fact that we would better 
understand the usage of terms and the literary context of the focus passages through a 
familiarity with the larger canonical context. Hence, the understanding of the 
Deuteronomistic historian's theological and historical perspective deduced from the 
                                                 
267 The former prophets are also referred to as the Deuteronomistic History in recent times. 
268 G. Von Rad 1975 p.133 
269
R. E. Friedman. 1987. Who Wrote the Bible? . 146-147; Gershon Galil. 2001. The Message of the 
Book of Kings in Relation to Deuteronomy and Jeremiah.411-414; T. L. Constable, 2013. Notes on 
Jeremiah. 10; M. Weinfeld, 1972. Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School.27-31,138-145. 
270
 J. O. Akao, 200,  Principles of Biblical Hermeneutics, 25. 
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271
overall plot of DH would enhance the "indexing"  capabilities.  We treated these 
books as a continuous narrative. It is not within the scope of this study to debate the 
historicity of the narrative, because such an exercise would detour the research from its 
main stream. It suffices to state that I intend to evade the "eclipse of biblical narratives" 
and deal with the passage as a realistic narrative. It is certainly evident that though the 
narrative is "historical" in style and plot, it does not claim to be historiography in the 
272
sense of modern Eurocentric sense of the term.   Hence, dealing with it as a realistic 
narrative, we seek for the meaning and interpretation within the narrative text itself, and 
not in factors outside the text. That is why we engage the tool of Biblical Narrative 
Criticism. However, we seek contextual illumination so that we may better interpret the 
factors within the text from closest possible parlance with the perceived author(s).  
 
3.2.8 Literary critical observations 
 The major catch-phrases we employed in exploring the canonical context of the 
focus text are: 
i. hr"ATh; rp,se (sepher ha torah – book of the law) 
e
ii. tyrIB.h; rp,se (sepher ha b rith – book of the covenant) 
e
iii   tyrIB.h;-ta, trok.YIw:  ( wayyikroth et-hab rith- and 
he cut the covenant 
iv.  rp,Seh;-l[; ~ybituK.   e(k thubbim al ha sepher – he 
wrote on a book) 
v. tyrIåB.h; ‘yrEb.DI (Dibrê haBBürît - words of the 
covenant)  
 The phrase hr"ATh; rp,se (book of the law) in the various 
nuances, translated variously as ‗book of the law‘ or ‗book of this law‘(only in 
Deuteronomy  28:61) or ‗book of law‘ (Prominent in Nehemiah) occurs four times in 
Deuteronomy [28:61; 29:20 (Eng.21); 30:10; 31:26]; five times in Joshua [1:8; 8:31, 
34;  23:6;  24:26];  three times in 2 Kings [14:6; 22:8; 22:11]; three times outside DH in 
                                                 
271
 Indexing is here used in conformity with Chatman's model, as a technical term to describe the ability 
of the reader to infer the existence of events, objects and people from the information provided in the 
narrative, even though such phenomena were not explicitly stated. See Chatman.1978, p.34 
272
 T. E. Fretheim, 1983 among many other European scholars have seriously questioned the historicity 
of the former prophets. U.Y. Kim. 2005 vehemently criticised, Noth, 1981,p.84, for defending the 
Historicity of this corpus because of the disparity between European and Semitic views of 
Historiography. 
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the synoptic section found in 2  Chronicle [2 Chronicles  17:9; 34:14,15] and four times 
in Nehemiah [8:1,3,18; 9:3]. 
 The phrase  tyrIB.h; rp,se  occurs twice in 2 Kings 23 
(Verses 2 and 21) once in the synoptic text in Chronicles 34:30; and once  in Exodus 
24:7. It is notable that this phrase is not found at all in D. Rather the phrase 
hr"ATh; rp,se is preferred. 
 The phrase tyrIB.h;-ta, trok.YIw: occurs in diverse 
nuances to denote a tyrIb. between God and the people of Israel in the 
following instances throughout the Bible: Exodus 34:27; Deuteronomy  5:2; Joshua 
24:25; 1 Kings 8:9 and its synoptic parallel in 2 Chronicles 5:10; 2 Kings 11:4, 12, 17, 
18 and its synoptic parallels in 2 Chronicles 23:3, 16; 2 Kings 17:35; as well as 
Jeremiah 34:13, 15. 
 The phrase  rp,Seh;-l[; ~ybituK. in various 
273
grammatical nuances including the perfect and imperfect inflections  with relation to 
either tyrIB. or hr'At occurs in Exodus 24:4, 34:28; Deuteronomy  4:13, 
5:19 (Eng.22),10:4, 31:9; Joshua 8:32, 24:26; 2 Kings17:37; 1 Sam.10:25;. The 
occurrence of this phrase in 1 Samuel 10:25, though not in relation to  tyrIB. or 
hr'At exhibits a context similar to that witnessed in the focus text. 
 The phrase tyrIåB.h; ‘yrEb.DI  occurs in the focus text 
at 2 Kings 23:3, and its Synoptic passage in 2 Chronicles 34:31. It also occurs twice in 
Deuteronomy (38:69 [Eng.29:1]; 29:8 [Eng.29:9]); five times in Jeremiah (Jeremiah 
11:2,3,6,8; 34:18); and only once outside the chosen narrative framework (Exodus 
34:28). 
 It is notable that occurrences of the catch-phrases are most prominent in 
Deuteronomy and the Former Prophets, which make up the narrative strata of DH, as 
well as the Deuteronomistic segments of Jeremiah, which can be seen as a post-script to 
DH. The only places of occurrence of these catch-phrases outside DH are in parallel 
texts found in Exodus and Chronicles, outside these there are occurrences in Jeremiah, 
Ezekiel and Hosea, as well as Nehemiah, but the contextual background of their 
                                                 
273
 In the Hebrew, the perfect corresponds more closely with the past tense while the imperfect 
corresponds more closely with the future and imperative tense. 
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occurrence are suggestive of reference either to Deuteronomy or a document related to 
it. The occurrence of the catch phrases in the synoptic passages in Chronicles have been 
explained, according to Noth‘s theory of DH, by a proposition that the chronicler uses 
an early version of Samuel-Kings as his source document in compiling his own 
274
history.   It is also significant to notice that the Book of Judges, which is the only one 
of the books in this narrative stratum, in which none of the catch-phrases is found, 
contained only two direct mention of ytiyrIb. (my covenant) as direct 
references to the tyrIb. between the LORD and Israel. These two instances occur 
in chapter 2:1, 20; which the lore of Redaction Criticism has assigned to the editorial 
introduction to the book by the Deuteronomic Historian. The position of these 
occurrences effectively synchronised the overall story-plot of the book of Judges into 
the same narrative scheme with the focus text. 
 In accordance with the Principle of hermeneutic Spiral and the apparent 
incidence of intertextuality, these catch-phrases informed the selection of the following 
texts to illuminate the textual context of the focus text: 
i. The Ethical Decalogue (Exodus20:1-17; Deuteronomy  5:1-19 RSV.5:1-22) 
ii. The Sinai Pericope in Exodus  24:3-8 
iii. The Covenant Code (Exodus20:22-23:33) 
iv. The Sabbath Pericope in Exodus31:12-17 
275
v. The Ritual Decalogue  (Exodus34:1, 10-28 ) 
vi. Sections of the Deuteronomic Code : Deuteronomy  4:12-14; 9:9-17; 10:1-
4; 17:18; 27:1-8; 28:61-29:20(RSV.8:61-29:21); 30:10-31:26;  
vii. Sections of Deuteronomistic History (DH): Joshua 1:8; 8:30-34;  23:6-
24:26; 1 Samuel 10:25;  2Kings 11:4, 12, 17, 18;  14:6; 17:35-39. 
viii. Some Deuteronomistic Sections of Jeremiah (Jeremiah 7:9; 11:1-17; 31:31-
34; 34:13-18; 36:1-32) 
 
 These texts were considered in consonance with the focus text. Passages from 2 
                                                 
274
 Though this position have been debated, and alternative suggestions are offered, for example, R. F. 
Person, Jr. 2010, The deuteronomic history and the book of Chronicles: scribal works in an oral world 
have tolled the line that Deuteronimstic History and the Chronicler‘s Histoies are two competing 
historiographies which have common sources underlying them; but for our present study, the 
cosequences of the debate does not have a serious setback, since our focus is on the Deuteromonistic 
History as a realistic narrative. 
275
 Exodus 34:11-26 has been identified as a self-contained pericopy called The Ritual Decalogue, in this 
exegesis, the immediate verses bordering the Ritual Decalogue, i.e. Verses 10 and 28 are also 
considered because it is these verses that served to incorporate the Ritual Decalogue into the immediate 
literary context within the canon. 
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Chronicles were only engaged for textual verification, since they are parallel texts. All 
these texts were also critically examined to investigate their textual integrity, using the  
Critical Apparatus of the BHS, and where applicable, they are also compared with the 
276
Aleppo Codex and the Qumram texts . The processes are not documented here to 
minimise the volume. 
 Having selected the passages within the narrative framework and related 
sections of the Hebrew Bible, the textual critical analysis were carried out and the texts 
are presented below, so that they can be read synchonistically. The Ethical Decalogue in 
Exodus 20:1-17 is not placed here since the synoptic passage in Deuteronomy is set 
out.  
i. Exodus  24:3-8; 34:1, 27-28 
Exodus 24:3-8 
 !b,YIïw: rq,BoêB; ~Keäv.Y:w: hw"ëhy> 
yrEäb.DI-lK' tae… hv,ªmo bToåk.YIw: 4 
 yjeîb.vi rf"ß[' ~ynEïv.li hb'êCem; 
‘hrEf.[, ~yTeÛv.W rh"+h' tx;T;ä 
x;BeÞz>mi 
`lae(r"f.yI 
 
`~yrI)P' hw"ßhyl; ~ymi²l'v. ~yxiób'z> 
WxúB.z>YIw:) tl{+[o Wlß[]Y:¥w: 
laeêr"f.yI ynEåB. ‘yrE[]n:-ta,( 
xl;ªv.YIw: 5 
 
`x;Be(z>Mih;-l[; qr:Þz" ~D"êh; yciäx]w: 
tnO=G"a;B' ~f,Y"ßw: ~D"êh; yciäx] ‘hv,mo 
xQ:ÜYIw: 6 
 
 lKo± Wrêm.aYOæw: ~['_h' ynEåz>a'B. 
ar"Þq.YIw: tyrIêB.h; rp,seä ‘xQ;YIw: 7 
`[m'(v.nIw> hf,î[]n: hw"ßhy> rB<ïDI-
rv,a] 
 
 ‘hw"hy> tr:ÛK' rv,’a] ‘tyrIB.h;-~d:( 
hNEÜhi rm,aYO©w: ~['_h'-l[; qroßz>YIw: 
~D"êh;-ta, ‘hv,mo xQ:ÜYIw: 8       
`hL,ae(h' ~yrIßb'D>h;-lK' l[;î  ~k,êM'[i 
 
                                                 
276
 The Alepo Codex and the DSS are fragmentary; they are only applied to sections where the texts are 
available. However it is hery helpful that both contained the core focus text, 2 Kings.22:8-23:3. 
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4. And Moses wrote all the words of the LORD and he rose in the morning and he built 
an altar beneath the mountain, and he set up twelve pillars according to the twelve 
tribes of Israel 
5. And he sent young men of the children of Israel and they made burnt offerings, and 
sacrificed young bulls as sacrifices of peace to the LORD. 
6. And Moses took half of the blood and put it in a bowl, and sprinkled half of the 
blood on the altar 
7. And he took the book of the covenant and read it in the hearing of the people, and all 
the people said "we will hearken and do all that the LORD have spoken". 
8. And Moses sprinkled the blood on the people. Then he said "behold the blood of the 
covenant which the LORD makes with you according to these words" 
 
This text presupposes a covenant document, diferent from the two stone tablets, 
as implied in Verse 8. It also depicts a cultic context in which the representatives of the 
tribes officiated in the sacrificial rites as cultic functionaries for the tribal league instead 
of the Levitical Priesthood. This presupposes antiquity of the textual tradition dating to 
a period before the recognition of the Levites as the priest for the whole twelve tibes. If 
this were so, it can be inferred that a form of covenant document may have been in 
existence for quite a very long time in pre-monarchical Israel. The extent of 
277
preservation of such a document if it actually existed  cannot be determined with 
certainity. 
 
Exodus 34:1 
 ‘yTib.t;k'w> ~ynI+voarIK' ~ynIßb'a] 
txoïlu-ynE)v. ^±l.-ls'P. hv,êmo-la, 
‘hw"hy> rm,aYOÝw:  
`T'r>B:)vi rv<ïa] ~ynIßvoarIh' txoïLuh;-
l[; Wy°h' rv<ïa] ~yrIêb'D>h;- ta, 
txoêLuh;-l[; 
 
And the LORD said to Moses "carve for yourself two tablets of stones according to the 
previous ones, and I would write on the tablets the words which were on the previous 
tablets which you broke" 
 
Exodus 34:27-28 
hL,aeªh' ~yrIåb'D>h; ŸyPiä-l[; yKiú 
hL,ae_h' ~yrIåb'D>h;-ta, ^ßl.-bt'K. 
hv,êmo-la, ‘hw"hy> rm,aYOÝw: 27 
`lae(r"f.yI-ta,w> tyrIßB. ^±T.ai 
yTir:óK'  
ht'_v' al{å ~yIm:ßW lk;êa' al{å ~x,l,… 
hl'y>l;ê ~y[iäB'r>a;w> ‘~Ay ~y[iîB'r>a; 
                                                 
277
 Various suggestions have been tendered, for instance, some have suggested that the document 
produced was the Covenant Code. This would be discussed in more detail in the next chapter. 
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hw"©hy>-~[i ~v'ä-yhiy>w:¥ 28 
`~yrI)b'D>h; tr<f,Þ[] tyrIêB.h; yrEäb.DI 
tae… txoªLuh;-l[; bToåk.YIw:  
 
27 And the LORD said to Moses "write down all these words, for according to tenor of 
these words I am making a covenant with you and with Israel."   
28 And he was there with the LORD forty days and forty nights. He eat no bread and 
drank no water. Then he wrote on the tablets the words of the covenant, the ten words. 
 
 From this text and the previous one, we took particular note of the writing 
materials. There were two types engaged. One type is the ~ynIb'a]  txolu 
(Stone tablets) and the other type of material was called the  tyrIB.h; rp,se  
(book of the covenant). In Exodus  24:7, the ―words of the covenant‖ were to be 
understood as the elaborated emendations contained in the tyrIB.h; rp,se, but 
Exodus 34:28, insinuates that the ―words of the covenant‖ consisted only of the Ten 
Commandments  - ~yrI)b'D>h; tr<f,Þ[] (―ten words‖). The textual 
apparatus and all other manuscripts examined show that the reading of these phrases in 
the text material is common to all the available ancient manuscripts. The microfilms of 
278
Exodus for the Aleppo Codex however are not available . This implies that the extant 
textual tradition preserved in the canon is what has been consistently handed down by 
the custodians of the text over a very long period of time. 
 The inference that can be drawn from these texts within its own literary context 
is that the tyrIB.h; rp,se  contains a sort of running midrash written by 
Moses based on the instructions he had received from the LORD while in the mountain, 
while the  ~ynIb'a]  txolu (Stone tablets) contain the ~yrIb'D>h; 
tr<f,[] (The ten words) which most English translations rendered the "Ten 
Commandments". These were spoken directly by the LORD to the whole congregation 
during the theophany. It did not contain the curse imprecations which could have 
mediated the fear appeal in Josiah. But we need further evidence to ascertain whether it 
is the tyrIB.h; rp,se which influenced Josiah's reforms.  This would be 
discussed further in the chapter four of this present study. 
 
Deuteronomy  4:12-14; 5:1-19 (English Version 5:1-22); 9:9-17; 10:1-4; 17:18; 27:1-8;  
28:61-29:20(English Version 28:61-29:21); 30:10-31:26 
                                                 
278
 The Aleppo Codex lacks the whole of the Torah. Kenncott‘s collections consist of Six Hundred and 
Fifteen (615) dated manuscripts. As reflected in the critical apparatus used did not indicate any 
varioation with regards to this phrase in any of these manuscripts; however Kennikott‘s did not include 
the nikudim in the print of his collections. 
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Deuteronomy 4:12-14 
~yaiÞro ~k,în>yae hn"±Wmt.W ~y[iêm.vo 
~T,äa; ‘~yrIb'D> lAqÜ vae_h' %ATåmi 
~k,Þylea] hw"±hy> rBEôd:y>w: 12 
`lAq) ytiîl'Wz  
ynEßv.-l[; ~beêT.k.YIw:) ~yrI+b'D>h; 
tr<f,Þ[] tAfê[]l; ‘~k,t.a, hW"Üci rv,’a] 
 13
AtªyrIB.-ta, ~k,øl' dGE“Y:w:  
`~ynI)b'a] tAxïlu 
~t'êao ~k,ät.fo[]l; ~yji_P'v.miW ~yQIßxu 
~k,êt.a, dMeäl;l. awhiêh; t[eäB' ‘hw"hy> 
hW"Üci ytiúaow> 14 
`HT'(v.rIl. hM'v'Þ ~yrIïb.[o ~T,²a; 
rv<ïa] #r<a'§B' 
 
12 The LORD your God spoke from the midst of the fire with a loud voice. You heard 
the voice but you did not see any similitude, only a voice. 
13  and He declared to you His covenant which He commanded you to do, the ten 
words, and He wrote them on two tables of stone. 
14 And the LORD commanded me at that time to teach you statutes and judgements 
that you should practice in the land which you are crossing over to possess. 
 
 In this text, the keyword associated with the covenant is found verse 13 in the 
phrase …― AtªyrIB.-ta, ~k,øl' dGE“Y:w:" (- and He declared 
to you His covenant) which refers to the content of the covenant and not the process of 
ratification. These declarations were referred to as the "ten words," and it was only 
these that were written on the tablets of stone. We also infer from the fourteenth verse 
that Moses was also commissioned to set out further stipulations for the people to 
follow as part of the covenant stipulations. It is most probable that these were the ones 
he wrote out in the ' tyrIB.h; rp,se '. 
 Deuteronomy  5:1-19 (English Version 5:1-22); is also carefully examined, 
looking at the contextual connotations of the keywords and its implications for the 
understanding of the 2 Kings 22:8-23:3. 
 
Deuteronomy 5:1-22 
~yQIåxuh;-ta, ‘laer"f.yI [m;Ûv. ~h,ªlea] 
rm,aYOæw: èlaer"f.yI-lK'-la, éhv,mo 
ar"äq.YIw: 1 
~yjiêP'v.Mih;-ta,w> 
`~t'(fo[]l; ~T,Þr>m;v.W ~t'êao 
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~T,äd>m;l.W ~AY=h; ~k,ÞynEz>a'B. rbEïDo 
yki²nOa' rv<ôa] 
`brE(xoB. tyrIßB. WnM'²[i tr:îK' 
Wnyheªl{a/ hw"åhy>2 
  tyrIåB.h;-ta, hw"ßhy> tr:îK' Wnyteêboa]-
 3  
ta, al{å
`~yYI)x; WnL'îKu ~AYàh; hpo± hL,aeî 
Wnx.n:“a] WnT'ªai yKiä taZO=h; 
`vae(h' %ATïmi rh"ßB' ~k,²M'[i hw"ôhy> 
 4
rB,’DI ~ynI©p'B. Ÿ~ynIåP'  
 yKiÛ hw"+hy> rb:åD>-ta, ~k,Þl' dyGIïh;l. 
awhiêh; t[eäB' ‘~k,ynEybe(W hw"Ühy>-!yBe 
 5
dme’[o ykinOa'û  
 ynEåP.mi ‘~t,arEy> 
 
`~ydI+(b'[] tyBeämi ~yIr:ßc.mi #r<a,îme 
^yti²aceAh rv<ôa] ^yh,êl{a/ hw"åhy> 
‘ykinOa'( 6 
`y;n")©P'-l[; ~yrIøßxea] ~yhi’îl{a/ 
•^±l.-hy<ïh.yI al{å 7 
tx;T'ø_mi #r<a'’ÞB' •rv<ïa]w: l[;M;ë‡mi 
Ÿ‘~yIm:’åV'B; rv<Üäa] hn"ë‡WmT.-lK' 
Ÿ‘ls,p,’ä ^ïäl.-hf,î[]t;-al{¥å 8 
`#r<a'(ªl' tx;T:ïämi Ÿ~yIM:ßäB; rv<ïa]w: 
aN"ëq; laeä ‘^yh,’l{a/ hw"Ühy> ykiúnOa' 
yKiä è~dE_b.['t' al{åw> é~h,Þl' 
hw<ïäx]T;v.ti-al{ 9 
`ya")_n>fol. ~y[iÞBerI-l[;w> ~yviîLevi-
l[;w> ~ynI±B'-l[; tAbôa' !wO“[] dqePoû 
s `Îyt'(wOc.miÐ ¿AtwOc.miÀ yrEîm.vol.W 
yb;Þh]aol. ~ypiê_l'a]l;¥ ‘ds,x,’Þ 
hf,[oÝïw> 10 
Amßv.-ta, aF'îyI-rv,a] tae² hw"ëhy> 
‘hQ,n:y> al{Ü yKiä aw>V"+l; ^yh,Þl{a/ 
hw"ïhy>-~ve(-ta, aF'²ti al{ï 11 
`aw>V")l; 
`^yh,(ªl{a/ hw"ïähy> Ÿ^ßäW>ci rv<ïa]K; 
Avø+D>q;l. tB'’ÞV;h; •~Ayð-ta, rAmæ²v' 12 
è`^T<)k.al;m.-lK' t'yfIßä['w> édboê[]T;¥ 
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‘~ymiäy" tv,vEÜä 13 
^T<åbiW-^)n>biW hT'äa; hk'‡al'm.-lk' 
hf,ä[]t; al{å ^yh,ª_l{a/ hw"ßähyl; 
ŸtB"ßäv; y[i‚êybiV.h; ‘~Ay’w> 14 
^ïD>b.[; x:Wn°y" ![;m;ªl. ^yr<ê['v.Bi 
rv<åa] ‘^r.gE)w> ^T,ªm.h,B.-lk'w> 
^ør>mo*x]w: ^’r>Avw> ^t,m'a]w:û-
^)D>b.[;w>  
`^Am*+K' ^ßt.m'a]w:  
[:roåz>biW ‘hq"ßz"x] dy"ÜîB. ‘~V'êmi 
‘^yh,’Ûl{a/ hw"“Ühy> •^‚a]ci’YOw: 
~yIr:ëªc.mi #r<a,äB. Ÿ‘t'yyI’åh' 
db,[<Üî-yKiä T'ùªr>k;z"w> 15 
s `tB'(V;h; ~Ayð-ta, tAfß[]l; ^yh,êl{a/  
hw"åhy> ‘^W>ci !Keª-l[; hy"ë+Wjn>  
^ym,ªy" !kUåyrIa]y: Ÿ![;m;äl. ^yh,_l{a/ 
hw"åhy> ^ßW>ci rv<ïa]K; ^M,êai-ta,w> 
‘^ybi’a'-ta, dBeÛK; 16 
s `%l") !tEïnO ^yh,Þl{a/ hw"ïhy>-rv,a] 
hm'êd"a]h'( l[;… %l'ê bj;yyIå ‘![;m;’l.W 
s `bnO*ëg>Ti al{àåw> (19)  s `@a")_n>Ti 
al{àåw> (18)  s `xc'(r>Ti al{ðß 17 
s `aw>v") d[eî ^ß[]rE(b. hn<ï[]t;-al{)w> 
(20) 
‘Atm'a]w: ADÝb.[;w> WhdEøf' ^[,ªrE tyBeä 
hW<‚a;t.ti al{’w> s ^[<+rE tv,aeä 
dmoßx.t; al{ïw> 18(21) 
s `^[<)rEl. rv<ïa] lkoßw> Arêmox]w: 
AræAv 
  !n"å['h,( ‘vaeh' %ATÜmi rh'ªB' ~k,øl.h;q.-
lK'-la, hw"“hy> •rB,DI hL,ae‡h' 
 22
~yrIåb'D>h;-ta,(  
`yl'(ae ~nEßT.YIw:) ~ynIëb'a] txoålu 
‘ynEv.-l[; ~beªT.k.YIw:) @s"+y" al{åw> 
lAdßG" lAqï lp,êr"[]h'(w> 
  
 
1. And Moses called all Israel and spoke to them "Hear, O Israel the statutes and the 
judgments which I speak in your hearing this day, and learn them and keep them, to do 
them. 
2. The LORD our God made a covenant with us in Horeb.  
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3. It was not with our fathers that the LORD made that covenant but with us who are 
here this day, all of us who are alive. 
4.  The LORD spoke to you face to face from the midst of the fire. 
5.  [I stood between you and the LORD at that time to declare to you the word of the 
LORD because you were afraid before the fire and you did not climb up to the 
mountain] saying: 
6. I am the LORD your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt from the house 
of bondage. 
7. You shall not have other gods before me. 
8. Don't make for yourselves idols, image of all that is in the heaven above or on earth 
below or in the waters beneath the earth. 
9.  You shall not worship them or serve them, because I the LORD your God am a 
Jealous God visiting the sins of the fathers upon the sons, and upon the third and fourth 
generations of those who hate Me but dealing graciously with thousands who love me 
and keep my commandments. 
11. You shall not take the name of the LORD your God in vain because the LORD will 
not acquit them that take His name in vain. 
12.  Keep the Sabbath day and sanctify it as the LORD your God commanded you. 
13. You shall labor and do all your work in six days. 
14. But the seventh day is Sabbath to the LORD your God. You shall not do any labor. 
Yourself and your son and your daughter, and your male servant and your female 
servants, and your donkey and your ass, and all your beasts, and your sojourner who is 
within your gates; in order that your male servant and your female servant may rest like 
yourself. 
15. Remember that you are a servant in the land of Egypt and the LORD your God 
brought you out from there with a mighty hand and an out-stretched arm, therefore the 
LORD your God commands you to observe the Sabbath day. 
16.  Honor your father and your mother as the LORD your God commands you in order 
that you might prolong your days, and it might go well with you in the land which the 
LORD your God gives you. 
17.  You shall not kill (18) You shall not steal (19) You shall not commit adultery (20) 
You shall not bear false witness against your neighbor.  
21. You shall not desire your neighbor's wife, and you shall not covet your neighbor's 
house, his field and male servant and his female servant; his donkey or his ass or 
anything that belong to your neighbor. 
22.  The LORD spoke all these words to all your assembly in the mountain from the 
midst of the fire, and the cloud and the dark cloud, with a loud voice, and He added no 
more, and He wrote them on two tablets of stones and He gave them to me. 
 
 In this particular text, Moses is the implied narrator and he states that his 
immediate audience were eyewitnesses to the tyrIb.  at Sinai / Horeb. The 
phrase "... taZO=h; tyrIåB.h;-ta, hw"ßhy> 
tr:îK' Wnyteêboa]-ta, al{å ..." (not with our fathers did 
e
the  LORD cut this b rith...") was employed to emphasise that  the  Sinai / Horeb 
tyrIb. eis different from the patriarchal tAtyrIb.. (B rithoth). The 
tyrIb. at  Sinai/Horeb is referred to in the third person with the feminine 
singular demonstrative adjective:  taZO=h; tyrIåB.h;. - (i.e. this 
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covenant). The presentation therefore suggests continuity between the tyrIb. at 
Sinai/Horeb, and the one presently being ratified at the plain of Moab. It is a re-
enactment or renewal. 
The sentence hw"+hy> rb:åD>-ta, ~k,Þl' 
dyGIïh;l. awhiêh; t[eäB' ‘~k,ynEybe(W 
hw"Ühy>-!yBe dme’[o ykinOa'û  (I stood mediated 
between you and the LORD at that time to declare to you the word of the LORD ) in 
verse 5 was interjected into the narrative to strike the note that Moses later gives further 
e
elaboration of the terms of the b rith, but verse 6-18 (English 6-17) sets forth the 
~yrIåb'D> e 279 (d barim)  which the LORD Himself spoke directly to the 
people. These were the ones written on the ~ynIëb'a] txoålu as 
summarized with the phrase yl'(ae ~nEßT.YIw:) ~ynIëb'a] 
txoålu ‘ynEv.-l[; ~beªT.k.YIw:) @s"+y" 
al{åw> (and He did not add to them, and He wrote them on two tablets of stone 
and gave them to me) in verse 19 (RSV. 22). 
Deuteronomy 9:9-11; 15-17 
  ~k,_M'[i hw"ßhy> tr:îK'-rv,a] 
tyrIêB.h; txoåWl ‘~ynIb'a]h'( txoÜWl 
9  
tx;q;øl' hr"h'ªh' ytiäl{[]B ; `ytiyti(v' 
al{ï ~yIm:ßW yTil.k;êa' al{å ~x,l,… 
hl'y>l;ê ~y[iäB'r>a;w> ‘~Ay ~y[iîB'r>a; 
rh'ªB' bveäaew" 
`ytiyti(v' al{ï ~yIm:ßW yTil.k;êa' al{å 
~x,l,… hl'y>l;ê ~y[iäB'r>a;w> ‘~Ay 
~y[iîB'r>a; rh'ªB' 
~h,ªyle[]w: ~yhi_l{a/ [B;äc.a,B. 
~ybiÞtuK. ~ynIëb'a]h'( txoåWl ‘ynEv.-ta, 
yl;ªae hw"‚hy> !Te’YIw: 10 
`lh'(Q'h; ~AyðB. vaeÞh' %ATïmi rh"±B' 
~k,îM'[i hw"“hy> •rB,DI rv<åa] 
                                                 
e
279 In Christendom today, these d barim are called "The Ten Commandments", and this iis the 
concensus rendition in all the English translations. Here we prefer to retain the transliteration of the 
e
Hebrew "D barim" because it is difficult to find an equivalent English word that corresponds more 
literally, and retains the full connotation of the Hebrew. See also B. W. Anderson. 1973, 61 
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~yrI‡b'D>h;-lk'K.( 
~ynIßb'a]h' txoïlu ynE±v.-ta, yl;ªae 
hw"‚hy> !t;’n" hl'y>l"+ ~y[iÞB'r>a;w> 
~Ayë ~y[iäB'r>a; ‘#Qemi yhiªy>w: 11 
`tyrI)B.h; tAxïlu  
 
Deuteronomy 9:15-17 
`yd"(y" yTeîv. l[;Þ tyrIêB.h; txoålu 
‘ynEv.W vae_B' r[EåBo rh"ßh'w> rh'êh'-
!mi ‘drEaew") !p,aeªw" 15 
%r<D<§h;-!mi rheêm; ~T,är>s; hk'_Sem; 
lg<[Eß ~k,êl' ~t,äyfi[] ~k,êyhel{)a/ 
hw"åhyl; ‘~t,aj'x] hNEÜhiw> ar<aeªw" 16 
`~k,(t.a, hw"ßhy> hW"ïci-rv,a]  
`~k,(ynEy[el. ~rEÞB.v;a]w" yd"_y" yTeäv. 
l[;Þme ~keêliv.a;w") txoêLuh; ynEåv.Bi 
‘fPot.a,w" 17 
 
Deuteronomy 10:1-4 
hr"h'_h' yl;Þae hleî[]w: ~ynIëvoarIåK' 
‘~ynIb'a] txoÜWl-ynE)v. ^úl.-ls'P. 
yl;ªae hw"åhy> rm:ôa' awhiøh; t[e’B' 
`#[e( !Arïa] ^ßL. t'yfiî['w> 
T'r>B:+vi rv<åa] ~ynIßvoarIh' txoïLuh;-
l[; Wy°h' rv<ïa] ~yrIêb'D>h;-ta, 
txoêLuh;-l[; ‘bTok.a,w> 2 
`!Ar)a'B' ~T'Þm.f;w> 
ynEïv.W hr"h'êh' l[;a;äw" ~ynI+voarIK' 
~ynIßb'a] txoïlu-ynEv. lso±p.a,w" 
~yJiêvi yceä[] ‘!Ara] f[;a;Ûw" 3 
`ydI(y"B. txoßLuh;  
rh"±B' ~k,îylea] hw"“hy> •rB,DI rv<åa] 
~yrIêb'D>h; tr<f,ä[] tae… !AvªarIh' 
bT'äk.MiK; txoøLuh;-l[;( bTo’k.YIw: 4 
`yl'(ae hw"ßhy> ~nEïT.YIw: lh'_Q'h; 
~AyæB. vaeÞh' %ATïmi 
 
 
 
Deuteronomy 9:9-11 
9. When I went up to the mountain to collect the two tablets of stone, tablets of the 
covenant which the LORD made with you, I stayed in the mountain for forty days and 
forty nights. I did not eat bread nor drink water. 
10. And the LORD gave me the two tablets of stone, written with the finger of God. On 
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them were written according to all the words which the LORD your God spoke to you 
in the mountain out of the midst of the fire in the day of your assembly. 
11.  Then at the end of the forty days and forty nights, the LORD gave to me two stone 
tablets, tablets of the covenant. 
 
Deuteronomy 9:15-17 
15 So I turned and came down from the mountain, and the mountain was burning with 
fire; and the two tablets of the covenant were in my two hands.   
16 And I looked, and behold, you had sinned against the LORD your God; you had 
made yourselves a molten calf; you had turned aside quickly from the way which the 
LORD had commanded you.   
17 So I took hold of the two tables, and cast them out of my two hands, and broke them 
before your eyes.   
 
 Deuteronomy 10:1-4 
At that time, the LORD spoke to me ―carve to yourself two tablets of stone like the 
previous ones and come up to me in the Mountain, and make for yourself a wooden 
chest.  
2.  And I will write on the tablets of stones, that which was on the previous ones which 
you broke and you shall put them in the chest‖. 
3. And I made a chest of shittim wood, and I carved two tablets of stone like the 
previous ones, and I went up into the Mountain, with the two tablets in my hand. 
4.  And He wrote on the tablets according to the writing on the previous tablets, the ten 
words which the LORD your God spoke to you in the mountain from the midst of the 
fire, in the day of the assembly, and the LORD gave them to me. 
 
 In these texts, the phrase tyrI)B.h; tAxïlu (lùHôt haBBürît - 
tablets of the covenant) is introduced to describe the stone tablets on which the  
~yrIêb'D>h; tr<f,ä[] were written, in attributive usage to qualify 
the previous terminology ‘~ynIb'a] txoÜWl. The new terminology 
changes the emphasis from the nature of the writing medium or material to the content 
of the writing. The emphasis on the content of the document suggests that the stone 
280
tablets were, here, viewed as the ―deed‖ of the previous covenant at Sinai.  But 
reading these texts in consonance with other texts, taken from Exodus and 
Deuteronomy, suggests that this deed was open to amendments and emendation. Hence, 
we still have two documents to ponder upon. The  tyrIêB.h; rp,seä 
("the book of the covenant") and the tyrIêB.h; txoålu ("the tablets 
of the covenant"). In the whole of the Old Testament, tyrIêB.h; 
txoålu 281 is peculiar to Deuteronomy . By the principle of intertextuality, we 
                                                 
280
 This is the position of R. DeVaux. 1997. Ancient Israel .147 
281
 Depending on the accuracy of the electronic search engines of the Bibleworks software, in 
conjunction with Young's analytical concordance, and Strong's concordance to the Bible, we found 
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confirm from the only reference to 282 pla,kej th/j diaqh,khj  (tablets of 
the covenant) in the New Testament, in Hebrews 9:4, that at least some leaders of the 
Early Church accept that tyrIêB.h; txoålu "tablets of the covenant" 
e
were the  stone tablets on which the d bharim were written, and were later deposited in 
the "Ark of the Covenant". 
 
Deuteronomy 17:18 
 hnE“v.mi-ta, Alø bt;k'’w> AT=k.l;m.m; 
aSeäKi l[;Þ ATêb.vik. hy"åh'w> 18 
`~YI)wIl.h; ~ynIßh]Koh; ynEïp.Limi 
rp,seê-l[; ‘taZOh; hr"ÛATh;  
 
 And it shall be that when he shall sit on his throne to rule, then he shall write to 
himself a copy of this law on a book, from that which is before the priests, the levites. 
 
 In Deuteronomy 17:18, it is notable that the King is to have at least a personal 
copy of the book of the covenant, duplicated from the copy in the custody of the 
Priests. Such duplications may be accompanied with emendations and expansions. The 
presentation of such copies to the king may be on the occasion of the enthronement of 
coronation ceremony, which may be the case in the instance of the enthronement of 
Joash in 2 Kings 11:13, accompanied with the presentation of the 
―tWdê[eh'ä 283‖ (testimony) to the new king .  This opens a chance that the 
book-find by Hilkiah may be one of such copies made in the reign of previous kings in 
Judah, who had been pious. It could also be a deposit of such copies at the Sanctuary, or 
the copy entrusted to the Priests by Moses. De-Vaux has rightly observed that the book-
284
find attests to the ANE tradition of depositing copies of treaties in sanctuaries .  
 There is, also, in this passage the introduction of a new vocabulary 
hr"(ATh; yrEîb.DI (words of the [this] law), which is used to refer to the 
content of the covenant document. The terminology is more prominent in Deuteronomy 
and DH. [Deuteronomy 17:19; 27:3,8,26; 28:58; 29:28; 31:12,24; 34:46; Joshua 8:4; 2 
                                                                                                                                              
that the only occurrence of the phrase " is in Deuteronomy Chapter 9, Verse 9, 11and 15 and The 
Epistle to the Hebrews Chapter 9 verse 4. 
282 pla,kej th/j diaqh,khj is the Greek rendition of the Hebrew phrase in the LXX version of 
Deuteronomy Chapter 9 verse 9 and 11, as well as Hebrews Chapter 9 verse 4. The qualifying part of 
the phrase th/j diaqh,khj  (tes diathekes – of the covenant) did not occur in the LXX version 
of Deuteronomy Chapter 9 verse 15, only pla,kej (places- tablet) is written.  
283
 M. Weinfeld, has pointed out the probability that the ―testimony‖ may refer to the covenant document. 
However, the usage of ―testimony‖ in relation to the covenant is peculiar to the Priestly Tradition in 
which the term referparticularly to the Ten commandments written on the stone tablets. 
284
 R. De Vaux.1997. Ancient Israel. 150 
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Kings 23:24]. It is found only three times outside Deuteronomy and DH and one of 
these is in the Synoptic passage in 2 Chronicles 34:19. The other two instances are 
found in Nehemiah 8:9, 13, where it is used in reference to the content of the Covenant 
Document which is read to the hearing of the returning exiles during Nehemiah‘s 
reform. 
Deuteronomy 27:1-8 
hw"ëc.Mih;-lK'-ta, ‘rmov' rmo=ale ~['Þh'-
ta, laeêr"f.yI ynEåq.zIw> ‘hv,mo wc;Ûy>w:  
`~AY*h; ~k,Þt.a, hW<ïc;m. yki²nOa' rv<ôa]  
‘^l. t'Ûmoqeh]w: %l"+ !tEånO ^yh,Þl{a/ 
hw"ïhy>-rv,a] #r<a'§h'-la, è!DEr>Y:h;-ta, 
Wråb.[;T; rv<åa] é~AYB; hy"©h'w> 2 
`dyFi(B; ~t'Þao T'îd>f;w> tAlêdoG> 
~ynIåb'a]  
#r<a'øh'-la, abo’T' •rv,a] ![;m;‡l. 
^r<+b.['B. taZOàh; hr"îATh; yrE²b.DI-lK'-
ta,( !h,ªyle[] T'äb.t;k'w> 3 
`%l") ^yt,Þboa]-yhe(l{a/ hw"ïhy> rB<±DI 
rv<ïa]K; vb;êd>W ‘bl'x' tb;Ûz" #r<a,ä ^ªl. 
!tEånO Ÿ^yh,äl{a/ hw"ïhy>-rv,a]  
~AYàh; ~k,²t.a, hW<ïc;m. ykiønOa' rv,’a] 
hL,aeªh' ~ynIåb'a]h'-ta, WmyqiøT' 
è!DEr>Y:h;-ta, ~k,är>b.['B. éhy"h'w> 4 
`dyFi(B; ~t'ÞAa T'îd>f;w> lb'_y[e rh:åB.  
`lz<)r>B; ~h,Þyle[] @ynIït'-al{ ~ynIëb'a] 
xB;äz>mi ^yh,_l{a/ hw"ßhyl; x:Beêz>mi ‘~V' 
t'ynIÜb'W 5 
`^yh,(l{a/ hw"ßhyl; tl{êA[ ‘wyl'[' 
t'yliÛ[]h;w> ^yh,_l{a/ hw"åhy> xB;Þz>mi-ta, 
hn<ëb.Ti ‘tAmlev. ~ynIÜb'a] 6 
`^yh,(l{a/ hw"ïhy> ynEßp.li T'êx.m;f'äw> 
~V'_ T'l.k;äa'w> ~ymiÞl'v. T'îx.b;z"w> 7 
s `bje(yhe raEïB; taZOàh; hr"îATh; 
yrE²b.DI-lK'-ta,( ~ynI©b'a]h'-l[; 
T'äb.t;k'w>  8 
 
And Moses and the elders of Israel commanded the people saying "keep all the commandments 
which I command you today. 
2. And it shall be when you cross over the Jordan to the land which the LORD your God gives 
you, you shall erect for yourselves large stones and whitewash them with lime, 
3. And you shall write on them all the words of this law, when you have crossed over, in order 
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that you might go into the land that the LORD your God gives to you, a land that flows with 
milk and honey as the LORD God of your fathers promised you. 
4. Then it shall be when you cross the Jordan, you shall set up these stones on Mount Ebal, as I 
am commanding you today, and you shall whitewash them with lime. 
5. And build there an altar to the LORD your God, an altar of stones, you shall not lift an iron 
tool on it, 
6. You shall build the altar of the LORD your God completely with stones, and you shall offer 
burnt offerings to the LORD your God on it. 
7. And you shall sacrifice fellowship offerings and you shall eat there and rejoice in the 
presence of the LORD your God. 
8. And you shall write on the stones the words of this law in clear and good writing. 
  
 The writing denoted here is on an erected pillar. This calls to mind the stele of 
Hamurabi, which was uncovered during Archaeological search. It is not a portable 
document, but it is another testimony to the striking similarities between ANE covenant 
treaty procedure and the Israelite Covenant Tradition. The process described in the 
passage reflects a covenant renewal process. The formal structure of this process in its 
ANE context usually involves further documentation and deposition of copies of the 
document in the sanctuaries. 
Deuteronomy  28:61-29:20(RSV 28:61-29:21);  
 Though this whole segment of the text was treated and verified in consonance 
with the focus text, only the verses that have direct bearing on the focus text are set out 
here, in order to manage space. The verses are Deuteronomy 28:61, 69; 29:8-14, 18-20 
(Eng. Deuteronomy 28:61, 29:1, 2-15, 19-21) 
Deuteronomy 28:61 
^yl,ê[' ‘hw"hy> ~leÛ[.y: taZO=h; hr"äATh; 
rp,seÞB. bWtêk' al{å ‘rv,a] hK'êm;-lk'w> 
‘ylix\-lK' ~G:Ü 61 
`%d")m.V'hi d[;Þ  
Deuteronomy 28:69 (English:29:1) 
ba'_Am #r<a,äB. laeÞr"f.yI ynEïB.-ta, 
tro±k.li hv,ªmo-ta, hw"åhy> hW"ôci-rv,a] 
tyrIøB.h; yrE’b.dI •hL,ae 69 
`brE(xoB. ~T'Þai tr:îK'-rv,a] tyrIêB.h; 
db;äL.mi 
 
Deuteronomy 29:8-14 (English29:9-15; LXX 29:8-14)  
 
 taeÞ WlyKiêf.T; ![;m;äl. ~t'_ao 
~t,Þyfi[]w: taZOëh; tyrIåB.h; ‘yrEb.DI-ta, 
~T,ªr>m;v.W 8 
p `!Wf)[]T; rv<ïa]-lK' 
~k,êyrEj.voåw> ‘~k,ynEq.zI ~k,ªyjeb.vi 
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~k,äyvear" ~k,_yhel{a/ hw"åhy> ynEßp.li 
~k,êL.Ku ‘~AYh; ~ybiÛC'nI ~T,’a; 9 
`lae(r"f.yI vyaiî lKoß  
`^ym,(yme baeîvo d[;Þ ^yc,ê[e bjeäxome 
^yn<+x]m; br<q<åB. rv<ßa] ^êr.gEåw> 
~k,êyven> ~k,äP.j; 10 
`~AY*h; ^ßM.[i trEîKo ^yh,êl{a/ hw"åhy> 
‘rv,a] At+l'a'b.W ^yh,Þl{a/ hw"ïhy> 
tyrI±b.Bi ^ªr>b.['l. 11 
%l"+-rB,DI rv<ßa]K; ~yhiêl{ale( ‘^L.-
hy<h.yI) aWhÜw> ~['ªl. Alø Ÿ~AY“h; •^t.ao-
~yqI)h' ![;m;äl. 12 
`bqo)[]y:l.W* qx'Þc.yIl. ~h'îr"b.a;l. 
^yt,êboa]l; ‘[B;v.n  rv<Üa]k;w>  
`taZO*h; hl'Þa'h'-ta,w> taZOëh; tyrIåB.h;-
ta, ‘trEKo ykiªnOa' ~k,_D>b;l. ~k,ÞT.ai 
al{ïw> 13 
 WNn<±yae rv<ïa] tae’w> Wnyhe_l{a/ hw"åhy> 
ynEßp.li ~AYëh; dmeä[o ‘WnM'’[i hPoª 
An‚v.y< rv,’a]-ta, •yKi 14 
`~AY*h; WnM'î[i hPoß 
 
Deuteronomy 29:18-20 (RSV 19-21) 
yLiê-hy<h.yI) ~Alåv' ‘rmoale AbÜb'l.Bi 
%rE’B't.hiw> taZO©h; hl'øa'h'( yrE’b.DI-ta, 
•A[m.v'B. hy"³h'w> 18 
`ha'(meC.h;-ta, hw"ßr"h' tApïs. ![;m;²l. 
%lE+ae yBiÞli tWrïrIv.Bi yKi²  
‘AB hc'b.r"Ûw> aWhêh; vyaiäB' ‘Ata'n>qiw> 
hw"Ühy>-@a; !v;’[.y< za'û yKiä èAl x:(l{ås. 
éhw"hy> hb,äayO-al{ 19 
`~yIm")V'h; tx;T;Þmi Amêv.-ta, ‘hw"hy> 
hx'Ûm'W hZ<+h; rp,SeäB; hb'ÞWtK.h; 
hl'êa'h'ä-lK'  
 hb'§WtK.h; tyrIêB.h; tAlåa' ‘lkoK. 
lae_r"f.yI yjeäb.vi lKoßmi h['êr"l. ‘hw"hy> 
AlÝyDIb.hiw> 20 
`hZ<)h; hr"ÞATh; rp,seîB.  
 
 
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Deuteronomy 28:61 
61 The LORD will also bring on you every kind of sickness and misery not recorded in this 
Book of the Law, until you are exterminated.   
 
Deuteronomy 29:1 (Tanakh- 28:69) 
These are the words of the covenant the LORD commanded Moses to make with the Israelites 
in Moab, besides the covenant he had made with them at Horeb. 
  
Deuteronomy 29:9-15 (Hebrew 29:8-14 LXX 29:8-14) 
9 And keep the words of this covenant and do them, so that you may prosper in everything you 
do.   
10 All of you are standing today in the presence of the LORD your God. The heads of your 
tribes, your elders and officers, all the men of Israel,   
11 with your children, your wives, and your sojourners living in your tents, from the ones who 
chop your wood to the ones who fetch your water.   
12 in order to enter into a covenant  with the LORD your God, and into an oath, which the 
LORD your God is making with you today; 
13 to establish as today as his people, and He may be your God according to what He spoke to 
you and according tho what he swore to your fathers, to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob.   
14 I am making this covenant, with its oath, not only with you   
15 who are standing here with us today in the presence of the LORD our God but also with 
those who are not here today.   
 
Deuteronomy 29:19-21 (Tanakh 18-20) 
 19 And when a person hears the words of this oath, and blesses himself in his heart saying, "It 
will be well with me, though I walk in the stubbornness of my heart" in order to destroy the 
thirsty with drunkenness.   
20 The LORD will never be willing excuse him; his wrath and zeal will burn against that man. 
All the curses written in this book will fall upon him, and the LORD will blot out his name 
from under heaven.   
21 The LORD will single him out from all the tribes of Israel for disaster, according to all the 
curses of the covenant written in this Book of the Law.  
 
The vorlage for this study, L, presents 28:69 as the concluding verse of the 
Chapter 28, and consequently, of the foregoing section of the Deuteronomic Code 
(Deuteronomy5-28). The Tiberian Massora places the verse at the conclusion of a 
tqsp 285 th ( pisqo)t . The passage is located in the Parasha ki Tavo, which is the 50   
frp 286 th 287(Parasha) . Within this parasha, it falls within the 6  Aliyah (Deuteronomy  
                                                 
285
 Piskhot  tqsp or  Parashiyot twyfrp are the traditional Masoretic paragraph divisions of 
the Torah. Israel Yeivin‘s Introduction to the Tiberian Massora has been particularly helpful for critical 
inquiry into this issue.- Yeivin, I.1980. Introduction to the Tiberian Massora. 
286
 Parasha is the singular for Parashot, and it refers to the divisions of the Torah into 54 segments for one 
year reading plan of the Torah. The Parashiyot or pisqot on the other hand refer to the pargraph 
divisions. The Sederim on the other hand is a division for three year reading plan. But the sedarim 
divisions are not uniform among the various manuscripts. 
287
 Each Parasha consist of a full Kriyah, which is subdivided into Seven Aliyahs such that each Aliyah 
could be used as a portion of the Torah for daily reading. 
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28:7-69).  However, the Critical Apparatus shows that the Samaritan Pentateuch 
features a Waw- conjuction at the beginning of this verse. This reading is sustained by 
288
one Greek Manuscript and the Ethiopic version . It is also followed by the English 
version. This alternative reading in the Samaritan Pentateuch suggests that the verse 
serves as an introduction to the following section rather than the conclusion of the 
previous sections, thus placing it at the opening of Chapter 29.  
289
The Masoretic Text,  on the other hand, follows the parasha and places it at 
the close of chapter 28. The implication of this position is five-fold: 
i. It implies that the ―Horeb Covenant‖ in Deuteronomy, refers either to another 
covenant texts apart from the one documented in the book of Deuteronomy 
itself, which naturally, would be those in the book of Exodus, or the one 
referred to in Deuteronomy 5:1-4, 22, which the internal evidence point to as a 
recapitulation of the Sinai event as recorded in Exodus. 
290
ii. The content of this previous covenant texts is just the Ten Commandments  
iii. The text of the Covenant in the plain of Moab would, by implication, comprise 
of Deuteronomy 5-28, which comprises the Deuteronomic Code. 
iv. The covenant in the plain of Moab should therefore be seen as a re-enactment 
and an expansion of the Horeb Covenant. 
v. It therefore follows, that the covenant in the plain of Moab is not an essentially 
new covenant, but a thematic and theological continuity with the Horeb 
291
Covenant,  and an expansion of the Ethical Decalogue which is the core of the 
covenant Document. 
vi. There is a new dimension to the concept of   hw"ßhy> ta;îr>yI 
(yir´at ´ädönäy)  ‗the fear of the LORD‘).  
 
Various scholars have argued in support of each of the two positions. Advocates 
292
of the alternative reading, upheld by the English numbering include J. D. Levinson , 
                                                 
288
 This text-critical result is derived by the use of the BHS Critical Apparatus, it is also upheld by A. 
Rofe. 2002. Deuteronomy.193 
289
 Reference here is to the Leningrad and Aleppo Codices in particular. 
290
 R. De Vaux.1997. Ancient Israel. 147 
291
 Whybray had referred to the covenant in the plain of Moab as a new covenant apart from Horeb 
Covenant, whose necessity has not been satisfactorily explained. However, he does not refute the 
theological and thematic connectedness of the two covenants. The point he is asserting was that there 
was another instance of covenant ratification by Moses in the plain of Moab, which cannot be denied. 
Whybray, R. N. 1995. Introduction to the Pentateuch. 97-98 
292
 J. D. Levenson, 1975. Who inserted the Book of the Torah? 
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293 294
S. Hultgreen  and Alexander Rofe . The implication of this position can be seen in 
two dimesions. First, if the text of the Moab Covenant began at 28:69 (RSV. 29:1) and 
ends at 30:20, it means that the text of 4:44 -28:68 reviews the content of the Horeb 
Covenant in two segments which consisted of (a) the ~yrI)b'D>h; 
tr<f,Þ[] (Deuteronomy  4:13; 10:4; cf.5:2-4.6-19) and (b) the 
~yjiêP'v.Mih;w> ‘~yQixuh;( hw"©c.Mih; (hammicwâ 
ha|Huqqîm wühammišPä†îm – the commandment, the statutes and the ordinances cf. 
5:27-28; 6:1ff) which Moses alone heard and relayed to the people. If that were the 
case, it means that (i) either the stipulations of the Moab Covenant is missing from the 
received text in the canon or (ii) that the stipulations of the Horeb covenant have been 
295
taken over and supplanted by the Moab Covenant . The latter alternative corresponds 
with the position upheld by the Masoretic tradition. 
296
Those that uphold the Masoretic tradition include Norbert Lohfink  and 
297
DeVaux . The Masoretic tradition is more tenable for our current study. In the first 
instance, all available Hebrew manuscripts except the Samaritan Pentateuch agree with 
the Masoretic Tradition. Secondly, since we are investigating the changing perspectives 
of covenant along the history of transmission of Israelite written covenant traditions, 
the Masoretic tradition presents the prevailing perspective at the time of the final 
edition of the Book of Deuteronomy.  
The alterative reading presented by the Samaritan Pentateuch, which is reflected 
by the numbering of the English version, gives the impression that the actual 
stipulations and documentation of the Moab Covenant had been edited out of the book 
of Deuteronomy. If this were a valid position, then the lost traditions would be of no 
use to the present study, except it can be retrieved. Furthermore, the supposed removal 
of the Moab Covenant Text would signify an attempt of Editors / Redactors to 
synchronise the Covenant Ideology of the previous Legal texts. Hence, in the canonical 
context of Deuteronomy, Sinai and Moab Covenants are conjoined as ―Covenant 
298
Law‖  and the Covenant in the plain of Moab is presented to depict that the second 
generation of Israelites received the law a second time, only with some alteration 
                                                 
293
 Hultgren, Stephen.2007. From the Damascus Covenant to the Covenant of Community. 84-85 
294
 A. Rofe. 2002. Deuteronomy.193 
295
 Hence validating the position of DeVaux, tht Dtr Law is connected to the Decalogue, but bypasses the 
Covenant Code. 
296
 N. Lohfink. 2003. In the Shadow of Your Wings. 6. 
297
 R. De Vaux.1997. Ancient Israel. 147 
298
 R. Green. 2011. Deuteronomy Book II. 295 
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299
intended to fit it for Agrarian life , in the context of the socio-cultural transition from 
Nomadic to Sedentary life engendered by settlement in the promised land. 
The record of Moab Covenant is referred to within the text at 28:61 as the 
hr"ATh; rp,se  (seper ha torah – book of the law ). The phrase hr"ATh; 
rp,se (sepher ha torah – book of the law) is qualified with the demonstrative 
adjective [taZO=h; hr"äATh; rp,seÞB.  (Büsëºper haTTôrâ hazzö´t  - 
book of this law )] only in  Deuteronomy  28:61. This construction supports the 
position that the content of the law-code is the foregoing section, that is the 
Deuteronomic Code. The phrase hr"ATh; rp,se  occurs in the various 
nuances, translated variously as ‗book of the law‘ or ‗book of this law‘(only in 
Deuteronomy 28:61) or ‗book of law‘ (prominent in Nehemiah). It occurs four times in 
Deuteronomy [28:61; 29:20 (Eng.21); 30:10; 31:26]; five times in Joshua [1:8; 8:31, 
34;  23:6;  24:26];  three times in 2 Kings [14:6; 22:8; 22:11]. Outside DH, three times 
in the synoptic section found in 2  Chronicles [2 Chronicles  17:9; 34:14,15] and four 
times in Nehemiah [8:1,3,18; 9:3]. Looking at it from the perspective of narrative 
structure, and the previous occurrence of the phrases ִדְבֵרי ַהתֹוָרה  (Deuteronomy 
17:19; 27:3,8,26; 28:58; 29:28; 31:12,24; Joshua 8:34; 2 Kings 23:24)and  ִדבֵרי ַהְבִרית  
(Deuteronomy 28:69; 29:8; 2 Kings 23:3)‖ within Deuteronomy and DH, it confirms 
the thesis that the Covenant Law was produced by the conjoining of the Sinai and 
300
Moab covenant traditions, a position that had been defended by Green.  The covenant 
at Moab, therefore, is the tyrIêB. that sealed the precepts received over fourty 
301
years of wandering in the wilderness and gives it a ‗covenant status‘.  
Other terminologies are also introduced to denote or describe the content of the 
document. These are the phrases ִדבֵרי ַהְבִרית (words of the covenant Deuteronomy 
28:69; 29:8; 2 Kings 23:3.)  and  ָאלֹות  ַהְבִרית (curses/oaths of the covenant 29:20). The 
term tyrIêB.h; yrEäb.DI occurs outside Deuteronomy and Kings only in 
Exodus 34:28; Jeremiah 11:2,3,6,8; 34:18; and the synoptic passage in 2 
Chronicles34:31. Only two occurences are relevant with reference to the Mosaic 
covenant Exodus34:28 and Deuteronomy 28:69. The Implications of the occurrence in 
Jeremiah would be discussed later in this study. In Exodus, the position of the term  
tyrIêB.h; yrEäb.DI affirms that only the ~yrI)b'D>h; 
                                                 
299
 D. I. Block. 2008. Deuteronomy.67-82;   H. Najman, 2003. Seconding Sinai.32 
300
 R. Green. 2011. Deuteronomy Book II. 295 
301
 Cf. J. Faur.2008. Horizontal Society .50 
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tr<f,Þ[] written on the ~ynIëb'a] txoålu, constitute the content of the 
covenant document when it was first ratified at Sinai/ Horeb. But the re-ocurrence of 
the term in Deuteronomy 28:69 suggests that a new covenant document is being 
302
produced. This confirms the position of Faur  that the other set of legislations 
communicated through Moses were not given in only one instance, but rather included 
all the legislations given over the fourty years of wandering in the desert. It is this set of 
legislations that constitute the  tyrIêB.h; yrEäb.DI of the renewed covenant 
at the plain of Moab. 
The term tyrIêB.h; tAlåa' (curses of the covenant) occurs only 
once throughout the Tanakh. It is also used to denote the content of the Moab 
Covenant. The only extant covenant document preserved in the Tanakh, which included 
clearly spelt out curses, while displaying the full characteristic form and structure of 
ANE Covenant Treaty is the book of Deuteronomy in its canonical form. Other 
preserved traditions within the Tanakh do not display the full characteristic structure of 
ANE Covenant Treaty. Weinfeld has brilliantly demonstrated that it is the very essential 
traits, characteristic of ANE Treaty pattern, that is lacking all other covenant tradition 
 303 The
within the Tanakh except Deuteronomy.  Covenant Code, for instance, did not 
include the curse – imprecation formulae, while the Holiness Code is deficient in other 
aspects, even though Christophe Nihan has demonstrated that the concluding part of H 
in Leviticus 26 is a passage in which a ‗significant re-interpretation of  the 
tyrIêB. 304 occurs‖  . 
Furthermore, the introduction of the phrase tyrIêB.h; tAlåa' at this 
point brings out in bold relief, the theme of the hw"+hy> ta;är>yI ―fear of 
the Lord.‖ The phenomenon of fear appeal runs through all the covenant tradition in 
305
the Tanakh,  but tyrIêB.h; tAlåa' occurs only in Deuteronomy 29:20, and 
it refers to the content of the document of the Moab Covenant. These curses are clearly 
set forth within the framework of Deuteronomy 27- and 28, and they are the subject of 
discourse in Deuteronomy 30-31. 
 
Deuteronomy  30:10-31:26: 
                                                 
302
 J . Faur.2008. Horizontal Society .50 
303
 M. Weinfeld. 1972. Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School.66 
304
 C. Nihan. 2009. Priestly Covenant. 104. 
305
 Cf. N. Lohfink. 2003. In the Shadow of Your Wings.278-280; J.M. Sprinkle. 1994. The Book of the 
Covenant.196 
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 This is also a long passage; therefore, only the verses that have direct bearing on 
the exegesis would be set out here. These include 30:10, 15-20 
Deuteronomy 30:10 
rp,seîB. hb'§WtK.h; wyt'êQoxuw> ‘wyt'wOc.mi 
rmoÝv.li ^yh,êl{a/ hw"åhy> ‘lAqB. [m;ªv.ti 
yKiä   
`^v<)p.n:-lk'b.W ^ßb.b'l.-lk'B. ^yh,êl{a/ 
hw"åhy>-la, ‘bWvt' yK hZ<+h; hr"ÞATh;iÛ 
 
Deuteronomy 30:15-20 
`[r"(h'-ta,w> tw<M"ßh;-ta,w> bAJ+h;-ta,w> 
~yYIßx;h;(-ta, ~AYëh; ‘^yn<’p'l. yTit;Ûn" 
hae’r> 15 
wyt'îwOc.mi rmo°v.liw> wyk'êr"d>Bi tk,l,äl' 
‘^yh,’l{a/ hw"Ühy>-ta, hb'úh]a;l. è~AYh; 
é^W>c;m. ykiänOa' rv,’a] 16 
hT'îa;-rv,a] #r<a'§B' ^yh,êl{a/ hw"åhy> 
‘^k.r:be(W t'ybiêr"w> t'yyIåx'w> 
wyj'_P'v.miW wyt'ÞQoxuw>  
`HT'(v.rIl. hM'v'Þ-ab'  
`~T'(d>b;[]w: ~yrIßxea] ~yhiîl{ale 
t'ywI±x]T;v.hi(w> T'ªx.D:nIw> [m'_v.ti 
al{åw> ^ßb.b'l. hn<ïp.yI-~aiw> 17 
‘rbe[o hT'Ûa; rv,’a] hm'êd"a]h'ä-l[; 
‘~ymiy" !kUÜyrIa]t;-al{ !Wd+beaTo dboßa' 
yKiî ~AYëh; ‘~k,l' yTid>G:Ühi 18 
`HT'(v.rIl. hM'v'Þ aboïl' !DEêr>Y:h;-ta,  
hk'Þr"B.h; ^yn<ëp'l. yTit;än" ‘tw<M'’h;w> 
~yYIÜx;h; è#r<a'h'-ta,w> ~yIm:åV'h;-ta, 
é~AYh; ~k,äb' ytido’y[ih; 19 
`^[<)r>z:w> hT'îa; hy<ßx.Ti ![;m;îl. 
~yYIëx;B;( ‘T'r>x;b'(W hl'_l'Q.h;w> 
^ym,êy" %r<aoåw> ‘^yY<’x; aWhÜ yKiä Ab+-
hq'b.d"l.W AlßqoB. [:moïv.li ^yh,êl{a/ 
hw"åhy>-ta, ‘hb'h]a;(l. 20 
`~h,(l' tteîl' bqoß[]y:l.W* qx'îc.yIl. 
~h'²r"b.a;l. ^yt,²boa]l; hw"ôhy> [B;’v.nI 
•rv,a] hm'ªd"a]h'-l[; tb,v,äl' 
 
 
Deuteronomy 31:9-13 
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tyrIåB. !Arßa]-ta, ~yaiêf.NOæh; ywIële 
ynEåB. ‘~ynIh]Koh;-la, Hn"©T.YIw:) ètaZOh; 
hr"äATh;-ta, éhv,mo bToåk.YIw: 9 
`lae(r"f.yI ynEßq.zI-lK'-la,w> hw"+hy>  
`tAK)Suh; gx;îB. hJ'ÞmiV.h; tn:ïv. d[e²moB. 
~ynI©v' [b;v,ä Ÿ#QEåmi rmo=ale ~t'äAa 
hv,Þmo wc;îy>w: 10 
ar"úq.Ti rx"+b.yI rv<åa] ~AqßM'B; ^yh,êl{a/ 
hw"åhy> ‘ynEP.-ta, ‘tAar"le laeªr"f.yI-lk' 
aAbåB. 11 
`~h,(ynEz>a'B. laeÞr"f.yI-lK' dg<n<ï 
taZO°h; hr"îATh;-ta,  
![;m;äl.W W[øm.v.yI ![;m;’l. ^yr<_['v.Bi 
rv<åa] ^ßr>gEw> @J;êh;w> ‘~yviN"h;w> 
~yviÛn"a]h'( ~['ªh'-ta, lheäq.h; 12 
`taZO*h; hr"îATh; yrEÞb.DI-lK'-ta, tAfê[]l; 
Wråm.v'w> ~k,êyhel{)a/ hw"åhy>-ta, 
‘War.y")w> Wdªm.l.yI  
rv,’a] ~ymiªY"h;-lK' ~k,_yhel{a/ hw"åhy>-
ta, ha'Þr>yIl. Wdêm.l'äw> ‘W[m.v.yI 
W[ªd>y"-al{) rv<åa] ~h,úynEb.W 13 
`HT'(v.rIl. hM'v'Þ !DE±r>Y:h;-ta, ~yrIôb.[o 
~T,øa; rv,’a] hm'êd"a]h'ä-l[; ‘~yYIx; 
~T,Ûa;  
 
Deuteronomy 31:24-26 
`~M'(Tu d[;Þ rp,se_-l[;  taZOàh;-hr"(ATh; 
yrEîb.DI-ta, bTo±k.li hv,ªmo tALåk;K. 
Ÿyhiäy>w: 24 
`rmo*ale hw"ßhy>-tyrIB. !Arïa] yae²f.nO* 
~YIëwIl.h;-ta, ‘hv,mo wc;Ûy>w: 25 
~k,_yhel{a/ hw"ßhy>-tyrIB. !Arïa] dC;²mi 
Atêao ~T,äm.f;w> hZ<ëh; ‘hr"ATh; rp,seÛ 
taeä x:qoªl' 26 
`d[e(l. ^ßB. ~v'î-hy"h")w>  
 
 
 
Deuteronomy 30:10 
If you will hear the voice of the LORD your God to keep His commandments and His statutes 
which are written in this book of the law, that you will turn to the LORD your God with all 
your heart and with all your soul. 
 
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Deuteronomy 30:15-20 
15. See, I place before you today the life and the good, and the death, and the evil. 
16. Which I am commanding you today, to love the LORD your God to walk in His way and to 
keep His Commandments and His statutes and His judgments and you shall live and you shall 
multiply and the LORD your God will bless you in the land which you are going into to 
possess. 
17. But if you turned in your heart and would not hearken and the led astray and you worship 
other gods and serve them, 
18. I declare to you today that you will surely be destroyed, your days would not be prolonged 
in the land which you are crossing the Jordan to enter there to possess. 
19. I call the heavens and the earth as witnesses against you today that I have placed before you 
the life and the death, the blessing and the curse, therefore chose life, so that you and your seed 
shall live.  
20. To love the LORD your God, to hearken to His voice and cleave to Him because He is your 
life   length of your days, to dwell in the land which the LORD your God swore to your fathers, 
to Abraham, to Isaac and to Jacob, to give to them. 
 
Deuteronomy 31:9-13 
9. And Moses wrote these laws and gave it to the priests, the sons of Levi who carry the Ark of 
the Covenant of the LORD and to all the elders of Israel.  
10. and Moses commanded them saying at the end of seven years in the appointed year of 
release, in the feast of booths,  
11. When all Israel comes to appear before the LORD your God in the place which He shall 
chose, you shall read these law before all Israel, in their hearing. 
12. Assemble the people, the men and the women, and the children and your sojourner which is 
in your gates, so that they might hear, and so that they might learn to fear the LORD your God 
and hear and keep all the words of these law.   
13. And their sons which had not known would hear and learn to fear the LORD your God all 
the days which you shall live in the land which you are crossing over the Jordan to possess. 
 
Deuteronomy 31:24-26 
24. And when Moses had finished writing all the words of this law in a book until they were 
finished,  
25. and Moses commanded the Levites who bears the Ark of the Covenant of the LORD 
saying:  26. take this book of the law and put it by the side of the Ark of the Covenant of the 
LORD your God and it is there as a witness to you. 
 
 The only extant covenant documentation in the Old Testament corpus that 
included clearly spelt out curses is the book of Deuteronomy.  We are left with no 
conclusive evidence as to the full contents of the initial tyrIB.h; rp,se, 
mentioned in Exodus and the tyrIB.h; rp,se of the Covenant in the plain of  
Moab. One widely acclaimed conjecture is that it is contained in Exodus 20:22-
306
23:33 . If the document found by Hilkiah corresponds with the Deuteronomic Code, it 
is very probable that the curses of the law referred to here are the factors that struck 
King Josiah with a sense of fear and penitence. Hence for his repentant heart, he 
received a message of consolation from the prophetess Huldah. 
                                                 
306
 F.F. Bruce. 1996, Covenant: Book of the, 237 
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 The word  hl'_l'Q.; (curse) Deuteronomy 30:19 occurs in various 
inflections the Pentateuch as well as in DH. The particular inflection in our focus text 
occurs in 2 Kings 22:19; it is constructed as a common noun, feminine singular 
absolute form of the word, with the inseparable preposition l. The only places in the 
Tahakh where the exact inflection is found is in Jeremiah 24:9; 25:18; 42:18; 44:12,22; 
49:13.  The nearest inflection is found in Deuteronomy 11:28; 30:1,19 and Joshua 8:34 
where it is also the same noun form but prefixed with the  w conjunction and the 
definite article, without the inseparable preposition.  In Deuteronomy 11:26, it has the 
w conjunction but lacks the definite article. While in Deuteronomy 11:29; 27:13; and 
29:26, it has the definite article but lack the w conjunction. In all these instances it 
occurs in the context of the reading or rehearsal of the oath imprecation found in the 
Moab Covenant. The only occurrence of the noun form which is not directly connected 
with the Moab Covenant is in Deuteronomy 23:6; and Nehemiah 13:2, where the 
Balaam episode was being rehearsed. 
 It is notable that in Deuteronomy, the reading and hearing of the contents of the 
book of the law is directly connected with ―the fear of the LORD‖. 
 hw"+hy> ta;är>yI (fear of the LORD) in the substantive 
usage, is not found at all in the Pentateuch and DH. It is common in Wisdom and Poetic 
Literature specifically in Proverbs and Psalms. Outside these, it is only found in Isaiah 
33:6.  
 Apart from instances where ―to fear God‖ is simply used to denote devotion, as 
in 1 Kings 18:12; 2 Kings 4:1 and the Psalms. 24:12;112:1; 128:1,4; Ecclesiastes 12:13; 
307
Jonah 1:9;  the concept of the fear of the Lord runs through all the covenant 
traditions: Exodus 20:20; Holiness Code (Leviticus 19:14,32; 25:17,36,43) 
Deuteronomy   31:12-13(4:10; 5:29; 6:2,13,24); Joshua 24:14. Of all these the 
inflections, At±a'r>yI with this particular pointing, which is in the feminine 
singular construct form of the root ary, with the 3rd person masculine singular 
suffix, occurs only once and that is in Exodus 20:20. 
                                                 
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 This list is not exhaustive as this particular usage is not the focus of the present study. 
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 The Qal infinitive construct ha'Þr>yIl.  (to fear), with the LORD as 
the subject is peculiar to Deuteronomy. Outside Deuteronomy, it is only found once in 
Solomon‘s prayer of dedication of the temple (1 Kings 8:45) once in Nehemiah (1:11) 
once in the Psalms (86:11) and once in Jeremiah (32:39). 
 The connection between hearing and fearing is especially prominent in 
Deuteronomy (17:13; 19:20; 21:21; 31:12) in these cases  Waßr.y")w> 
which is in the qal form, and waw consecutive perfect conjugation with the suffix on 
the 3rd person common gender, plural homonym 1, is prominent. This particular 
pointing is peculiar to Deuteronomy. It is not found elsewhere in the Tanakh. 
 Once in Deuteronomy 28:10, there is a connection between seeing and fearing 
using Waßr.y")w> but this is a grammatical construction that has the same 
nuance with the ―hearing and fearing‖ motif. The neighbours of Israel shall see that she 
was blessed because she ―called on the name of the LORD‖ and shall fear. Hence, it is 
the testimony of Israel‘s exclusive devotion to the LORD and the attendant prosperity 
that instills the fear.  
 In the case of Deuteronomy 31:12, the hearing of the reading of the law is the 
origin of the fear of the LORD, while in all the other cases of occurrence of the cause of 
the fear is the news of the inflicted punishment on an individual who violates the 
covenant law, such that ―others shall hear and fear‖ to do such things. Hence, the 
deterrent principle of punishment is applied here in the context of the covenant law, 
making use of the fear appeal as the deterrent. Particularly in Deuteronomy, the fear of 
the LORD is tied to the Law of the LORD (Deuteronomy 6:2,24,; 17:19; 31:12-13) . 
 The equivalent Hebrew expression for ‗fear of the LORD‘ with the 
hw"ßhy>-dx;p;( is not found at all in the Pentateuch. It is common in 
Chronicles, once in 1Samuel and thrice in Isaiah 2. 
It is also notable in 31:9-13; that the Priests were entrusted with written copies 
of the covenant document, while the king is also enjoined to make a copy from the ones 
in the custody of the priests for his personal meditation. If this injunction was kept, it is 
probable that the book-find of Hilkiah may be one of such copies. Then, it follows that 
the covenant document reflects the renewal at the Moabite plain towards the end of 
Moses‘ ministry, with its attendant usage of fear appeal through the cursed written in 
the covenant document.. 
Joshua1:8; 8:30-34; 23:6-24:26 
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Joshua 1:8 
rmoæv.Ti ‘![;m;’l. hl'y>l;êw" ~m'äAy ‘AB 
t'ygIÜh'w> ^yPiªmi hZ<‚h; hr"’ATh; 
•rp,se vWm‡y"-al{)  
`lyKi(f.T; za'îw> ^k<ßr"D>-ta, 
x:yliîc.T; za'²-yKi AB+ bWtßK'h;-lk'K. 
tAfê[]l; 
 
Joshua 8:30-34 (LXX 9:1-5) 
`lb'(y[e rh:ßB. lae_r"f.yI yheäl{a/ 
hw"ßhyl;( x:Beêz>mi ‘[:vu’Ahy> hn<Üb.yI 
za'ä 30 
‘xB;z>mi hv,êmo tr:äAT ‘rp,se’B. 
‘bWtK'K; laeªr"f.yI ynEåB.-ta, hw"÷hy>-
db,[,( hv,’mo •hW"ci rv<åa]K; 31 
`~ymi(l'v. WxßB.z>YIw:) hw"ëhyl;( ‘tAl[o 
wyl'Û[' Wl’[]Y:w: lz<+r>B; !h<ßyle[] 
@ynIïhe-al{) rv<±a] tAmêlev. ~ynIåb'a]  
`lae(r"f.yI ynEïB. ynEßp.li bt;êK' 
rv<åa] hv,êmo tr:äAT ‘hnEv.mi taeª 
~ynI+b'a]h'-l[; ~v'Þ-bT'k.YIw:32 
~ynI“h]Koh; •dg<n< !Ar‡a'l' ŸhZ<åmiW 
ŸhZ<åmi ~ydIäm.[o wyj'‡p.vow> 
Ÿ~yrIåj.vow> wyn"³qez>W lae‡r"f.yI-lk'w> 
33 
Ayàc.x,h;(w> ~yzIërIG>-rh; lWmå-la, 
‘Ayc.x, xr"êz>a,K'( ‘rGEK; hw"©hy>-
tyrIB. !Aråa] Ÿyaeäf.nO ~YI‚wIl.h;  
`hn")voarIB' laeÞr"f.yI ~['îh'-ta, 
%rE±b'l. hw"©hy>-db,[,( hv,ämo hW"÷ci 
rv,’a]K; lb'_y[e-rh; lWmå-la,  
`hr"(ATh; rp,seîB. bWtßK'h;-lk'K. 
hl'_l'Q.h;w> hk'Þr"B.h; hr"êATh; 
yrEäb.DI-lK'-ta, ‘ar"q' !keª-yrEx]a;¥w> 34 
 
 Joshua 1:8 
This book of the law shall not depart from your mouth, and you shall meditate 
in it day and night to that you might take care to do according to all that is written in it 
because then, your way would prosper and then you shall be successful. 
 
Joshua 8:30-34 (LXX 9:1-5) 
30. Then Joshua built an altar to the LORD God of Israel in mount Ebal.   
31. According to what   Moses the servant of the LORD  commanded the children of 
Israel as it is written in the book of the law of Moses, "an altar of complete stone, on 
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which an iron tool had not been used, and the offered  whole burnt offerings on it to the 
LORD, and they sacrificed peace offerings.  
32 and he wrote there on the stones, a duplicate of the law of Moses which he wrote 
before the sons of Israel.  
33. and all Israel and his elders and officers and his judges stood on either sides of the 
Ark before the priests, the levites who carry the Ark or the Covenant of the LORD the 
citizen as well as the sojourner, half before mount Gerizim and half before mount Ebal 
according to what was commanded by Moses the servant of  the LORD beforehand, to 
bless the people of Israel. 
 
Josh 23:6-24:26 is also a long passage, so the verses that had direct import are selected. 
23:6 
yTiîl.bil. hv,_mo tr:äAT rp,seÞB. bWtêK'h;-
lK' tae… tAfê[]l;w> rmoæv.li daoêm. 
~T,äq.z:x]w: 6 
`lwamo)f.W !ymiîy" WNM,Þmi-rWs  
23:16 
~yhiäl{a/ ‘~T,d>b;[]w: ~T,ªk.l;h]w: 
è~k,t.a, hW"åci rv<åa] é~k,yhel{a/ hw"ïhy> 
tyrI’B.-ta, ~k,r>b.['B.û 16 
‘l[;me hr"êhem. ~T,äd>b;a]w: ~k,êB' 
‘hw"hy>-@a; hr"Ûx'w> ~h,_l' 
~t,ÞywIx]T;v.hiw> ~yrIêxea]  
`~k,(l' !t:ïn" rv<ßa] hb'êAJh; #r<a'äh'  
24:25-26 
`~k,(v.Bi jP'Þv.miW  qxoï Al± ~f,Y"ïw:  
aWh+h; ~AYæB; ~['Þl' tyrI±B. [;vuóAhy> 
tro’k.YIw:25 
~yhi_l{a/ tr:äAT rp,seÞB. hL,aeêh' 
~yrIåb'D>h;-ta, ‘[:vu’Ahy> bToÜk.YIw: 26 
`hw")hy> vD:îq.miB. rv<ßa] hL'êa;h'( tx;T;… 
~V'ê h'm,äyqiy>w: hl'êAdG> !b,a,ä ‘xQ;YIw: 
  
Joshua 23:6 
Be very strong to keep and to do all that is written in the book of the law of Moses neither turn 
from it to the right or to the left. 
 
Joshua 23:16 
In transgressing the covenant of the LORD your God which He commanded you and you 
follow and serve other gods and worship them, and the anger of the LORD burns against you 
and destroy you quickly from the good land which He gives to you. 
 
Joshua. 24:25-26 
25. And Joshua made a covenant with the people that day, and he instituted statutes and 
judgements for them at shechem. 
26. and Joshua wrote these words in the book of the law of God, and he took a large stone and 
placed it under the oak which was by the holy place of the LORD. 
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 The references from the book of Joshua depict the following: (i) the law of 
Moses was preserved by the generation which took possession of the land of Canaan; 
(ii) Joshua was in possession of the covenant document referred to as the book of the 
law, which, as the text affirms, he inherited from Moses; (iii) there was a renewal of the 
covenant  under Joshua at Shechem; (iv) the renewal involves the enactment of statute 
and judgement; (v) there was no new book written, but the former written document of 
the previous covenant enactment at the plain of Moab was embellished with the new 
legislations. 
 The exact content of this law book and the further legislations were not included 
in the book of Joshua. The narrator seems to assume that the reader is familiar with the 
book and its content. The only explanation for this omission of the content of the law 
book is that it has been provided in the foregoing parts of the story. This points to the 
book of Deuteronomy. It is, therefore, logical to suggest that the extant form of 
documentation for the covenant ratified by Joshua at Shechem is to be found in the 
canonical book of Deuteronomy. 
 Furthermore, there is a change in the concept and form of the covenant at the 
time of Joshua. There was a change from the form of covenant grant pattern to the form 
of Vassal covenant. Moshe Weinfeld has demonstrated that the structural pattern of the 
308
covenant ratified at Shechem follows the Vassal Treaty pattern . The emphasis in not 
placed on the detailed stipulations of the covenant. Instead, major emphasis is placed 
on exclusive and faithful loyalty to the LORD. The covenant law gains significance only 
because it is the expression of the demands of the Sovereign LORD of the Covenant.   
 
1 Samuel 10:25 
1 Samuel 10:25 
  bToåk.YIw: hk'êluM.h; jP;äv.mi tae… 
~['ªh'-la, laeøWmv. rBe’d:y>w: 25 
`At*ybel vyaiî ~['Þh'-lK'-ta, lae²Wmv. 
xL;óv;y>w:; hw"+hy> ynEåp.li xN:ßY:w: 
rp,SeêB  
1 Samuel 10:25 
And Samuel told the people the law of the kingship, and he wrote them in a book and set them 
before THE LORD and Samuel sent all the people, each man to his house. 
 
                                                 
308
 M. Weinfeld. 1972. Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School. 152 
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 The statement that Samuel wrote the  hk'êluM.h; jP;äv.mi 
could suggest an emendation of the Deuteronomic tradition to make provision for the 
monarchy as reflected in Deuteronomy  17:14-20. But the grammatical connotation of 
the text point to the creation of a new document, of covenant status, rather than the 
emendation of an existing document. The term ynEåp.li xN:ßY:w: is the 
hiphil waw consecutive imperfect 3rd person masculine singular apocopated homonym 
1  of the root xwn which could mean ―to put‖; or ―to set‖ or ―deposit‖. The most 
likely meaning within the immediate context of usage in 1 Samuel 10:25 is ―to 
deposit‖. This implies that Samuel ratified a covenant between the people and the King, 
and deposited the document of the covenant before the LORD. The text presupposes that 
this deposit is apart from the Book of the Law. It is similar to what obtains in the case 
of Joash in 2Kings.11, which would be examined below. 
 
2Kings 11:4, 12, 17, 18;  14:6; 17:35-39 
2 Kings 11:4 
‘yrIK'l; ÎtAaªMeh;Ð ¿tAyaMeh;À yrEäf'-ta, 
ŸxQ:åYIw: [d"øy"Ahy> xl;’v' ty[iybiV.h;û 
hn"åV'b;W 4 
   tyrIøB. ~h,’l' •trok.YIw:hw"+hy> tyBeä 
wyl'Þae ~t'²ao abeîY"w: ~yciêr"l'äw>   
 
2 Kings 11:12 
   tWdê[eh'ä-ta,w> ‘rz<NE’h;-ta, ‘wyl'[' 
!TEÜYIw: %l,M,ªh;-!B,-ta, aciäAYw: 12 
s `%l,M,(h; yxiîy> Wrßm.aYOw: @k'ê-WKY:w: 
Whxu_v'm.YIw: Atàao Wkliîm.Y:w: 
 
2 Kings 11:17-18 
 !ybeäW ‘%l,M,’h; !ybeÛW ‘hw"hy> !yBeÛ 
tyrIªB.h;-ta,( [d"øy"Ahy> tro’k.YIw: 17 
`~['(h' !ybeîW %l,M,Þh; !ybeîW hw"+hyl;( 
~['Þl. tAyðh.li ~['êh' 
WhcuªT.YIw:) l[;B;øh;-tyBe #r<a'’h' •~[;-
 
lk' WaboåY"w: 18 
Wgàr>h' l[;B;êh; !hEåKo ‘!T'm; taeªw> 
bjeêyhe WråB.vi ‘wym'l'c.-ta,w> 
Îwyt'ÛxoB.z>miÐ ¿AtxoB.z>miÀ-ta, 
`hw")hy> tyBeî-l[; tADßquP. !hE±Koh; 
~f,Y"ôw: tAx+B.z>Mih;( ynEåp.li 
 
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2Kings.14:6 
  hv,moû-tr:AT) rp,seäB. bWtåK'K; 
tymi_he al{å ~yKiÞM;h; ynEïB.-ta,w>  
 ‘~ynIb'W ‘~ynIB'-l[; tAbÜa' Wt’m.Wy-
al{ rmoªale hw"‚hy> hW"“ci-rv,a] 
`Îtm'(WyÐ ¿tWmy"À Aaßj.x,B. vyaiî-~ai 
yKi² tAbêa'-l[; Wtåm.Wy-al{ 
 
 
 2 Kings 17:34-39 
  ~n"Üyae ~ynI+voarI)h' ~yjiÞP'v.MiK; 
~yfiê[o ~heä ‘hZ<h; ~AYÝh; d[;ä 34 
rv,’a] hw"©c.Mik;w> hr"äATk;w> 
~j'êP'v.mik.W ‘~t'QoxuK. ~yfiª[o 
~n"åyaew> hw"ëhy>-ta, ‘~yairEy>   
`lae(r"f.yI Amàv. ~f'î-rv,a] bqoê[]y: 
ynEåB.-ta, ‘hw"hy> hW"Üci  
 ~yhiäl{a/ Waßr>yti( al{ï 
rmoêale~WEåc;y>w: tyrIêB. ‘~T'ai 
hw"Ühy> tro’k.YIw:  35 
`~h,(l' WxßB.z>ti al{ïw> ~Wdêb.[;t; 
al{åw> ~h,êl' Wwæx]T;v.ti-al{w> 
~yrI+xea]  
 x:koôB. ~yIr:±c.mi #r<a,óme ~k,øt.a, 
hl'’[/h, •rv,a] hw"©hy>-ta,-~ai( yKiä 36 
`WxB'(z>ti Alïw> Wwàx]T;v.ti( Alïw> 
War"_yti Atåao hy"ßWjn> [;Arïz>biW 
lAd±G" 
  bt;äK' rv<åa] ‘hw"c.Mih;w> hr"ÛATh;w> 
~yjiøP'v.Mih;-ta,w> ~yQi’xuh;-ta,w> 37 
`~yrI)xea] ~yhiîl{a/ Waßr>yti( al{ïw> 
~ymi_Y"h;-lK' tAfß[]l; !Wrïm.v.Ti 
~k,êl' 
`~yrI)xea] ~yhiîl{a/ Waßr>yti( al{ïw> 
WxK'_v.ti al{å ~k,ÞT.ai yTir:îK'-rv,a] 
tyrI±B.h;w> 38 
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`~k,(ybey>ao-lK' dY:ßmi ~k,êt.a, 
lyCiäy: ‘aWhw> War"_yTi ~k,Þyhel{a/ 
hw"ïhy>-ta,-~ai( yKi² 39 
 
 
2 Kings 11:4 
And in the seventh year, Jehoiada sent and took the captains of hundreds, and the Carites and 
the mounted men, and brought them to him in the house of the LORD and he made a covenant 
with them.  
 
2 Kings 11:12 
And he brought forward the king‘s son and gave [upon] him the crown and the testimony and 
they made him king and anointed him and they clapped their hands and they said [long] live the 
king!   
 
2 Kings 11:17-18 
17 And Jehoiada made a covenant between the LORD and the king and the people to be the 
LORD‘s people; and between the king and the people. 
18 Then all the people of the land went to the house of Baal, and tore it down; his altars and his 
images they broke in pieces, and they slew Mattan the priest of Baal in front of the altars. And 
the priest posted watchmen over the house of the LORD. 
 
2 Kings 17:34-39    
34
 To this day they do according to the former manner. They do not fear the LORD, and they do 
not follow the statutes or the ordinances or the law or the commandment which the LORD 
commanded the children of Jacob, whom he named Israel.   
35
 The LORD made a covenant with them, and commanded them, "You shall not fear other 
gods or bow yourselves to them or serve them or sacrifice to them;   
36
 but you shall fear the LORD, who brought you out of the land of Egypt with great power and 
with an outstretched arm; you shall bow yourselves to him, and to him you shall sacrifice.   
37
 And the statutes and the ordinances and the law and the commandment which he wrote for 
you,  you shall always be careful to do. You shall not fear other gods,   
38
 and you shall not forget the covenant that I have made with you. You shall not fear other 
gods,   
39
 but you shall fear the LORD your God, and he will deliver you out of the hand of all your 
enemies." 
 
 In 2 Kings 11, the nature of the covenant between Israel and the Lord is 
depicted in terms similar to the vassal treaties of the ANE. Moshe Weinfeld has 
demonstrated that the covenant enactment accompanying the corronation of Joash 
follows the analogy of double covenants in the enthronement of vassal kings in the 
ANE, in which there is on the one hand, a covenant of allegiance between the Suzerain 
and the vassal king, and then, on the other hand, a covenant between the vassal king 
309
and his subjects.  2 Kings 11:17 could be well-illuminated by this ANE context.  The 
implication of this for the present study is that the transition from Grant type to Vassal 
Treaty form, which was effected in the time of Joshua, was continued in the era of the 
monarchy. The LORD being conceived as the Suzerain while the human monarch is seen 
as the vassal. 
                                                 
309
 M. Weinfeld.1972. Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School. 85-91. 
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a. The use of the term tWdê[eh in 2 Kings 11:12 to denote the covenant 
document requires some clarification. The usage of this term as a singular word to 
denote a covenant document is not common in Deuteronomy and DH. Its usage in 
Exodus and Numbers is in particular reference to the inscribed stone tablets, the content 
of which is the Ten Commandments. Certainly, what was delivered to king Joash at his 
coronation is part of the insignia of office, and could not have been the stone tablets of 
the Ten Commandments. The previous Mosaic commandment in Deuteronomy 17:28, 
that copies of the law should be made for the kings suggests that this tWdê[eh refers 
to a copy of the covenant document. Moreover, a consideration of the various 
occurrence of the term the singular construction of the term, tWdê[eh, occurs only 
once in Deuteronomy and DH, at 2 Kings 11:12. The plural form, tdoê[eh', 
310
however, is almost exclusively used in Deuteronomy and DH , where it is always 
used in form of the phrase ‘wyt'Qoxu-ta,w> wyt'ÛwOd>[e-ta,w> 
wyt'øwOc.mi (his commandments and his testimonies and his statutes) to denote 
the law of the covenant. With this consideration, it can be concluded that the term 
denotes a copy of the covenant document, a form of the hr"²ATh; rp,seó  or 
the tyrIêB.h; rp,seä a version of which was later found in the Temple at the 
time of Josiah. 
 The theme of the fear of the LORD is also sustained in these passages, 
particularly in 2 Kings 17.  However, the usage is not delineated from ordinary usage in 
terms of devotion to the LORD. The emphasis in this section focuses on exclusive 
worship of the LORD. The motif of deterrent principle of punishment is also visible. It 
is clearly shown that the cause for the fall of the Northern Kingdom was a punishment 
meted to them by the LORD in consequence of breaking the terms of the covenant. 
Here, it is specifically mentioned that they failed to keep the covenant law. (cf. 2 Kings 
17:34,37). 
 Looking wholistically at DH, the picture seen is that of a gradual unfolding of 
e
the dynamics of the b rith relationship between Israel and the LORD as predicted in 
Deuteronomy 30:1-14. The following aspects stand out boldly: 
                                                 
310
 The phrase occurs three times in Deuteronomy, (4:45;6:17,20), three times in Kings (1Kin.2:3; 2 
Kings 17:15; 23:3) Once in the prose sermons of Jeremiah (Jeremiah 44:23), twice in Chronicles, in 
synoptic passages found in Kings (1Chr29:19; 2Chr.34:31) once in Nehemiah (9:34). It is only in the 
Psalms that this plural form is used in reference to the covenant without combination with 
wyt'øwOc.mi and wyt'Qoxu (Psalm 25:10; 78:56; 93:5; 99:7; 
119:2,14,22,24,31,36,46,59,79, 95,99,111,119,125,129,138,144,146,152,157,167,168.  
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(i) Fear appeal mediated through reading or rehearsal of the covenant document. 
(ii) Fear appeal mediated through punishment inflicted on individuals as deterrent 
to individual and corporate perpetration of perceived antisocial vices. 
(iii) Fear appeal mediated through corporate catastrophe in form of captivity and 
political annihilation. 
(iv) Promise of restoration of amelioration of suffering of individual or the entire 
nation upon a positive response to the fear appeal stimulus. 
 This theme is aptly interpreted and applied to the case of the final catastrophe of 
the exile of Judah by the prophet Jeremiah. But the question that remains unanswered is 
the exact content of the covenant document referred to at each successive stage of 
development and application of the covenant concept to Israel‘s changing socio-
political context. It is certain that it contains basic core which was constantly and 
progressively updated as the context of application changes. The Acme of this 
application can be glimpsed from the book of Prophet Jeremiah, particularly Chapters 
7, 11,31, 34, and 36. 
 
Jeremiah 
Jeremiah 7:9; 11:1-17; 31:31-34; 34:13-18; 36:1-32 
Jeremiah 7:9 
`~T,([.d:y>-al{) rv<ïa] ~yrIßxea] ~yhiîl{a/ 
yrE²x]a; %l{ªh'w> l[;B'_l; rJEåq;w> rq,V,Þl; 
[;beîV'hiw> @aoªn"w>) ‘x:co’r" ŸbnOÝg"h 
 
Jeremiah 11:1-17 (2-4, 6, 8) 
 11:2-4 
 `~Øil'(v'Wry> ybeÞv.yO-l[;w> hd"êWhy> vyaiä-la, 
‘~T'r>B;dIw> taZO=h; tyrIåB.h; yrEÞb.DI-ta,  
W[§m.vi 2 
`taZO*h; tyrIïB.h; yrEÞb.DI-ta, [m;êv.yI al{å 
‘rv,a] vyaiêh' rWråa' lae_r"f.yI yheäl{a/ hw"ßhy> 
rm:ïa'-hKo) ~h,êylea] T'är>m;a'w> 3 
 lz<‚r>B;h; rWK’mi •~yIr:c.mi-#r<a,(me ~t'äAa-
yai(yciAh ~AyæB. ~k,‡yteAb)a]-ta, ytiyWIåci rv<åa] 
4 
 ~['êl. ‘yli ~t,yyIÜh.wI ~k,_t.a, hW<ßc;a]-rv,a] 
lkoïK. ~t'êAa ~t,äyfi[]w: ‘yliAqb. W[Üm.vi rmoªal 
e`~yhi(l{ale ~k,Þl' hy<ïh.a, ykiênOa'äw> 
11:6 
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  ~Øil;Þv'Wry> tAcïxub.W hd"êWhy> yrEä['B. 
‘hL,ae’h' ~yrIÜb'D>h;-lK'-ta, ar"’q. yl;êae 
‘hw"hy> rm,aYOÝw: 6 
`~t'(Aa ~t,Þyfi[]w: taZOëh; tyrIåB.h; ‘yrEb.DI-ta, 
W[ªm.vi rmo=ale 
  
 
11:8 
  aybi’a'w" [r"_h' ~B'äli tWrßyrIv.Bi vyai§ 
Wkêl.YEåw: ~n"ëz>a'-ta, WJåhi-al{)w> ‘W[m.v'( 
al{Üw> 8 
`Wf)[' al{ïw> tAfß[]l; ytiyWIïci-rv,a] taZO°h;-
tyrIB.h; yrEób.DI-lK'-ta,( ~h,øyle[] 
 
Jeremiah 31:31-34 
   `hv'(d"x]  tyrIïB. hd"ÞWhy> tyBeî-ta,w> 
lae²r"f.yI tyBeó-ta, yTiªr:k'w> hw"+hy>-~aun> 
~yaiÞB' ~ymiîy" hNE±hi 31 
 #r<a,Þme ~a'ÞyciAhl. ~d"êy"b. yqIåyzIx/h, ‘~AyB. 
~t'êAba]-ta, ‘yTir:’K' rv<Üa] tyrIªB.k; al{å 32 
`hw")hy>-~aun> ~b'Þ yTil.[;îB' yki²nOa'w> 
ytiªyrIB.-ta, WrpEåhe hM'heø-rv,a] ~yIr"+c.mi 
 hw"ëhy>-~aun> ‘~heh' ~ymiÛY"h; yrE’x]a; 
laeør"f.yI tyBe’-ta, •trok.a, rv<åa] tyrI‡B.h; 
tazOæ yKiä 33 
`~['(l. yliî-Wyh.yI hM'heÞw> ~yhiêl{ale( ‘~h,l' 
ytiyyIÜh'w> hN"b<+T]k.a, ~B'Þli-l[;w> ~B'êr>qiB. 
‘ytir"AT)-ta, yTit;Ûn"  
 hw"+hy>-ta, W[ßD> rmoêale ‘wyxia'-ta, vyaiÛw> 
Wh[eørE-ta, vyaiä dA[ª WdåM.l;y> al{ôw> 34 
`dA[)-rK'z>a, al{ï ~t'ÞaJ'x;l.W ~n"ëwO[]l;( 
‘xl;s.a, yKiÛ hw"ëhy>-~aun> ‘~l'AdG>-d[;w> 
~N"Üj;q.mil. ytiøAa W[’d>yE •~L'Wk-yKi(  
 
Jeremiah 34:13-14 
  yaiÛciAh ~Ay“B. ~k,êyteAbåa]-ta, ‘tyrIb. 
yTi(r:ÛK' ykiªnOa' lae_r"f.yI yheäl{a/ hw"ßhy> 
rm:ïa'-hKo) 13 
`rmo*ale ~ydIÞb'[] tyBeîmi ~yIr:êc.mi #r<a,äme 
‘~t'Aa 
 vveä ‘^d>b'([]w: ^ªl. rkEåM'yI-rv<)a] yrIøb.[ih' 
wyxi’a'-ta, •vyai Wx‡L.v;T.( ~ynI³v' [b;v,ä #QEåmi 
14 
`~n")z>a'-ta, WJßhi al{ïw> yl;êae ‘~k,yteAb)a] 
W[Üm.v'-al{)w> %M"+[ime( yviÞp.x' ATïx.L;viw> 
~ynIëv' 
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Jeremiah 36: 1-32 (2-4, 9, 10, 15-18, 32)   
36:2-4 
  ^yl,²ae yTir>B:ôDI-rv,a] ~yrIúb'D>h;-lK' taeä 
h'yl,ªae T'äb.t;k'w> èrp,se-tL;gIm. é^l.-xq; 2 
`hZ<)h; ~AYðh; d[;Þw> WhY"ëviayO ymeäymi ‘^yl,’ae 
yTir>B:ÜDI ~AYùmi ~yI+AGh;-lK'-l[;w> hd"ÞWhy>-
l[;w> laeîr"f.yI-l[; 
 ![;m;äl. ~h,_l' tAfå[]l; bveÞxo ykiînOa' rv<±a] 
h['êr"h'ä-lK' tae… hd"êWhy> tyBeä ‘W[m.v.yI yl;ÛWa 
3 
s `~t'(aJ'x;l.W ~n"ßwO[]l; yTiîx.l;s'w> h['êr"h' 
AKår>D:mi vyai… WbWvªy" 
 yrEób.DI-lK' taeä Why"©m.r>yI yPiämi %WrøB' 
bTo’k.YIw: hY"+rinE)-!B, %WrßB'-ta, Why"ëm.r>yI 
ar"äq.YIw: 4 
`rp,se(-tL;gIm.-l[;  wyl'Þae rB<ïDI-rv,a] hw"±hy> 
 
 36:9-10 
  Wa’r>q' y[iêviT.h; vd<xoåB; ‘hd"Why>-%l,m,( 
WhY"ÜviayO-!B, ~yqi’y"Ahyli tyvimix]h;û hn"åV'b; 
yhiäy>w: 9 
`~Øil'(v'WryBi hd"ÞWhy> yrEî['me ~yai²B'h; ~['ªh'-
lk'w> ~Øil'_v'Wr)yBi ~['Þh'-lK' hw"±hy> ynEôp.li 
~Acø 
 !p'’v'-!b, •Why"r>m;G> tK;‡v.liB. hw"+hy> tyBeä 
Why"ßm.r>yI yrEîb.DI-ta, rp,Se²B; %Wrïb' 
ar"’q.YIw: 10 
`~['(h'-lK' ynEßz>a'B. vd"êx'h,( ‘hw"hy>-tyBe 
r[;v;Û xt;P,ä !Ay©l.[,h' rcEåx'B, rpeøSoh;  
 
36:15-18 
 `~h,(ynEz>a'B. %Wrßb' ar"îq.YIw: WnynE+z>a'B. 
hN"a<ßr"q.W an"ë bveä wyl'êae Wråm.aYOw: 15 
 dyGEÜh; %WrêB'-la, ‘Wrm.aYO*w: Wh[e_rE-la, vyaiä 
Wdßx]P' ~yrIêb'D>h;-lK'-ta, ‘~['m.v'K. yhiªy>w: 16 
`hL,ae(h' ~yrIßb'D>h;-lK' taeî %l,M,êl; ‘dyGIn: 
  
`wyPi(mi hL,aeÞh' ~yrIïb'D>h;-lK'-ta, T'b.t;²K' 
%yaeª Wnl'ê an"å-dG<h; rmo=ale Wlßa]v' %WrêB'-
ta,’w> 17 
`Ay*D>B; rp,SeÞh;-l[; bteîKo ynI±a]w: hL,ae_h' 
~yrIßb'D>h;-lK' taeî yl;êae ar"äq.yI ‘wyPimi 
%WrêB' ‘~h,l' rm,aYOÝw: 18  
36:23-24 
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  %le§v.h;w> rpeêSoh; r[;t;äB. ‘h'[,’r"q.yI) 
èh['B'r>a;w> étAtl'D> vl{åv' ydIªWhy> aAråq.Ki 
Ÿyhiäy>w: 23 
`xa'(h'-l[; rv<ïa] vaeÞh'-l[; hL'êgIM.h;-lK' ‘~To-
d[; xa'_h'-la, rv<åa] vaeÞh'-la, 
 taeî ~y[iêm.Voåh; wyd"êb'[]-lk'w> ‘%l,M,’h; 
~h,_ydEg>Bi-ta, W[ßr>q' al{ïw> Wdêx]p' al{åw> 24 
`hL,ae(h' ~yrIßb'D>h;-lK' 
   
36:32 
  ‘h'yl,’[' bToÜk.YIw: èrpeSoh; éWhY"rInE-!B, 
%WråB'-la, éHn"T.YIw:) tr<x,ªa; hL'ägIm. Ÿxq:ål' 
Why"÷m.r>yIw> 32 
 dA[’w> vae_B' hd"ÞWhy>-%l,m,( ~yqIïy"Ahy> @r:±f' 
rv<ïa] rp,Seêh; yrEäb.DI-lK' tae… Why"ëm.r>yI 
yPiämi 
s `hM'he(K' ~yBiÞr: ~yrIïb'D> ~h,²yle[] @s:ôAn 
 
Jeremiah 7:9  
9
  Will ye steal, murder, and commit adultery, and swear falsely, and burn incense unto Baal, 
and walk after other gods whom ye know not; 
 
Jeremiah 11:1-17 (2-4, 6, 8) 
11:2-4   
2
 Hear ye the words of this covenant, and speak unto the men of Judah, and to the inhabitants of 
Jerusalem;  
3
 And say thou unto them, Thus saith the LORD God of Israel; Cursed be the man that obeyeth 
not the words of this covenant,  
4
 Which I commanded your fathers in the day that I brought them forth out of the land of 
Egypt, from the iron furnace, saying, Obey my voice, and do them, according to all which I 
command you: so shall ye be my people, and I will be your God: 
 
11:6    
6
 Then the LORD said unto me, Proclaim all these words in the cities of Judah, and in the 
streets of Jerusalem, saying, Hear ye the words of this covenant, and do them. 
11:8  
8
 Yet they obeyed not, nor inclined their ear, but walked every one in the imagination of their 
evil heart: therefore I will bring upon them all the words of this covenant, which I commanded 
them to do; but they did them not. 
 
Jeremiah 31:31-34   
31
 Behold, the days come, saith the LORD, that I will make a new covenant with the 
house of Israel, and with the house of Judah:   
32
 Not according to the covenant that I made with their fathers in the day that I took 
them by the hand to bring them out of the land of Egypt; which my covenant they 
brake, although I was an husband unto them, saith the LORD:  
33
 But this shall be the covenant that I will make with the house of Israel; After those 
days, saith the LORD, I will put my law in their inward parts, and write it in their 
hearts; and will be their God, and they shall be my people. 
34
 And they shall teach no more every man his neighbour, and every man his brother, 
saying, Know the LORD: for they shall all know me, from the least of them unto the 
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greatest of them, saith the LORD: for I will forgive their iniquity, and I will remember 
their sin no more. 
 
Jeremiah 34:13-14  
13
 Thus saith the LORD, the God of Israel; I made a covenant with your fathers in the 
day that I brought them forth out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondmen, 
saying,   
14
 At the end of seven years let ye go every man his brother an Hebrew, which hath 
been sold unto thee; and when he hath served thee six years, thou shalt let him go free 
from thee: but your fathers hearkened not unto me, neither inclined their ear. 
 
Jeremiah 36: 1-32 (2-4, 9, 10, 15-18, 32) 
36:2-4   
2
 Take thee a roll of a book, and that I have spoken unto thee against Israel, and against 
Judah, and against all the nations, from the day I spake unto thee, from the days of 
3
Josiah, even unto this day.  It may be that the house of Judah will hear all the evil 
which I purpose to do unto them; that they may return every man from his evil way; 
4
that I may forgive their iniquity and their sin.  Then Jeremiah called Baruch the son of 
Neriah: and Baruch wrote from the mouth of Jeremiah all the words of the LORD, 
which he had spoken unto him, upon a roll of a book. 
 
36:9, 10  
9
 And it came to pass in the fifth year of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah king of Judah, in 
the ninth month, that they proclaimed a fast before the LORD to all the people in 
Jerusalem, and to all the people that came from the cities of Judah unto Jerusalem.   
10
 Then read Baruch in the book the words of Jeremiah in the house of the LORD, in 
the chamber of Gemariah the son of Shaphan the scribe, in the higher court, at the entry 
of the new gate of the LORD'S house, in the ears of all the people. 
 
36:15-18   
15
 And they said unto him, Sit down now, and read it in our ears. So Baruch read it in 
their ears.  
16
 Now it came to pass, when they had heard all the words, they were afraid both one 
and other, and said unto Baruch, We will surely tell the king of all these words.  
17
 And they asked Baruch, saying, Tell us now, How didst thou write all these words at 
his mouth?   
18
 Then Baruch answered them, He pronounced all these words unto me with his 
mouth, and I wrote them with ink in the book. 
 
36:23-24   
23
 And it came to pass, that when Jehudi had read three or four leaves, he cut it with the 
penknife, and cast it into the fire that was on the hearth, until all the roll was consumed 
in the fire that was on the hearth.   
24
 Yet they were not afraid, nor rent their garments, neither the king, nor any of his 
servants that heard all these words. 
 
36:32 
32
 Then took Jeremiah another roll, and gave it to Baruch the scribe, the son of Neriah; 
who wrote therein from the mouth of Jeremiah all the words of the book which 
Jehoiakim king of Judah had burned in the fire: and there were added besides unto them 
many like words.     
 
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 The passage from Jeremiah 7:9 suggests that Jeremiah is familiar with the 
Ethical Decalogue as well as the Sinai-Exodus tradition complex.  
 It is notable in Chapter 11, that Jeremiah also did not set out within his writing, 
the exact words of the covenant which he proclaimed to the people. Hence it is hard to 
establish with accurate certainty, the exact content of the ―words of this covenant‖ of 
which Jeremiah speaks. It is, nevertheless, significant to note that this particular term 
 is found only in ten instances with this particular construction. Out of ‖ִדבֵרי ַהְבִרית―
these, it occurs once in Exodus 34:28, just after the Ritual Decalogue, where the 
context plainly shows that it refers to the Ethical Decalogue, written on the Stone 
311
Tablets. Next occurrence is in Deuteronomy 28:69, and 29:9  where it explicitly refers 
to the contents of the Moab Covenant. It also occurred once in the focus text at 2 Kings 
23:3, and the Synoptic verse at 2 Chronicles 34:31 where it refers to the contents of the 
book found by Hilkiah. It occurs four times in Jeremiah 11: 2,3,6, and 8. The last 
occurrence is in Jeremiah 34:18, where it refers to the covenant ratified by the People 
of Judah to liberate their Hebrew servants according to the demand of the Law of 
Moses. Hence, in the entire occurrence, the reference is clearly clarified except in 
Jeremiah 11, where it becomes difficult to determine whether it refers to the initial Ten 
Commandments of the Sinai Covenant, the Moab Covenant, or the book found by 
Hilkiah. The readily tenable explanation is that there must have been in existence at the 
time, a well-known covenant document, which Jeremiah presumes his audience is 
familiar with. This would readily be identified as the book found by Hilkiah which 
catalysed Josiah‘s reform. This position is given credence, considering that Jeremiah‘s 
ministry began during the time of Josiah, and he must be well-familiar with Josiah‘s 
reform. However, it is clear from the canonical form of the book of Jeremiah that the 
final editors intend the audience to identify continuity between the Sinai Tradition, and 
the present document which Jeremiah read to the people. Definitely the content is not 
limited to the Ten Commandments, since it contained elements of oath imprecations 
common to ANE treaty documents. But the text, particularly at verse 7 insinuates that it 
is the covenant ratified with Israel at Sinai. 
 Chapter 34 of Jeremiah reflects the humanitarian segment of the Covenant Code 
(cf. Exodus 21:22; Deuteronomy 15:2). This further confirms that Jeremiah was 
familiar with expanded versions of the Sinai Covenant Document. At least he is 
conversant with the document containing the Humanitarian legislations. The connection 
                                                 
311
 Eng.29:1; 29:9 
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between the Humanitarian legislations and the Sinai-Exodus Complex in Jeremiah 
34:13-14 suggests a document at least closely related, if not identical with the Covenant 
Code, or perhaps its expanded form in the version of the Deuteronomic Code. 
 Chapter 36 depicts the very sharp contrast between the attitude displayed by 
King Josiah in the focus text and King Jehoiakim in Jeremiah 36.  Whereas Josiah 
repented and rent his clothes in penitence, it was specifically stated that Jehoiakim and 
his court were not afraid; neither did they rent their clothes. It is, however, notable that 
the particular word Wdêx]p' rendered ―afraid‖ in the English version, is not found 
at all in Deuteronomy and DH. It is more prominent in the Wisdom Literature and 
Psalms, and found in a few instances in the work of the Chronicler. The form found 
prominently in Deuteronomy and DH is ~t,arEy> and other inflections of the 
root ary, which for the most part is associated with the hearing of the content of the 
book of the law of Moses. 
By a narrative critical reflection on the questions generated from the focus text, 
through apposite texts selected within the narrative strata and related texts and set out 
above, the contemplated answers are set out as follows: 
 
 3.2.9 The document found during the temple renovations 
 The texts examined above, if read synchronistically suggests the following 
possibilities with regards to the document that was found by Hilkiah during the temple 
renovation as reported in the focus text: 
a. It may be the ‗tyrIB.h; rp,se' '(book of the covenant); reflected in 
the Sinai pericopy referred to in Exodus 34:7 
b. Possibly, it may be a copy of the document of the Moab Covenant underlying 
the book of Deuteronomy, as supposedly written by Moses at the renewal of the 
covenant in the plain of Moab, called the hr"ATh; rp,se (sepher ha 
torah – book of the law) of which a copy is entrusted to the Levitical Priests 
referred to in Deuteronomy   29:21;30:10; 31:9,26 and Joshua 1:8. So far, this is 
the position of majority of Old Testament Scholars, and it is referred to as 
312
Protodeuteronomion.  
c. It may be a document written by Joshua at the ratification of the covenant at 
Shechem referred to in Joshua 24:25,26; which may be related to the book of 
                                                 
312
 Cf. R. De Vaux.1997. Ancient Israel.147 
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the law which Joshua purportedly inherited from Moses, alluded to in Joshua 
1:8; 8:31,34; 23:6. It is significant in Joshua 24:25,26 that Joshua set 
jP'Þv.miW qxoï (statutes and ordinances) for the people and wrote all 
these words in the book of the law of the LORD. This is synonymous with the 
‘wyt'Qoxu-ta,w> wyt'ÛwOd>[e-ta,w> wyt'øwOc.mi 
of Josiah's covenant. It also suggests a continuous expansion of the covenant 
document. 
d. It may be a copy of the law of the Monarchy written by Samuel at the 
inauguration of the monarchy referred to in 1 Samuel 10:25, which according to 
the narrative trend in Deuteronomic History, may have included a recenssion of 
the hr"ATh; rp,se inherited from Moses and preserved by the Levites, 
since Samuel was also a Levite, and a custodian of the Levitical traditions 
which he inherited from Eli, the Priest. (cf. Deuteronomy  17:14-20). This is 
possible because it was under Samuel that the transition to monarchy was 
achieved. This would automatically require a form of constitutional review. 
However, the text suggests that Samuel wrote an entirely separate document, 
rather than expand or amend the book of the law of Moses. 
e. It may be related to the copy of the covenant ratified by Jehoiada the Priest in 
the time of Joash. The narrative in 2 Kings 11:12, 17 presupposes that a copy of 
the ―testimony‖ is extant at the time of Joash. The tone of Deuteronomy  17:14-
20, coupled with the fact that the chief proponent of the revolution was a Priest 
of Levitical order, and the usage of the plural form  in the phrase, 
‘wyt'Qoxu-ta,w> wyt'ÛwOd>[, in connection with the content of 
the covenant document suggests that the ‗testimony‘ referred to was a copy of 
the hr"ATh; rp,se inherited from Moses. However, the exact 
content cannot be ascertained.  
f. It may be one of several copies of the covenant made for the reigning monarchs 
since the commencement of the monarchy, provided the injunctions of Deut 
17:18 was followed. These copies as the narrative plot of DH shows, should be 
related to the hr"ATh; rp,se originating with Moses and 
preserved by the Levitical Priesthood. 
Of all these probabilities, a consideration of the scholarly consensus of redaction 
critical work and the work of literary critical scholars in line with narrative critical 
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considerations commends the position that the author/final redactor of the passage 
intends the audience to believe that it is the foundational document of the tyrIB. 
ratified under Moses at Sinai / Horeb, which is preserved in the second ratification 
document at the plain of Moab, which also was bequeathed to Joshua by Moses, and 
which was preserved by the Priests, from which copies were made for the reigning 
Monarchs of United Israel and subsequently Judah. For these authors or Redactors, this 
313
document is what current Biblical scholarship refers to as Protodeuteronomy.  The 
evidence examined so far, confirmed that the content of the covenant document was not 
static, but it was a growing and dynamic corpus which was regularly reviewed to 
address emerging socio-cultural and political issues in the corporate life of Israel, until 
it finally crystalised into the canonical form preserved in the book of Deuteronomy 
314
about the time of the exile . The prominence of the connection between the reading of 
the book of the Law and fear appeal is also a significant aspect in the final stage of 
315
development of this corpus as represented in Deuteronomy . This position would be 
further elucidated in chapter four. 
 
3.2.10 Which covenant does the document represent and what is the 
content of the book that was found? 
The immediate canonical literary context of the focus text records some 
instances of covenant-making which may have produced a  tyrIB.h; 
rp,se e (sepher ha b rith - book of the covenant) or  a hr"ATh; 
rp,se (sepher ha torah- book of the law) prior to the reign of Josiah king of 
Judah. The first two instances were by Moses; first at Sinai/Horeb, and then at the plain 
of Moab. The next two instances were by Joshua, both at Shechem; first upon the 
entrance into the Promised Land, and secondly during his valedictory speech shortly 
316
before his death .  This position is further corroborated by the wider canonical 
context, which is the Torah (i.e. the Pentateuch). Sections from E and P source strata of 
                                                 
313
 See or instance D.W.B. Robinson, Joiah‟s Reform and the Book of the Law. p.3; J. P. Tanner. 2001.The 
Deuteronomistic Theory.p.2; R. De Vaux.1997. Ancient Israel.147 
314
 Cf. D. T. Olson. 1994. Deuteronomy and the Death of Moses.136; J. D. Levenson. 1985.  Sinai & 
Zion.18-19; H. Najman. 2003. Seconding Sinai. 36. 
315
 Cf. N. Lohfink. 2003. Reading Deuteronomy 5 as Narrative.278-280; J.M. Sprinkle. 1994. The Book 
of the Covenant.196 
316 Matthew Henry is of the opinion that all four instance of covenant ratification is pivoted on the 
enactment and re-enactment of the Sinai covenant. Matthew Henry:     Concise Bible commentary, 
Commentary on Josh.24:25. 
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the Torah also proffers that Moses mediated a covenant between The LORD and Israel 
on two different occasions, accompanied with the production of a textual document. In 
another instance, apart from these, during the inauguration of the monarchy by Samuel, 
the narrative records that Samuel wrote ―the law of the monarchy in a book before the 
LORD‖ (1 Samuel 10:25).  Another instance of covenant-making that involved the 
mention of a written document was that mediated by Jehoiada, the Priest at the 
coronation of Joash. This is not represented in the narrative as generating a covenant 
document, rather refers to an existing document, the ‗testimony‘.  The term 
‗tdUÞ[eh'‘ is used consistently in the Exodus version of the covenant periscope to 
refer to the stone tablets Moses deposited in the Ark of Covenant. In a similar vein, the 
Ark of the Covenant is consistently referred to as the ‗Ark of the testimony‘ throughout 
Exodus. The available probabilities can be itemised as follows: 
a. It may refer to the covenant ratified at Sinai/Horeb. 
b. It may be the covenant renewed at the plain of Moab 
c. It may be the covenant mediated by Joshua son of Nun during his valedictory 
speech. 
 The tone of the narrative reflects that the authors / redactors of Deuteronomistic 
History present this historical narrative in way that vividly presupposes a continuum 
running through these three instances of covenant ceremonies. The logic of the 
presentation is that the first instance of the ratification was at Sinai / Horeb, in which 
the Ten Commandments were given on the tablets of stone, which Deuteronomy refers 
to as the ‗tablets of the covenant‘ but Exodus calls it tdU_[eh' txoålu (tablets 
of the testimony), or simply ‗tdUÞ[eh'‘ (testimony). Moses was later given further 
elaborations of the terms of the covenant, a sort of running midrash. This is because the 
people were afraid of hearing all of the laws directly from the LORD. Moses did not 
write out these further commandments, the Huqim, and the mishphatim until later on 
towards the end of his life. These further commandments was what he sets forth in 
Deuteronomy, after a covenant renewal rite in the plain of Moab. Moses bequeathed the 
covenant document to Joshua and the Levitical Priests. Joshua later re-enacted this 
covenant rite, accompanied with the public reading of the covenant document.  
Form-critical studies have strongly suggested that Deuteronomy, as a covenant 
317
document, grew out of the living practice of the public reading of the law . Hence it 
can be posited that the covenant is essentially one and the same, having been enacted at 
                                                 
317
 O. Kaiser. 1984, 120 
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Sinai / Horeb, and subsequently renewed in the plain of Moab under Moses, and at 
Shechem by Joshua. 
 
3.2.11  The content of the document 
The major factor that points to the content of the book-find was the impact of 
the fear appeal on Josiah the King. Hence, the book certainly contains curses for 
breaking the covenant. This gives a clue to determine the content of the book. Without 
doubt, the canonical version of Deuteronomy features the curses of the covenant 
318
prominently, and the employment of fear appeal is apparent .  
This is confirmed by recurrent references to ―the fire and loud voice‖ 
accompanying the theophany at Sinai/Horeb (Deuteronomy  4:2); the curses and the 
blessings (Deuteronomy  29:18-21; 30:15-20); the Oaths of the covenant (29:12); and 
319
the ‗fear of the LORD‘ (Deuteronomy  31:13) . 
The book of Joshua synchronises with this motif by recording the liturgical 
demonstration of the curses and blessings of the covenant ‗as commanded by Moses‘ in 
Joshua 8:30-34. 
It is notable that the method employed by Deuteronomy to utilise the fear appeal 
is predominantly through the oath of the covenant, and the pronouncement of curses 
and imprecations upon the people, as consequence of breaking the oath of the covenant. 
Whereas, the earlier source traditions made more use of the Theophany at Horeb/Sinai 
to utilise the fear appeal. 
 On this basis, along with other considerations, we can confidently agree with 
the position among several scholars that the content of the book-find corresponds 
closely with the book of Deuteronomy. What has not been fully examined by most 
writers on Deuteronomy is the theme of fear of the LORD. Though the exact Hebrew 
word for fear did not occure in the Josiah pericope, the narrative framework of DH 
reveals that the motif of fear of God is central to the covenant theme because it 
motivates obedience. 
 
3.2.12   Why did the content of the book impact Josiah in such a manner? 
The narrative presented this covenant as foundational to the nationhood of 
Israel. It is presented as the inaugural rite that gives birth to Israel as a political entity. 
                                                 
318
 Cf. J. M. Sprinkle. 1994. The Book of the Covenant.196; N. Lohfink. 2003. Reading Deuteronomy 5 
as Narrative.278-280 
319
 The verse numbering follow the Tanakh, there is a little difference in the verse numbering of the 
English Version. 
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There is a dual place name used to depict the location of the first instance of covenant 
ratification. This could give us some clue. The names are brExo (Horeb) and 
yn:ysi (Sinai). It is notable that brExo is predominant in Deuteronomy 
and Kings. Outside these two books, it occurs only three times in Exodus, once in 
Chronicles, once in the Psalms and once in Malachi. A name that is synonymous with 
brExo is ~yhi(l{a/h' rh:ï e (har ha‟ lohim - the mountain of 
God)  The name Sinai, however, is very prominent in Exodus, and it is the only place 
name associated with the location of ratification of the Covenant under Moses referred 
to in Leviticus and Numbers. Sinai ocurs only once in Deuteronomy, but not in 
reference to the covenant. It is found in the song of Moses (Deuteronomy  33:2) which 
is similar in theme with the song of Deborah in Judges 5:5, and Psalm 68. The only 
other instances in which Sinai is used in connection with the giving of the covenant is 
in Nehemiah 9:13 during the Nehemiah reform, and in the New Testament in Galatians 
4:24,25. We can deduce from this duality in place name that there may have been 
different traditions with regards to the first instance of ratification of this covenant, and 
both traditions date it to the inaugural period of Israelite nationhood. Hence, we can 
conclude that though the Sinai / Horeb traditions may differ in detail, both agree that 
the corporate existence of Israel as a Nation, before the split of the kingdom, originated 
in a Covenant rite in which all the tribes were bound together by a common allegiance 
to the LORD. 
 The construction of the covenant in the formal structure of ANE treaty 
documents extant in the time of Josiah would make the impact of the fear appeal 
mechanism more effective. The memory of the fall of Samaria sometimes past would 
also contribute in making the imagery of the dangers depicted in the covenant 
320
document more vivid. According to the Protection Motivation Theory , the level of 
compliance with a prescribed action for the purpose of averting recognised dangers is 
directly proportional to the intensity of the perceived threat and the probability of 
occurrence of the repercaution. It is also proportional to the perceived efficacy of the 
prescribed action and the ease of compliance of the individual to the prescribed action. 
                                                 
320
 J. H. B. Stuart & N. Mutrie. 2008. Psychology of Physical Activity. 72-73; B. J. Stiff.2003. Persuasive 
Communcation. 154-157; M. L. Cole, 2008. Investigating the Cognitive Processes that Mediate 
Protection Motivation Theory. 5-10; K. Fiedler, & G. R. Semmin. Eds.1996. Applied Social 
Psychology. 117-120; M.S. Wogalter, Ed.  2006. Handbook of Warnings.303. 
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321
Rogers  demonstrated these relationships graphically as shown in the figure below. 
 
Figure 3-i: A Chart showing the Protection Motivation Theory 
adapted from Rogers (1983) 
  
 This theory can be used to illuminate the effect of the reading of the book on 
Josiah, if evaluated from indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture. Josiah was effectively 
motivated to penitence and renewal of the covenant because the cognitive mediating 
process was effective. The source of information include (i) the book of the law read to 
him; (ii) the immediate political environment, in which the fall of Samaria was 
attributed to infidelity to the covenant; (iii) the influence of the Priesthood; and (iv) the 
assassination of his own father. Moreover, the awareness of the decline of the Assyrian 
Empire and the message of the Prophetess Huldah provides positive motivation towards 
compliance with the covenant demands. In a brief overall appraisal, it can be assumed 
that the threat appeal was very high, and the coping appraisal was also very highy. The 
sum of both factors ensured his positive reaction towards the content of the book that 
was found.  
 
3.2.13  What was the purpose? 
e
From the narrative plot, the primary purpose of the b rith was religious, political 
and social, but it is fundamentally moral. 
a. The basic purpose was to give a sense of moral uprightness. 
b. Its primary religious value was to maintain fidelity to the LORD 
c. Politically, it was to ensure equity and social justice, as definitive of Israelite 
                                                 
321
 J. E. Maddux, , & R. W. Rogers, 1983. Protection motivation theory and self-efficacy:A revised theory 
of fear appeals and attitude change. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology,19, 469-479. 
 
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political identity. 
  
3.2.14 What were the strengths and weaknesses, and did this covenant fulfil its 
intended purpose?  
 The strength of covenant in regulating human behaviour lies in the fact that it 
has greater appeals to the moral instinct in man, rather than an external code of ethics. 
(Deuteronomy 30:11-14). It is notable that in all the passages referring to the words of 
the covenant, the writers did not set out the detailed legislations in their treatise; rather 
they assume that the hearers were familiar with them. Furthermore, it makes use of the 
fear appeal. Its appropriation of fear appeal is not cantered on the fear of human law 
enforcement agents, but the fear of God. A defaulter can evade human law enforcement 
agencies and other human mechanisms of law, but it is conceived as virtually 
impossible to evade the judgement of God. The strength lies in its ability to produce 
voluntary impetus for morality by affecting the fundamental reasoning faculties of man 
rather than coercion. 
 The major weakness lies in the fact that the efficacy of the fear appeal is 
conditioned by the perceived severity and certainty of punishment in case of defaulting, 
and the guarantee of blessedness in case of compliance. This is conveyed through a 
cognitive mediating process which may be in form of religious teaching, liturgical acts, 
prophecy and personal observations. It is shown in the narrative plot that this cognitive 
mediating process is not consistently sustained in pre-exilic Israelite history. Gerhad 
Von Rad expressed this situation in the following way: 
…The edge of this appeal lies in the fact that those who listen to it are showing 
signs of a perilous weakening in the tradition of faith.  The children no longer 
know what the older people had experience of (Deuteronomy  11.2; 6: 20ff): there 
is clearly a perceptible break between the generation which was still directly 
322
rooted in the revelation of Jahweh and the one which was growing up.  
 
This shows that as the new generations who had not experienced the theophany and 
who were not direct recipients of the covenant traditions emerged, they were not 
deeply impressed by the curses and the blessings of the covenant. As a result, the 
fear appeal did not have its full efficacy; hence, they did not find compelling 
motivations to abide by the terms of the covenant. 
 
Was it effective? In the first instance, the covenant document succeeded in 
impacting a repentant posture on Josiah the King.  Secondly, the oath took its effect 
                                                 
322
 G. Von Rad 1979. 225 
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when the people failed to abide by the terms. The narrative plot gives the impression 
that the covenant as a phenomenon is effective. But its positive value was not fully 
realised by the people of ancient Israel, until after the repercussion of the exile was 
actually felt. 
 
3.2.15  The social and religious consequences of Josiah's action in renewing 
  the tyrib.  
 According to the overall narrative plot of DH, the book-find catalysed Josiah‘s 
socio religious reforms. If we adopt Noth‘s position that the purpose of DH is to show 
that the fall of the Israelite kingdom and the catastrophe of the exile is due to Israel‘s 
unfaithfulness to the covenant, then the immediate social and religious consequences of 
Josiah‘s renewal of the covenant include the following: 
i. It re-awakened the people to the terms of the covenant. Although the 
negative consequences of their past unfaithfulness were not averted, yet this 
covenant renewal gives a vivid picture of the impending doom. Hence, 
when the catastrophe eventually came, it was easy to connect it with the 
failure to keep the covenant. 
ii.  It renews the hope of restoration. Even though the imminent disaster of 
exile was not prevented, yet, the clause of restoration consequent upon 
repentance stimulated a feeling of hope which was kept alive throughout the 
long period of the exile. 
iii. It could also be posited that Josiah‘s reform provided the basis for a 
‗religion of the book‘, which decided the nature of future Judaism. This is 
particularly true because it puts into record, the ‗living practice of the public 
reading of the law‘ which was later to become the mainstream of Judaism, 
after the cessation of sacrificial worship. 
iv. The long-term effect was that it provided an impetus for moral reform, 
based on a hope of political restoration. It could be argued that the book find 
of Josiah and the liturgical act of covenant renewal undoubtedly stimulated 
a hope for the people to be restored to their land based on genuine 
repentance and turning back to the LORD. This is evident in the reforms 
under Nehemiah and Ezra, in which the public reading and teaching of the 
law in a manner similar to Josiah‘s method of covenant ratification, is 
prominent. 
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3.2.16  Source and redaction- critical remarks: 
Source critical scholars have identified Deuteronomy as a distinct and 
homogenous source stratum in the Pentateuch. Observing that Deuteronomy alone 
prefers the name brExo (Horeb) to refer to the venue of the first ratification of 
the covenant rather than yn:ysi 323(Sinai) ; it follows that in the opinion of the 
Deuteronomistic Historian, the ‗tablets of the covenant‘ contained the debarim and 
were the only objects placed in the Ark of the covenant. It also follows from the 
consideration that the term brExo (Horeb) is preferred in 1 Kings 8:9 and 1 
Chronicles 5:10,  that the tradition of Solomon‘s inauguration of the first Temple 
originated with or is preserved by the Deuteronomists.  
It is also possible that Deuteronomy relied on a tradition of a greater antiquity 
324
than J, for its Sinai/Horeb pericopy . This inference is based on the fact that Exodus 
18:5 and 24:4-13 prefer the term ~yhi(l{a/h' rh:ï (the mountain of 
God), which is synonymous with brExo (Horeb). This gives a clue that there was 
a source stratum in Exodus depicting the Theophany at Sinai presupposing a time when 
the Levites were yet to be vested with priestly monopoly in Israelite corporate cultus. 
This may have been edited by the redactor, dropping out the details of the Theophany 
and supplementing with the J account which prefers yn:ysi (Sinai) for the 
name of the location. This source stratum, also mentioned a tyrIB.h; 
rp,seä (book of the covenant), which occurs only in Exodus 24:7, 2 Kings  23:2, 
325
21 which had been assigned to the Dtr. Redactors , and its Synoptic correspondent in 
                                                 
323
 Several other scholars must have observed this fact. However, I arrive at this conclusion 
independently through the use of the Electronic Bible Study tools of the Bible Works Software, 
Version 7.0. 
324
 It had been the position among scholars from the time of Wellhaussen, that D had access to both the J 
and E source either as separate documents or in the combined form. J. S. Baden, 2009.  J, E, and the 
Redaction of the Pentateuch p.99. However, I am not aware of any scholarly work which has yet 
eliminated the possibility of D having access to a common source of the Sinai Tradition with J, or 
even a variant source of the Sinai Tradition of greater antiquity than J:  J. S.. Baden, 2009.  J, E, and 
the Redaction of the Pentateuch p.99 
325
 The consensus of historical – literary analysis of 2Kings 22 – 23 is that 2Kings.23:1-3, 21-23 certainly 
belonged to the Dtr redactor(s). It is however notable that it is only in these two segments of Kings 
that we find the term tyrIB.h; rp,se which is not at all present in Deuteronomy, or any 
other scriptural segment except Exodus 24:7. Jonathan Ben-Dov argued that the usage of this term by 
Dtr is to encourage the reader to identify the bookfind with Deuteronomy, on the basis of ‗the self-
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2 Chronicles 34:30. In this pericopy in Exodus similar to Deuteronomy, Moses did not 
just give verbal report, but read the book of the covenant in the hearing of the people. 
In this source stratum, there is a greater emphasis on the documentation of the covenant 
stipulations in a document rather than the Ten Commandments written on the two 
tablets of stones. 
 I would also uphold the thesis that this tradition emerged from the living 
practice of public reading of the law, which could have been part of the religious 
326
practice during the great festivals at that time . The Deuteronomic tradition makes a 
clear distinction between the tablets of the covenant and the record of the covenant 
renewal at the Plain of Moab. Throughout in Exodus, the two stone tablets were 
referred to as ‗the tablets of the testimony‘ and the Ark was consequently referred to as 
the Ark of the Testimony, whereas, Duteronomy uses the term ‗tablets of the covenant‘ 
and ‗Ark of the covenant‘ respectively. This is also the prefered terminology in DH.  It 
is however strange that Deuteronomy did not make any mention of an existing 
tyrIB.h; rp,se ; rather it focuses on depicting the documentation of 
the renewal at the plain of Moab, as though it were a novel document, thereby 
327
bypassing the Covenant Code.  
  
3.3   Theological formulations from the text: 
The theological message of the text is as follows: 
i. God is the sovereign director of human history; 
ii. God is the supreme judge of human actions; 
iii. God‘s judgement cannot be distorted, though God gives a long period of 
warning, persuasion, and seeks to convert the defaulter. Once His verdict is 
passed, there is no turning back; 
iv. God judges interpersonal relationship and social behaviour of human 
beings; 
v. the penitence and piety of an individual may not avail for another individual 
or groups of individuals, though a pious individual may be spared from the 
full distress of punishment resulting from a community‘s collective social 
impiety; 
                                                                                                                                              
identification of Deuteronomy as a covenantal object…‘ J. Ben-Dov. 2008, Writing as Oracle and 
Law: New Contexts for the Book-Find of King Josiah, Journal of Biblical Literature,127.2: 231 
326
 Cf. D.  A.Knight, 2006. Rediscovering the Traditions of Israel. 81-83. 
327
 Cf. R. De Vaux.1997. Ancient Israel. 147. 
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vi. social justice in a community or society can only be achieved through the 
collective sum of individual piety; 
vii. The fear of God is the root of true social justice, which in turn leads to 
national prosperity. 
 
3.4 Forms of covenant in ancient Israel evaluated from Èg̣bá perspective 
e
 Considering the process, form and structure of b rith in the Old Testament, and 
the process, form and structure of ìmùlè ̣ in the indigenous Èg̣bá culture, it is evident 
that the same paradigms cut across the two contexts. 
e
 In the first instance, ìmùlè ̣ like the case of b rith in the Bible presupposes a 
liturgical context such that religious terminologies, symbols and expressions are 
engaged in order to establish, modify, or enhance inter-human relationship. The major 
point of divergence is that while the Biblical text deemphasise the mediatory role of 
other supernatural entities, the indigenous Èg̣bá culture greatly emphasise the 
transcendence of God, and emphasises the mediatory role of other supernatural beings 
like ancestors, òrìṣà, and irúnmalè.̣ 
 The concept of the Sovereign rule of God in human affairs is equally entrenched 
in indigenous Èg̣bá tradition and culture. In the indigenous Èg̣bá language there is no 
other being that shares a name with God. There is nothing like ‗gods‘. God is God, and 
He is the 'Creator and Supreme ruler of the entire universe. There are several ‗òrìṣà‟, 
‗irúnmalè‟̣ and other spiritual entities, but they are not ‗Ọlóṛun‘. The word, ‗gods‘ in 
the indigenous Èg̣bá Yorùbá context, is a misnomer because if God is Ọlóṛun‘ there is 
no plural form for Ọlóṛun in Yorùbá language, hence the word ―gods‖ in the plural 
form should seem offensive to the traditional religious mind of an average Èg̣bá. It is an 
aberration. There is only one ‗Ọlóṛun‘ who is also called ‗Olódùmarè‘. The concept and 
terminology does not exist in the plural form. God is seen as the ultimate Judge and 
arbiter in inter-human relations. But the Èg̣bá culture conceives of an elaborate scheme 
of hierarchies, in which the irúnmalè,̣ òrìṣà and other supernatural entities were 
designated to take charge of various phases of existence and nature. These supernatural 
entities are directly answerable to God, but humans are answerable to them.  Even the 
Ọba, Ọlóf̣in or Olúwo, who are seen as viceroy to the divinities are ultimately 
answerable to God, though it may be through the deities. On occasions, issues can pass 
directly to God, but the average Èg̣bá feels that this would take a very long time, 
because God is always very patient and He is more readily pacified. 
  
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3.5  Application:  
 The evaluative method is used to situate the theological message within African 
indigenous culture. The data collected from the field work is employed in this process. 
 
3.5.1 Oral interviews 
 In a bid to discover the relevance of the findings and theological deductions from 
the texts in the Èg̣bá context, a selected number of respondents were interviewed at 
random within the sample populace. These include the Aláké of Èg̣bá Land, His Royal 
Highness, Ọba Adedọtun Arẹmu Gbadebọ (Okùkéṇù IV); Jagùnà of Ìtòkú, Chief 
Ṣofẹnwa; Sagbùa of Ìpóró Aké, Chief Kasali Sanyaolu;  Òḍòf̣in of Kém̀ta, Chief Ayinla 
Bankọle; Olóri Pàràkòyí of Ìjẹjà, Chief Amos Iṣọla Ọdẹbiyi; The Bishop of Èg̣bá-
Yewa, Methodist Church Nigeria, Rt. Rev. Luke Odubanjọ; and Chief Amos Ayinde 
Akintoye, who is a direct descendant of the Olórég̣án of Kém̀ta. Some High Chiefs and 
eminent personalities were also interviewed but they demand anonymity. The list of 
Respondents is shown in the table in Appendix I. The number of Interview respondents 
with revealed Identity were twenty-five, while the number of anonymous interview 
respondents were fifteen, making a total number of fourty respondents. From the oral 
interviews conducted within the sample populace, the following inferences were 
deduced- 
i. the English word ‗covenant‘ is strange to Èg̣bá Yorùbá indigenous language 
and culture, and does not capture the full connotations of ìmùlè‟̣. However it 
is the word that is closest in meaning; 
ii. in ìmùlè,̣ emphasis is placed on the ensuing relationship, but in majęmu 
there is a greater emphasis on the àdéhùn which denotes the terms of an 
agreement; 
iii. all the respondents are unanimous in affirming that the basic essence of 
‗ìmùlè‟̣ is synonymous with truthfulness, honesty and interpersonal trust; 
iv. that there is always a grievous repercussion on anybody who breaks the pact 
of an ìmùlè;̣ 
v. that the principles of ìmùlè ̣ existed in some natural relationships without 
necessarily having to enact any formal ìmùlè‟̣ ratification; an example is 
alájọbí, which exists between people of either immediate or distant 
patrimonial lineage; 
vi. that the average modern Èg̣bá fears to enter into the indigenous form of 
ìmùlè ̣because they perceive that the consequences of breaching the terms of 
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the pact is always very severe and cannot be wavered; 
vii. an average Èg̣bá Yorùbá believes that indigenous ìmùlè ̣ is more efficacious 
than the modern Christian version of covenant, because God can be 
pacified, whereas the indigenous deities who enforce the terms of ìmùlè ̣
cannot be pacified; hence the consequences of breaking a covenant may be 
averted whereas the consequences of breaking an indigenous ìmùlè ̣ cannot 
be averted; 
viii. that an average Èg̣bá Yorùbá would be more careful to keep the terms of 
ìmùlè ̣than to keep civil law. 
 
3.5.2  Focused group discussions 
 A focused group discussion was arranged with the Alake‘s Regency council in 
session. This affords the opportunity of generating data simultaneously from each of 
the members present. The participants include: the Odofin Aké, Chief (Engr) J.O. 
Ṣodipẹ, who was the Chairman of the Regency council; Apènà Ìtokò, Chief E.O. 
Famuyiwa, who was the secretary; the Jagùnà of Kém̀ta, Chief J. O. Ọsanyintolu; the 
Apènà of Ìtòkú, Chief B.  A. Ṣofoluwẹ; the Balógun of Ìjeùn, Chief Akanbi Kúṣìmò ̣
and the Jagùnà of Ìpóró Ṣodẹkẹ, Chief M.A. Makinde. The detail is summarised in the 
table in appendix II. The inference drawn from the focus group discussion can be 
summarised as follows: 
i. the word that is closest in meaning to tyrIb. in Èg̣bá-Yorùbá language and 
culture is ìmùlè.̣  Its basic essence is ‗trustworthiness‘. Covenant brings a relationship 
of trust; 
ii. ìmùlè ̣is similar to májèṃú. Ìmùlè ̣may be followed upon with májèṃú, spelling out the 
terms of a business pact or something similar. Májèṃú involves àdéhùn; 
iii. in the indigenous Èg̣bá culture, ìmùlè ̣ is ratified at the Ọlóf̣ìn‟s palace. Ọlóf̣ìn is the 
head of the community and is the custodian of the instruments of ìmùlè ̣ and oath-
taking; 
iv. alájọbí is like ìmùlè ̣ existing between kindred. It operates on the same principle of 
trust. It presupposes moral obligations between kindred. Those who breach these 
obligations suffer the immediate or remote consequences. It does not require a formal 
ceremony. It is only in extreme cases that oath-taking is administered. Ìmùlè ̣creates an 
artificial kinship, where natural kinship does not exist; 
v. it is presupposed that there is ìmùlè ̣between the Ọba and the state. This is embedded 
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in the enthronement rituals, particularly at the ìpèbí; 
vi. covenant principles are employed in modern governance in form of ‗oath of office‘. 
The oath of office is an ìbúra which results in an ìmùlè ̣ with the state, but this is 
ineffective due to bad conscience on the part of public office holders; 
vii.  anyone who swears with the Bible or the Quran, particularly the yasin sections and 
perjures would not go unpunished. However, those who use indigenous deities would 
be implemented more speedily. God, referred to as Òrìṣà Òkè, is more patient than the 
terrestrial òrìṣà. Ògún for example, would act within seven days; 
viii. conscience also has a major role to play in ìmùlè.̣ 
  
3.5-3 Summary of analysis of questionnaire 
  The total number of questionnaire administered was one thousand; Total 
Retrieved was one thousand, making a hundred percent retrieval. Each Question on the 
Questionnaire is constructed as a proposition, to which the Respondent is required to 
show the level of Agreement of Disagreement. A Question with more than 50% Total 
Positive Response is considered a valid proposition, while a question with less than 
50% Total Positive Response is considered an invalid proposition. The questionnaire 
was analysed on the basis of simple majority. The responses were graded in the range 
of SA for Srongly Agree; A for Agree; PA for Partially Agree, D for Disagree; SD for 
Strongly Disagree and N for Neutral. SA, A, and PA are classified as positive response, 
while SD and D were classified as negative. A response is classified as affirmative if 
the total positive response is more than 50% of the total responses, excluding the 
Neutral.  
The inference deduced from the questionnaire can be summarised as follows: 
i. covenant is an agreement between two persons or groups of people which calls on God 
or a supernatural power to ensure conformity and punish defaulters; 
ii. the major principle in covenant-making in Èg̣bá belief is to instil the fear of God in 
people with regards to normal day to day behaviour in society; 
iii. covenant among Èg̣bá people emphasises trust and clear conscience; 
iv. the average Èg̣bá people believe that the idea that God would punish people who do 
evil secretly is common to all religions; 
v. instilling the fear of the wrath of God could be used to prevent people from bad 
behaviour; 
vi. people are liable to show love, justice, and faithfulness to one another because they are 
bound together by covenant; 
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vii. people are more careful not to break a covenant than they are, not to break civil or 
moral laws; 
viii. people don‘t want to break a covenant because they fear the wrath of God or other 
spiritual forces; 
ix. in Èg̣bá culture, many trade associations can be regarded as covenant societies; 
x. the Ògbóni system of statecraft in Èg̣bá Land is not a secret society;  
xi. the Ògbóni system of statecraft was an effective means of maintaining political 
stability; and balance of power between the ruler and the people of Èg̣bá Land. 
xii. the Pàràkòyí is not a secret society or fraternity; 
xiii. the Pàràkòyí is a mechanism or institution regulating commercial activities in the 
market places in Èg̣bá Land; 
xiv. the Pàràkòyí employs covenant principles in regulating commercial activities in Èg̣bá 
Land; 
xv. cooperative thrifts and trade associations in Èg̣bá Land employ covenant principles like 
trust and the fear of God in regulating the behaviour of their members; 
xvi. the covenant principles used in the covenant of God with Israel recorded in the Bible 
are very similar to the principles used by many covenant societies, trade unions and 
cooperative thrifts in Èg̣bá Land; 
xvii. the use of covenant concepts such as instilling the fear of God, an appeal to the 
conscience and emphasis of trustworthiness could be used to regulate human behaviour 
in modern societies; and 
xviii. the results of breaking a covenant are usually very grave. 
 
3.5.4  Inference from participant observation 
 Inference was also drawn from participant observation, which include the 
following instances: Native court in session according to the Ògbóni Jurisdictive 
functions, with the Oluwo presiding over settlement of disputes; Observation of 
indigenous jurisprudence at the Alake‘s complaint council at ‗ìdí-ère‘, at the Aké 
palace; A visit to the historic site of the Olúmọ Rocks with its shrines and monuments. 
Other sources of data include Radio Broadcasts, Telecasts, the Religious Studies 
Conference held in Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan.The 
inference can be summarised as follows: 
i. The main strength of tyrib. and Ìmùlè ̣process is the fear appeal, which is 
derived from the taking of potent oath. For instance, the dispute resolution sessions at 
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the Aké Palace are held at ―ìdí-ère‖ (meaning the place of the images). As the place-
name implies, the porch is inundated with various carved and cast images, some of 
which represented the ancestral deities, while others are illustrative of important 
moments in the life of the Èg̣bá.  
ii. Once the parties do not perceive the immediate repercussion of breaking a 
covenant, they are likely to break the pact.  
iii. Africans fear taking oaths with indigenous instruments of oath-taking because 
they perceive its potency more vividly, whereas they trivialise oath-taking in which the 
Bible or the Quran was used as the instrument of oath administration. 
iv. Oaths of office taken by public office holders employ covenant principles. 
v. eÌmùlè ̣and b rith are constructed on the fear appeal model. 
  
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CHAPTER FOUR 
EVALUATIVE INTERPRETATION OF DEUTERONOMISTIC CONCEPT OF 
tyrIB. FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF INDIGENOUS ÈG̣BÁ CONCEPT 
OF ÌMÙLÈ ̣
 The answer to the question of whether the tyrIb. concept is effective in 
regulating human behaviour, particularly in the socio-political and economic realm in 
Ancient Israel depends to a great extent on the perspective of approach or 
understanding of the covenant concept. The present study explores the changing 
perspectives with regards to the tyrIb. concept along the diachronic development 
328
of the corpus of the Hebrew Canon as depicted in the Tanakh , the final form of 
which appears in Deuteronomy and Deuteronomistic History. The study also reveals 
that the stance of Deuteronomistic Historian on the tyrIb. concept is contiguous 
with that of the indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá understanding of the ìmùlè ̣ concept. The 
following paragraphs set out the argument in the following stages: 
i. Fundamental principles of the tyrIb. concept evaluated from the 
perspective of Èg̣bá local context 
ii. The development of Ancient Israelite tyrIb. traditions evaluated in light of 
indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture. This traces the changing perspectives from the earlier 
source strata (J and E source traditions) of the Pentateuch through the Deuteronomic 
strata, the Priestly traditions, and finally the canonical form of Deuteronomistic History 
and the Deuteronomistic Sections of Jeremiah. The Documentary Hypothesis is used as 
a guide in tracing the diachronic development of Ancient Israelite tyrIB. 
traditions. 
iii. Application of Intercultural Biblical Hermeneutics to the Deuteronomistic 
Concept of tyrIb. 
 
4.1 Fundamental principles of the covenant concept evaluated from the 
perspective of Èg̣bá-Yorùbá local context. 
Basically, both tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣presupposes the following components: 
 
4.1.1 Contracting Parties 
 G. L. Archer Jr. remarked that tyrIB. would ―ordinarily signify a 
                                                 
328
 The text used throughout is the Masoretic Text presented in the BHS. 
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relationship between two parties wherein each bound himself to perform certain service 
329
or duty for the other‖ .  The contracting parties are sovereign entities capable of 
positive or negative actions based on choice and freewill, but who could be motivated 
or induced by either positive or negative incentives. By the term sovereign, it means 
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that such individuals are capable of acting independent of outside authorities . This 
implies that covenant cannot come into full force without the consent of both parties. In 
a suzerain type of covenant, the overlord proffers or imposes the covenant terms, which 
is usually not construed as binding without the consent and acceptance of the vassal. 
Russell Sharrock described a covenant as ―a relationship which is to be entered into of 
331 332
free choice by all covenanting parties‖ . This is also particularly true of ìmùlè.̣  In 
the case of the tyrIB. between Israel and the LORD, the Israelite nation is 
recognised as a corporate entity on the one hand, and the LORD God of Israel is 
recognised, on the other hand, as a wholly other, a sovereign personal entity. The 
tyrIB. between the two is a formal expression of a relationship ―that has clear 
333
expectations of both parties‖ . Covenant in the nuance of tyrIB., and ìmùlè ̣
334
demands ―absolute and unwavering loyalty between these two parties‖ . Hence, the 
idea of covenant, as expressed by the Hebrew tyrIB. and the Yorùbá Ìmùlè ̣ is a 
335
recognition of the otherness  of the parties. Evaluated from indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá 
cultural perspective, the tyrIB. between the LORD and Israel is a divine 
commitment to partnership, in which God is affirming and empowering the otherness 
336
of humanity.  Covenant between God and humanity is possible only because God had 
created humanity and indeed the universe as ―others‖ apart from Himself. For Daniel 
Hardy, the term expressed by tyrIB. and ìmùlè ̣―designate the constitution of others 
337
as others combined with continued relation to them as such‖ . This implies that God‘s 
relationship with Israel is a demonstration of the Divine willingness to overwhelm, ―not 
                                                 
329
 G. L. Archer Jr. 2001.Covenant.299 
330
 P. Hanks.1979. Collins Dictionary of English Language 
331
 R. Sharrock. 2006. Covenant Theology.67 
332
 In an interview, the Aláké explained that Ìmùlę cannot be imposed on a person. If the individual 
declined taking the oath of the relationship, he or she is not bound by the terms of the Ìmùlę. Interview 
with His Royal Highness, Oba Adédòṭun Àrèṃú Gbádébò ̣(Òkúkéṇù IV), The Aláké of Èg̣bá Land at 
the Aké Palace, Aké Abéọ̀kúta; 11/08/2008 9:00p.m - 11:00p.m 
333
 B. L. Bandstra. 2009. Reading the Old Testament.140 
334
 B. L. Bandstra. 2009. Reading the Old Testament.228 
335
 The implications of ―otherness”  in covenant relationships is elucidated by Volf Miroslav. 1996. 
Exclusion and Embrace. 
336
 This situation is elucidated by Michael Lodahl. 1994 .The Story of God: Wesleyan Theology and 
Biblical Narrative.91. quoted in R. L. Shelton. 2006. Cross and Covenant. 20 
337
 D.W. Hardy. 1996.God‟s Ways with the World. 159 
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338 339
by force (although He could), but by respecting the alterity  of the creature‖  
 God‘s act of entering into tyrIB. implies that He has (or is) a moral will and 
has created humans with sovereign moral, and relates with it as such. In His dealing 
with humanity, He does not ―mitigate or threaten either the reality or the otherness‖ of 
340
humanity‘s moral freewill.  Any tyrIb. or ìmùlè ̣ was two-sided, and usually 
341
represented responsibilities for both parties.  In indigenous Yorùbá Religious thought, 
however, the transcendence of God overwhelms any thought of Ọlóṛun entering into 
any pact with mankind. The sort of ìmùlè ̣ already in existence is similar to that of 
342
Alájọbí  in the sense that it prescribes the duty of the creation to the creator, while 
343
giving an innate guarantee of the goodwill of the creator towards His creation.  
 
4.1.2 Moral Relationship 
 tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣imply either the existence or need to bring into existence a 
situation of mutual moral obligation. LaSor, has urged that one should not ―miss the 
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fine distinction between a contract and a covenant.‖  Though the partners to a 
345
covenant have ―certain obligations to each other which are legally binding,‖  the 
moral nature of the obligations of a covenant as depicted by tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣is one 
of the basic distinctions between tyr b. in the Bible and ―contracts‖ or Ancient 
Near Eastern treaties. In both tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣relationships, the moral obligations 
and commitment has a deeper level of seriousness. The moral obligation is just as 
binding as the legal obligations as the basis of the relationship; and the moral question 
may take priority over the legal issue. The most important point that maintains the 
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relationship is the moral quest.  In indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture, an ìmùlè ̣ pact 
may not have clearly outlined terms of reference like the stipulations and obligations of 
Ancient Near Eastern treaties. The requirements may simply be subsumed in a demand 
for ―moral fidelity‖ to seek the general welfare of the other, and to maintain a 
relationship of trust and fidelity. This contrasts with the Ancient Near Eastern Treaties 
                                                 
338
 Alterity means ―the state and quality of being other‖. Cf. C. Hazell. 2009. Alterity: The Experience of 
the Other. xviii  
339
 M. S. Horton. 2002. Covenant Eschatology. 203 
340
 R. W. Jenson. & E. B. Korn. 2012. Covenant and Hope.6 
341
 R. J. Faley.2005. From Genesis to Apocalypse.84 
342
 Alájọbí is the bond of natural kinship. 
343
 Interview with Rt.Rev. Luke Odubanjo, Bishop of Èg̣bá/Yewa; Methodist Church Nigeria, Diocese of 
Èg̣bá Yewa at the Bishop's House, Aṣérò, Abéọ̀kúta 20/08/08 8:17 - 10:15.a.m. 
344
 W. S. LaSor. et.al. 1996. Old Testament Survey.122. 
345
 P. C. Craigie. 1983. Ezekiel.122 
346
 R. Sharrock. 2006. Covenant Theology.p.64 
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in which specific laws were enacted as the stipulations of the pact. The common matrix 
of tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣is the moral underpinning. 
 The enactment of a tyrIb. or ìmùlè ̣―signifies the initiation and development 
347
of a binding social relationship‖ . Larry Shelton described the conditions in the 
Garden of Eden at creation in ‗covenant‘ terms because the story depicts ―the 
participatory relationship with God‖ which involves ―interpersonal obedience, social 
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community and spiritual intimacy.‖  In the indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture, as in 
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many other cultures, an ìmùlè ̣ creates a kinship status between the parties.  Where 
natural kinship already existed in form of common patrilineal or matrilineal descent 
alájọbí, a sort of covenantal relationship is construed to have already existed; hence 
there is no need for any formal ratification except in cases of peculiar exigencies.  The 
350
covenantal status of kinship is referred to as alájọbí  in the indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá 
culture, but it is referred to as ~yxi(a; tyrIïB. (translated as ―covenant of 
351
brotherhood‖ in the RSV) in Ancient Israel as depicted in the Tanakh.  It is believed 
that since kinsfolk often eat and dine together, there exists a natural covenant bond 
between them. Individuals of common maternal descent are construed to be bound 
352
together by being nursed at the same breast.  These situations of common 
nourishment foster a sort of moral bond of love between individuals and impose a 
moral obligation to seek the general welfare of the other. This kinship-type mutual 
353
obligation of covenant creates a relationship of both security and accountability;  
which is of paramount importance for survival in the indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá culture, 
where the survival of the individual is intricately bound up with the corporate co-
existence of the community. The kinship bond is construed in the indigenous African 
culture to be maintained and supervised by the ancestors of the clan of family. Any 
individual who breaks such bond is seen as betraying the family trust, and hence, incurs 
                                                 
347
 R. T. Peters. & E. Hinson-Hasty. 2008. To do justice.124 
348
 R. L. Shelton. 2006. Cross and Covenant.38  
349
 This is also true of Ancient Near Eastern societies. J. L. McKenzie. 2009. The Two Edged Sword.140; 
R. W. Gleason. 1964. YHWH. 48. 
350
 Focus group discussion with the Aláké‘s Regency council. 
351
 The prophet Amos, in Amo.1:9, used this term to refer to the pact between Solomon and Hiram king 
of Tyre 1King.5:12; which occasions Hiram addressing Solomon as ―my brother‖ 1King.9:13. This 
confirms the stance that tyrIb. creates artificial kinship ties. 
352
 This opinion is not limited to Africans. Emile Durkheim‘s summary of Stanislas Ciszewski‘s 
dissertation on ―Artificial Kinship among Slavs‖ reveals that in the Slavic culture, a strong kinship tie 
results even in the case of numerous children nursed by a common wet-nurse, despite the fact that they 
are not from the same biological mother. (E. Durkheim. 1980. Contributions to L‟Annee Sociologque. 
Y. Nandan. Ed.173-175) This analogy is used in some esoteric cults in Yorùbá land, particularly the 
Ogboni-Aborigin confraternity, whose peculiar salutation or membership password is ―ọmú ìyá dùn… 
(the mothers breast-milk is sweet) …ṣe l‟a jọ nmuú… (we partake of it together)‖ 
353
 S. J. Foster. 2008. An Experiment in Bible Translation.79 
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the wrath of the Ancestors. The role of the fear appeal is not immediately visible in this 
structure but it is the very foundation of it. Contravening the moral obligations of 
alájọbí jeopardises the corporate welfare of the community, which is usually a kinship 
community similar to the Israelite patrilocal kinship structure. The individual derives its 
identity and self-preservation within the community structure. The idea of breaking the 
bond of kinship engenders the fear of self-extermination. A person who acts against the 
bond of alájọbí incurs the wrath of the ancestors and undermines its own means of self-
preservation. This phenomenon can be perceived in the Hebrew Bible. Amos 1:9 speaks 
of the brotherhood covenant while Zechariah 11:14 simply mentions a breaking of the 
354
brotherhood between Judah and Israel . Where natural kinship does not exist, and 
there is the need to create a situation of mutual moral obligations, tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣
were employed to generate an artificial kinship. 
 
4.1.3 Identified Behavioural Patterns 
 Every enactment of tyrIB. and ìmùlè ̣ presupposes that there are some 
identified behavioural patterns on the part of both parties, which are to be prevented, 
and others which are to be ensured. These are reflected in the stipulations, as well as in 
the promises of the covenant. They are constructed in the form of terms and conditions 
of the covenant relationship as exemplified by the lex talionis (Exodus 21:22-25), the 
law of restrictive royalty (Deuteronomy 17:14-15) and the law of standard metering 
(Deuteronomy 25:13-16). In the Old Testament concept of tyrIB. under study, 
tyrIb. gives a glimpse of the Israelite perception of the nature of YHWH in contrast 
to pagan deities, as well as the recognised tendency of humankind to perjure.  
 The nature of YHWH the God of Israel is such that He vouchsafes His moral 
tenacity through tyrIb.. Eichrodt captures it in the following words: 
…the fear that constantly haunts the pagan world, the fear of 
arbitrariness and caprice in the Godhead, is excluded. With this God, 
men know exactly where they stand; an atmosphere of trust and 
security is created, in which they find both the strength for a willing 
surrender to God and joyful courage to grapple with the problems of 
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life.  
 
 By the enactment of a tyrIB. between God and Israel, the possibility of God 
                                                 
354
 In both cases mentioned, little scholarly work has been done, as far as I am aware, to investigate the 
covenant relationship between Israel and Judah. This covenant of brotherhood may refer to the kinship 
status between the mentioned states or to a treaty of mutual support between the states referred to. 
355
 W. Eichrodt. 1961. Theology of the Old Testament vol.1.8 
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being capable of arbitrary behaviour, is acknowledged. This is also portrayed in Job 
2:10; Lamentations 3:38; Amos 3:6; e.t.c.  He is virtually unpredictable, and His ways 
are beyond searching out. The Hebrew Bible is replete with references to God‘s 
356
sovereignty and power beyond human system of behavioural framework.  It is the 
tyrIB. that stands surety for a predictable faithful commitment of the LORD to 
Israel‘s general welfare. 
 On the other hand, human freewill, and tendency towards caprice is clearly 
depicted. Deuteronomistic History gives a pictorial presentation of the vacillating 
loyalty of the Israelite nation between Ba‘al and the YHWH. Yorùbá oral tradition, Odù 
357
Ìròsùn Mèjì, Ẹsẹ Èḳẹta  clearly depicts the unreliableness of human nature and 
tendency to perjure with the analogy of Ẹléko Ìdèrè (pudding trader of Ìdèrè). The 
summary of this oral tradition is that a certain Ẹléko Ìdèrè consulted with the ‗Awo‟ 
(Confidant Sages) for a solution to her state of poverty. The Awo consulted the Ifá 
Oracle, which prescribed certain Sacrifice. Since she was too poor at the moment, she 
could not afford the price of the sacrificial items. Her confidants vouchsafed to 
purchase the items for her, so that she would pay up later on. She could not pay up until 
her confidants travelled to a far distance on official duties. When they returned after 
three years, Ẹléko Ìdèrè was already living in affluence. But when they asked her about 
the debt she owed, she said she could still not afford to pay because she did not make 
profits from her trade. This oral tradition is preserved in the Odù Ìròsùn Mèjì, and by a 
song – 
  Ẹléḳọ ‟dèrè, Ṣe bó ló ò jèrè, 
  Ẹléḳọ ‟dèrè, Ṣe bó ló ò jèrè, 
O róṣọ dúdú, O róṣọ pupa;  
O fàyìnrín gbàjá, O lé kenkà; 
O fàpótí tìdí, O lé kenkà;  
358
  Ẹléḳọ ‟dèrè, Ṣe bó ló ò jèrè,  
 
This can be translated as follows: 
―Ẹléko Ìdèrè, but you said you made no profits, 
―Ẹléko Ìdèrè, but you said you made no profits, 
Your dressed in purple; You dressed in scarlet; 
You adorn yourself with the costliest tunic, and royal robes 
You sit on a throne like a noble 
                                                 
356
 In Job.2:10 for example, Job is constructed as saying ―shall we receive good from God and not evil? 
Hence God is pictured as being capable inflicting pain because of reasons beyond human 
comprehension. Also in Exo.33:19, the phrase ―… will be gracious to whom I will be gracious and will 
show mercy on whom I will show mercy…‖ give a picture of Divine sovereignty in acts of grace and 
mercy, which can be construed in human thinking as arbitrariness in Divine goodness. 
357
 Wande Abimbola. 1968. Ìjìnlè ̣Ohùn Ẹnu  Ifà. p.63-64 
358
 Wande Abimbola. 1968. Ìjìnlè ̣Ohùn Ẹnu  Ifà. p.63-64 
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Yet you said you made no profits. 
 
 The meaning can be summarised as follows: Pudding merchant of Ìdèrè, you claim 
that you are bankrupt, yet you are dressed in affluent attire, and sit on fine furniture like 
a noble, but you insist that you are bankrupt‖. In Èg̣bá indigenous culture, such a 
tendency to perjure is pre-empted by oath imprecation, which would constitute an 
ordinary agreement into a status of ìmùlè.̣ 
 
4.1.4 Fear appeal mechanism  
  In all instances of tyrIB. and ìmùlè,̣ there is always a form of instrument of 
fear appeal. In the Ancient Israelite tyrIB. and indigenous Èg̣bá ìmùlè,̣ the 
administration of oath meets this need. In modern legal parlance, the fear appeal 
mechanism may not be ostentatious, but it is often present in form of the likelihood of 
litigation in case of defaulting parties. 
 In the Hebrew Bible, two major instruments of fear appeal are very popular. 
These are the ‗Curse / Oath–imprecations‘ and the ‗Ritual Symbolism‘ methods. These 
two are also the major instruments of fear appeal associated with ìmùlè ̣ in the 
indigenous Èg̣bá culture. The efficacy of ìmùlè ̣largely depends on the efficiency of the 
instrument of oath. For instance, people readily swear falsely in court because they 
believe that the oath implements are not efficacious. Whereas if they perceive that the 
oath implements are potent, they are more wary of taking a false oath. Also, an 
efficacious oath administration is likely to ensure that public office holders would keep 
359
their oaths of office.  In indigenous Èg̣bá conception, a curse is a speech act, which is 
potent in actually causing certain unpleasant situations in real life. It is a common belief 
among peoples of diverse cultures right from antiquity to contemporary times that there 
360
is power in language to constitute reality .  Austin describes such words that ―…have 
a particular ability to bring about a thing rather than merely describe it…‖ as 
361
performatives.”  
 
4.1.5 Formal process 
 There is always a specific procedure which is perceived as giving the covenant 
its binding force. There are various specific forms which are considered as giving 
                                                 
359
 This position is consistent among all interviewees. Particularly, Chief Kasali Sanyaolu, the Sagbua of 
Iporo Aké. 
360
 J. S. Anderson. 1998. The Metonymical Curse as Propaganda in the Book of Jeremiah. BBR.8. 1 
361
 J. L. Austin. 1962.  How to do things with words. Quoted in J. S. Anderson. 1998. The Metonymical 
Curse. 1. 
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validity to covenanting in the nuance of ìmùlè ̣ and tyrIB., but certain particular 
forms are peculiar to specific cultural contexts. In the indigenous Èg̣bá context, the 
form, always include the usage of oath-taking accompanied with specific oath 
implements. In the legal parlance, common in Europe and America in the 18th century, 
the process involves documentation following certain formats, and the appending of 
seals or signatures.  
 The formal process of tyrIB. in the Hebrew Bible, particularly in 
362
Deuteronomy follows the pattern of Ancient Near Eastern Treaty forms.  The 
prevailing consensus in Biblical Scholarship is that the form of Biblical and Ancient 
Near Eastern Covenant has the hexa-partite form as follows: 
i. The preamble 
ii. The historical prologue 
iii. The stipulations 
iv. The oath / imprecations 
v. The deposit and periodical readings 
vi. The invocation of deity. 
 
 This form is most clearly displayed in the Deuteronomic Covenant Tradition. 
However, since God is Himself a party in the covenant, there was no invocation of gods 
as witnesses or guardians of the tyrIB. between Israel and the LORD.  
 A type of contractual relationship in indigenous Yorùbá culture, very similar to 
Ancient Near Eastern Treaty forms is ―àdéhùn.‖  It could be literally rendered as ‗to 
seal a voice‘. In the ordinary sense, it means an ‗agreement‘ or ‗a contract‘. As the 
literal rendition implies, it is a verbal agreement guaranteed by the integrity of the 
partners. As depicted in the saying ―b‟ójù ba y‟ẹjù, k‟ohùn ma y‟ẹhùn‖ - ―if facial 
contact ceases, let not the voice fail‘.  In essence, the Yorùbá believe in the potency of 
words. However, where further measures are required to guarantee the compliance of 
each of the party, the agreement can be sealed with an oath, or a ritual. In this case it is 
no longer seen as an ordinary àdéhùn but is often considered a májèṃu. The word 
májèṃu literally meaning ―drink with a cup‘ reflects the practice of oath-taking by 
                                                 
362
 While many scholars elaborate and advocate a closer affinity of Deuteronomy  13 and by extension 
the covenant forms in Deuteronomy with the Neo-Asyrian treaty tradition evident in VTE, (B. M. 
Levinson. 2009. The Neo Assyrian origins of the canon formulae in Deuteronomy  13:1. 30.;    C.  
Vang. 2009.   The so-called 'Ur-Deuteronomium' – Some Reflections on Its Content, Size and Age. 
Hiphil Novum Vol.6 http://www.hiphil.org/index.php/hiphil/article/view/42l.Accessed 21.06.2012);  
others have drawn attention to the late Bronze Age Hittite vassal Treaty traditions, particularly 
CTH133 (J. Berman. 2011. CTH 133and the Hittite provenance of Deut13. JBL.130.1:25-44). 
However it is beyond doubt that the covenant traditions in Deuteronomy and Deuteronomistic History 
reflect a background of ANE treaty forms, more so because both the Neo Assyrian and the Hittite 
Treaty forms have a lot of formal characteristics in common. 
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drinking shared portion from a small calabash-cup called ‗àjè‟̣. This parallels the act of 
mutual ritual meal as a means of sealing agreements in the Ancient Near East. This is 
reflected in the covenant meal between Laban and Jacob (Genesis 31:44 – 54); and 
between Isaac and Abimelech (Genesis 26:29-31). A similar idea could also be seen in 
the Sinai Pericope of Exodus 24:3-8. The fellowship offering sacrificed by the ‗young 
men‘ of the tribes could be seen as a ritual meal in which the YHWH also participated, 
hence  in Verse 11b, the text reflected ―… also they saw God, and did eat and drink‖. 
Ìmùlè ̣ ratification also follows specific ritual patterns which may vary according to 
specific cults and sub-cultures. The most common forms involve drinking a potion, 
which usually contains some infusion of earth. At times, blood is involved; in which 
case incision may be made on the partners to extract some blood, which is smeared on 
Kolanut or similar objects. Each party is then required to partake of the Kolanut. This 
363
ratification process emphasises the analogy of kinship by blood symbolism . 
 
4.2 Origin and development of the covenant concept in Ancient Israel evaluated 
with the indigenous Èg̣bá culture 
 The development of the tyrIB. concept in the Ancient Israelite Literature as 
364
represented by the Tanakh  could be traced, synthetically, based on the sequencing of 
the various literary sources proposed by the Graf-Wellhausen Documentary 
365
Hypothesis . According to the Graf-Kuenen-Wellhausen theory, the earliest written 
source strata of the Pentateuch is the J, source followed by the E source, followed by 
366
the D source and finally the P source . Though P is dated in the late exilic or post 
                                                 
363
 Chief Sofenwa,  Jaguna of Itoku; Itoku, Abéọ̀kúta 1st Interview: 15/07/2008 10:00a.m-1:23p.m 
364
 The textual evidence for this discuss is limited to the Masoretic Text of the Hebrew Bible. This partly 
due to the fact that the Textual evidence from the LXX for the study of Dtr is fraught with certain 
limitations. As Emmanuel Tov pointed out, variations in the LXX may be of no relevance to the 
analysis of the Hebrew Bible since they might have been introduced by the translator. Such variations 
reflecting a Dtr element may also have originated from a copyist in the process of translation of the 
Hebrew Text, or it may be created or omitted by a late editor in the continual process of change of the 
literary shape of the Hebrew book. E. Tov. 2008. Hebrew Bible, Greek Bible and Qumram: Collected 
Essays. p.400-401 
365
 The Synthetic approach is adopted here in order to avoid the controversy of the dating debate of the 
various sources. Rather focus is placed on the ‗apparent‟ development of the covenant idea in the texts 
attributed to the various sources. 
366
 Though I may not be able to appraise Kaufmanns counter-thesis against P‘s lateness and dependence 
on D,(cf. Y. Kauffman.1963. The Religion of Israel: from its beginnings to the Babylonian exile. Trans. 
Greenberg, M.) the Graf – Kuennen – Wellhausen hypothesis on the dating is convenient because the 
texts reveals an apparent development of thought that seems to correspond with this order, and the 
consensus maintained in Biblical Scholarship did not  negate the priority of the JE  tradition to both D 
and P. In this study, the controversy may justifiably be avoided since J and E can be treated as 
contemporaries while D and P also can be treated as contemporaries, without distortions to the trend of 
development of their various ideas of covenant. 
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367
exilic period , for this work we would assume that the Deuteronomistic History, 
which is our main research boundary, is later than, or contemporaneous with the P 
source. An examination of the concept of the tyrIB. in the various source strata 
shows that there is a diachronic development of the concept in the Israelite religious 
literary traditions, which displays certain parallels with the indigenous Èg̣bá perception 
of ìmùlè.̣ The findings in this regards is set out below. 
 
4.2.1  tyrIB. Concept in the Earlier Source Strata of the Pentateuch 
 For convenience, we would treat the J and E strands together. This is because of the 
seeming controversy among scholars with regards to the distinction between passages 
368
assigned to these two sources . For example, Exodus 24:3-8 which is a core passage 
relating to the Sinai Pericope was assigned to E by Moshe Weinfeld and some other 
369
Scholars  whereas, this pericopy makes use of hwhy (YHWH) as the Divine name 
instead of ~yhilooa/ Ordinarily this would have been classified as a J 
370
document   because the divine name hwhy was used throughout. But there is an 
argument that the E source also uses the Divine name hwhy afterwards in stories 
following upon the revelation of this Divine name to Moses. Nonetheless to avoid 
being distracted from our main focus by the Source Critical controversy, we would 
simply treat the J and E texts simultaneously, since the combination of both sources 
have taken place quite early in the redaction history of the document; treating the texts 
in their diachronic order where possible. The major texts of relevance for this present 
371
discourse are the Ritual Decalogue , Exodus 24:3-8, the Ethical Decalogue and the 
Covenant Code. 
                                                 
367
 Even though the argument for the dating of P is not yet conclusive at the moment, it is notable that the 
proposed dating among Biblical scholars ranges between the exilic and post exilic period. See for 
example, C. Nihan. 2009. Priestly covenant: Its Reinterpretation.91 
368
 Some scholars have also commented on the fact that texts attributed to the E Source stratum have 
raised many difficulties. One of the difficulties pointed out was that some of such texts, such as Gen.15 
and the Decalogue in Exodus 20:2-17 do not use the name Elohim for God at all, or they use the 
Divine name hwhy (YHWH) throughout. Such Scholars as Luis Ska are of the opinion that the texts 
ascribed to E actually belonged to J, otherwise they may have been ―additions of Deuteronomistic 
origin‖. J. L. Ska. 2006 Introduction to Reading the Pentateuch. 132; Pauline Viviano declared that the 
E source has been ―so intertwined with the Yahwist that it is difficult to separate the two sources in all 
instances‖; P. A. Viviano. 1992. Genesis, p.36.  
369
 M. Wenfield.1972. Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School. 165 
370
 According to the criterions of Source Criticism, one major distinguishing attribute of the J source 
stratum is the use of YHWH  as the Divine name.  
371
 Exodus 20:2 -17 , which is technically called the Ethical Decalogue is ascribed to the E source, while 
Exodus 34:11-26, which is technically called the ritual Decalogue is ascribed to the J tradition by 
Wellhausen and other scholars. Childs, B. S. 2004. Exodus.605; 
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4.2.1.1  The Ritual Decalogue 
372 373
 The ―Ritual Decalogue‖ (i.e. Exodus 34:11-26)  is ascribed to J source,  hence it 
374
is sometimes called the ―J Decalogue” . Even though the Sinai Pericope: Exodus 
24:3-8 is acknowledged as the earliest account of the Sinai/Horeb theophany, the Ritual 
Decalogue is assigned an earlier date, but it does not include an account of the 
theophany at Sinai. It had been assigned a probable date as early as 13th Century 
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B.C.  which is as far back as the time of Moses. 
 Looking at the text, the preceding and the immediately following verses to the 
Ritual Decalogue (Exodus 34:10,27) give a picture that the this textual pericope 
preserved the document of a renewal of covenant after the golden calf apostasy just at 
the conclusion of the Sinai/Horeb covenant of which the Ethical Decalogue is the 
376
document.  
 Scholars, such as Pfeifer, have demonstrated that the Ritual Decalogue is closely 
linked with the Covenant Code. Pfeifer suggested that the Ritual Decalogue dated to 
the earliest period of settlement in Canaan, and forms the core which was severally 
377
embellished until it grew into the Covenant Code . Rowley on the other hand argues 
for its antiquity, and that it was originally a covenant document inherited from the 
Kenites, whom he argues, were the original worshipers of YHWH from whom Moses 
learnt about the Deity and adopted Him as the LORD God of Israel through the 
378
covenant at Sinai . 
 The Covenant Code, as preserved in the canon, does not reflect the full Treaty 
pattern. The basic concern of the core of what is preserved focuses on Israel‘s ritual 
practices. This pericope emphasises the issue of mutual relationship in the tyrIB. 
partnership. The terms of the tyrIB. here can be summarised as a demand of total 
exclusive devotion to the YHWH. It is in its canonical form that the full tyrIB. 
properties of the ritual Decalogue come to light. It is not impossible that some of the 
initial parts of the pericope have been dropped out in the process of redaction, and as it 
                                                 
372
  Exodus 34:11-26 is technically called ―Ritual Decalogue‖ in Source Criticism. Hess, R. A. 2007. 
Law. p.192;  J.  Jensen. 2006. Ethical Dimensions of the Prophets.24; B. S. Childs. 2004. Exodus. 605. 
It is also referred to as the ―Small Covenant Code‖. 
373
 W. J. Doorly. 2002. The Laws of YHWH.100; I. G. Mathews. 2003. Old Testament Life and 
Literature.48 
374
 See for example, R. H. Pfeifer. 1931.Transmission of the Book of Covenant.102 
375
 R. H. Hiers. 2009. Justice and Compassion in Biblical Law.88 
376
 See for instance the contributions of Lohfink, N.2003. Reading Deuteronomy 5 as Narrative. 264-265 
377
 R. H. Pfeifer. 1931.Transmission of the Book of Covenant.102. 
378
 H. H. Rowley. 1950.From Joseph to Joshua. 
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is combined with other materials, the new materials replaced the older segments to 
form a new form of covenant document as we now have it in the canon. The tone of 
verse 27… 
Exodus 34:27  
ŸyPiä-l[; yKiú hL,ae_h' ~yrIåb'D>h;-ta, 
^ßl.-bt'K. hv,êmo-la, ‘hw"hy> rm,aYOÝw:   
`lae(r"f.yI-ta,w> tyrIßB. ^±T.ai yTir:óK' 
hL,aeªh' ~yrIåb'D>h; 
  
―And the LORD said unto Moses, Write thou these words: for after 
the tenor of these words I have made a covenant with thee and with 
Israel‖. 
 
indicates the scribal role of the priesthood in the composition of the tyrIB. 
document. Furthermore, the tyrIB. was not just with Israel, this particular 
tyrIB. was also ratified with Moses. Hence, the role of Moses was not just as a 
mediator, but he was also a party to the tyrIB.. We cannot be certain with regards 
to the exact content of the hL,aeªh' ~yrIåb'D>h;  ―these word‖ which 
consisted the covenant in actual original instance of this particular case. We have to 
focus only on intended message which the pericope has been adapted to present. Hence, 
we may not be able to treat the Ritual Decalogue as a full tyrIB. document since its 
original constituent parts cannot be fully reconstructed. 
 Contemplating the extant portion of the Ritual Decalogue in the Canon from Èg̣bá-
Yorùbá cultural perspective, the kinship pattern of ìmùlè ̣ comes to mind. It gives the 
impression that the earliest form of the Israelite tyrIB. is constructed in the pattern 
of alájọbí (Kinship relationship). The focus of the obligation was to ensure a 
relationship between the YHWH and Israel, similar to the pattern of kinship relations. 
Most of what is preserved, therefore, emphasises Israel‘s ritual practices which were 
designed to maintain the mutual relationship between the YHWH and Israel. 
 
4.2.1.2 tyrIB. in Exodus 24:3-8 
 Exodus 24:3-8 has been recognised by scholars to be the earliest document of the 
379
Sinai/Horeb pericope . Traditions earlier than this pericope do not reflect the 
Sinai/Horeb episode. Childs affirmed that there is a consensus among scholars that ―the 
texts reflect an on-going religious institution of covenant renewal going back far into 
                                                 
379
 M. Wenfield. 1972.151;  
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380
Israel‘s early pre-monarchical history‖ . It had been ascribed to the Elohist by 
scholars despite the fact that it uses the Divine name YHWH, but this is explained by 
the fact that it reports an event which follows after the revelation of the Divine name to 
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Moses.   
 Three formal segments can be discerned in the tyrIB. rite described in this 
pericopy as it stands in its present form and scriptural context: (i) rehearsal of the law; 
(ii) a commitment by the people; and (iii) sealing the pact by a blood ritual. 
 
The rehearsal of law in this pericopy presents a problematic. First, of the ―book of 
the covenant‖ occurs only in two traditions in the Old Testament. These were this 
instance of the Sinai pericope and the account of Josiah‘s reform in 2 Kings 22-23 with 
its synoptic counterpart in 2 Chronicles 34-35. This may have referred to the Decalogue 
at an earlier stage of redaction, but the present scriptural context shows that the 
redactors used it in reference to the Covenant Code, which had been incorporated into 
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the growing tradition at a later date . It is also important to note, that the report of the 
theophany, accompanying the giving of the Decalogue is not presented as the central 
element within this pericopy as preserved in the canon. Rather the tradition of scribal 
textual production is reflected. It was Moses who wrote down the law, but this was 
done after the first oral presentation to the people, then the ―book of the covenant‖ thus 
produced was ―read in the audience of the people‖ who affirmed their consent. The 
ready solution to the problem is to assume that the pericopy had undergone editorial 
transformation. It could be assumed that the initial pericope did not reflect any form of 
documentation. The first part of verse 4 and the whole of verse 7 may have been 
editorial additions. The form of the pericopy, as we have it, supports the position that 
the tyrIB. texts grew out of the tyrIB. renewal ceremonies in which the 
383
stipulations of the tyrIB. were rehearsed , coupled with the scribal practice of re-
384
interpreting and re-actualising previous traditions to suit contemporary issues.  
The response of commitment by the people reflects the consent of the people to 
                                                 
380
 B. S. Childs. 2004.353 
381
 Scholars like Wenfield ascribed this pericope to the E Source Strata. M. Wenfield. 1972.165; Anthony 
Campbell and Mark O‘Brien acknowledged that the E source is the least well preserved of all the 
Pentateuchal sources, if it ever had been and independent source; but went ahead to explain that in 
Exodus the only self-contained traditions that can readily be ascribed to E are ―…the story of Jethro 
and the meeting with God at Sinai…‖ A. F. Campbell . and M.A. O‘Brien. 1993. Sources of the 
Pentateuch. 161 
382
 S. Sekine. 2005.A Comparative study of the Origins of the Ethical Thought.156 
383
 The thesis that the covenant texts originated from covenant renewal ceremonies at Shechem was 
spearheaded by Von Rad. (Knight, D. A. 2006. Rediscovering the Traditions of Israel.78-89;) 
384
 D. A. Knight. 2009. Traditio-Historical Criticism: The Development of the Covenant Code.102. 
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be bound by the terms of the tyrIB. which was spelt out in the document read. If 
the report of documentation had been a later editorial gloss, the original covenant rite 
would have included only an oral presentation of the terms of the tyrIB.. 
The most important aspect of this pericope to the present study is the ratification 
by ritual. The process of ratification reveals a very primitive culture. It had been 
considered the oldest surviving tradition of the Sinai pericope because of the 
participation of the young men of the tribes as the cultic representatives of the twelve 
tribes instead of the Levites. This presupposes that the authority of the Levitical 
Priesthood was yet to be instituted or actualised. In actual fact, the Scriptural context of 
the pericope within the cannon presupposes that the event pre-dated the ordination of 
Aaron and the formal inauguration of the Levitical Priesthood. The underlying pericope 
may, therefore, date far back into the pre-monarchical period. 
This pericope conforms to the earlier practice of ìmùlè ̣ in the indigenous Èg̣bá 
culture, in which the formal procedure of enacting a covenant chiefly consists of ritual 
performance. The common paradigms are (i) the lack of documentation; (ii) the role of 
blood; and (iii) the covenant meal. Such a ritual performance does not involve any form 
of literary documentation. The efficacy of such a covenant is guaranteed by the Deity, 
usually a deity who is conceived as omnipresent and capable of implementing 
instantaneous sanctions on the defaulting party. The role of ritual meal is an integral 
part of the formal process. Usually the meal is not elaborate. It may be just some pieces 
of Kola nuts, which may be smeared with blood extracted by incisions on both parties. 
Here also, the role of blood in covenant-making strikes a note of similarity. 
The fear appeal mechanism in this pericope, therefore, derives from the 
consciousness of the abiding presence of the deity, in such a substantive way as to be 
able effect sanctions on anyone who violates the terms of the covenant. 
 
4.2.1.3  The Ethical Decalogue 
 The tyrIB. ideology of the Elohist strata can be further understood in the 
385  
Ethical Decalogue and the Covenant Code.  According to Childs, the Elohist tradition 
                                                 
385
 Exodus 20:22-23:33 is technically called the ―Covenant Code‖ or ―the Book of the Covenant‖.;J. 
Jensen. 2006. Ethical Dimensions of the Prophets.24; M. Coogan. 2008. The Old Testament A very 
Short Introduction. 3.  It was believed to have been and originally separate document before it was 
later combined with other sources during the redaction process of the Torah.  However, Exodus 20:2-
17 and its parallel in Deuteronomy  5:6-21 which is popularly called ―the ten commandments‖ are 
technically referred to as the ―Ethical Decalogue‖. J. Jensen.2006. Ethical Dimensions of the 
Prophets.24; B. S. Childs. 2004. Exodus. 605. 
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386
―reflects the Old tradition of the covenant renewal‖ of the Amphyctionic League.  
Exodus 24:3-8; along with the Ethical Decalogue, is probably the oldest preserved 
pericope in the Elohist tyrIB. traditions. Though these two pericopies were pre-
dated by the Ritual Decalogue, the Ritual Decalogue does not include the Sinai 
Pericope. It has been argued that the Ethical Decalogue also dated as far back as the 
387
time of Moses . Rowley, for instance, argued that Moses adapted the Ethical 
Decalogue from the Ritual Decalogue, which was originally a Kenite Covenant 
388
document . Moshe Weinfeld stated that ‗it was accepted as the constitution of the 
389
Israelite community‘ at the dawn of her history in the wilderness of Sinai.  
 David Pleins expounded the view that the ethical Decalogue is more than mere law. 
They are perceived by the ancient Hebrew to ―have an imprecative force akin to ancient 
390
vassal treaty.‖  In its scriptural context, the ethical Decalogue is consistently 
presented as the actual words of the tyrIB. at Sinai spoken directly to the people by 
YHWH, and which were the only content engraved upon the stone tablets kept in the 
ark of the covenant. These two stone tablets were referred to as tyrI)B.h; 
tAxïlu  ―the tablet of the covenant‖ by the Deuteronomist, and ‘tdU[eh'( 
txoÜlu  ―the tablet of testimony‖ in the Priestly traditions. It served as the 
―document‖ and ―deposit‖ of the tyrIB., conforming to Ancient Near Eastern 
Treaty form. 
 
4.2.1.4  The covenant code 
 The ―Covenant Code‖ is congruent to the Ethical Decalogue in the canonical form 
391
of the Tanakh, and is also ascribed to E source stratum.  It is considered as ―…the 
392
oldest collection of legal texts in the Hebrew Bible.‖  It is the oldest pericope that 
393
reflects the full characteristic of Ancient Near Eastern Legal Codes.  It has been 
suggested that the Covenant Code may be connected with the Covenant at Shechem 
                                                 
386
 Though the divine name YHWH was used throughout the Ethical Decalogue, it is nonetheless 
ascribed to E based on other criteria.  B. S. Childs. 2004. Exodus. 605 
387
 G. E. Mendenhall. 1955. Law and Covenant in Israel and the Ancient Near East. 5ff 
388
 H. H. Rowley. 1950.From Joseph to Joshua. 
389
 M. Weinfeld. 2001. Decalogue and the Recitation of “Shema”: The Development of Confessions.  99 
390
 D. J. Pleins. 2001. The Social visions of the Hebrew Bible. 47-48 
391
 Wellhausen initially ascribed the covenant code to J, but later accepted Kuenen‘s critique that it did 
not belong to J. (See B. S.  Childs. 2004. 345). Presently, however, though majority of source critics 
assign the covenant code to the Elohist Source (D. A. Knight. 2009. Traditio-Historical Criticism: The 
Development of the Covenant Code. 108.) , there are still some who ascribe it to J: D. P. Write. 2009. 
Inventing God‟s Law.4. 
392
 D. A. Knight. 2009. Traditio-Historical Criticism: The Development of the Covenant Code. 106 
393
 S. Sekine. 2005. A Comparative study of the Origins of the Ethical Thought. 156 
150 
 
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394
under Joshua.  Its form and content has been interpreted to suggest that its immediate 
395
socio-cultural context is the semi-nomadic community of the Amphyctionic league.  
396
It is attributed to Northern kingdom of Israel.  In its present scriptural context, if it is 
read synchronistically with the Sinai pericope, it confers the pattern of ANE Treaty to 
the tyrIB. at Sinai. The phrase ―in all places where I record my name I will come 
unto thee‖ in Exodus 20:24 betray an idea of multiple cultic centres, which runs 
contrary to the Deuteronomistic ideal of centralised worship. The phrase also 
presupposes the socio-political setting of era of the Theocratic Amphyctiony. The 
Synchronistic reading of the text, therefore, suggests that the Covenant Code was 
preceded by the Ethical Decalogue. It, therefore, presents the picture that the first 
documentation accompanying the tyrIB. between God and Israel was the Ethical 
Decalogue, and this was given at Sinai, inscribed upon the two tablets of stone. The 
document was later embellished and enlarged during subsequent renewals of the 
tyrIB.. The earliest extant documentation of such expansion was the Book of the 
397
Covenant.  It is possible that the expansion had taken place in the oral stage during 
398
the renewal ceremonies held every seven years at Shechem.  The written form is 
399
generally acknowledged to pre-date the Deuteronomic Code , a position which falls 
in line with a synchronistic reading of the text, since the Book of the Covenant is 
presented earlier than the Deuteronomic Code in the canon of the Torah. It is 
observable that the conception of the tyrIB. relationship tended more towards the 
ANE Treaty pattern as the Israel tends towards mature statehood. At first, there were no 
specific stipulations in the Ritual Decalogue except rules governing the cult. Later on, 
                                                 
394
 Ronald De Vaux. 1997. Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions.  147-148;  
395
 J. Jensen. 2006: Ethical Dimensions of the Prophets. 22. 
396
 P. Dale.2011.Old Testament Law. 
397
 Historical Critical study of the Old Testament gives an understanding that the actual sitz im leben of 
the Covenant Code was the covenant renewals of the Amphyctionic League at Shechem, which began 
under Joshua (R. De Vaux. 1997. Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions. 147-148; J. Jensen. 2006: 
Ethical Dimensions of the Prophets. 22.) but this later document was merged with the original Sinai 
pericope, thus retrojecting the obtaining socio-political and religio-cultural realities of the period of 
early settlement in Canaan back into the original Sinai event under Moses. This is not strange, given 
the prominence of Sinai in Israelite National Theology. As Levinson observed, Sinai was a kind of 
―archetype‖ which served as a ―mould into which new experiences could be fit, hundreds of years after 
the original event‖- J. D. Levenson. 1985.  Sinai & Zion: An Entry into the Jewish Bible. 18-19 
398 th
 There are suggestions however that the Covenant Code originated in Judah much later in the 8  
Century, under the reign of Hezekiah, and that it formed the basis of Hezekiah‘s reform. e.g. R. 
Albertz. 1994. A History of Israelite Religion Vol.1. 61.; But it is difficult to accept this view because 
there is very little indication in support of this position in Deuteronomistic History. The only textual 
basis for this position is found in 2 Chronicles   29:10; 30:5, 18; 31:21. 
399
 Even scholars like Albertz, who place the composition of the Covenant Code in the late Monarchical 
Period did not query the fact that it ante-dates the Deuteronomic Code. R. Albertz. 1994.  A History of 
Israelite Religion. 183. 
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the Ethical Decalogue became adopted from the Ritual Decalogue, thereby providing 
ethical norms as stipulation of the tyrIB.. The Covenant Code reflects a further 
elaboration of the Ethical Decalogue to include humanitarian and civil legislations. The 
legal dimension became more pronounced in the Covenant Code and the Deuteronomic 
Code. 
 
4.2.2  tyrIB. concept in the Deuteronomic strata  
 It would appear as though the fullest treatment of the tyrIB. motif in the 
400
Pentateuch is to be found in Deuteronomy. Boadt  affirmed that ―…the book of 
Deuteronomy is written in covenant language from beginning to the end…‖.  
401
Furthermore, the Deuteronomic Code  which is the core of the book of Deuteronomy, 
or its precursor referred to as ―Ur Deuteronomion‖ or ―Proto Deuteronomy‖, has been 
proposed as the book of the law found during the repairs of the Temple, and that 
402
subsequently catalysed Josiah‘s reform.  
 The book of Deuteronomy presents at least two instances of tyrIB. in the 
lifetime of Moses. The first is the Sinai pericopy ascribed to the JE source which is 
fully incorporated (Deuteronomy 5:1-21). The second is a re-enactment of the 
tyrIB. in the Plain of Moab. The Moab ratification gives insight into the full 
development of the tyrIB. concept in Deuteronomy. Only Deuteronomy preserved 
the full formal structure of the state treaty prevalent in the Ancient Near East. This form 
is not fully preserved in the traditions antedating D. Only D has all the characteristic 
traits of the Hittite and Neo Assyrian Treaty form. This is fully explained by Weinfeld 
with the statement- 
 
  … It is, moreover, interesting to note that it is particularly those formal 
elements which give the treaty its binding judicial validity- the blessing 
and curses, the invocation of witnesses, the oath-imprecation, the deposit, 
the periodic readings, the duplicates and copies- that are completely 
403
lacking in the covenants in Exodus and Joshua 24..  
 
 It is important to note the relationship between the Sinai pericope and the 
Covenant in the plain of Moab, as pictured by Deuteronomy. Deuteronomy used Horeb 
                                                 
400
 L. Boadt, 1984. Reading the Old Testament.174 
401
 The term Deuteronomic Code refers precisely to Deuteronomy 12-26, which is seen as the original 
core of the Book of the law found by Hilkiah the High Priest during the temple repairs in the reign of 
Josiah. 
402
 This is the current scholarly consensus and has informed the dating of the Deuteronomic code to a 
period roughly corresponding to the reign of Josiah.  
403
 M. Wenfield 1972.66 
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to signify the mountain of God instead of Sinai. It subsumed the Sinai experience with 
an emphasis on the Ethical Decalogue as the main document of the tyrIB. at Sinai.  
 
4.2.2.1 The Ethical Decalogue according to D 
 Deuteronomy appropriates the Ethical Decalogue in the Sinai periscope of E, in 
its entirety. A comparison of the two traditions of the Ethical Decalogue Deuteronomy 
5:1-21 and Exodus 20: 2-17 unequivocally advocates interdependence of the two. There 
are two probable explanations for this interconnectedness. First, it is probable that the 
redactors of D had access to the Elohist document; alternatively, D may share 
dependence on the same source with the Elohist. It has been presupposed among source 
critics that D had access to both J and E documents, either as separate documents or in 
404
the combined form JE.  Joel S. Baden endeavoured to show that J and E were 
405
independent documents when they were used by D.  Some scholars have undertaken a 
careful comparison between the two versions of the Ethical Decalogue. Yuichi Osumi, 
for instance, has identified twenty differences between the text of the Exodus and 
406
Deuteronomy versions of the Ethical Decalogue , but he did not give enough 
consideration to the use of the phrase ytiªao ha'är>yIl. in the 
Deuteronomic Version. Also, the probability of Deuteronomic Code sharing 
dependence on a common source with the Elohist has not been given proper 
407
investigation. If however, Deuteronomic Code derives from the Covenant Code,  
408
which, in turn derives from the Ritual Decalogue ; and if the Ethical Decalogue also 
derived from the Ritual Decalogue, then a harmonisation of proposition of the various 
scholars on the interconnectedness of these tyrIB. traditions logically leads to the 
presupposition that the Ritual Decalogue may actually have served as the common 
basis of the Ethical Decalogue in both D and E source Strata. Since the Ritual 
Decalogue is ascribed to J, this position would uphold Baden‘s thesis that J and E were 
409
independent documents when they were used by D . 
 The position of the Ethical Decalogue in D, and the observable changes it has 
undergone reflects D‘s portrayal of the Sinai/Horeb tyrIB.. This present position in 
                                                 
404
 J. S. Baden. 2009.  J, E, and the Redaction of the Pentateuch .99 
405
 J. S. Baden. 2009. 197  
406
 Osumi Y. 2012. One Decalogue in Different Texts. Pentateuchal Traditions in the Late Second Temple 
Period. A. Moriya. & G. Hata. Eds. 27-28 
407
 D. McDonald. An Introduction to the Pentateuch. 143;  R Westbrook. & B. Wells 2009. Everyday Law 
in Biblical Israel: An Introduction. 131-132 
408
 R. H. Pfeifer. 1931. Transmission of the Book of Covenant. 102 
409
 J. S. Baden. 2009. J, E, and the Redaction of the Pentateuch p.197  
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the canon as presented in Exodus, and portrayed in bold relief by Deuteronomy, 
suggests that the Ethical Decalogue alone was the content of the Stone Tablets; and this 
410
served as the deposits of the tyrIB.,  while the Covenant Code supplies the details 
of the stipulations at Sinai/Horeb. According to Deuteronomic presentation, the Ethical 
Decalogue ―became the basic document of the tyrIB., which had been handed 
411
down to Israel direct from YHWH by revelation, for all times‖.  Deuteronomy, 
however, presents a revised form of the Covenant Code in form of the Deuteronomic 
Code (Deuteronomy 12-26). Within the narrative structure of the book of Deuteronomy, 
the Deuteronomic Code is presented as the sum total of further enactment of laws 
during the 40 years of wilderness experience, but which hither-to had not been fully 
documented, and was yet to be given formal tyrIB. expression. It is at the plain of 
Moab that this set of further promulgations by Moses under the direct guidance of the 
412
YHWH, were documented and imbued with tyrIB. status.  Prior to this event, 
they do not carry covenantal import. As it were, the Deuteronomic Code is meant to 
supersede and supplant the Covenant Code, while maintaining continuity with the 
413
Ethical Decalogue.  The consequence of this for the present study is that it pictures a 
shift in tyrIB. concept from the reference to the terror of the Theophany at Sinai as 
the fear appeal mechanism in the Horeb/Sinai tradition to the use of the Oath-
Imprecation formulae as the chief mechanism of fear Appeal. Sprinkle, for instance, has 
demonstrated that Exodus 19-24 is chiastic in structure and showed that the mention of 
instances of the giving of the covenant in 19 and 24 envelopes 20-23, thereby placing 
414
the theme of the ―fear of God‖ at the centre of the chiasm.  In the Exegesis in Chapter 
three, it was found that the root ary occurs in the feminine singular construct form 
with the 3rd person masculine singular suffix At±a'r>yI only once, and that is in 
the Exodus 20:20, which forms the core centre of the chiasm. It follows, therefore, that 
the fear appeal motif is deliberately used in the literary structure as it was incorporated 
into the Pentateuch. The Exegesis also reveals that the fear appeal motif is more 
apparent in Deuteronomy. It is only in Deuteronomy that the fear appeal is engaged 
through the deterrent principle of punishment. It is only in Deuteronomy that the 
punishment of violators of the tyrIB. law is to serve as deterrent to others who will 
                                                 
410
 R. De Vaux. 1997. Ancient Israel.147 
411
 Albertz. R.1994. A History of Israelite Religion.130 
412
 S. Hultgren. 2007. From the Damascus Covenant to the Covenant of Community. 85 
413
 R. De Vaux.1997. Ancient Israel. 147 
414
 J. M. Sprinkle. 1994. The Book of the Covenant. 196 
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―hear and fear‖; while the blessings of the faithful would be observed by others who 
will ―see and fear‖. The portrait of the effect of the reading of the book of the law on 
Josiah could, therefore, be seen as a demonstration of the effectiveness of the fear 
appeal mechanism inherent in Deuteronomy. 
 
4.2.2.2  Renewal of covenant in the plain of Moab Deuteronomy 28:69 
  (Eng.19:1) 
 The exegesis revealed reports another instance of ratification of tyrIøB. 
under Moses, with the likelihood of the production of a distinct tyrIB. document. 
The basis of this position is pivoted on the implications of the variant readings of 
Deuteronomy 28:69. 
ynEïB.-ta, tro±k.li hv,ªmo-ta, hw"åhy> 
hW"ôci-rv,a] tyrIøB.h; yrE’b.dI •hL,a 
 `brE(xoB. ~T'Þai tr:îK'-rv,a] 
tyrIêB.h; db;äL.mi ba'_Am #r<a,äB. 
laeÞr"f.yI 
 
These are the words of the covenant, which the LORD commanded 
Moses to make with the children of Israel in the land of Moab, 
beside the covenant which he made with them in Horeb. 
 
 The tyrIB. in the plain of Moab is referred to in the text as a tyrIB. 
apart from the one at Sinai/Horeb. Observing that this tyrIB. is found nowhere else 
in the Old Testament, Olson remarked that it should be regarded as an unexplained 
anomaly because it detracts from the once-and-for-all character of the Sinai/Horeb 
tyrIB. 415 as presented throughout Deuteronomy.  An answer to this seeming 
anomaly is proffered by Olson as well as Faur. Both agreed that there is a thematic and 
theological continuity between the Horeb Covenant and the covenant in the plain of 
Moab. Faur explained that the Sinai/Horeb tyrIB. sealed the ~yrI)b'D>h; 
tr<f,Þ[] (Ten Commandment Exodus 34:28 Deuteronomy 5:22), while the 
tyrIB. in the plain of Moab, sealed the further commandments which consisted of 
the ~yjiÞP'v.Mih;w> ~yQIïxuh;w> hw"±c.Mih; 
(commandments, statutes, and judgements Deuteronomy 5:31) which were received 
                                                 
415
 D. T. Olson. 2003. How Does Deuteronomy Do Theology?.  98 
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416
over the period of forty years wandering in the wilderness.  
 In the canonical context of Deuteronomy, Sinai and Moab tyrIB. were 
conjoined as ―Covenant Law‖ and the tyrIB. in the plain of Moab is presented to 
depict that the second generation of Israelites received the law a second time, only with 
some alteration intended to fit it for sedentary life. It was this legal code which 
regulated the social, political, economic and religious life of the Israelites while they 
417
inhabited the Promised Land.  At this period, YHWH was their king. The Concept of 
YHWH as King, and the Covenant Code as the Law of YHWH for His people are 
inseparable issues at stake in the tyrIB. concept reflected in Deuteronomy. 
 The legislation and practice of occasional reading of the terms of the tyrIB. 
in the hearing of the people, and the tyrIB. renewal ceremony provides for a means 
of ‗cognitive mediating process‘. With the use of the exact phrase ytiªao 
ha'är>yIl (to fear me) Deuteronomy 4:1- and 5:29, the Redactors bring out 
vividly that the purpose of the theophany in the Sinai Pericope is to instil the ―fear of 
God‖, whereas in the renewal of the tyrIB. in the plain of Moab, (Deuteronomy 
31:11-13) and in the command for the king  to make a personal copy of the Law 
(Deuteronomy  17:19) it is the reading of the book of the law that would instil the fear 
of the YHWH. The aspect of this reading that could stimulate this fear appeal is the 
oath-imprecation, which becomes prominent in the Deuteronomic presentation of the 
Israelite tyrIB. tradition. It is notable that this is the exact effect demonstrated in 
the instance of the reading of the ―book of the covenant‖ before King Josiah in 2Kings 
22-23. It has been noted in the exegesis that Deuteronomy, in particular, emphasises the 
connection between ―hearing‖ of the law and ―to fear the LORD‖. 
 
4.2.3   tyrIB. concept in the priestly traditions 
 It is generally acknowledged that P is the most readily discernible stratum 
418
among the Pentateuch source documents.  It is, however, important to note that while 
the Holiness Code has been identified as a distinct layer of document within the 
419
Priestly literature of the Torah ; Scholars have acknowledged the intricate connections 
                                                 
416
 J. Faur. 2008. Horizontal Society. 48-50 
417
 R. Green. 2011. Deuteronomy Book III. 295-296 
418
 C. Nihan. 2009. Priestly Covenant. p.87;  Albert de Pury. 2006. The Jacob Story and the Formation of 
the Pentateuch.  62 
419
 The initial position was that H was a distinct self-contained document, which was later incorporated 
by  P in the composition of the Priestly Document. But there is a contemporary debate on the Priority 
156 
 
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between P and H, such that it has become very difficult to separate them into two 
distinct documents. This close affinity between H and P has been recognised and 
420
acknowledged right from the early years of Biblical Scholarship.   Without getting 
entangled with the unsettled controversy with regards to the delineation between the H 
and P materials, the Sabbath Pericope in Exodus 31:12-17 is chosen, which supposedly 
incorporate the ideologies of the hypothetical Holiness movement. The concluding 
section of the Holiness Code (Leviticus 26:3-45) is also a good reference because it is 
the part of the P tradition which shows the fullest traits of ANE treaty form. 
 Notwithstanding the fact that there is a disagreement concerning the number of 
tyrIB. recorded in the P document, there seems to be a consensus among Old 
421
Testament Scholars that tyrIB. is the central motif.  Wellhausen, for instance, 
referred to the Priestly document as Liber Quarttuor Foederum (i.e. book of four 
422
covenants), which he represented with the symbol ― Q ‖.  The Holiness code and the 
Sabbath Pericope in Exodus 31:12-17 are specifically chosen for the purpose of the 
present study. 
 
4.2.3.1  The Sabbath Pericope in Exodus 31:12-17 
 The Sabbath Pericope in Exodus 31:12-17 is seen as a composite text consisting 
423
of H and P units . If this position is correct, it means that the text can be used to 
showcase the covenant concept of H and P. The following aspects are significant:  
(i) The Covenant traditions preserved in P and H traditions do not include a 
 description of the theophany and giving of law at Sinai. 
424
(ii) The Sabbath is seen as the sign of the covenant.  
                                                                                                                                              
of  P in relation to H. Christophe Nihan for instance, identified three distinct strata of Priestly literature 
in the Pentateuch vitz: the P proper, the Holiness Code and the Priestly composition in Numbers. 
According to Nihan, there was a gradual elaboration of the trb motif, which is central to the priestly 
literature in the Pentateuch, which gradually unfolds through the three successive layers of the Priestly 
writings. C. Nihan .2009. Priestly Covenant .90. Knohl and Milgrom on the other hand argue that H 
post-dated the P documents and that the Holiness School were the final editors of the Pentateuch. I. 
Knohl. 1987. The Priestly Torah Versus the Holiness School: Sabbath and the Festivals. HUCA Vol.58 
(1987): 65-117; I. Knohl. 1995. The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holiness School. 
Minneapolis: Fortress; Milgrom, Jacob. 2000. Leviticus 17-22: A New Translation with Introduction 
and Commentary. New York: Doubleday 
420
 C. Nihan. 2007.From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch. 395 
421
 C. Nihan. 2009. The Priestly Covenant: Its Reinterpretation. 91 
422
 W. Schmidt. 1990. Old Testament Introduction.102; E. W. Nicholson. 2003. The Pentateuch in the 
Twentieth Century: The Legacy of Julius Wellhausen. 10;  W. Zimmerly. 1965.  The Law and Prophets: 
A Study in the Meaning of the Old Testament. 91;  W. Zimmerly. 1978. Old Testament Theology in 
Outline. 55; S. L. McKenzie. 2000. Covenant. 46;  F. M. Cross. 2009. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew 
Epic. 295. 
423
 S. M. Olyan. 2005. Exodus 31:12-17. 205 
424
 It has been observed by scholars that P‘s concept of covenant emphasises the giving of a ‗sign‘ of the 
157 
 
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(iii) The stone tablets given to Moses are referred to as the tables of the testimony, 
and  is presented as the deposit of the tyrIB.. 
 The place of the Sabbath Pericope sets it in scriptural context of the sacerdotal 
regulations, particularly relating to the building of the Tabernacle, its furnishings and its 
officials. The pericope could be seen as an elaboration of the Sabbath commandment in 
the Ethical Decalogue. However, in this particular instance, the death penalty is 
prescribed for the breaking of the Sabbath (Exodus 31:14) and the Sabbath itself is not 
the ―sign of a covenant‖, but a covenant in itself, which serves as a ―sign of the 
relationship” between the YHWH and Israel (Exodus 31:13, 17). It is to be noted also 
that the underlying justification for the keeping of the Sabbath advocated by this 
Pericope alludes to the creation story (Exodus 31:17), in consonance with the Elohist 
version of the Ethical Decalogue (Exodus 20:8-11); whereas the Deuteronomic version 
of the Ethical Decalogue proffers a humanitarian model of emancipation from Egypt as 
the rationale for observing the Sabbath. 
 The bearing of this Sabbath Frame on Deuteronomic Concept of tyrIB. is 
not readily discernible. However, the remote connectedness, which the present study 
seeks to highlight, is the fact that the role of the theophany at Sinai as the major 
mechanism of fear appeal which had been suppressed in Deuteronomic traditions is 
sustained in the H and P traditions. Furthermore, the redaction and editorial process has 
transformed the substance of the Sabbath from being a tyrIB. in itself, to be ‗the 
sign of the tyrIB. at Sinai. This shows the theological outlook of the redactors that 
the tyrIB. at Sinai is the ‗archetype‘ which provides the basis and template for all 
other instances of tyrIB. between Israel and the YHWH. 
 
4.2.3.2 tyrIB. in the Holiness Code 
 H displays an intermediate position between Covenant Code and D on the one 
425
hand, and P proper on the other hand . In the first instance, it shares some parallel 
laws and similar tyrIB. structure with C and D, while for the second part it is 
permeated with the theology and terminology of P. Nihan has attempted to show that 
the Holiness Code is a progressive stage in the formulation of the Priestly materials in 
                                                                                                                                              
covenant, in which case P‘s representation of the Mosaic Covenant presents the keeping of the law and 
the Sabbath as the ‗sign‘ of the Mosaic covenant. See for instance, B. L. Bandstra. 2009. Reading the 
Old Testament. 28-29 
425
 This intermediate position is not in the sense of chronological or historical emergence but rather in 
terms of ideology and theology; C. Nihan. 2007. From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch. 401 
158 
 
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426
the Pentateuch , as the P writers endeavours to elaborate the tyrIB. motif, which 
was used as the ―theological framework‖ of Israel‘s relationship with the YHWH, and 
427
the ―organisational macrostructure‖ to Israelite history according to P.  
 The full development of H-P concept of tyrIB. can be deciphered from the 
428
closing chapter of the Holiness Code  (Leviticus 26:3-45.) This chapter consists of 3 
segments as follows: (i) The first section enumerating the blessings found in verse 3-
13; (ii) Enumeration of curses in verses14-39; and (iii) The last section discussing the 
tyrIB. in verses 40-45. 
 It has been suggested by Levinson, that the Holiness Code depended to some 
429
extent on the Covenant Code . It is to be noted that the form of the tyrIB. in P is 
also ritual based. The significance of the Sabbath in the tyrIB. relationship clearly 
portrayed in Leviticus 26:34-35 is a pointer to the P flavour of the document. The 
notion of the abiding presence of God as the ultimate blessing of the tyrIB. is also 
very prominent in the Holiness Code as shown in Leviticus 26:11-12. There is a degree 
of contrast with the understanding of the presence of Deity in the Covenant Code. 
Instead of the substantive personal presence of tyrIB., as portrayed by H, the 
Covenant Code substitutes the mediation of the presence of Deity through an angel, as 
shown in Exodus 23:23. The idea of the presence of the LORD of the tyrIB. among 
His people is not strange to Deuteronomy as well (Deuteronomy  23:14), only that it is 
not cast in the direct expression as in the Covenant Code and the Holiness Code. Hence 
in P, the fear appeal seems to be watered down. But a closer look reveals that the focus 
is shifted from the political to the sacral. It is the YHWH‟s presence at the Temple, and 
among the people, that guarantees their safety and well-being. This Divine presence is 
only guaranteed by the keeping of the tyrIB. law, particularly as it relates to the 
cult. YHWH may, therefore, depart from among the people if they violate the moral and 
ritual demands of the tyrIB. and this would lead to inevitable social, economic and 
political catastrophe. 
 The implication of this from indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá perspective of ìmùlè ̣is that 
Deity is present, either directly in substantive immanence or indirectly through 
intermediaries, and therefore, participated and regulated every facet of daily life. In this 
                                                 
426
 C. Nihan. 2009. Priestly covenant: Its Reinterpretation and the Composition of the P  Strata .90  
427
 B. L. Bandstra. 2009. Reading the Old Testament: An introduction to the Hebrew Bible. 28 
428
 Chapters 17 to 26 of Leviticus are technically referred to as the Holiness Code. J. Jensen. 2006. 
Ethical Dimensions of the Prophets. 24; 
429
 B. M. Levinson. 2005. The Birth of the Lema.    
159 
 
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nuance, the role of ‗taboo‘ and prohibitions are called to play. Most of such taboos and 
prohibitions have ethical and moral values. For instance, industrial as well as domestic 
hazards are prevented by prohibitions against standing of sitting in the passageway. 
There are also various food and hygiene taboos. For instance, a person should not sit in 
a mortar or millstone. 
 
4.2.4 Significant development of the tyrib. concept in the canonical form of 
Deuteronomistic History 
 This study so far discovers that the development of the tyrIB. concept in 
Deuteronomistic History appears to be more developed than in the Priestly source 
430
stratum . The priority of D to P is not queried here since argument in this regard is not 
431
yet conclusive . 
 In DH, the tyrIB. at Shechem (Joshua 24) provides a template for assessing 
the further development of the concept. This pericopy presents the tyrIB. in the 
structural form of vassal treaties rather than the structural form of vassal law found in 
432
the Sinai pericopy in J, and D as well as tyrIB. traditions in P.  It is notable that 
throughout DH, there is a greater emphasis on the stipulation of undivided loyalty to 
the YHWH at the expense of the detailed law-code governing the internal life of Israel, 
whereas there is a large space given to these stipulations in the Sinai/Horeb pericopy, 
the Covenant Code, the Deuteronomic Code and the Holiness Code.  Nihan 
advocates that the Shechem tradition was the product of a redaction process in which 
Priestly redactors based in Judah ―…took up the traditions of Shechem as an ancient 
cultic centre in the North and made it the place where YHWH made a covenant with 
433
Israel…‖  According to Nihan, these redactors undertook this manoeuvre to show that 
the Northern tribes were also part of Israel. What we draw from Nihan‘s assertions is 
                                                 
430
 Many scholars presume a-priory that Deuteronomistic History was composed in the mid-sixth century. 
Cf. G. Galil. 2004. The Chronological framework of the Deuteronomistic History. Biblica Vol 85. 413-
421; It is not the case in this present work, hence it must be clarified that the present endeavour is not 
preoccupied with the actual historical development or the investigation of the chronological order of 
the Pentateuch but with the way each source stratum employs the covenant motif. 
431
 Weinfeld has demonstrated that ―…the book of Deuteronomy and Deuteronomic historiography show 
traces here and there of Priestly views and phraseology,…‖ whereas ―…the Priestly strand shows no 
contact whatever with the Deuteronomic School. cf. M. Weinfeld. 1972.182-181. Whereas it is readily 
acceptable that the composers of Deuteronomistic History had access to both the P and D source 
materials, the possibility of D making use of JE and not P, has not been effectively refuted. Hence, we 
can still hold to Wellhausen‘s position that P post-dates D, or alternatively as Weinfeld proposes, that P 
in contemporaneous with D. cf. M. Weinfeld. 1972. 180.   
432
 M. Weinfeld 1972.156 
433
 C. Nihan.2009. The Priestly Covenant. 137 
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that scholars are of the opinion that Israel had always believed in the emergence of their 
nation based on a tyrIB. rite. Hence, without getting distracted by the intricacies of 
the redaction debate, it can still be affirmed that the centrality of tyrIB. in the 
emergence of Israel as a people is a general consensus. If Nihan‘s arguments were 
upheld, it implies that the ―Priestly redactors/Authors‖ of the hypothetical Hexateuch 
found it necessary to invent a tyrIB. instance through which the Northern tribes 
were incorporated into the Israelite commonwealth because they believed strongly that 
Israel emerged as a result of such tyrIB.. 
 The formulation of the relationship between the YHWH and Israel by 
434
Deuteronomy, and perhaps, the Holiness Code,  using the formal structure of the 
vassal state treaty prevalent in ANE, appear to have greatly influenced the theological 
perceptions of DH. Throughout DH, the relationship between the YHWH and Israel is 
constructed in the form of Suzerain-Vassal relationship.  Hence, there is a shift of 
formal structure in the tyrIB. formulations between Deuteronomy and 
Deuteronomistic History. This can be seen in the different nuances of the formal 
structure of the Moab ratification which conforms more precisely to the form of 
―covenant law‖, in contradistinction from the formal structure of the present canonical 
form of the Shechem Covenant which conforms more to the structural pattern of the 
435
‗‗covenant of vassalship‖ . 
 It is simply stated in Joshua 24:24-25 that   (i) Joshua cut a tyrIB. with the 
people, (ii) set them a statute and an ordinance (iii) wrote these words in the book of 
the law of God. The questions raised by these affirmations are significant for our 
present study. Does the tyrIB. cut by Joshua follow the full formal structure of 
Ancient Near Eastern Treaty or a different pattern? Could the statute and ordinance set 
by Joshua be equated with those found in any of the legal codes identified in the 
Pentateuch viz: the Covenant Code, the Ritual Decalogue, the Ethical Decalogue, the 
                                                 
434
 We cannot determine with absolute certainty the degree of influence of the Covenant Code on both the 
Deuteronomic Code and Deuteronomistic History. Within the scope of my familiarity with scholarly 
works on the connection between the Covenant Code and the Deuteronomic Code, the investigation of 
the possibility that UrDeuteronomion could have been identical with a version of the Covenant Code; 
and the actual relationship between the Covenant Code, the Shechem Covenant and the Book found by 
Hilkiah the High Priest under the reign of Josiah is not yet conclusive. 
435
 M. Wenfield 1972.156. With his profound knowledge of ancient Near Eastern covenant typology, 
Weinfeld has argued that there is a distinction between the covenant of law, which is basically social 
and internal or national, and the covenant of vassalship, which is political and external or international. 
He posited that an analysis of the ancient covenantal traditions of Sinai and Shechem leads to the 
conclusion that the Sinai covenant should be classified as ‗covenant law‘ while the Shechem covenant 
should be classified as covenant of vassalship. 
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Holiness Code or the Deuteronomic Code? Could the ―book of the law of God‖ 
mentioned in the verse be the same book allegedly discovered by Hilkiah the High 
Priest during the Temple renovations in the reign of King Josiah? Could this ―book of 
the law of God‖ be the Holiness Code, the Covenant Code or the Deuteronomic Code? 
 From the discussion so far, it could be tentatively put that the present canonical 
form of the Deuteronomistic History justifies the notion that there is continuity between 
the tyrIB. at Sinai/Horeb, the Moabite plain, and Shechem. The tyrIB. at Moab 
is a renewal and expansion of the one at Sinai/Horeb, while the tyrIB. at Shechem 
is also to be perceived as another instance of renewal and further expansion of the 
tyrIB. at Horeb/Sinai. This is why it seems that the tyrIB. at Moab bypasses 
and replaces the Covenant Code, while it links with Horeb/Sinai. The history of the 
tyrIB. between the YHWH and Israel can be traced hypothetically as follows: 
i. Based on the precedence and credentials of the tyrIB. with the 
Patriarch, Israel was inaugurated as a nation through a tyrIB. at 
Sinai/Horeb. By this, they derive their sense of relationship with the YHWH 
as an elect people, the ַעם־יהוה. This became the archetype of all other 
tyrIB. enactment between the YHWH and Israel. It became the prism 
with which Israel views her past history and the telescope with which she 
views the future. It is seen as a tyrIB. after the Grant Pattern, with less 
emphasis on the legal requirements and stipulations, but nonetheless, the 
Ethical Decalogue was given on the two tablets of stone as the deposit, 
which is kept in the Ark of the Covenant. The Ethical Decalogue conforms 
to the pattern of Law Codes in the Ancient Near East. The tyrIB. 
privilege is summed up as the abiding presence of the YHWH. There is 
emphasis on the theophany at the Mount of God as the basis of fear appeal 
to motivate compliance with the terms of the tyrIB.. 
ii. The tyrIB. in the plain of Moab is seen as a renewal and elaboration 
upon the Sinai/Horeb tyrIB.. It became necessary as a part of the ritual 
of change of leadership from Moses to Joshua. It involves an expansion of 
the tyrIB. stipulations and the production of a tyrIB. document, 
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436
which is also deposited ‗beside‘  the Ark of the Covenant, apart from the 
stone tablets containing the Ethical Decalogue kept ‗inside‘ the Ark. This 
time, the tyrIB. evolved into a treaty instead of a covenant Grant. The 
sustenance of the tyrIB. relationship became predicated on the keeping 
of the terms stipulated in the tyrIB. document, which is drafted in form 
of ‗covenant law‘. The fear appeal mechanism draws upon the oath-
imprecation written in the tyrIB. document. The privilege of the 
tyrIB. tends towards comprehensive socio-political and economic 
prosperity. The concept of the substantive immanence of Deity gradually 
shifted from substantive personal presence to the ‗kabod theology‟ and 
finally in Deuteronomy to the ‗shem theology‟. 
iii. The tyrIB. at Shechem was also given as part of the valedictory 
ceremony of Joshua. Joshua did further emendations to the tyrIB. 
document, following the precedence of Moses‘ action at the plain of Moab. 
Focus shifted from the pattern of ―Covenant Law‖ to ―Covenant of 
Vassalship‖. From the mention of the tyrIB. at Shechem onwards, the 
records of tyrIB. enactment do not feature the contents of the 
stipulations. Less emphasis is placed on the detailed observance of the 
stipulations of the tyrIB., and great emphasis is laid on fidelity of the 
YHWH as the Suzerain LORD of the tyrIB.. The sum of the tyrIB. 
privilege is the patron rights of the YHWH. However, the fear appeal is still 
drawn from the oath-imprecation of the tyrIB. in line with the Treaty 
patterns of the Ancient Near East. 
iv. A look at the extant tyrIB. documents preserved in the canon of the 
Tanakh reveals a growth in three Israelite tyrIB. traditions depicting a 
systematic expansion of the sphere of human behaviour regulated by the 
tyrIB. in Ancient Israel from the religious realm through the political, 
                                                 
436
 The Hebrew dC;²mi in this context should be rendered ―beside‖. Some however have argued that 
it should be rendered ―in the side‖  as in the KJV, such that the law was to the empaneled in the side-
boards of the Ark. Given the instruction of regular occasional reading of the law, and the making of 
duplicates for the kings, the context would rather suggest ―beside‖ the Ark, where it may be retrieved 
for the constant reading and reproduction. But the constant reference to the ―testimony‖ in the P 
traditions supports the position that there was indeed a copy of the Law of the Moab Covenant 
empaneled in the sideboards of the ark apart from the Ten Commandments placed within the Ark, as 
―Testimony‖ of the covenant. So far the argument needs further investigation. 
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then the humanitarian and then the civil and economic aspects of human 
life. The Ritual Decalogue, which is considered to be the earliest, is 
precipitated around religious values. The Ethical Decalogue follows after 
the Ritual Decalogue and enthroned YHWH as the King of Israel. By 
combining the Ethical Decalogue with the Ritual Decalogue, the tyrIB. 
437
relationship takes on the form of a political treaty . The next stage of 
438
development of the tyrIB. document is the Covenant Code , in which 
the humanitarian laws were seen to be older than the civil laws. In the final 
form of the tyrIB. document, which we can tentatively affirm as the 
Deuteronomic Code that catalysed the reform under Josiah, the civil laws 
and the humanitarian laws were interwoven, and ecological legislations 
439
were added . 
v. The influence of the deterrent principle of punishment, such as the 
adaptations of the lex talionis, peculiar to Deuteronomy could be seen in the 
parallels evident in the ending of Deuteronomy and the conclusion of DH. 
In Deuteronomy 30:1-20, there is already a prognosis of the eventual exile 
of the people which would be a catastrophe that would convey the fear 
appeal, and eventually bring about repentance and renewal leading to the 
ultimate consummation of the tyrIB.. This motif is climactically 
displayed in the story plot from Judges to the end of Kings. The refrain was 
in the form of perdition-captivity-repentance-restoration. The book of 
Jeremiah (Jeremiah  36) clearly shows the eventual fulfilment of the 
prognosis of Deuteronomy 31, and gives a prophecy of the future 
consummation of the tyrIB. in form of the New Covenant, (Jeremiah 
31:31-34). 
4.2.5 The understanding of the tyrIB. in the Classical Prophets as reflected in 
                                                 
437
 Some Scholars like Rowley have argued that the Ethical Decalogue was an adaptation of the Ethical 
Decalogue by Moses to expand the covenant demand to cover a more humanistic sphere of human 
behaviour. H. H. Rowley. 1950. From Joseph to Joshua.; Furthermore, the ethical Decalogue is seen in 
Israel as having the imprecative force similar to the imprecations of ANE vassal treaty. D. J.  Pleins. 
2001. The Social visions of the Hebrew Bible. 47-48 
438
 Scholars like Pfeifer have argued that the Ritual Decalogue forms the core which was embellished 
with further legislations in the course of Israelite socio-cultural transformation from a nomadic to a 
sedentary agricultural life after the settlement in Canaan. R. H. Pfeifer, 1931.Transmission of the Book 
of Covenant. 102. 
439
 This is not a position with regards to the redaction history of Israelite covenant law or 
Deuteronomistic History, but rather a Narrative Critical position based on the final canonical form of 
the text. 
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the deuteronomistic sections of Jeremiah. 
 The book of Prophet Jeremiah is perceived to have some link with 
440 441
Deuteronomistic History , and probable connection with Josiah‘s reform . The 
oddity has been noted, however, of the lack of reference to the Josiah‘s reform in the 
book of Jeremiah on the one hand, and the total lack of mention of the prophet 
442
Jeremiah in the account of Josiah‘s reign or other parts of 2Kings.  This study is based 
on a tentative agreement with Gilal that ―Deuteronomy serves as an introduction to DH 
443
whereas the book of Jeremiah concludes it.‖  
 Passages strongly reflecting the tyrIB.ideology of the classical prophets as 
exemplified by Jeremiah can be found in Jeremiah 11:1-6. For Brueggemann, Jeremiah 
11:1-17 reveals the book of Jeremiah‘s larger claims to tyrIB. which deeply 
444
reflects Deuteronomic tyrIB. theology.  Most scholars believe this passage to 
have dated from a period not too long after the Josiah‘s reform. Constable identified 
445
five short periscopes within this passage. (1-5; 6-8; 9-10; 11-14 and 15-17).  Whether 
or not term ―taZO=h; tyrIåB.h; yrEÞb.DI"‖ ―words of this covenant‖ 
in Jeremiah 11:2,3 and 6 refer precisely to the tyrIB. of Josiah‘s reform or not has 
446
been debated among scholars.  Nicholson had explored the developed Deuteronomic 
theology reflected in 2Kings 22 in comparison and contrast with Jeremiah 36, showing 
clearly the consequences of both the positive and negative response to the hearing of a 
447  
reading of a scroll of the tyrIB. .   
 Jeremiah 7:9 has been cited by scholars as evidence that Jeremiah is conversant 
                                                 
440
 It is a popular opinion among scholars that the book of Jeremiah exhibits the same theological 
emphasis as Deuteronomy and Deuteronomistic History.  D.  J.   Lewis. 2009. Jeremiah The 
Deuteronomic Prophet. 7; J. S. Anderson. 1998. The Metonymical Curse as Propaganda in the Book of 
Jeremiah. BBR.8. 3;  The position that Deuteronomy serves as an introduction to Deuteronomistic 
History while the Book of Jeremiah serves as its conclusion, has been supported by the Babylonian 
Talmud‘s positioning of Jeremiah after Kings, instead of after Isaiah as in the Tanakh. G. Galil. 2001. 
The Message of the Book of Kings in Relation to Deuteronomy and Jeremiah. Biblioteca 
Sacra.158:632.411, 413 
441
 The internal account of the biography of the prophet (i.e. Jeremiah 1:1-3) placed the ministry of 
Jeremiah within the historical period between the reign of Josiah to the final exile under Zedekiah. 
This has led to the scholarly conjecture that Jeremiah ―may have been influence by the Deuteronomic 
movement or may have even been a partisan…‖ of Josiah‘s reform. E. Silver. 2009. The prophet and 
the Lying Pen. 4.   
442
 J. G. McConville. 1991. Jeremiah: The Prophet and Book. Tyndale Bulletin 42.1.May  .1991. 82 
443
 G. Galil. 2004. 413. The implication of Galil‘s assertion is that the final form of the book of the 
prophet Jeremiah antedates the final redaction of DH but the argument for this position in not yet 
conclusive. 
444
 W. Breuggemann. 2007. 140 
445
 T. L. Constable. 2013. Notes on Jeremiah 2013 Edition.  77 
446
 H. L. Ellison. 1963. The Prophecy of Jeremiah. Evangelical Quarterly XIV no2. 154-162 
447
 E. W. Nicholson. 1970. Preaching to the Exiles. 
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with the Sinai tradition, among other main Pentateuch traditions; but there is much 
448
doubt that the author is familiar with the canonical form of the Pentateuch.  However, 
it is a popular scholarly position that the prose sections of Jeremiah have much in 
common with the rhetoric and theological assumptions of the tradition of 
449
Deuteronomy.  Jeremiah 36:1-32 sets forth the episode in which Jeremiah wrote out 
the ―words of the LORD‖ which contained predictions of woe and catastrophe. The 
scroll of Jeremiah must have had much in common with the ―book of the law‖ of 
Josiah‘s reform. The contrast between Jeremiah‘s scroll and the book of the law was 
two-fold. First, the ―book of the law‖ in Josiah‘s reform was portrayed as an ancient 
document, whose authenticity was confirmed by prophetic oracle from the mouth of 
Prophetess Huldah, whereas Jeremiah‘s scroll contained a fresh prophecy given by the 
LORD through the mouth of Prophet Jeremiah. On the other hand, the reception of the 
book of the law by King Josiah was accompanied with a positive repentant act on the 
part of the king; while Jeremiah‘s scroll was received with obstinate hostility by the 
King Jehoiakim. The context of both texts, however, confirmed that they contained 
similar contents which were designed to bring about fear of punishment and engender 
penitence. This is justified by the common use of the root arq (qrä´ - which basically 
means to proclaim) and dg<B,-tae [rq (qär` ´et-beged – to tear the garment) by 
both traditions, and the use of the word dxp  (päHád – to fear) in Jeremiah 36:16, 
450
24.  The Deuteronomic motif of the fear appeal through the deterrent principle of 
punishment is evident also in the Jeremiah texts, including the Jeremiah‘s concept of 
the ―new covenant‖, which resonates with the ideology of restoration after repentance 
in Deuteronomy 31 
 
4.2.6. Summary of t he growth of tyrIB. ideology inIsraelite literary 
traditions 
 The growth in Israel‘s tyrIB. ideology can be summarised by looking at the 
major changes in the covenant texts examined so far. Right from the incidence of the 
incorporation of the Sinai Pericope into Israel‘s on-going literary corpus, there is an 
                                                 
448
 W. Brueggemann. 2007. Theology of the book of Jeremiah. 135; 
449
 W. Brueggemann. 2007. 139; Rowley, H. H. 1950. 157-174; J. P. Hyatt. 1942. 156-173; 
450
 It is observed however, that the root word dxp is not commonly used in Deuteronomy and DH with 
reference to the fear of the LORD. It is found only once, 1Sam.11:7 in the whole of Deuteronomy and 
DH. Rather the root ary is preferred by Deuteronomy and DH when referring to the fear of the 
LORD. The root dxp  in reference to the fear of God is however preferred by Jeremiah, Chronicles 
and  the wisdom and poetic literature. 
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observable synthesis of the perception of Israel‘s tyrIB. relationship with the LORD 
as a covenant of grace exemplified in the Abrahamic covenant and that of the 
451
perception as a covenant of obligations exemplified in the Sinai Pericopy . This is 
accompanied by a growing emphasis on the keeping of the law, which reached its 
452
climax in the Deuteronomic Code. Lohfink,  for instance, demonstrated that 
Deuteronomy 6:21-25 has the interpretation that ―… Israel to remain in a state of 
hq'd'c., (righteousness) is obliged to observe the law faithfully.‖ This is based on 
the premise that the YHWH by virtue of the Historical act of redemption from bondage 
in Egypt, had become, in effect, Israel‘s master. If as a master, He had commanded 
Israel to obey the laws, then it only follows that Israel has a moral obligation to keep 
the commandments of the YHWH. 
 The idea of ―holiness‖ was eminent in the Priestly traditions, which tied the 
state of holiness to the sanctuary and the cult as a symbol of the YHWH‘s presence 
among the people. The Holiness Code, however, tied holiness to the land as a whole. In 
H, the people were in a state of hq'd'c. - holiness, by virtue of Divine election, but 
are saddled with the responsibility of maintaining, demonstrating, and further achieving 
the state of holiness through the whole realm of human conduct traversing the political, 
453
social, economic and ritual spheres of human life.  In H, sanctification is an on-going 
process.  
 In Deuteronomy, however, the moral imperative came to the fore. The 
continuity of the tyrIB., henceforth, is seen as more dependent on the faithful 
keeping of the tyrIB. law by Israel, with particular emphasis on the specifically 
moral and ethical concerns of the terms of the covenant, which covers the socio-
political and economic life of Ancient Israel. In Deuteronomy, the law is presented 
virtually as a ―surrogate‖ of the YHWH, hence the law is identified with its giver. 
 The tyrIB. idea in Deuteronomistic History emphasises the ―perpetual 
nature‖ of relationship. Once ratified, tyrIB. cannot be ‗concluded‘ or ‗completed‘ 
in the sense of completing a contract. It consummates an interpersonal relationship, 
which once consummated, initiates an on-going dynamic relationship that transcends 
the bounds of time and the changing circumstances of social and cultural environment. 
Hence, the attitude of Israel to the tyrIB. law is not just a matter of ethical 
                                                 
451
 C. Nihan. 2009. Priestly covenant. 87-134 
452
 N. Lohfink.1999. Deuteronomy 6:24: ‗To Maintain Us‘. Sha‟arei Talmon:111 
453
 C. Nihan. 2009. Priestly covenant.156. 
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concern, but a reflection of their faithfulness to the YHWH, or apostasy from God. The 
sway of international politics over the religious life of the people depicts their level of 
trust and dependence on YHWH. God, who is seen as their ultimate Deliverer and 
Judge. Fidelity to the tyrIB. demands that Israel should stake her very existence 
on her fidelity to YHWH. She should have remained faithfully committed to her 
covenant LORD in-spite of the threat of annihilation by the powerful political entities on 
her time. This fidelity could only be demonstrated by the keeping of the tyrIB. 
law, with its emphasis on equity, social justice and moral uprightness, despite the 
danger of loss of political and economic benefits. 
 
4.3 Application of African intercultural hermeneutics to the Deuteronomistic 
concept of tyrIB..  
 Looking at the Deuteronomistic concept of tyrIB.from the perspective of 
the indigenous Èg̣bá culture, the following conclusions can be drawn: 
4.3.1 The covenanting parties 
 The covenanting parties were LORD God of Israel on the one hand and the 
Israelite nation on the other hand. The earlier traditions of Israelite tyrIB. as 
depicted in the Sinai Pericope endeavours to present the LORD God of Israel as a 
Corporeal entity, whose presence and power as the King and Judge of the people is 
made real through the episode of the theophany. The nation is represented by the 
concept of lh'q' (an assembly) throughout Deuteronomy and DH. In the 
Deuteronomic presentation of the Sinai pericope (cf. Deuteronomy 5), the initial 
assembly consisted of the entire community who witnessed the theophany. This 
corporate entity has a common experience of a vivid perception of the reality of the 
corporeal existence of YHWH. However, as at the time of the renewal of the tyrIB. 
at the plain of Moab, a new generation that did not directly share in the experience of 
the theophany was already emerging. From the indigenous Yorùbá perspective, encoded 
in the pithy saying ―èèwọ aìmὸ kìí humọ‖ meaning ―a taboo is less binding on a child 
that is not duly informed of it‖. It, therefore, becomes necessary to provide another 
means of conveying the intensity and severity of the consequence of breaking the pact. 
(cf. Deuteronomy 4:2-4; Dut.31:9-13) This means would serve the purpose of the 
―cognitive mediating mechanism‖ in a fear appeal model. It was provided by means of 
re-interpretation of the original tyrIB. encapsulated in the Sinai Pericope in the 
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contemporary terms of Vassal Treaty. 
 The tendency of perverse individuals to dodge responsibility for compliance 
with the moral dictates of the tyrIB.  under the shadow of the corporate nature of 
the lh'q' is pre-empted by Deuteronomy (cf. Deuteronomy 29:18-21). This is 
afforded by the transition from the concept of corporeal presence of the YHWH to an 
emphasis on the transcendent and omnipresent attributes of God, embodied in the ַכבֹד 
and ֶשם theology, which became prominent in Deuteronomy and DH. From the Yorùbá 
pithy saying ―ẹni tó tafà sókè tó yídó borí, b‟òḅa ayè kò rí ọ, Ọba òkè nwò ó‖̣ meaning 
―if a person shoots arrows into the sky and hides himself under a mortar, he should bear 
in mind that even if he would not be discovered by the earthly authorities, he cannot be 
hidden from the King of Heaven.‖ It therefore follows that the doom of exile that befell 
the Israelite kingdom of the North and Judah of the South, as presented by DH, is as a 
punishment due to the sum total of moral depravity of individual members of the 
commonwealth. This position is corroborated by the prose-sermons of Jeremiah which 
were also cast in Deuteronomistic terms. 
 
4.3.2 The tyrIB. as a historical reality 
 The tyrIB. is a historical reality, which was intended to consummate a 
bilateral relationship of mutual moral trust between YHWH and Israel. Yorùbá pithy 
sayings such as: ―O ò b‟Ọ́ya mulẹ̀ ;̣  o ò b‟ Ògún mulè,̣ bẹ́ ẹ̀  ̣abéṛé ̣rẹ bó ̣sómi, o sì ṣebí o 
máa rí i‖ ―You made no pact with Ọ́ya, and you made no covenant with Ògún, yet your 
needle dropped into the river and you thought you will find it;‖ and ―Ẹni tí kò rán n‟ílé 
éḳòọ́,̣ tí kò sì dá ni lókòwò, kò lè bú ni ní arungún‖ meaning ―The one who neither 
sponsors ones education, nor set one up in business has no right to call one a prodigal‖ 
encapsulate the indigenous Yorùbá philosophy that moral responsibility and 
interpersonal accountability ensues only with mutual relationships. A person who enters 
into a pact with the Deity expect a Divine help in coping with the extraordinary 
vicissitudes of life, which cannot be handled by human dexterity, while on the other 
hand, such a pact would ultimately demand human moral accountability to Deity. 
YHWH has a sovereign choice to elect or reject Israel, but chose to elect Israel, and 
remained faithful to His promises while on the other hand Israel feigned to accept the 
terms of the tyrIB. by reciprocating YHWH‟s benevolence with faithful obedience 
and unwavering trust, but failed to actualise this. Israel cannot expect to enjoy the 
Patron rights from YHWH without the concomitant moral accountability.  
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4.3.3 Identified behavioural patterns which are to be encouraged or discouraged 
  Appraising the tyrIB. relationship between YHWH and Israel from 
indigenous Yorùbá religious perspective, the situation mirrors the cultic fidelity 
requirements of the an-iconic cult of Olódùmarè, which was preserved in Ilé Ifè,̣ the 
cradle of Yorùbá civilisation. The basic behavioural pattern demanded from the priests 
of Olódùmarè can be summarised as a demand for absolute exclusive fidelity to the 
deity, and total abstinence from the worship of or loyalty to other entities. Also, the 
philosophy encapsulated in the Ifa Oral Tradition: 
―Olótìtó ̣ayé wọn ò p‘ógún, 
Ṣìkàṣìkà ibè ̣wọn ò mọ n‘íwòṇ ẹgbèf̣à, 
Ṣùgbóṇ ọjó ̣èṣan ò pé ̣títí 
454
Ni kò jé ̣kí òṛò ̣ó dun ni‖  
 
―the righteous on earth are fewer than twenty in number 
the wicked are more than one thousand two hundred 
one is only consoled with the awareness that 
the day of recompense is near‖ 
 
depicts the pervasiveness of human moral depravity on the one hand, and the certainty 
of divine retribution on the other hand. It, therefore, follows that any pact with the 
Supreme Being would naturally lead to a demand for moral accountability. The reason 
why the indigenous Èg̣bá would shy away from a direct pact with Olódùmarè is 
because of the innate awareness of human fallibility, as against the constancy of Divine 
holiness which is also echoed in Joshua‘s valedictory sermon which insinuated the 
inability of Israel to cope with the moral dictates of the tyrIB. because of human 
frailty as opposed to Divine purity and holiness.(cf. Joshua 24:19-21) 
 
4.3.4 Fear appeal mechanism.  
 From the indigenous Èg̣bá Yorùbá perspective, the ultimate repercussion of 
breaking ìmùlè ̣ is death. From the result of oral interviews and the Questionnaire, the 
majority of Yorùbá people would not venture into ìmùlè ̣ except in serious situations 
because they are haunted by the fear of the possibility of death as a result of careless 
violation of ìmùlè ̣demands. However, if it is perceived that the threatened repercussion 
of breaking a pact is minimal or that the probability of actual occurrence of the threat is 
remote, then there is a more likelihood that the pact would be taken lightly. Even in the 
                                                 
454
 Wande Abimbola. Ìjìnlè ̣Ohùn Ẹnu Ifà 
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case of real danger, the failure of the person to actually recognise the danger minimises 
its effectiveness in motivating compliance with the terms of a pact based on the fear of 
occurrence of that particular danger.  
 
4.3.5 A formal process:  
 Another good basis of an evaluative hermeneutic of the Ancient Israelite 
tyrIB. is the premise that there are various specific forms which are considered as 
giving validity to the ìmùlè,̣ with certain particular forms being peculiar to specific 
cultural contexts. In the indigenous Yorùbá context, the adoption of a specific formal 
rite provides the avenue of expressing consent or disagreement with the terms of the 
pact. It emphasised the exercise of freewill in the ensuing relationship. As the text 
revealed, Israel had expressed acceptance of the terms of the tyrIB., and by virtue 
of executing the ratification and renewal formalities during the various epochs of her 
history, has continually reinforced the full implications of the tyrIB. terms, 
including the implementation of the repercussion for breaking the pact. The last 
performance of the renewal rite under King Josiah further strengthens the imprecative 
force of the tyrIB.. Even though the catastrophe may have been postponed to a 
latter period, if the generality of the populace had been morally transformed by the 
reform, yet the re-enactment of the formal rites of the pact makes the fulfilment of the 
terms more imminent. It is, therefore, no wonder that the doom of the nation follows so 
quickly after the demise of King Josiah. From the perspective of ìmùlè,̣ even the tragic 
death of Josiah could be tied to the inability of a human ruler to impose moral reform 
by royal edict. The reform of Josiah was effective in re-structuring the religious and 
political institutions of Israel and Judah, and to a great extent, he also reformed the 
judicial system to conform to the terms of the tyrIB.. But in terms of real moral 
reform, there was little achieved. The general populace were not inwardly transformed. 
The real import of the content of the book-find was not realised in them. They merely 
―stood to the tyrIB.‖ in loyal support of their monarch. They definitely held Josiah 
in a high esteem, probably due to a dislike of the previous despotic rules of Manaseh 
and Athaliah; Unlike the time of Hezekiah depicted by the Chronicler, in which the 
people of the Northern Kingdom would not co-operate with the messengers sent by 
Hezekiah to urge them to return to the LORD, but virtually ―laughed them to scorn‖: 
 
 2 Chronicles 30:6, 10 
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%l,M,Þh; tw:ïc.mik.W hd"êWhywI) ‘laer"f.yI-
lk'B. wyr"ªf'w> %l,M,äh; dY:ômi tArøG>aiB'( 
~yci’r"h' •Wkl.YEw:   
 ‘bvoy"w> laeêr"f.yIw> qx'äc.yI ‘~h'r"b.a; 
‘yhel{a/ hw"©hy>-la, WbWvÜ laeªr"f.yI ynEåB. 
rmo=ale 
`rWV)a; ykeîl.m; @K:ßmi ~k,êl' tr<a,äv.NIh; 
hj'êyleP.h;-la, 
 
‘Wyh.YI)w: !Wl+buz>-d[;w> hV,Þn:m.W 
~yIr:ïp.a,-#r<a,(B. ry[i²l' Ÿry[ióme 
~yrI’b.[o ~yciør"h' Wy“h.YI)w: 
`~B'( ~ygIß[il.m;W ~h,êyle[] ~yqIåyxif.m; 
 
2 Chronicles 30:6,10  -  
―So the posts went with the letters from the king and his princes throughout 
all Israel and Judah, and according to the commandment of the king, saying, 
Ye children of Israel, turn again unto the LORD God of Abraham, Isaac, and 
Israel, and he will return to the remnant of you, that are escaped out of the 
hand of the kings of Assyria. 
 
10 So the posts went from city to city through the country of Ephraim and 
Manasseh even unto Zebulun: but they laughed them to scorn, and mocked 
455
them.‖  
 
 The text depicted the case of Josiah‘s reform as a more popularly 
accepted reform, but in the political perspective, not in the moral and ethical 
parlance. The sections examined from the book of Jeremiah, depicted the state 
of moral decadence among the people, and their unwillingness to accept a moral 
change, whereas they place their confidence in the inviolability of Jerusalem 
based on a promise of YHWH‟s Divine protection. The prose sermons of 
Jeremiah, to which the people refuse to harken, are basically directed at the 
moral aspect of popular life whereas the reform of Josiah is basically directed at 
the political aspect. Josiah himself, as the corporate head of the people, from 
indigenous perspective of Ìmùlè ̣ cannot be totally exempted from the 
repercussion of the popular non-compliance with the moral dictate of the 
tyrIB., hence his untimely and tragic death. The compilers of DH, however, 
depicted his death in positive light, emphasising the fact that Josiah did not 
witness the ultimate catastrophe attending the exile to Jerusalem, whereas 
                                                 
455
 The scope of the present work did not cover the work of the Chronicler, but this instance is cited to 
showcase that there were similar trends of though in Ancient Israel, that at one time or the other, a 
section of the populace, particularly of the Northern Kingdom, derided the tyrIB.. The 
compliance of these grass-root people is very essential to the efficacy of the blessings because of the 
corporate nature of the  tyrIB..  
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Jehoiakim, who was portrayed as a real representative of the unrepentant stance 
of the people, in that he was not moved to repentance by the words of the 
prophecy of Jeremiah with regards to the impending punishment, was shown to 
suffer the full blow of the catastrophe. Impenitent Zedekiah‘s children were 
killed in his sight before he was blinded and taken in chains to Babylon, where 
he died in exile, whereas, tender hearted and penitent Josiah died in battle and 
was buried with full royal burial rites. For a warrior to die in battle is among the 
Èg̣bá people, considered a higher honour than to die in captivity, hence the 
saying ―ikú yá jèṣín‖ meaning ―death is more honourable than ridicule‖. Hence, 
the death of King Josiah is quite commensurate in terms of its tragic as well as 
palliative purpose in tandem with his situation within the ambit of ìmùlè ̣as the 
corporate head of Judah and Israel, with regards to the tyrIB. he ratified on 
behalf of the people.  
  
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CHAPTER FIVE 
SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE tyrIB. IN ANCIENT ISRAEL IN THE 
CONTEXT OF INDIGENOUS ÈG̣BÁ CULTURE 
 
 In order to fully grasp the use of tyrIB. as a means of regulating human 
behaviour, there is a need to look at the way in which the tyrIB. affects the social 
and political structure of Israel during the great epochs of her history. 
 The diachronic survey of Ancient Israel‘s tyrIB. traditions contained in the text 
of the Tanakh shows significant adjustments in the expression of the tyrIB. 
ideology as Israel‘s religious thinkers continue to re-interpret and re-apply the motif of 
the tyrIB. between Israel and YHWH to their changing socio-cultural context. As 
they face new challenges of political transformation due to internal and extraneous 
forces, they undertook self-evaluation through the prism of the tyrIB. relationship 
with  YHWH, with the aim of providing a positive impetus towards social stability 
under the crushing gravity of internal apprehensions and external aggression. It could 
be argued that the guardians of Israelite religio-political heritage which culminated in 
the production of the Tanakh, were aware of the dual forces of political apprehensions 
and external aggression, and harnessed these particular negative social and political 
e
forces as a vehicle to entrench the b rith principle, which they see as the very pillar on 
which Israel‘s existence as a people stands. In other words, they use the very fears of 
the people as a motivation towards fidelity to the tyrIB.. A brief look at the 
application or adaptation of the tyrIB. to various epochs in the political history of 
Israel could elucidate this argument. 
 
5.1 tyrIB.. in the pre-monarchical social structure of ancient Israel in 
the light of ìmùlè ̣in the indigenous Èg̣bá context  
 The social structure of pre-monarchical Israel shares much in common with that 
of the indigenous Èg̣bá before the dispersion and sack of their original homesteads. 
According to sources, there were no less than three hundred independent Èg̣bá 
towns/settlements before the dispersion. They were organised into four states/sections 
456  
as follow: Èg̣bá Alake, Èg̣bá Òké-Ọnà, Èg̣bá Òwu and Èg̣bá Àgùrá. They were in 
confederation with each other, having the Aláké, as the supreme ruler among the four 
                                                 
456 A.K. Ajisafe. 1972. Iwé Ìtàn Abé̩òkúta. 16 -19. 
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457
autonomous Ọbas,  probably because of the prestige accruing from his perceived 
458
direct descent from Odùduwà, the legendary Yorùbá Patriarch . As at present, the 
Èg̣bá town of Abéọ̀kúta hosts the confederacy of the Èg̣bá Alake, the Èg̣bá Òké-Ọnà, 
the Èg̣bá Òwu and Èg̣bá Àgùrá, which were representative of the original indigenous 
Èg̣bá homesteads, as well as the Ìbarà, who were co-settlers at Abéọ̀kúta during the 
inter-tribal wars. There is such a mutual relation and understanding within this new 
confederation such that all were equally seen as one people. Today, all five segments 
are collectively seen and treated as Èg̣bá, without prejudice or racial discrimination. 
This could be used to illuminate the situation in pre-monarchical Israel. 
 First is the intrinsic ìmùlè ̣mentality of the Èg̣bá people. There was no formal 
ratification of ìmùlè ̣ rites among the tribes collectively, but by virtue of common fate, 
having being brought together to co-habit due to the perils of the inter-tribal wars, the 
people see themselves as bound to seek the common good of each other. In the 
indigenous Èg̣bá philosophy, the ìmùlè ̣ status of the various clans is evident to the 
common populace. The vicissitudes of life have made them to drink from the same 
source of water, and to be sustained by the produce of the same land. They are 
459
implicitly bound in ìmùlè ̣ . There is the likelihood of ritual based ìmùlè ̣ enactment 
among the leading chiefs and elders of the community, which form the ―Ògbóni‖ 
council that governs the political bureaucracy of the commonwealth, but this is to 
460
ensure individual loyalty to the council . It is the Ògbóni that enforced the law of 
retributive justice, similar to the lex talionis found in the tyrIB. document 
reflected in the Covenant Code, and expanded in the Deuteronomic Code, and the 
Holiness Code (Exodus 21:22-25; Deuteronomy 19:16-21; Leviticus 24:19-21). The 
Ògbóni also ensures the perpetuity of the royal line by maintaining the law of 
restrictive royalty, which is mirrored in the stipulations of the tyrIB. peculiar to 
                                                 
457 The confederacy of the Èg̣bá townships before the dispersal was a very loose one, having many 
similarities with the pre-, monarchical Israelite tribal confederacy. The major differences include the 
fact that the Èg̣bá confederacy was not a theocratic amphictyony, and that the Èg̣bá sister towns were 
first merged into three distinct states, which had their own monarch, which were then joined in 
confederacy with each other. 
458 S. O. Biobaku. 1991.The Èg̣bá and Their Neighbours.4; J. Blair. 1937.Intelligence Report on 
Abé̩òkúta.4. 
459
 This deduction is from an oral interview with Pa. Amos Ayinde Oduroye, of 49, Kémta Òkebodè, 
Ìsábò,̣ Abé̩òkúta. 
460
 The Aláké explained that there was no need for a formal agreement once settlers see themselves as the 
same people who have come under one roof, for mutual defence. They are seen as one family, and the 
principle of Alájọbí is upheld. The essence of formal enactments among members of groups such as 
the ogboni is to ensure truthfulness and fidelity of the individual member. Interview held with Ọba 
Adedotun Aremu Gbadebo  (Òkúkéṇù IV), Aláké of Èg̣bá Land, at Aké Palace, Aké, Abé̩òkúta, 11 
August 2008, 9:00 – 11:00p.m. 
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the Deuteronomic Code (Deuteronomy 17:14-15). It is worthy of note that scholars 
have recognised the fact that it is not a common practice in human communities for 
every man, woman, and child to participate in contracting treaties and expressing 
461
opinions about them . Usually, such communal prerogatives were delegated to the 
leaders of the community. The case of the tyrIB. at Moab deviates from this 
norm. It is the ―first instance in history where all segments of the society are present at 
462
a covenant ratification‖ . 
 In Ancient Israel, the tribes brought together by the tyrIB. at Sinai were 
not all direct blood descendants of Jacob. There was the Mixed Multitude that went 
463
with them from Egypt  and the Kenites who accompanied them(Judg.1:16). Also, 
during the earlier period of settlement in Canaan, there were indigenous Canaanite 
tribes that were assimilated into the Israelite Commonwealth like the Gibeonites who 
464
tricked the Joshua team into granting them a suzerainty covenant. The Kenites , the 
465 466
Kenizites  and the Kadmonites , who were initially, non-Israelite ethnic groups also 
467
were later mentioned in the text in affiliation with the tribe of Judah . Mention is also 
468
made of the Rephaites  in Genesis 15:20, but these were not seen as being in any way 
                                                 
461
 J. M. Grintz. 1966. The Treaty of Joshua with the Gibeonites. 
http://www.jstor.org/stable/596424.Accessed: 01/04/2013 02:31. 117-118 
462
 J. Faur. 2008. Horizontal Society. 50 
463
 These were explicitly referred to in Exodus. Numbers 11:4 mentions a ―mixt multitude‖ that came out 
of  Egypt along with the children of Jacob. These probably would have included individual and 
families that must have either been struck by the awe of the pre-exodus signs and wonders through the 
hand of Moses, or in a state of discontent  in one way or the other, with the social order of Egypt. 
James Hoffmeier referred to them as ―other enslaved workers‖ J. K. Hoffmeier. 1996. Israel in Egypt. 
114. Sharpe however referred to them as some of the inhabitants of Lower Egypt who were expelled 
due to the change of dynasty which caused the expulsion of the Jews. S. Sharpe.2008 .The Early 
History of Egypt. 13; they have also be described as ―a mixture of Bedouins‖  A. S. Yahuda. 2003. 
Language of the Pentateuch. 60 
464
 Numbers 10:29-32; Judges 1:16; 1 Samuel 15:6; P. M. McNutt. 1993. Kenites. 407;  J. A. 
Thomson.1986.Kenites.6-7. 
465
 The Kenizzites also were probably a foreign tribe assimilated into the Israelite Commonwealth. It is 
not certain whether Caleb ben Jephuneh belonged to the tribe of Judah or to the foreign Kenizzite clan 
(Genesis 15:19; Numbers 32:12; Joshua  14:6) see further, J. D. Douglas.   & M. C. Tenney. Eds. 2011. 
Zondervan Illustrated Bible Dictionary EPub Edition. Ed. Grand Rapids: Zondervan; S. Japhet. 1993. I 
& II Chronicles: A commentary. London: SCM.112-114. 
466
 The Kadmonites were also ranked among the Indigenous tribes assimilated into the Israelite 
commonwealth, with much uncertainties clouding their real genealogical roots. J. Lightfoot. 2007. 
From the Talmud and Hebraica Vol.1. New York: Cosimo Inc. 283-284 
467
 Keneth Mathews described the Kenites, Kenizzites, and Kadmonites as ―people groups in the Negev 
who probably assimilated with Judah‖. He pointed out the fact that their inclusion in the list of the 
original Canaanite population of the promised land, which were later to be displaced by Israel occurs 
only in Genesis 15. He also noted the inclusion of the Rephaites in the list. Of the four peculiar entries 
in this list of Ten Cannaanite tribe, only the Rephaites were not depicted as having positive relations 
with Israel in the later history of the conquest and settlement in Cannaan. K. A. Mathews.. 2005. 
Genesis 11:27-50:26.177 
468
 The Rephaites have been described as original settlers in Canaan, but there is much to debate with 
regards to their original ancestry. They were at times liked with the Giant Race in Deuteronomy  2:11. 
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affiliated with the Israelite tribal league. These non-Israelite tribes were often 
469
collectively referred to as Canaanites . 
 In both cases of Pre-Monarchical Israel and the Pre-dispersion of Èg̣bá 
470
communities, they exhibit the characteristics of segmentary  societies. Such societies 
are usually composed of autonomous units. In most cases, tribes or ethnic sub-groups 
who more often than not, refer to a common genealogical descent in which the 
genealogies and kinship systems are used as ways of organising and expressing 
471
relationships within a social system.  Hence, in the indigenous Èg̣bá-Yorùbá 
worldview, the concept of Alájọbí provides the incentive for mutual cooperation and 
trust within each clan first, and then between the clans in concert actions against forces 
that are extraneous to the confederacy. It is however not strange that the individual 
autonomous segment usually tends to align itself politically so as to obtain maximum 
advantage for itself and where the political conditions change, the subgroups may 
change their political and familial relationship with other sub-groups within the tribe, or 
472
even with other tribes  as exemplified in the merger of the Ìbarà with the Èg̣bá at 
Abéọ̀kúta, and the Biblical instance of the assimilation of non-Israelite tribes. 
 Anthropologically speaking, the ancient Israelite social structure follows the 
473
pattern of ―segmentary lineage system‖  and due to the inherent nature of this societal 
structure before the Monarchy, the role of the tyrIB. is very significant. 
 This structure is expressed in the Hebrew Bible as the successive branching of 
large lineage groups into ever smaller ones. This is codified in form of lengthy 
genealogies, depicting extensive segmentation at several different levels, including at 
                                                                                                                                              
The King James Version merely translated the word Rephaim as ―Giants‖. Genesis14:5, reckoned them 
among the races slain by the Kedorlaomer coalition. But Gen 15:20 mentioned them along with the 
original Canaanite population whose land was promised to Abraham. See further- T. C. Butler. Ed. 
1991. Rephaites. Holman Bible Dictionary. USA: Broadman & Holman. 5310. 
http://www.studylight.org/dic/hbd/view.cgi?n.  
469
 Douglas Stuart noted in his commentary on Exodus 23:23 that the Kenites, Kenizzites, Kadmonites 
and Rephaites were mentioned in the Genesis 10:15-18 and 15:19-21 because their influence may have 
been more pronounced in Canaan in the time of Abraham than it was in the time of Moses, hence the 
reason why they were not mentioned by name to Moses in the Exodus account. D. K. Stuart.2006. 
Exodus.544. 
470
 The term ‗segmentary‟ is used here to denote a society which is egalitarian and acephalous. Lemche, 
N.  P.  1985. Early Israel; Anthropological and Historical Studies 206-244; Llyod, Peter C.2012. The 
Political Structure of African Kingdoms; A good study of the segmentary system in African Indigenous 
communities is provided in J. Middleton & L. Bohannan. Eds. 2004. Tribes Without Ruler: Studies in 
African Segmentary Systems.  
471
 P. McNut.1999. Reconstructing the Society of Ancient Israel. 75 
472
 P. McNut.1999. Reconstructing the Society of Ancient Israel. 78 
473
 B. Schwimmer. 2003. Hebrew Lineage Organisation. 
http://www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/arts/anthropology/tutor/case_studies/hebrews/lineage.html 
177 
 
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474
least four notable subdivisions  (i) maximal lineages, i.e. tribes; (ii) major lineages, 
i.e. families; (iii) minor lineages, i.e. fathers' houses; and (iv) minimal lineages, i.e. 
475
extended patrilocal  households. 
 In this version of the segmentary system, the top level involved the inclusion of 
all Israelites into a single descent group, attributing its origin to Jacob. This lineage is 
then divided into 13 segments, according to the heritage of the 11 direct descendants of 
Jacob and Joseph‘s two sons, Ephraim and Manaseh, as depicted schematically in 
476
Fig.5.1 below . 
                  
 
   
Fig.5.1: A Schematic diagram showing the lineage of Israel described as a 
segmentary system deriving from Jacob as the Chief Patriarch, from which the 
thirteen major tribes branched out under the names of their eponymous 
ancestors construed as direct children of Jacob. 
  
This lineage structure strongly influenced their territorial organization, political 
representation, and religious leadership. It played a decisive role in establishing the 
major avenues of social continuity, property inheritance, and political succession. 
 At the upper levels of the segmentary system, the territorial organization 
follows a pattern allocating a major territory to each tribe, under the name of its 
eponymous ancestor and putting it under its exclusive ownership and control. The 
tribes' major territorial allocations were in turn, further subdivided according to 
                                                 
474
 B. Schwimmer. 2003. Hebrew Lineage Organisation. 
http://www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/arts/anthropology/tutor/case_studies/hebrews/lineage.html 
475
 The term ‗patrilocal‘ as used in the field of anthropology, here means a social arrangement in which a 
married couple takes residence within the husband‘s kin-group or clan. Oxford Universtity Press. 2013. 
Oxford Ditionaries http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/patrilocal. 
476
 Though Levi was reckoned in the Tribal arrangement, they were not given territorial allotment 
according to the segmentary lineage pattern. Joseph was however left out of the tribal arrangement but 
substituted with his two sons, Ephraim and Manaseh, whom Jacob had adopted. 
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477
families and ―fathers‘ houses‖, where each patrilocal  division held tenement rights. 
Only the Levites were exempted from the territorial allocation by tribal system. They 
were assigned to urban centres dispersed within the regions of the other tribes. 
 The political autonomy of the tribes is decipherable in the account of the 
Judges, who were more or less tribal leaders of charismatic prowess, acting as Military 
leaders in time of foreign oppression. The tribal units often organized their own armies 
and engaged in military and other political pursuits independent of other tribes or a 
478
central authority . 
 The religious life of the people also followed the segmentary lineage pattern, 
however, with some modifications. The cultus was exclusively allocated to the tribe of 
Levi, but within the tribe of Levi, the segmentary lineage pattern is discernible. The 
High Priesthood was allocated to the family of Aaron, while other duties were allocated 
to the other families within the Levite tribe according to their families. 
 The tyrIB. guarantees equal rights of citizens. The absence of a human 
king removes the existence of social strata of wealth and privilege that monarchy 
entailed in ancient practice. The theocratic ideals of the Kingship of YHWH laid the 
479
foundation for an egalitarian, non-hierarchical structure.  It is only within this 
segmentary lineage structure of the tribal league, which was built upon the foundation 
of the tyrIB. between YHWH and Israel that the earlier core of the Israelite laws 
480
had their sitz im leben . The Èg̣bá at the earlier periods of re-settlement at Abéọ̀kúta, 
maintained an egalitarian structure, notwithstanding the instance of the internal struggle 
for supremacy between Deniyi, Balógun Ìjẹmò ̣and Ṣódẹké ̣as the overall warlord of the 
481
tribal coalition . 
 All through the period of tribal league, the major binding force of cohesiveness 
among the tribes, as portrayed in the narrative storyline of Deuteronomistic History was 
                                                 
477
 Though the Genesis creation account may suggest a matrilocal social system; archaeological, 
anthropological and sociological research data has revealed that the patrilocal pattern is what obtains in 
Ancient Israel from the pre-monarchic to the exilic periods. Hence scholars generally affirm the 
patrilocal nature of the Ancient Israelite social family system without question. e.g.  J. W. Wenham. 
1980. Christ's View of Scripture. 70; K. A. Mathews. 1996. Genesis 1—11:26. 222-224; T. L. 
Constable. 2001. Notes on Genesis. 45.  
478
 This is evident for instance, in the Gideon Narrative, Judges 8:1-3. 
479
 R. Bauckham. 2002. God and the Crisis of Freedom.121 
480
 R. Rendtorff. 1992. The Image of Postexilic Israel.169 
481
 A.K. Ajisafe. 1972. Iwé Ìtàn Abé̩òkúta. 62. The saga surrounding the power tussle claims that the 
intended duel between the contending warlords was abated by an Oracle from the Ifá priest. This 
resulted in the ban of building on the site of the intended duel. The parcel of land was later converted 
into a market square after appeasement of deity. The market is still thriving to this day. It is called 
Ṣàpóṇ market. This calls to mind the prophetic intervention which prevented Rehoboam ben Solomon 
from launching an immediate warfare on the seceding ten tribes at the instance of the division of the 
Kingdom. 
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not merely the need for security and protection. It is more importantly hinged on their 
common allegiance to YHWH as the LORD of the tyrIB.. This unifying allegiance 
is externally expressed through the centralised, organised, communal exercises of 
celebration and instruction directed explicitly towards the YHWH, and subjectively or 
indirectly towards affirming and cementing the union of the people. The binding force 
of these celebrations consisted in its character as opportunities for renewing the 
tyrIB. that bound the tribes together as a people, and more particularly as the 
482
LORD‘s people . 
 Majority of the biblical rules, governing human behaviour, derive in reality, 
from non-Yahwistic nomadic environment, but by means of the tyrIB., they 
483
―have now been subordinated to the will of YHWH‖ , thereby acquiring divine 
sanction. 
 
5.2 tyrIB. in the political structure of united monarchical Israel 
 The influence of the tyrIB. foundational to Israelite nationhood is also 
visible during the transition to Monarchy. By the time the Davidic dynasty became 
fully established, it was legitimized and given prophetic seal through Nathan‘s oracle of 
a Divine tyrIB.. By accepting the tyrIB. with YHWH, David accepted 
YHWH as the tutelary God of the dynasty and through this arrangement, the theology of 
YHWH‟s Kingship was incorporated without further ado into the royal-dynastic 
484
ideology of the House of David.   
 Deuteronomy and Deuteronomistic History clearly show that the 
conceptualisation of Monarchy subsumed under the tyrIB. runs contrary to the 
absolute despotic character of Ancient Near Eastern monarchy, in which the human 
kings were also imbued with divine attributes. Contrariwise, the king under the Israelite 
tyrIB. framework remained totally within the human sphere. Royal accountability 
before YHWH was expressed by the motif of adoption and son-ship, and guaranteed by 
the watchful oversight of the prophet, who is seen as the divine messenger. This was 
                                                 
482
 P. D. Miller. 2000. The Religion of Ancient Israel.80-81 
483
 H. Kung. 2002. Tracing the Way: Spiritual Dimensions to the World Religions. Great Britain: 
Continuum. 172 
484
 T. Ishida.1977. The Royal Dynasties in Israel: A Study on the Formation and Development of Royal-
Dynastic Ideology. 185 
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the lasting effect of the Ancient Israelite Utopian idea of Divine Kingship on the social 
and political structure of the kingdom of Ancient Israel. Uffenheimer, described this as 
the ―first breakthrough in history towards a new political order which institutionalised 
485
human freedom and accountability of the ruler‖ . In the Èg̣bá indigenous cultural 
context, the balance of power between the Ọba and the citizenry was maintained by the 
486
Ògbóni institution .  Drawing attention to Deuteronomy 17:10 and 1 Kings 8:58, De 
Vaux explained that 2 Kings 23:3 implies that the king himself is bound by the law of 
the tyrIB., hence he, as the monarch, does not add anything to the authority of the 
487
law .  This contrasts with the view of monarchy in Ancient cultures generally and the 
indigenous Yorùbá culture, in particular, in which the king is construed as an absolute 
488
despot. The Yorùbá usually address the monarch as ―kaábiíyéèsí‖ , which means ―one 
that is beyond query‖; and ―aláṣẹ èkejì òrìṣá‖ that is ―one who wields authority like the 
divinities‖. The monarch enjoys unlimited judicial immunity. The implications of the 
tyrIB. in Ancient Israel, therefore, affects the relationship between king and 
subjects. The king is seen as a vassal, and therefore himself a subject of a higher King, 
who is YHWH. The tyrIB. even gives an assurance of predictable positive 
behaviour of YHWH, in response to human fidelity to the terms of the tyrIB., thus 
defining the limits of arbitrariness in the exercise of Divine Sovereignty and preventing 
489
divine caprice . 
 DH presents a theodicy, affirming the fidelity and compliance of YHWH to the 
terms of the tyrIB.. The literary piece itself could be seen as a device intended to 
stimulate future fidelity to the tyrIB. in the post-exilic Israelite community. The 
490
Deuteronomic Historian used the Deuteronomic Code‘s Monarchy law  as part of the 
evaluative lenses to present a critique of Israel‘s past. The storyline of DH presents 
calls on the deterrent principle of punishment, and uses fear appeal to generate a hope 
of restoration as motive for future socio-moral transformation of the Israelite people. 
 
                                                 
485
 B. Uffenheimer. 1986. Myth and Reality in Ancient Israel.156  
486
 Interview with Chief Ayinla Bankole, Ọ̀dòf̣in Kémta 19 August 2008. 12:00-12:36p.m 
487
 R. De Vaux.1997. Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions.150 
488
 ―Kábíyèsí” is a contraction of  ―k‟á bií yéè sí ‖ or ―k‟á bií kò sí ‖ literally meaning ―there is no 
questioning  him‖ Interview with Mr Bola Lawal, Palace Secretary, Palace of the Aláké of Èg̣bá Land, 
at the Aké Palace, 07/08/2008 
489
 W. Eichrodt. 1961. Theology of the Old Testament vol.1.p.38 
490
 The law of the King in Deuteronomy  17:14-20 is one of the unique legislations in the Deuteronomic 
Code, which reflected the influence of Deuteronomic theology in the historical framework of 
Deuteronomistic History. 
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5.3 tyrIB. in the political structure of pre-exilic kingdom of Judah vis-
a-vis ìmùlè ̣elements in the confederacy  of the Èg̣bá after settlement at Abéọ̀kúta 
 The two separate religio-cultural entities that framed the early formation of the 
Hebrew Bible, the Tanakh, are the Northern Kingdom of Israel and the Southern 
Kingdom of Judah, but the final form of the canon belonged to and was created, albeit 
491
under Divine inspiration, by the people of Judah.  Without doubt, Judah would have 
inherited materials from the Northern Kingdom, but it is through the scribes of Judah 
that the final form of what we have today as the Tanakh was forged into its final form. 
It is highly probable that displaced people of the Northern Kingdom would have sought 
refuge in, and identified themselves with, the Southern Kingdom of Judah, after the fall 
492
of Samaria in BC.722. Just as the Èg̣bá people dislodged from their various 
homesteads by the tribal war of the dispersion coalesced at Abéọ̀kúta, a small holding 
493
within the large expanse of Èg̣bá Forest.  Northern Israelites would have brought 
along their oral and written traditions. The process of formation of the cannon 
definitely started in Judah before the exile, with the compilation and editing of textual 
materials as well as oral traditions which would have originated partly in the North and 
partly in Judah; but was concluded much later after the return from the Babylonian 
exile. This implies that Judahite theological perspectives would be dominant in the 
conceptualisation of the tyrIB. as presented in the Tanakh. It is also right to 
suppose that the pre-exilic Judahite texts would reflect a harmonisation of Northern and 
Judahite theological views, even though such pre-exilic texts would have been ―revised 
494
for post-exilic needs‖  as in the case of Deuteronomistic History. 
 The theology of tyrIB. in pre-exilic Judah could be seen in the pre-exilic 
tyrIB. textual traditions, though these texts have undergone series of revisions in 
consonance with the crisis of the Babylonian exile. It is assumed in biblical scholarship 
                                                 
491
 D. E. Fleming. 2012.The Legacy of Israel in Judah‟s Bible. 4. 
492
 There is on-going scholarly debate as to the actual extent of the devastation of the land and 
deportation of the inhabitants of Northern Israel by the Assyrian kings. It is highly plausible that there 
was not a completely total replacement of the indigenous Israelite population. The report of Josiah‘s 
extension of his reform into regions of the Northern Kingdom may be an indication that there were still 
much of the Indigenous Israelite population left in the villages and country. See further, G. N. 
Knoppers. 2006. In Search of the Post- Exilic Northern Israel. 150-180  
493
 The land at Abé̩òkúta originally belonged to the Ìjẹmò,̣ a sub-group of the Èg̣bá, which lies originally 
within the jurisdiction of the Èg̣bá Aláké. There was an instance of controversy between Sodeke, the 
Balógun of the dislodged Èg̣bá people who came to resettle at Abé̩òkúta and Deliyi the Balógun of 
Ìjẹmò ̣as to who should be the overall head of the emerging community. Eventually, the leadership was 
conceded to Ṣódẹké,̣ as the head, representative of the overall Èg̣bá confederation. A. K. Ajisafe.  
1972. Iwé Ìtàn Abé̩òkúta. 17, 62. 
494
 D. E. Fleming. 2012.The Legacy of Israel in Judah‟s Bible. 39 
182 
 
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that a majority of the pre-exilic writings originated in Judah around the 7th Century 
BC, during the reigns of Hezekiah, Manasseh, and Josiah, and that the political 
assumptions of these texts are greatly influenced by the prevailing conditions of this 
495
period.  
 Subsequent to the exile of the Northern Kingdom, the political and religious 
elites of Judah must have seen their continued existence as an indication that they were 
496
the real people of YHWH . The text of Deuteronomistic History summarised the fall 
of the Northern Kingdom with the comment that it was due most particularly to the sin 
497
of the House of Jeroboam son of Nebat . This sin of Jeroboam, son of Nebat, consists 
mainly in the deviation from the centralised cult in Jerusalem. 
 DH could be seen as the acme of the historic-theological presentation of Israelite 
tyrIB. ideology. Read synchronically within the literary context of the canon of the 
498
Hebrew Bible , 2Kings.22:8-23:3 represents the last instance of renewal of the 
tyrIB. in the history of pre-exilic Israel, and it signalled the beginning of the turn of 
events that is presented by the Deuteronomistic Historian as the culmination of the 
effects of the consistent unfaithfulness of Israel to the tyrIB., despite YHWH‘s 
forbearance and longsuffering.  
 One of the major effects of tyrIB., visible in the political structure of Pre-
exilic Kingdom of Judah is the Jerusalemite royal theology, which holds that YHWH 
has chosen Jerusalem and the house of David as the eternal representative institutions 
of His role as the sovereign ruler of all creation, and that YHWH Himself would defend 
499
and protect Jerusalem and the Davidic Dynasty from all threats and aggression . 
Throughout her centuries of existence as a state (except for the Athaliah interlude), 
Judah retains her loyalty to only one ruling dynasty, the house of David. This gives a 
                                                 
495
 For example, Judging from the  call narratives of the Prophets, Proto Isaiah, Hosea, and Micah, would 
have been compiled during the reign of Hezekiah-(Isaiah 1:1, Hosea. 1:1); Jeremiah and Zephaniah 
during the reign of Josiah –(Jeremiah 1:2; Zephaniah  1:1) See also W. M. Schniedewind. 2004. How 
the Bible Became a Book: The Textualization of Ancient Israel. New York: Cambridge University 
Press; D. E. Fleming. 2012.The Legacy of Israel in Judah‟s Bible. 39 
496
 L. C. Jonker. 2004. Religious Polemics in Exile. 245 
497
 2 Kings 17:7-23 gives the Deuteronomist‘s evaluation of the fall of the Northern Kingdom. The 
consistent polemic against Jeroboam‘s cultic reform, which was calculated at divorcing the Ten Tribes 
from the central cult at Jerusalem cult, is seen as the foundation of all the evil that culminated in the 
Assyrian captivity. 
498
 The arrangements of the books in the canonical form of the Hebrew Bible places Deuteronomistic 
History directly in congruence with the Pentateuch to present a continuous history.  This followed by 
the Prophetic corpus. The book of Jeremiah in the Hebrew cannon stands aloof from the Lamentations 
of Jeremiah. The Chronicler‘s work and Lamentation belonged to the last part of the Hebrew Cannon, 
the Ketubiim, which placed Chronicles at the very end of the cannon. 
499
 M. A. Sweeney. 2005. The Prophetic Literature.47; F. M. Cross. 1973. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew 
Epic.261, 264, 273; S. L. McKenzie. The Typology of  the Davidic Covenant. 153; 
183 
 
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picture of relative political stability compared with the Northern Kingdom, which 
underwent series of dynastic change, especially during the early days after the 
secession. The dynastic stability in pre-exilic Judahite monarchy is possible because of 
500
―a particular configuration of power‖  which employs the theology of a covenant with 
David for its legitimisation. Hence in Judah, faithfulness to the house of David is 
possible chiefly because of its synchronisation with the  tyrIB.. 
 Hence, it is not strange that tyrIB. enactment/renewal became a 
fundamental procedure at times when political leadership innovations became 
necessary. It is visible in the text of Deuteronomistic History. Two instances of such 
tyrIB. renewals involve a dual-ratification. First is the case of Joash-ben-Azariah, 
(2 Kings 11:4-17) and the other is the case of Josiah under study (2 Kings 2:8-23:3). 
5.4 tyrIB. as a means of creating and maintaining social stability 
 From inception, Israel as a people derives her sense of identity from the 
tyrIB.  501 relationship with the YHWH . Considering the diachronic development of 
Israelite tyrIB. ideology from her literary traditions, the tyrIB. arrangement 
provided the socio-cultural framework for the co-existence of the people as a nation, on 
the one hand, and their relationship to other peoples, on the other hand. Internally, the 
terms and provisions of the tyrIB. regulate every aspect of her daily life. For 
instance, the lex talionis incorporated into the tyrIB. document at the stages 
represented by the Covenant Code, the Deuteronomic Code, and the Holiness Code is 
representative of the stipulations governing the social life of the people; the laws of the 
monarchy in the Deuteronomic code is representative of the aspects governing the 
political life; while the law of standard metering in the Deuteronomic Code, and the 
laws of Jubilee in the Holiness Code showcase groups of stipulations that govern the 
economic life of the people. 
 At the initial stage of Nomadic life, tyrIB. served as the means of providing 
social cohesiveness among the tribes by means of kinship ties. It also guarantees the 
human dignity and fundamental rights of individuals within the family and clan. For 
instance, ―the casuistic law sorted out conflicts among people, and helped to establish 
502
and order society.‖  Max Webber captioned the role of the tyrIB. idea from 
                                                 
500
 D. E. Fleming. 2012.The Legacy of Israel in Judah‟s Bible. 42 
501
 Eichrodt  for instance, Described covenant as a phenomenon ―without which Israel would not be 
Israel‖. W. Eichrodt. 1961. Theology of the Old Testament. 14 
502
 K. Nurnberger. Theology of the Biblical Witness: an Evolutionary Approach. Hamburg: Lit Verlag 305 
184 
 
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sociological perspective. He aptly summarised it in the following words:  
 
The LORD ―…became not only the war god of the confederacy, but also 
e
the contractual partner of its law established by b rith, above all of the 
socio-legal orders. …new statutes, whether cultic or legal in nature, 
e
could in principle, originate only by way of agreement (b rith) based on 
oracle like the original covenant. Therewith, all statutes were based on 
the same ground as the old contract relation which existed between god 
503
and people…‖  
 
 The tyrIB. with the YHWH strengthened the filial bond between the tribes 
and created a form of artificial kinship bond between the patrilineal tribal segments and 
the assimilated elements. 
 During the period of the monarchy, particularly in Judah after the fall of 
Samaria, the tyrIB. tradition is frequently employed as a catalyst for religious and 
socio-political reforms. It is not unlikely, for instance, that the Covenant Code played a 
504
significant role in the Reform under Hezekiah,  just as the Deuteronomic Code served 
505
to legitimize the Josiah Reform.   
 506
 It is also notable that the ―tyrIB. law of the old confederacy‖ also formed 
the basis of the ethical teaching and preaching of the pre-exilic prophets. It is no 
wonder that Israel‘s religious convictions and commitments survived the crisis of the 
exile. The termination of the cultic identity through the destruction of the temple, 
coupled with the jeopardy of the Davidic Dynasty and the divorce of the people from 
their theological connection with the Promised Land, definitely, would have caused a 
507
great theological confusion during the period of the Babylonian exile.  But the 
dynamic nature of the tyrIB. makes it a ready pillar in the tumult of theological 
crisis. This is, particularly, possible because of the higher pre-eminence of the moral 
dimension of the covenant in the nuance of tyrIB. in tension against the rigid legal 
dimension of ordinary contracts or treaties. 
 
                                                 
503
 M. Weber. 1952. Ancient Judaism.131 
504
 If the Covenant Code is the document of the covenant at Shechem under Joshua, then it is possible 
that it had been preserved in one form or the other, Albertz Rainer may be right that the Covenant Code 
informed the reform under Hezekiah.  However, the thesis that the Covenant Code originated during 
the reign of Hezekiah lacks textual and historical-critical basis. R. Albertz.1994. A History of Israelite 
Religion.184. 
505
 J. J. Collins. 2004. Israel.184 
506
 R. Davidson. 1989. Covenant Ideology in Ancient Israel. 328 
507
 L. C. Jonker. 2004. Religious Polemics in Exile. 245-246 
185 
 
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5.5 Some aspects of human behaviour regulated through the tyrIB. 
concept in ancient Israel in the context of indigenous Èg̣bá culture 
 The way the tyrIB. between Israel and YHWH, as constructed in 
Deuteronomistic History, placed the whole realm of human existence under the direct 
supervision of Deity in such a way that the whole of creation, which is construed 
primarily in anthropocentric terms, is subject to the practical consequences of human 
moral accountability to Deity. This moral accountability is mirrored in the demands of 
the tyrIB., and is set out as ‗covenant law‘. It consists primarily in the demand of 
right behaviour in inter-human relationship, and the exploitation of natural resources. 
Hence, ―in entering the tyrIB. with Israel, concerns with human affairs becomes 
508
YHWH‟s dominant trait‖ . This tyrIB. served as the legal code which regulated 
every sphere of the life of the Israelites while they inhabited the Land and tyrIB. 
was their King. It was not only the Law which was in view at Sinai and Moab, but also 
509
YHWH as King of Israel.  Transgression of the law under the tyrIB. arrangement 
is not just an offence in the legal sense, but a ―sin‖ against God, which disrupts the 
cosmic equilibrium such that the whole of creation is negatively affected. Sin, in 
Deuteronomistic Theology reflected in Deuteronomistic History, is ―transferable‖, and 
―punishment for the sin of one generation can be played out in generations long after 
510
the original sin was committed.‖   Therefore, ―the notion of moral wrong as an act of 
rebellion against the Divine Lawgiver is characteristic of Ancient Israel, forming the 
511
heart of prophetic summons to repentance and renewed fidelity to the tyrIB..‖  In 
order to illustrate the Deuteronomistic presentation of tyrIB., as a means of 
regulating human behaviour, particularly in the social, political and economic realm, a 
few cases under particular categories would be examined. This present study reveals 
that the growth of Israelite tyrIB. document shows a systematic expansion of the 
sphere of human behaviour regulated by the tyrIB. in Ancient Israel from the 
religious realm through the political, then the humanitarian, and then the civil aspects 
of human life. The earliest core of the document, which is the Ritual Decalogue, is 
precipitated around religious values. The Ethical Decalogue follows the Ritual 
Decalogue in enthroning YHWH as the King of Israel; and by the combination of the 
                                                 
508
 J. Assmann. 2004. Monotheism and Polytheism. 22 
509
 R. Green. 2011. Deuteronomy Book II:295 
510
 S. Delamarter. 2004. The Death of Josiah in Scripture and Tradition .32. 
511
 H. W. Atridge. 2004. Pollution, Sin, Atonement, Salvation. 77. 
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e
Ethical Decalogue with the Ritual Decalogue, the b rith relationship takes on the form 
512
of a political treaty . The next stage of development of the tyrIB. document is the 
513
Covenant Code , in which the Humanitarian laws were seen to be older than the civil 
laws. In the final form of the tyrIB. document, which we can tentatively affirm as 
the Deuteronomic Code that catalysed the reform under Josiah; the civil laws and the 
Humanitarian Laws were interwoven, and ecological legislations, which bears on the 
514
agrarian economy, were added.  The following categories can be identified in the 
preserved texts of the tyrIB. laws of Israel: religious categories; political 
515
categories, humanitarian categories,  civil categories, economic categories and 
ecological categories. 
 
5.5.1 Religious Categories 
  In Ancient Israel as in African Societies, especially the Èg̣bá-Yorùbá of Western 
516
Nigeria, religion pervades every sphere of life.  The hegemony of religion over every 
aspect of human behaviour in Africa has made it difficult in some instances to delineate 
517
between religion and culture.  The Ancient Israelite tyrIB. and the indigenous 
Èg̣bá – Yorùbá ìmùlè ̣are basically ways of employing the religious instinct of humanity 
to regulate its entire behaviour. The case of Ancient Israel proves unique, however, in 
                                                 
512
 Some Scholars like Rowley have argued that the Ethical Decalogue was an adaptation of the Ethical 
Decalogue by Moses to expand the covenant demand to cover a more sphere of human behaviour. H. 
H. Rowley.1950. From Joseph to Joshua; Furthermore, the ethical Decalogue is seen in Israel as 
having the imprecative force akin to ancient vassal treaty. D. J. Pleins. 200. The Social visions of the 
Hebrew Bible. 47-48 
513
 Scholars like Pfeifer have argued that the Ritual Decalogue forms the core which was embellished 
with further legislations in the course of Israelite socio-cultural transformation from a nomadic to a 
sedentary agricultural life after the settlement in Canaan. Pfeifer, R. H. 1931.Transmission of the Book 
of Covenant.102. 
514
 This is not a position with regards to the redaction history of Israelite covenant law or 
Deuteronomistic History, but rather a Narrative Critical position based on the final canonical form of 
the text. 
515
 The Humanitarian Laws are so-called because they centre on the human good. They are mostly 
concerned with the protection of the poor, the less privileged and the marginal groups in the society. In 
Deuteronomy and Deuteronomistic History, the Humanitarian and Civil legislations are intermingled. 
This has led some scholars to postulate a Monarchical period for their enactment because they felt that 
the egalitarian nature of the social structure in the pre-monarchical period could not have produced 
such a social stratification, which they felt is the result of the emergent upper class of government 
officials, military officers and business magnates which is characteristically associated with ancient 
system of Monarchical government.( For example, Albertz, R. 1994.  A History of Israelite Religion in 
the Old Testament Period.) 
516
 E. B. Idowu. 1973.  African Traditional Religion – A definition.;1996. Olodumare, God in Yoruba 
Belief; J. S. Mbiti. 1977. African Religion and Philosophy. 
517
 For instance, in an informal, casual discussion with Dr. J. K. Ayantayo it is clear that many people 
simply equate religion with culture. Rather than seeing religion as an aspect of culture, many people 
felt that the two are so intricately interwoven that they cannot be separated. Informal Discussion with 
Dr. J. K. Ayantayo at the office of the Head of Department, Department of Religious Studies 
th
University of Ibadan, Ibadan, 15  March 2011. 
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the fact that the expression of religion itself is governed by the tyrIB. arrangement. 
It is formally expressed in such a way that the very issue of Israel‘s existence as a 
people hangs on her fidelity and exclusive loyalty to the YHWH. In the Priestly 
traditions, especially, Israel‘s corporate political wellbeing hangs on right relationship 
with the LORD God of the tyrIB., and this relationship subsists in a right ritual, and 
meticulous adherence to the cultic regulations. The terms of the tyrIB. stipulates 
518
laws governing the external expression of religion.  Major revisions of the tyrIB. 
document during re-enactment, in most cases, deal rigorously, with the modification of 
the cult. In Deuteronomy, the renewal at Moab reflects the centralization of the cult. In 
the case of Joshua at Shechem, there was the erection of a stone pillar at the Shechem 
Sanctuary. The religious reforms under Hezekiah, Jehoshaphat and Josiah involved 
519
drastic cultic reforms. The earliest core-text.  of the tyrIB. document was the 
520
Ritual Decalogue,  the content of which revolves around cultic practices and religious 
expression. Particular aspects of religion regulated by the tyrIB. include: (i) 
Relationship to Deity and deities; (ii) Cultic Centres, (iii) Cultic Symbols,  (iv) Cultic 
Personalities and (v) Rituals and Rites. The relationship between YHWH and Israel is 
the crux of the tyrIB. arrangement. All other issues of Israel‘s corporate existence 
hang on this.  
 Relationship to Deity and deities, expressed in terms of absolute and exclusive 
worship of YHWH, forms the first pillar of Ancient Israelite tyrIB.. It is a 
consistent feature right from the earliest to the latest strata of Israelite religious 
documents. The Ethical Decalogue opens with ―y;n"©)P'-l[; 
~yrIßøxea] ~yhi’îl{a/ •^±l.-hy<)h.yI 
al{*æ   ‖ (lö|´ yihyè|-lükä ´élöhîm ´áHërîm `al-Pänäºy- You shall not have 
other gods before me). In the earlier stratum, the relationship is much akin to that of 
kinship. The tyrIB. seems to be construed in the category of a natural bond existing 
                                                 
518
 The Ritual Decalogue, for instance, has been associated with the early stages of the Israelite covenant. 
518
R. H. Hiers. 2009. Justice and Compassion in Biblical Law. 88;  R. H. Pfeifer. 1931. Transmission 
of the Book of Covenant. 102; J. S. Baden. 2009. J, E, and the Redaction of the Pentateuch.197 
519
 The Ritual Decalogue is ascribed to the ‗J‘ stratum of the Pentateuch, which is considered the earliest 
stratum according to the Documentary Hypothesis. W. J. Doorly. 2002. The Laws of Yahweh. 100; I. G. 
Mathews. 2003. Old Testament Life and Literature. 48 
520
 Exodus 34:11-26 is technically called ―Ritual Decalogue‖ in Source Criticism. Hess, R. A. 2007. 
Law.192; J. Jensen. 2006. Ethical Dimensions of the Prophets.p.24; B. S. Childs. 2004. Exodus. 605. It 
is also referred to as the ―Small Covenant Code‖. 
188 
 
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between the people and YHWH. However, as the tyrIB. became re-interpreted 
e
along the changing phases of Israelite political and social experience, the b rith became 
interpreted and re-presented in form of Suzerain-Vassal relationship. It was transformed 
from a form of ―grant‖ to a form of ―covenant treaty‖. The final demise of the two 
kingdoms, Israel and Judah, was ascribed ultimately to their lack of exclusive fidelity to 
YHWH. 
 Cultic centres were also regulated by the tyrIB.. The tyrIB. prescribed 
the outlook and furnishings of the cultic centres. The Ritual Decalogue, for instance, 
gave explicit regulations with regards to the construction of the altar.  A staircase altar 
was specifically prohibited to remove any instance of lewdness or sexual impropriety. It 
is, however, notable that in the Covenant Code, there was a provision for multiple 
sanctuaries. But even in this stage of development of the tyrIB. traditions, the 
approved centres were places of specific Divine sanction. 
―  ymiêv.-ta, ryKiäz>a; rv<åa] 
‘~AqM'h;-lk'B. ‖ 
 - in all the places which I put my name there- Exodus 20:24 ) 
 
In the Deuteronomic Code, there is a progress to the emphasis on a centralised 
sanctuary; and specific legislation to destroy the indigenous Canaanite sanctuaries so 
they would not be taken over for the worship of YHWH. Israel was however later 
castigated for failing to abide by this rule. In DH, Jerusalem became the divinely 
elected centralised sanctuary. And Josiah‘s reform was, particularly, notable for his 
zeal to centralize Israelite worship in Jerusalem. Jeroboam, son of Nebat, was severely 
castigated for dividing the cult. The annihilation of the Northern Kingdom was partly 
ascribed to its failure to adhere strictly to the tyrIB. regulations concerning the 
sanctuary. In ancient Israel, the major cultic centres were also places of national 
convocations. For instance, the feasts of Passover, Pentecost and Tabernacles served 
both religious as well as political purposes. In Èg̣bá indigenous religious culture, the 
shrines and cultic centres were often the place of important national convocations and 
meetings. In every indigenous Èg̣bá homestead before the dispersion, there were three 
major houses of meeting. These were the Ògbóni House, Pàràkòyí House and Olórógun 
House. Of all the three, the Ògbóni House is the seat of political decisions. It is often 
equipped with religious symbols, which in most cases serves the purpose of instrument 
of oath. Also, to date, sections of the palace of the monarchs where disputes are 
resolved are often inundated with religious symbols which inspire a sense of awe, and 
189 
 
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give a picture of the presence of the ancestors and divinities, as observed in the case of 
521
the Aké palace.  The uniqueness of Israelite cultic centres is their an-iconic emphasis. 
 Israelite tyrIB. legislates stringent rules concerning cultic symbols. The cult 
of the tyrIB. is an-iconic, like that of the cult of Olódùmarè in the indigenous 
522
Yorùbá culture . This does not imply that the cult is altogether devoid of one sort of 
symbolism or the other. The prohibition is particularly directed against symbols 
representing deity Himself. The second legislation of the Ethical Decalogue states this 
unequivocally: 
 ―Exodus 20:4-6 
 l[;M;³êmi Ÿ‘~yIm:å’V'B; 
rv<Üäa] hn"³êWmT.-lk'w> 
Ÿ‘ls,p,ä’ ^ïäl.-hf,’[]t;¥ 
al{*æ  
`#r<a'ª(l' tx;T:ïämi 
Ÿ~yIM:ßäB; rv<ïäa]w: 
tx;T';_ømi #r<a'’ÞB' 
•rv<ïa]w:¥ 
 laeä ‘^yh,’l{a/ hw"Ühy> 
ykiúnOa'¥ yKiä 
 
 
4
Exodus 20:4-5a    Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven 
image, or any likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or that 
5
is in the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the earth:   
Thou shalt not bow down thyself to them, nor serve them:  
 
 
 The Priestly stratum of the tyrIB. documents carefully stipulated the rituals 
and rites. The Holiness Code, for instance, gives detailed prescriptions for the 
sacrifices, the feasts and the holy days. One of the outstanding features of the Priestly 
legislations is the institution of the Sabbath. The Sabbath pericope presented the 
Sabbath itself as a covenant. However, in the final canonical shape of the Tanakh, the 
Sabbath is seen in the Priestly documents as a sign not the tyrIB., premised on 
creational theology. In Deuteronomy and DH, however, the Sabbath became premised 
                                                 
521
 For instance there are Statues and Figurines at ―ìdí ère‖ in the present Aké palace, where the 
 
traditional tribunal usually seat to settle disputes: Participant observation at Aké Palace, 19 November 
2008, 8:45-11:50a.m. 
522
 J. O.  Akao. An-iconic cult of Olodumare. 
190 
 
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on humanitarian ideology. By means of the Sabbath legislation and the annual feasts, 
the tyrIB. is constantly renewed and perpetuated. 
 
5.5.2 Political Categories 
 Right from the beginning of her national consciousness, Israel sees herself as 
the elect people of YHWH. Apart from the fact that tyrIB. lies at the foundation of 
Israel‘s national consciousness, there are specific legislations pre-empting or 
prescribing specific political actions, like the laws governing the monarchy 
(Deuteronomy  17:14-15) and the legislations concerning the appointment of judges 
and tribal officers (Deuteronomy  16:18). The positioning of the Ethical Decalogue in 
the Sinai Pericope indicates that it is meant to serve as the primary national constitution 
of the tribal league. Moshe Weinfeld for instance, asserted that the Ethical Decalogue 
―...was accepted as the constitution of the Israelite community at the dawn of her 
523
history in the wilderness of Sinai…‖.  It has also been rightly observed that ―Under 
the reign of Josiah, the tyrIB. probably became the constitution of the Judean state 
for a short time. But even when the reform failed after Josiah‘s death and the Judean 
state broke down, the tyrIB. became the basis of the communal self-control that 
524
formed the characteristic traits of Judaism‖.  This shows that the tyrIB. document 
served as the written constitution of the Jewish people, right from the formative period 
of their history. This document has been continuously reviewed, in order to adapt it to 
the changing socio-political and cultural situations of the people. 
 
5.5.3 Humanitarian categories 
525
 Humanitarian  laws constitute a significant portion of individual legislations in 
Israelite covenant law. The humanitarian laws were assigned to the early period of 
settlement in Canaan under Joshua and the era of the Judges. This was because the 
content of these legislations reflect the emerging needs of an agrarian community, 
emerging in transit from a predominantly nomad culture. The humanitarian laws in the 
Covenant Code are found in Exodus 22, 20-26; 23, 1-9. But in Deuteronomic Code, 
they are interwoven with the civil legislations. 
                                                 
523
 M. Weinfeld. 2001. Decalogue and the Recitation of “Shema”: The Development of Confessions. 99 
524
 S. I. Johnston. Ed. 2004. Religions of Ancient World: A Guide. 568 
525
 In the Covenant Code for example, Pfeifer identified a homogenous segment (Exodus 22:20-26; 23:1-
9,3) which he categorised as Humanitarian prescriptions. R. H. Pfeifer. 1931. Transmission of the Book 
of Covenant. 
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5.5.4 Civil categories 
 In the realm of civil administrations, a wide range of issues are treated, such as 
stealing, as reflected in the Ethical Decalogue and in Joshua 7:11-15; treatment of 
slaves; murder/manslaughter; assault and battery (the lex tallionis e.g. Exodus 21:23-
25); damages caused by unrestrained animals (Exodus 21:28-32); hazards due to unsafe 
civil constructions (Exodus 21:33-34; Deuteronomy 22:8); arson (Exodus 22:6); 
rape(Deuteronomy 22:25); beastialism (Exodus 22:19; Deuteronomy 27:21); and 
migrations(Leviticus 19:33-34; Deuteronomy  23:15-16). 
 
5.5.5 Economic categories  
 There are also specific stipulations regulating economic activities. These include 
the law of standard metering (Leviticus 19:35-36; Deuteronomy 25:13-16); the anti-
usury legislation (Exodus 22:25; Leviticus 25:35-37; Deuteronomy 23:19-20); the 
labour laws (Leviticus 25:39-46) and the slave manumission law (Deuteronomy 15:12-
18). 
 
5.5.6 Ecological Categories 
 Ecological matters are also covered in Israelite ְבִרית law. The basic issues of 
ecological category include agricultural practices (Deuteronomy 22:9); genetic 
engineering (Leviticus 19:19); deforestation (Deuteronomy 20:19); sanitation 
(Deuteronomy  23:13) and preservation of the species(Deuteronomy  22:6-7).  
 In the indigenous Èg̣bá Yorùbá perspective, the literal meaning of ìmùlè ̣ (to 
drink the earth) infers that humans exist in dynamic equilibrium with the entire web of 
creation. The whole of the ecological community is subsumed by the symbolism of the 
earth, from which all creatures derive their sustenance. Acts of ecological 
irresponsibility are prohibited in form of ―taboo‖, or sacrilege. Some of the ecologically 
tilted taboos in indigenous Èg̣bá, as representatiove of the Yorùbá culture tend to 
preserve endangered animal species, in a way, similar to the law of preservation birds 
(Deuteronomy 22:6); for instance, it is a taboo for a hunter to kill an antelope or deer 
while it is in labour. Some Deuteronomic Legislations tend to set rules for hygiene and 
preservation of the environment (cf. Deuteronomy 23:13-14). Such prohibitions in 
indigenous Èg̣bá culture are expressed as taboos. For instance, it is  a taboo to defecate 
on a yam farm or to seat in a mortar or other vessels used for domestic cooking. 
 In the Èg̣bá indigenous culture, the ratification process of ìmùlè ̣ involves 
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526
drinking a potion of ―ilẹ‖ (earth) . The ideology underlying this symbolic act is the 
cosmic equilibrium reflected concretely in ecological balance maintained on earth. The 
earth is perceived as a dynamic and living being which has self-maintaining power. As 
a consequence of this, any element within the eco-system, which behaves in such a way 
527
as to cause a disruption of the eco-system, is expunged by the earth . That implies that 
when a human element commits a moral atrocity, the spiritual powers inherent in the 
earth, which was virtually drunk during the process of ìmùlè ̣ would be invoked to 
528
exterminate the person from the earth . A concrete example is found in the historical 
instance of the breach of trust between Èg̣è,̣ the Balógun Ìjèṣ̣à and Lámọdi, the Balógun 
Èg̣bá, during the planned annihilation of the Èg̣bá prior to the crossing of the River 
Ọnà. Èg̣è ̣was the one appointed to kill Lámọdi, in the scheduled council meeting. As a 
bosom friend to Lámọdi, he ought to have protected Lámọdi‘s interest, but he did not. 
As a consequence of this breach of trust, he was killed in the ensuing brawl. This 
became a pithy saying: 
Òṛé ̣kìí dalè ̣òṛé;̣ 
Awo kìí dalè ̣awo; 
Ọjó ̣tí Èg̣è ̣dalè ̣Lámọdi, 
529
Ọjó ̣náà ló dágbére f‘áye.  
 
530
a friend ought not betray  his friend; 
a confidant ought not betray his trust, 
the day that Èg̣è ̣betrayed Lámọdi, 
that day, he bade the world farewell. 
  
                                                 
526 th
 According to Chief Sofenwa, Jagùnà of Ìtòkú, in an interview, 15  July.2008; 10:00a.m-1:23p.m;  the 
concept of ilè,̣ as held among the Yoruba, goes beyond the ordinary physical earth. It is seen as the 
embodiment of spiritual realities. Ilè ̣ Symbolise the continuity and interconnected network of spirit 
beings that are perpetually in dialogue with the ancestors, the divinities and all other beings that tread 
on the surface of the earth. Hence ìmùlè ̣ is an act of calling the ever-present divinities to be 
implementers and supervisors of inter-personal relationships. It is therefore not possible to break the 
terms of a relationship under ìmùlè ̣and be hidden, or to perjure and escape the repercussion. 
527 th
 Interview with Chief Bola Odebiyi; 28   August 2008; 1:00-3:00p.m 
528
 Informal discussions with Pa  J. B. Adebiyi, Dágunró of  Ìgbóre.  
529
 A. K. Ajisafe.  1972. Iwé Ìtàn Abé̩òkúta. 
530
 The word ―dalè ̣‖ is translated here as ―betray‖ because it implies a betrayal of trust or to perjure, but 
it literally means ―to disrupt the earth‖, which points to the ecological symbolism inherent in the 
process of ratification ìmùlè.̣  
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   CHAPTER SIX 
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 
6 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 
 The conclusions of this thesis were drawn through an analogy of tyrIb. in the 
social, cultural and political contexts of the Ancient Israelite ְבִרית relationship with 
YHWH, evaluated with the real-life context of the Èg̣bá indigenous culture. The aim is 
to deduce paradigms of relevant import for the African contexts, generally, and by 
extension, human societies at large. In logic, it is often felt that an argument from 
particular to general is invalid, but in this particular instance, the validity of the 
inferences and conclusion lies in the nature of the matter under study. Covenant, in the 
nuances of tyrIb. in the Tanakh and ìmùlè ̣ in the indigenous Èg̣bá culture is a 
531
phenomenon that belonged to the category of ―subjective innate reality.”  It has been 
affirmed that the first step in knowing the universal God does not begin with 
generalisations or abstract theories, but rather through particular experiences or 
532
relationships.  The Tanakh presents Israel‘s understanding of God in terms of her 
particular real-life experiences. These normal life experiences were interpreted in the 
light of her tyrIb. relationship with YHWH, and expressed in historical categories. 
It is, therefore, necessary to give a proper evaluation of this tyrIb. relationship 
from the perspective of indigenous culture, in order to deduce its applicability to the 
African Context.  
 
6.1.1 Universal principles inherent in the  ְבִרית concept 
 
 Text critical analysis of the focus text and the apposite texts reveal that there is a 
very little variation among extant texts from diverse geographical locations, and 
language versions. It means that the tradition preserved in this text is, to a certain 
extent, endorsed by the scribes of diverse schools and locations. It means that both the 
533
Jews of the dispersion in Egypt , Tiberias, Ethiopia, Babylon as well as the 
                                                 
531
 This is because the effect of a covenant on the individual and ultimately on a society depends greatly 
on ability of individuals to perceive the gravity of the consequences and benefits inherent in the 
covenant arrangement. This is a subjective interpretation of the formal procedures, and the cognitive 
mediating process of the covenant. The process can be understood through the psychological process 
described by Ray Paul and Robert Macredie, and Stephen Probert. R. J.  Paul & R. D. Macredie. 
1998. Issues in Information Systems Development Models. 81-85;  S. K. Probert. 1998. The 
Metaphysical Foundations of Soft and Hard Information Systems Methodologies. 86-102  
532
 B. V. Brady. 1998. The Moral Bond of Community. 55 
533
 This is reflected in Texts from Various parts of Egypt, including the Greek texts from Alexandria, the 
Sinai Penisula, as well as the Coptic texts from various other parts of Egypt. However the Codex 
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Palestinian Jews endorsed the tradition represented by this text. It is also a testimony 
that the content of the focus text is well received and properly preserved. 
 By examining the presentation of the tyrIb. concept in the various literary 
traditions in the Tanakh, starting with the Ethical Decalogue (Exodus 20:1-17; 
534
Deuteronomy 5:1-19 ) through the Sinai Pericope (Exodus  24:3-8); the Covenant 
Code (Exodus 20:22-23:33); the Sabbath Pericope (Exodus 31:12-17); the Ritual 
535
Decalogue  (Exodus 34:1, 10-28 ); sections of the Deuteronomic Code (Deuteronomy 
536
4:12-14; 9:9-17; 10:1-4; 17:18; 27:1-8; 28:61-29:20 ; 30:10-31:26); sections of 
Deuteronomistic History (Joshua 1:8; 8:30-34;  23:6-24:26; 1 Samuel 10:25;  2 Kings 
11:4, 12, 17, 18;  14:6; 17:35-39); and some Deuteronomistic sections of Jeremiah 
(Jeremiah 7:9; 11:1-17; 31:31-34; 36:1-32); the critical look at these various text-
traditions and the narrative plot from D to DH reveal that certain paradigms remain 
steadily constant, which are also found in the concept of ìmùlè ̣of the indigenous Èg̣bá 
culture despite the fact that there is a dynamic growth in the understanding of the 
meaning and implications of the tyrIb. relationship between YHWH and Israel in 
the canon of the Tanakh which grew to a climax in Deuteronomistic Theology. 
 Throughout DH, the authors employ the literary device of paraenetic orations 
and editorial comments to indicate the ―course of affairs in prospect and retrospect,‖ 
based on the ideology of the tyrIb., with the LORD vividly presented in 
537
Deuteronomy to draw ―the practical consequences‖  for human behaviour in relation 
to the  ְבִרית. From the storyline of DH, the constant universal principles of the 
tyrIb. with the LORD can be seen through the categories of human behaviour 
covered by the law of the tyrIb., as preserved in the extant documents in the canon 
of the Tanakh. When these categories are considered in the light of the methods of 
ratification of the tyrIb., the underlying principles can be deduced. It is these 
underlying principles that provide the yardstick for measuring the effectiveness of the 
tyrIb. in regulating the life of Ancient Israel, particularly in the socio-political and 
economic realm. An important aspect of the tyrIb., which it shares in common 
                                                                                                                                              
Sinaiticus was not of much use since the only relevant portion of it was the Jeremiah Tex. It was 
lacking in the major texts under study. 
534
 RSV.5:1-22 
535
 Exodus 34:11-26 has been identified as a self-contained pericopy called The Ritual Decalogue, in this 
exegesis, the immediate verses bordering the Ritual Decalogue, i.e. Verses 10 and 28 are also 
considered because it is these verses that served to incorporate the Ritual Decalogue into the 
immediate literary context within the canon. 
536
 RSV.8:61-29:21 
537
 O. Kaiser. 1984. Introduction to the Old Testament. 170 
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with Ancient Near Eastern and African cultures, relates to the consequences of breaking 
the terms of the tyrIb.. The strength and weakness of the tyrIb. as a means of 
regulating human behaviour both in the Ancient Near Eastern as well as in the African 
indigenous culture is directly related to the gravity of these consequences. Hence, in the 
course of this study, the following issues have been contemplated: 
 
 
6.1.1  The categories of human behaviour regulated by  ְבִרית in Ancient Israel 
 
 The tyrIb. between Israel and YHWH places the whole realm of human 
existence under the direct supervision of Deity in such a way that the whole of creation 
is subject to the practical consequences of human moral accountability to Deity 
mirrored in the demands of the tyrIb..  The demand of the tyrIb. is 
constructed in form of ―covenant law‖ which summed up in the demand of proper 
behaviour in human relationship and responsible use of natural resources, with 
accountability before YHWH, who became intricately involved with human affairs 
538
through the tyrIb. with Israel . The LORD of the tyrIb. was the King and 
539
ultimate Judge and the covenant law was the law of YHWH.  Transgression of the law 
was not a mere offence in the legal sense, but a ―sin‖ against God, which creates an 
imbalance in cosmic equilibrium, thereby disrupting the whole order of creation. Sin, in 
Deuteronomistic Theology inherent in the focus text, is ―transferable‖, and 
―punishment for the sin of one generation can be played out in generations long after 
540
the original sin was committed.‖   Under the tyrIb., relationship, moral wrong is 
seen as an act of rebellion against the Divine Lawgiver. This becomes ―the heart of 
541
prophetic summons to repentance and renewed fidelity to the tyrIb.‖  This study 
reveals from the growth of Israelite literary traditions that there is a systematic 
expansion of the sphere of human behaviour, regulated by the tyrIb. in Ancient 
Israel from the religious realm through the Political, then the Humanitarian and civil 
aspects of human life. The earliest tyrIb. document, represented by the Ritual 
Decalogue, focuses on religious and cultic values. The Ethical Decalogue proceeds to 
enthrone YHWH as the King of Israel, and by the combination of the Ethical Decalogue 
with the Ritual Decalogue, the tyrIb. relationship took on the form of a political 
                                                 
538
 J. Assmann. 2004. Monotheism and Polytheism. 22 
539
 R. Green. 2011. Deuteronomy Book II. 295 
540
 S. Delamarter.  2004. The Death of Josiah in Scripture and Tradition. 32. 
541
 H. W. Atridge. 2004. Pollution, Sin, Atonement, Salvation. 77 
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542 543
treaty . In the Covenant Code , the older Humanitarian laws were complemented 
with civil laws. In the final form of the tyrIb. document, the Deuteronomic Code 
which catalysed the reform under Josiah, the Civil and Humanitarian Laws were 
544
augmented with Ecological Legislations. . The categories identified in the preserved 
texts of the laws of the Israelite tyrIb. are therefore classified under religious, 
545
political, humanitarian,  civil, economic and ecological categories. 
 The hegemony of religion over every aspect of human behaviour is a 
phenomenon common to the Ancient Israel and the indigenous African Societies; 
546
especially the Èg̣bá of Western Nigeria, where religion pervades every sphere of life . 
547
In both contexts, it has become difficult to delineate between religion and culture . 
The Ancient Israelite tyrIb. and the indigenous Èg̣bá ìmùlè ̣ are basically ways of 
employing the religious instinct of humankind to regulate its entire behaviour. The 
uniqueness of Ancient Israel lies in the fact that the expression of religion itself is 
governed by the tyrIb.. While religion became the means of national cohesiveness 
in her formative period, the religion itself was basically formulated as an expression of, 
and a means of maintaining the tyrIb.. Israel‘s religion is formally expressed in such 
a way that the very issue of Israel‘s existence as a people hangs on her fidelity and 
exclusive loyalty to YHWH. The Priestly text-traditions predicate Israel‘s corporate 
                                                 
542
 Some Scholars like Rowley have argued that the Ethical Decalogue was an adaptation of the Ethical 
Decalogue by Moses to expand the covenant demand to cover a more sphere of human behaviour. H. 
H. Rowley.  1950. From Joseph to Joshua.; Furthermore, the ethical Decalogue is seen in Israel as 
having the imprecative force akin to ancient vassal treaty. D. J. Pleins. 2001. The Social visions of the 
Hebrew Bible. 47-48 
543
 Scholars like Pfeifer have argued that the Ritual Decalogue forms the core which was embellished 
with further legislations in the course of Israelite socio-cultural transformation from a nomadic to a 
sedentary agricultural life after the settlement in Canaan. R. H. Pfeifer. 1931.Transmission of the 
Book of Covenant. 102. 
544
 This is not a position with regards to the redaction history of Israelite covenant law or 
Deuteronomistic History, but rather a Narrative Critical position based on the final canonical form of 
the text. 
545
 The Humanitarian Laws are so-called because they centre on the human good. They are mostly 
concerned with the protection of the poor, the less privileged and the marginal groups in the society. 
In Deuteronomy and Deuteronomistic History, the Humanitarian and Civil legislations are 
intermingled. This has led some scholars to postulate a Monarchical period for their enactment 
because they felt that the egalitarian nature of the social structure in the pre-monarchical period could 
not have produced such a social stratification, which they felt is the result of the emergent upper class 
of government officials, military officers and business magnates which is characteristically associated 
with ancient system of Monarchical government.( For example, R. Albertz. 1994.  A History of 
Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period.) 
546
 E. B. Idowu. 1973.  African Traditional Religion – A definition.;1996. Olodumare, God in Yoruba 
Belief; J. S. Mbiti. 1977. African Religion and Philosophy. 
547
 For instance, in an informal, casual discussion with Dr. J. K. Ayantayo it is clear that many people 
simply equate religion with culture. Rather than seeing religion as an aspect of culture, many people 
felt that the two are so intricately interwoven that they cannot be separated. Informal Discussion with 
Dr. J. K. Ayantayo in office of the Head of Department, Department of Religious Studies University 
th
of Ibadan, Ibadan, 15  March 2011. 
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political wellbeing on a right relationship with the LORD of the tyrIb., which 
subsists in a right ritual, and meticulous adherence to cultic regulations. The tyrIb. 
548
stipulated laws governing the external expressions of religion . Major revisions of the 
tyrIb. document during re-enactment in most cases rigorously deal with the 
549
modification of the cult. The content of the earliest core-text  among the extant 
550
documents of the tyrIb. is the ritual Decalogue , which prescribes laws 
concerning cultic practices and religious expressions. The regulations prescribe 
absolute and exclusive worship of YHWH; expressed in outright rejection and 
annihilation of indigenous Canaanite cults and the observation of Sabbath, religious 
feasts and particular ritual practices. The relationship between YHWH and Israel is the 
crux of the tyrIb..  
 In the political parlance, the tyrIb. lies at the foundation of Israel‘s national 
consciousness. The Ethical Decalogue was positioned strategically in the Sinai 
Pericope in the final form of the canon to show that it was the foundational constitution 
551
of the tribal league.  Through the Deuteronomic Reform of Josiah, the stipulations of 
covenant represented by the discovered hr"_ATh; rp,seä (‗book of the law‘), 
probably, became renewed as the constitution of the Judean state while the reign of 
Josiah lasts. It also became the basis of the communal self-control that formed the 
 552 and which governed the Jewish colonies of the diaspora
characteristic trait of Judaism‖ . It is therefore 
logical to affirm that the tyrIb. provided the written constitution of the Jewish 
People right from the formative period of their history. The tyrIb. document has 
been continuously reviewed and adapted to the changing socio-political and cultural 
situations of the people. 
553
 The humanitarian laws  constitute a significant portion of individual 
                                                 
548
 The Ritual Decalogue, for instance, has been associated with the early stages of the Israelite covenant. 
548
R. H. Hiers. 2009. Justice and Compassion in Biblical Law. 88;  R. H. Pfeifer. 1931. Transmission 
of the Book of Covenant. 102;  J. S. Baden. 2009. J, E, and the Redaction of the Pentateuch.197 
549
 The Ritual Decalogue is ascribed to the ‗J‘ stratum of the Pentateuch, which is considered the earliest 
stratum according to the Documentary Hypothesis; W. J. Doorly. 2002. The Laws of Yahweh. 100; I. 
G. Mathews. 2003. Old Testament Life and Literature. 48. 
550
  Exodus 34:11-26 is technically called ―Ritual Decalogue‖ in Source Criticism. R. A. Hess. 2007. 
Law. 192; J. Jensen. 2006. Ethical Dimensions of the Prophets. 24; B. S. Childs. 2004. Exodus. 605. It is 
also referred to as the ―Small Covenant Code‖. 
551
 M. Weinfeld. 2001. Decalogue and the Recitation of “Shema”: The Development of Confessions. 99 
552
 Johnston, Sarah I. Ed. 2004. Religions of Ancient World: A Guide. USA: Harvard University Press. 
568 
553
 In the Covenant Code for example, Pfeifer identified a homogenous segment (Exodus 22:20-26; 23:1-
9,3) which he categorised as Humanitarian prescriptions. R. H. Pfeifer. 1931. Transmission of the 
Book of Covenant. 
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legislations in the Israelite tyrIb. law, and are assigned to the early period of 
settlement in Canaan under Joshua and the Judges. The humanitarian laws of the 
Covenant Code are found in Exodus 22, 20-26; 23, 1-9. But in Deuteronomic Code, 
they are interwoven with the civil legislations. 
 A wide range of issues are treated in the realm of civil administrations. All the 
tyrIb. documents contain civil legislations ranging from interpersonal issues such 
as stealing, economic issues such as loans and deposits, up to corporate issues such as 
immigrations and international relations. Ecological issues regulated by Israelite 
tyrIb. law include agricultural practices, genetic engineering, deforestation, waste 
disposal, sanitation and preservation of the species. 
 
6.1.2 The principles underlying the  ְבִרית in Ancient Israel 
 
This study reveals that common fundamental concepts and components underlie 
the Ancient Israelite tyrIb. and indigenous Èg̣bá ìmùlè.̣ The basic components are 
(i) contracting parties, who are sovereign entities capable of positive or negative actions 
based on choice and freewill, but who could be motivated or induced by either positive 
or negative incentives; (ii) the need to establish or maintain a moral relationship 
between the two parties; (iii) identified behavioural patterns which to be prevented and 
others which are to be ensured; (iv) fear appeal mechanism; (v) specific formal 
procedure which is perceived as giving the tyrIb. its binding force; and (vi) The 
perpetual nature of the ensuing relationship.  
The overall principle governing both tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣ is the principle of 
―fear appeal‖. The effectiveness of this principle is determined by the efficacy of the 
cognitive mediating process employed. In the focus text, the instrument of cognitive 
554
mediating process was the hr"_ATh; rp,seä, (book of the law),  found in the 
Temple, which was equated with the tyrIêB.h; rp,seä (book of the 
555
covenant).  The study reveals that the tyrIb. was kept as long as there was 
effective leadership which teaches and enforces the terms of the tyrIb.. As soon as 
a leader dies, the people break the tyrIb. and incur the repercussion of social 
degeneration, political captivity and economic deprivation. This was presented in DH 
as a vicious cycle which spiralled to a climax in the eventual catastrophe of the fall of 
Samaria about 721BC and the fall of Jerusalem and exile of Judah about 856BC. The 
                                                 
554
 2 Kings 22:8, 11 
555
 2 Kings 23:2 
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fact that the book was ―found‖ shows that the book had virtually been lost and 
forgotten, probably under the protracted apostate rule of Manasseh.  DH purports that a 
recast of history also served as a cognitive mediating device. It, therefore, went ahead 
to provide a means of ensuring the perpetuity of the cognitive mediating mechanism, 
by presenting a historical document based on extant tyrIb. tradition which is 
reflected in Deuteronomy in such a way that the reader would be motivated to seek a 
renewal of the tyrIb. as a means of averting further catastrophe in the future. 
  
e
6.1.3 The efficacy of b rith in regulating human behaviour in Ancient Israel 
 
 From the indigenous African perspective, generally, and the Èg̣bá perspective, 
in particular, the efficacy of ìmùlè ̣is evaluated according to the severity and certainty of 
occurrence of the consequence for breaking the terms of the pact, hence, the pithy 
saying ―ęni Ṣàngó bá t‟ojú è ̣ wọlè ̣ kìí bú kὸso léẹ̀ṛùn,‖ meaning ―the person who 
literally witnessed the descending of Sango, the god-king of thunder into the earth 
would not dare to invoke the god of thunder on an empty oath even in the dry season‖. 
If this is applied to the tyrIb. of Ancient Israel, the inference is that the whole of 
DH and the book of Jeremiah is a testimony to the efficacy of the Ancient Israelite 
tyrIb., by carefully showing that the threats of the tyrIb. were actually 
fulfilled. Furthermore, they provide a further medium of cognitive mediation process 
for perpetual continuity of the tyrIb.. By furnishing the exiled community with a 
theologically interpreted historiography, which interpreted the catastrophe of the fall of 
the two kingdoms as fulfilment of the threat of the tyrIb., it reinforces both the 
threat appraisal as well as the coping appraisal. The threat appraisal is strengthened 
since the predicted threat was historically fulfilled. Josiah was influenced by the 
reading of the tyrIêB.h; rp,seä because he could readily connect the 
catastrophic fall of the Northern Kingdom with the threatened curse of the tyrIb., 
documented in the book. In a similar vein, DH is composed in such a way that the post 
exilic Israelite reader would readily connect the catastrophic fall of Jerusalem with the 
curse of the tyrIb., thereby strengthening the threat appraisal.  
 On the other hand, the coping appraisal is strengthened for Josiah by the oracle 
of Prophetess Huldah. The prophecy of Jeremiah also strengthened the coping appraisal 
for the post exilic Israelite community by the prediction of restoration after seventy 
years of exile, and the forecast of the New Covenant. The positive influence of the hope 
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of restoration after seventy years is clearly depicted in Daniel‘s prayers in Daniel 9:1-
19. 
 
6.1.4 Consequences of breaking the terms of the  ְבִרית in Ancient Israel. 
 
 Right from the earliest literary compositions of the Israelite tyrIb. with 
YHWH, the consequences of breaking the terms of the tyrIb. had been associated 
with corporate national calamity accruing from the withdrawal of the Patron rights 
granted by YHWH. This is portrayed with increasing theological vividness in the 
Tanakh, until it reached a climax in Deuteronomistic Theology. The historical reality of 
this calamity is demonstrated in DH and the book of Jeremiah. The ultimate result was 
the catastrophic destruction, first of the Northern kingdom, and then of the kingdom of 
Judah. The trauma of the exile as depicted in Deuteronomy and DH was accompanied 
with famine, pestilence, and all sorts of torture. An aspect of this tortuous situation of 
important significance in the indigenous Èg̣bá Yorùbá culture is the aspect of 
psychological torture. It is discovered that insanity and mental torment of individuals is 
a very popular result of breaking an ìmùlè ̣ pact. Deuteronomistic theology also 
556
attributes psychological torture of individuals to the breaking of a tyrIb..  
Interviews and counselling sessions with some students who were undergoing 
emotional stress reveal that breaking ìmùlè ̣ pact often leads to psychological torture, 
557
depicted in the curse of the tyrIb. in Deteronomy.   
  
6.1.5 The strengths and weaknesses of the tyrib. in Ancient Israel 
 The research reveals that the strength of tyrIb. as a means of regulating 
human behaviour in ancient Israel, especially in the socio-political and economic realm, 
lies in the human religious and self-preservation instinct as well as the perpetual nature 
of the ensuing relationship. The concept is weakened by the varying levels of the ability 
of the parties or subjects of the tyrIb. to perceive the severity and probability of 
occurrence of the threatened punishment and the promised benefits associated with the 
tyrIb.. For instance, the generation that did not take part directly in the theophany 
at Horeb/Sinai cannot be effectively motivated by the awe-inspiring encounter as those 
                                                 
556
 Participant Observation at Adeoye Lambo Psychiatric ward, University College Hospital, Ibadan on 
three occasions 15 June 2011; 21 July 2011 and more recently 16 May 2012 coupled with Interview 
with Psychiatric Patients confirm that many individuals become subject to psychological torture as a 
result of breaking ìmùlè ̣pacts with certain esoteric cults. 
557
 Cf. Deuteronomy 28:65 
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who had the actual first-hand experience. It was, therefore, necessary to provide a more 
relevant means of cognitive mediating process, by re-casting the tyrIb. in form of a 
vassal treaty. Despite this, it was discovered that the tyrIb. document got lost at 
some stage, leading to eventual forsaking of the tyrIb. by the people. Hence, the 
effectiveness of tyrIb. is predicated on proper information of the subjects. It also 
depends on the nature of the ―religious formation” of the subjects. Since religion is a 
phenomenon of innate subjective reality, the level of perception of spiritual/religious 
realities varies with individuals, generations and cultures. This is clearly shown in the 
Chronicler‘s depictions of Jehoshaphat‘s attempt to reform the community which 
emerged at Northern Israel after the fall of Samaria. These people paid no regard to 
hr"_ATh; rp,seä probably because they were non Israelites who had been brought 
to settle in the land by the king of Assyria from diverse cultures which did not share the 
same religious formation with the original Israelite tribes. In the same vein, modern 
Africans do not share the same religious orientation with their forebears due to the 
effect of civilisation, Christianity and Western education. For instance, in pre-colonial 
Èg̣bá communities, one of the major deities invoked during ìmùlè ̣pacts, because of its 
558
perceived efficacy in oath implementation is Ṣànpòṇá , but due to the emancipation of 
the populace from the menace of the Ṣànpòṇá priests by the colonial government, and 
the introduction of small pox vaccines, the deity had since lost its prestige as a patron 
deity in oath-taking. Moreover, modern day Yorùbá are more secular oriented than their 
forebears, hence the fear of the supernatural is not as deep in their mind as it is with 
their ancestors who were more deeply religious in their worldview. 
 
6.2  Common Paradigms in the Ancient Israelite ְבִרית and the Èg̣bá concept of 
  ìmùlè ̣
 
 Though the English word ―covenant‖ as understood by most Yorùbá people, 
particularly the Èg̣bá, to whom English is a secondary language, is the most appropriate 
English rendition of the Hebrew tyrIb. e (b rith); there are certain paradigms in the 
indigenous Yorùbá concept of ìmùlè ̣which an Èg̣bá person would readily identify in the 
Hebrew concept of tyrIb., that, otherwise, would not have been readily identified 
when the English rendition comes as an interface between the original Hebrew 
tyrIb. and the indigenous understanding of ìmùlè.̣ This may not be the same with a 
person for whom English language and culture is indigenous. The disparity is primarily 
                                                 
558
 Among the Yoruba, Ṣànpòṇá is believed to be the god of small pox and measles. 
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due to the divergence between African and Western European worldviews. As lucidly 
captured by Obafemi Jegede, ―the traditional African cosmology and mode of 
559
reasoning are different in many respects from the dominant western paradigm.‖  
Hence, the understanding of the Biblical text becomes more complicated when the text 
has to be passed through the medium of an intermediate language and culture before 
560
interpretation into the Yorùbá language. This increases the hermeneutical gap  
between the text and the recipient. A method of providing better understanding of 
tyrIb. for the Èg̣bá, and by extension the African people, in general, is to 
illuminate, as much as possible, the original Hebrew tyrIb with the indigenous Èg̣bá 
ìmùlè.̣ This inference is based on the observation that ―although the African indigenous 
cosmologies appear to differ according to geography and regional histories, the degree 
to which they coincide in fundamental principles and functions define them as multiple 
561
expressions of a single cultural and cosmological construct‖  . This study reveals that 
the Hebrew tyrIb shares certain fundamental conceptual paradigms with the 
indigenous Èg̣bá ìmùlè.̣ This provides a contemplative impetus for two pertinent 
questions: 
(i) How can the tyrIb. be understood in the indigenous Èg̣bá context? 
(ii) What are the parallels between tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣ 
The findings concerning these questions as contemplated in this study are summarised 
as follows: 
 
6.2.1 How can the tyrIb. be understood in the indigenous Èg̣bá context 
 
 Looking at the tyrIb. framework for regulating socio-political and 
economic behaviour from indigenous Èg̣bá evaluative perspective, it was discovered 
that the Ancient Israelite tyrIb. could be understood more precisely by the term 
ìmùlè.̣ Another terminology in close relation to the Ancient Israelite tyrIb. is 
májèṃu, which emphasises the legal/contractual aspect of the Israelite tyrIb., and 
is more closely related to the Greek sunqekh (suntheke), which the LXX did not use 
                                                 
559
 C. O. Jẹgẹdẹ. 2010. Science and African culture. 313. 
560
 The term ―hermeneutic gap‖ is used here to denote the gap between the written text and the 
interpretation offered by the exegete based on the divergence between the real life context of the 
author and the exegete. This contextual difference covers a wide range, including difference in 
language, philosophical outlook, cosmology and cosmogony, topography, religious ideology, culture, 
and general worldview. Cf. P. Barry. 2002. Beginning Theory. 213. A good example of the negative 
influence of the hermeneutical gap is encountered in the case of Bede‘s exegetical commentaries, 
where the anti-Semitism of his native culture subtly affected his Scriptural exegesis. Cf. A. P. Scheil. 
2004. The Footsteps of Israel. 23-33. 
561
 M. K. Asante. & A. Mazama. Eds. 2005. Encyclopedia of Black Studies. 34. 
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because it does not capture the full implication of the Hebrew tyrIb.. Comparison 
with the cognates of the term in the LXX shows that the Greek cognate word, 
diaqekh (diatheke), used in the Greek translation of the text, as well as the word, 
covenant, used in the English translation, do not carry the full import of the Hebrew 
tyrIb. e (b rith) to the mind of the average Èg̣bá people. In reality, there is a lack of 
English vocabulary to adequately express the full connotations of the Hebrew 
tyrIb. 562 in one single word.    
 tyrIb. was rendered as májèṃu, in the Yorùbá version of the text. The 
reason for this choice of word is because the translators depend more on the English 
563
version for their translation rather than the Hebrew text.  This can be considered as 
inadequate because it did not convey the full connotations to the Èg̣bá mind as the 
Hebrew word tyrIb. would have conveyed to the Ancient Israelites who were the 
first recipients of the message. At best, the two words ìmùlè ̣and májèṃu, could be used 
together, or alternately, within 2 Kings 23:3 to indicate the specific connotations of the 
word. The verse would carry a fuller import of the original text; it is rendered as: 
―Ọba sì dúró léḅàá òpó, ó sì mulè ̣ níwájú Olúwa, láti máa tọ 
Olúwa léḥìn, àti l‘áti máa pa àṣẹ, àti àrokò, àti òfin Rè ̣ mó ̣
tọkàntọkàn, àti láti fi òṛòọ̣ májèṃu tí a ti kọ sínúu ìwé yìí ṣòfin. 
Gbogbo àwọn ènìyàn náà sì dúró nínúu májèṃu náà.‖ 
  
If the term ìmùlè ̣would be consistently used throughout, an alternative rendition is to 
conclude the verse with 
 
…Gbogbo àwọn ènìyàn náà sì jóḥẹn si ìmùlè ̣náà. 
 
“Jóḥẹn” is an Èg̣bá word meaning ―express mutual consent.‖ Ìmùlè ̣ and májèṃu are 
used respectively to denote different points of emphasis in the verse. Ìmùlè ̣emphasises 
the point that King Josiah actually performed a tyrIb. ritual in the presence of the 
people, and took a potent oath. This is denoted by the choice of the Hebrew root 
trk 564.  The use of májèṃu, on the other hand, emphasises the point that the people 
                                                 
562
 The Aláké of Èg̣bà Land, HRM Ọba Adédòṭun, Àrèṃú Gbádébò,̣ Okúkéṇù IV confirmed that the 
word ―covenant‖ is just a make-shift rendition of the Yoruba word ìmùlè ̣because there is no English 
word that can capture the full implication of the word. 
563
 The dependence of the Yorùbá version on the English version is seen in the abundance of English loan 
words in the Yoruba text of the Old Testament. For example, ―Almondi‖ from Almond in Jer.1:11; 
Olifi, from Olives in 2 Kings1:32; ―Kedari‖ and ―firi‖ from Cedar and Fir in 2 Kings 19:23 as well as 
place and personal names like Egypt, Assyria, to cite a few examples. This textual dependence affects 
both the philological as well as the philosophical presentation of the message. 
564 e e
 The Hebrew phrase used in the focus text for b rith ratification, literally interpreted as ―to cut‖ a b rith 
while the indigenous Yoruba terminology for ratification of ìmùlè ̣literally mean ―to drink the earth‖. 
Both phrases reflect the process of ratification in their respective cultural contexts at one time in their 
cultural history. 
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give their common consent to abide by the terms of the tyrIb., as spelt out in the 
book, which does not necessarily require all the people partaking in every aspect of the 
whole process of ratification, since the King has done this on their behalf in his 
representative capacity as the head of the people, but the people may as well have 
partook of a fellowship meal. Hence, the usage of the two terms alternately, emphasises 
that what the king drank was ―Ilè,̣” as the formal process of taking a potent oath, while 
the people also partook of a fellowship meal, in which they drank with ―àjè”̣ as a 
symbol of community and solidarity with the king who took the oath on their behalf.  
This construction would retain the reminiscence of the Sinai Pericope (Exodus 24:5-11) 
in which the representative of the people performed the ritual rites of the ְבִרית and all 
the people partook in a fellowship meal. 
 
6.2.2. What parallels are there between tyrib. and ìmùlè ̣
 The parallels between tyrIb., in ancient Israel, and ìmùlè,̣ in the indigenous 
Èg̣bá culture include: oaths and imprecations, the role of God or other supernatural 
beings as the supervisory agent, the establishment of a relationship of trust, and the 
perpetual and moral nature of the ensuing relationship. 
 Oath imprecations are central to both tyrIb. in Ancient Israel as depicted in 
the Tanakh and ìmùlè ̣ in the indigenous Èg̣bá culture. It is the oath that gives the 
ratification its binding force. In both instances the oath-imprecation provides the 
medium for the fear appeal. Also, the early stages of both tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣ are 
565
deeply rooted in the religious parlance.  The role of cosmogony in the tyrIb. at 
Sinai, which saw the emergence of Israel as a distinct people and bound the Israelite 
tribe together as one nation  is similar to the role which the indigenous African 
cosmogony of the Èg̣bá people played in bringing the various Èg̣bá clans together and 
binding them together as a people of one identity. In the case of Ancient Israel, the 
earlier stages of the tyrIb. represented by the Sinai Pericope, the Ritual Decalogue 
and the Ethical Decalogue did not contain elaborately spelt out curses. Instead, the fear 
appeal is provided through a vivid demonstration of Divine immanence by means of the 
theophany at the ―Mountain of God‖. The terror of the earth-quake scene, 
accompanying the giving of the law at Sinai, imbued the Ethical and Ritual Decalogues 
with the imprecative force akin to that of the curse-imprecations of the Ancient Near 
                                                 
565
 Cf. J. K. Ayantayo. 1999. Religious Ethical Issues in the Oath of Office in the Nigerian Constitution. 
102 
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566
East   Treaty formulae . In a similar parlance, the Èg̣bá rallying together at the Olúmọ 
Rock, which was a massive volcanic rock formation, after escaping genocide by the 
confederate mercenaries at Ibadan, did not enter into any clearly spelt out compact for 
co-existence of the Èg̣bá clans. Their source of nationality stems from the common 
hope in ―Olúmọ‖ as a source of refuge, neither was there any record of any official 
sworn oath between them. It was the common shelter and protection provided by the 
impressive Olúmọ Rock that formed a sort of naturally ensuing ìmùlè ̣of corporate co-
existence among them. The common paradigm here is only visible through intimation 
with the vicissitudes of life which culminated in the coalition of the Èg̣bá at Olúmọ, in 
the light of the story of emancipation of Israel from Egypt culminating in the tyrIb. 
at mount Sinai / Horeb. 
 The Èg̣bá had been vassals to the old Òỵó ̣Empire, but under the able leadership 
and political ingenuity of Líṣàbí, they gained their independence and remained free 
from tribute for quite some time. Then, due to a spark of inter-tribal hostilities, 
emerging from a market-place brawl between Òwu and Ìjèḅú at Apòmù market, a 
coalition of Ìjèḅú and Òỵó,̣ aided by other professional mercenaries, began to sack the 
largely independent Èg̣bá towns one after the other. In a bid to seek a truce, the 
erstwhile Èg̣bá leader, Lámọdi, and a remnant of the Èg̣bá coalesced at Ìbàdàn, one of 
the Èg̣bá settlements which had been sacked, and was then serving as the war base of 
the enemy confederate. When it was apparent that the Èg̣bá were continuously being 
oppressed and sold into captivity, the Èg̣bá remnants sought to leave Ìbàdàn and sought 
out a place of rest. They, sought permission to cross the river Ọnà (―Odò - Ọnà‖) a 
major river that runs across the former Èg̣bá Territory, to appease their ancestral gods. 
567
Àrẹ  Máyè,̣ the Leader of the enemy confederate suspected that the Èg̣bá were 
seeking an avenue of escape, so he insisted that an omen must be sought, to confirm 
their intension. The usual way of doing this among Yorùbá of the time was to ―cast the 
Kola‖, in a similar way of throwing the dice or casting of lots. Fortunately, an Èg̣bá 
Ògbóni, Lóṣí by name, was elected to cast the Kola. Lóṣí cast the kola, indeed, but 
568
when he saw that the result was negative, he started shouting ―èyí àrà,‖  meaning 
―this is spectacular‖ while tactfully manipulating the kola pieces as he carried it about 
until he finally presented it to the leaders after it had been manipulated to show the sign 
                                                 
566
 Cf. D. J. Pleins. 2001. The Social visions of the Hebrew Bible. 47-48. 
567
 Are is an abbreviation of the title ―Àrẹ òṇà kakanfò ̣‖ which is the title equivalent to ―commander in 
chief‖ given to the supreme commander of the central army of the Old Òỵó ̣Empire.  
568
 This tradition is preserved orally in the pithy saying ―eyí àrà – obìi Lósí ‖ meaning ―this is 
spectacular, Lósí‘s kola-cast‖ cf. Interview with Pa. Akinbode, of  Kemta Oke-bode, Ìsábò ̣Abéọ̀kúta. 
(now late) 
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of positive approval. Unable to query the sign of the kola, Máyè ̣agreed that the Èg̣bá 
should be allowed to go. However, they later summoned a private meeting of the 
Ògbóni, in which they plotted to assassinate Lámọdi, the war-leader of the Èg̣bá 
remnants. In the ensuing brawl, Lámọdi eventually sustained a mortal wound, but 
managed to get the Èg̣bá remnants across the River Ọnà. In the camp across the river, 
Lámọdi died after committing the Èg̣bá to the care of Ṣódẹké ̣with a charge to ensure 
that he leads the Èg̣bá to a safe and secure abode. After consulting the oracles, 
―Abéọ̀kúta‖ literally meaning ―the place under the rock‖ was chosen. The oracle 
foretold that they would prosper at the place, and that they would receive divine 
assistance through foreign missionaries. They named the massive rock at the site 
―olúfimọ‖, literally meaning ―a limit setter‖ a contraction of ―Oluwa fi wahala wa mọ‖ 
literally meaning ―the Lord has put a limit to our sufferings‖. This is shortened to 
―Olúmọ‖. The Èg̣bá, therefore, often call themselves ―ọmọ Olúmọ‖ the people of 
Olúmọ. 
 When the missionaries came with the Biblical story of the Israelite Exodus from 
Egypt it was easy for the Èg̣bá to link the story with known paradigms in their own 
national history. For them, Moses and Joshua are typified by Lámọdi and Ṣódẹké;̣ 
Pharaoh and his army are typified by Máyè ̣and his confederate army of mercenaries. 
The Red Sea is typified by the Ọnà River, and most significantly, Mount Sinai/Horeb is 
typified by the impressive Olúmọ Rock. 
 The role of Deity is central to both tyrIb., and ìmùlè ̣  in the Èg̣bá 
experience. The role of the theophany at Sinai, in the Israelite national history, 
expressed in terms of tyrIb., is similar to the role of the Olúmọ in the national 
history of the Èg̣bá, which can also be constructed in the terms of ìmùlè.̣ The major 
paradigm here is a cosmogony based mechanism of fear appeal. At Sinai, the Divine 
immanence is made vivid in form of an awe-inspiring theophany, which is aimed at 
creating the ―fear of God‖ as a basis for moral uprightness, summarised in the terms of 
the Ethical Decalogue. 
 For the Èg̣bá, the massive rock Olúmọ, is imbued with divine immanence. 
Sacrifices were offered at designated shrines in the Rock, just as Moses organised a 
sacrifice at the foot of Mount Sinai in ratifying the ְבִרית as depicted in the Sinai 
Pericope of Exodus 24:3-8. The Israelites became a distinct people because the tribes 
were bound together by a common allegiance to YHWH. They became ―‘hw"hy> 
~[;Û‖ ―the people of the LORD.‖ In a similar vein, the Èg̣bá became united as one 
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people, by virtue of taking common shelter at the site of the Olúmọ Rock. They call 
themselves ―ọmọ Olúmọ‖- meaning ―the people of Olúmọ‖. Though there was not a 
literary production of norms and legislations at the Olúmọ, the African indigenous 
cosmology and cosmogony inherent in the Èg̣bá indigenous worldview, provided the 
norms and values under the construction of a naturally ensuing ìmùlè.̣ For them, the 
presence of spiritual reality is so vivid that they cannot contemplate any form of 
antisocial actions without an attendant conception of concomitant spiritual 
repercussion. There were tales of encounters with spiritual beings around the Olúmọ 
and its environs. Hence, it was easy to settle the leadership tussle between Déníyì, 
Balógun Ìjẹmò ̣and Ṣódẹké ̣over the paramount leadership of the tribal coalition by the 
simple intervention of an Ifá priest through an oracle declaring that the deities of the 
569
tribal league have been offended by the proposed duel . 
 The need to eliminate arbitrariness in behaviour and to establish a relationship 
of trust is one of the basic reasons behind any ratification of either tyrIb. or ìmùlè.̣ 
The establishment of a relationship of trust is a central feature of both. Once a 
tyrIb. or ìmùlè ̣is ratified, it is expected that the parties maintain a relationship of 
trust and confidence. Each party is expected to continually seek the good of the other; 
including the personal wellbeing (Deuteronomy 15:39-43), material security (Exodus 
23:4) and financial prosperity (Deuteronomy 15:7-11) of one another; hence, the 
Yorùbá saying ―awo kò gbọdò ̣ dalè ̣ awo…‖ meaning ―covenant friends ought not 
betray one another‖. 
 Both cases, however, differ from mere contracts because of the perpetual and 
moral nature of the ensuing relationship. tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣ establish relationships 
that are not limited in duration or extent. In the indigenous Èg̣bá culture, once a group 
of persons enter into ìmùlè ̣ they are bound to seek the general good of each other, 
perpetually. They must not do anything, whatsoever, that would be tantamount to a 
betrayal of trust. The requirements of the relationship is not limited to specifically listed 
items. This is also true of the tyrIb. concept in Ancient Israel, despite the fact that 
there are stipulated laws containing specific legal dictates. The text critical analysis 
revealed that the content of the tyrIb. law is not expected to be static. Also, the 
omission of the specific ―laws and statutes‖ of the Shechem Covenant from Joshua 24; 
and the detailed ―words of this covenant‖ from the Jeremiah 36, as well as Moses‘ 
affirmation that … 
                                                 
569
 A. K. Ajisafe. 1972. Iwe Itan Abeokuta. 62.  
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―`At)fo[]l; ^ßb.b'l.bi(W ^ypiîB. dao+m. 
rb"ßD"h; ^yl,²ae bArïq'-yKi( ” 
― But the word is very near to you, in your mouth, and in your heart, that 
you might do it.‖…  - Deuteronomy  30:14 
 
points to the moral and perpetual nature of the relationship. As natural kinship cannot 
be revoked, in the same vein, the relationship ensuing from a tyrIb. or ìmùlè ̣ is 
construed to last perpetually. Moshe Weinfeld has also elaborated on the emphasis on 
570
perpetual validity of the Ancient Israelite tyrIb.  
 
6.3 Applicable paradigms of  ְבִרית  and ìmùlè ̣concepts in the postmodern African 
 Society 
 
 The paradigms in tyrIb which are applicable to Postmodern African 
societies are derived from the universal principles inherent in tyrIb and ìmùlè.̣ 
These paradigms must be re-interpreted in specific categories before they can be 
effectively employed in the present day African societies. 
 
6.3.1 Universal Principles in the  ְבִרית  concept as a framework for regulating 
human behaviour applicable to modern African societies 
 The universal principle that runs across tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣is the principle of 
fear appeal via a cognitive mediating process, which conforms to the Protection 
Motivation Theory (PMT). The theory has been applied in the medical field to analyse 
adaptive and maladaptive behaviour towards coping with a health threat.  
 Protection Motivation Theory (PMT) was originally proposed to provide 
571
conceptual clarity to the understanding of fear appeals .  It was later revised and 
extended to a more general theory of persuasive communication, with an emphasis on 
572
the cognitive processes mediating behavioural change . The theory describes the 
573 574
adaptive  and maladaptive  ways of coping with a health threat as a result of two 
575
appraisal processes. The first is a process of threat appraisal  and the other is a 
                                                 
570
 M. Weinfeld. 1972. Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School. 104-106  
571
 R. W. Rogers. 1975. A protection motivation theory of fear appeals. 93-114. 
572
 R. W. Rogers. 1983. Cognitive and physiological processes in fear appeals. 
573
 The action taken to avert the threat is called ―adaptive response‖. 
574
 Maladaptive responses are those actions or inactions that make the subject more susceptible to the 
threat. 
575
 The ―threat appraisal‖ is the estimation of the chance of occurrence of the threat (vulnerability) and 
the perceived seriousness of a of the threat (severity)  
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576
process of coping appraisal . A person, subject to a threat, evaluates the behavioural 
577
options to prevent the occurrence of the threat . The ―intention‖ to take steps to 
578
prevent the occurrence of the threat,  or to act in the opposite way, depends on the 
subject‘s appraisal of the threat and the appraisal of the coping responses. 
 The portrait of the tyrIb. in Deuteronomy and DH, as well as the book of 
Prophet Jeremiah shows that fear appeal is employed to motivate the people towards 
right conduct. The fear appeal was mediated in the earlier textual traditions through the 
theophany at Sinai. However, Deuteronomy and DH show that the generations of 
Israelites that were not direct witnesses of the theophany at Sinai, were not effectively 
motivated by its fear appeal. Hence, the Deuteronomic re-presentation of the tyrIb. 
in the form of Vassal Treaty and Covenant Law, in which the blessings and curse-
imprecations formulae served as the cognitive mediating mechanism. Hence, for the 
generation who directly witnessed the theophany, it was said- 
… ~ymi_Y"h;-lK' yt;ÞwOc.mi-lK'-ta, 
rmoðv.liw> yti²ao ha'îr>yIl. ~h,ªl' hz<÷ 
~b'’b'l. •hy"h'w> !Te‡yI-ymi(   
29
  O that there were such an heart in them, that they would fear 
me, and keep all my commandments always, that it might be well 
with them,…  (Deuteronomy  5:29a)   
 
But for the generation of those present at the renewal of the tyrIb at the plain of 
Moab who eventually crossed the Jordan and subsequent generations after them- 
 
 ar"úq.Ti rx"+b.yI rv<åa] ~AqßM'B; 
^yh,êl{a/ hw"åhy> ‘ynEP.-ta, ‘tAar"le 
laeªr"f.yI-lk' aAbåB. 
`~h,(ynEz>a'B. laeÞr"f.yI-lK' dg<n<ï 
taZO°h; hr"îATh;-ta, 
 W[øm.v.yI ![;m;’l. ^yr<_['v.Bi rv<åa] 
^ßr>gEw> @J;êh;w> ‘~yviN"h;w> 
~yviÛn"a]h'( ~['ªh'-ta, lheäq.h; 12 
 tAfê[]l; Wråm.v'w> ~k,êyhel{)a/ 
                                                 
576
 Coping appraisal is the estimation of the cost of taking the action necessary for averting a threat, and 
the perceived ability of the subject to carry out the prescribed action as well as the perceived efficacy of 
the prescribed action to avert the threat. R. S. Lazarus. 1966. Psychological Stress and the Coping 
Process; H. Leventhal. 1970. Findings and theory in the study of fear communications. 119-86. 
577
 H. Boer & E. R. Seydel. 1996. Protection motivation theory. 
578
 The intention to take the action to avert the threat is called ―protection motivation‖. 
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hw"åhy>-ta, ‘War.y")w> Wdªm.l.yI 
![;m;äl.W 
`taZO*h; hr"îATh; yrEÞb.DI-lK'-ta, 
 ~ymiªY"h;-lK' ~k,_yhel{a/ hw"åhy>-ta, 
ha'Þr>yIl. Wdêm.l'äw> ‘W[m.v.yI 
W[ªd>y"-al{) rv<åa] ~h,úynEb.W 13 
 `HT'(v.rIl. hM'v'Þ !DE±r>Y:h;-ta, 
~yrIôb.[o ~T,øa; rv,’a] hm'êd"a]h'ä-
l[; ‘~yYIx; ~T,Ûa; rv,’a] 
 
11
 When all Israel is come to appear before the LORD your 
God in the place which he shall choose, you shall read this 
 
law before all Israel in their hearing.
12
 Gather the people together, men, and women, and children, 
and the stranger that is within your gates, that they may hear, 
and that they may learn, and fear the LORD your God, and 
13
observe to do all the words of this law:   And that their 
children, which have not known any thing, may hear, and 
learn to fear the LORD your God, as long as ye live in the 
land whither ye go over Jordan to possess it.  (Deuteronomy  
31:11-13) 
  
 DH strengthens this cognitive mediating process through the recurrent theme of 
apostasy –punishment –repentance – restoration, which culminated in the final 
catastrophe of the exile to Babylon, constructed categorically to depict the actual 
fulfilment of the consequences of breaking the tyrIb as predicted by Deuteronomy. 
 Interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation and the 
questionnaire during the field wok revealed that the cognitive mediating process in 
ìmùlè ̣ was effectively derived from the people‘s awareness of the efficacy of oath-
imprecations ensured by the local deities of the indigenous Èg̣bá culture, while they 
hold oaths or declarations made with foreign oath implements such as the Bible in very 
low esteem. 
  
6.3-2. How can these principles be applied to the contemporary Nigerian context? 
 
 In the contemporary Nigerian context this principle is already being applied in 
the form of various oaths taken in the educational, judicial, professional, and civil 
service domains. In the realm of formal education, students of institutions of higher 
learning are required to take matriculation oaths in the process of being officially 
admitted into the institution. In the Judicial parlance, administrators of justice are 
required to take an oath as a process of being called to the bar, while witnesses, 
plaintiffs and defendants in every lawsuit are required to swear an oath of truthfulness. 
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In the medical profession, as well as many other professional guilds, an oath of 
induction is taken by fresh initiates into the profession. The role of the fundamental 
principle of tyrIb. and ìmùlè ̣ in the civil service was well captured by Jacob 
Ayantayo, when he stated that this principle was ―introduced into the Nigerian system 
of government in the form of an oath of office which public office holders have to 
579
swear in order to make them serve the public conscientiously and satisfactorily .   
 From the Biblical perspective, the principle can be more precisely applied 
through religious-moral education as well as through some sacraments of the Church. 
This would enhance the effectiveness of this principle in the Nigerian context as it 
would strengthen the cognitive mediating process, by inculcating the ―fear of God‖ as 
the basis of moral equity and good behaviour. 
  
6.4 Limitations of the  ְבִרית and ìmùlè ̣ principle as a socio-political and 
 economic regulatory mechanism 
 
 The impression which may be created by a casual reading of the whole of DH 
as a running narrative is that the tyrIb. concept is not effective in the changing 
socio-political and economic scenes of the Israelite history. But a critical evaluative 
hermeneutic of the inferences drawn from the Narrative Critical appraisal of the whole 
of DH reveals otherwise. The effectiveness the tyrIb. concept depends heavily on 
the ―cognitive mediating process‖.  
  The tyrIb. concept remains effective for regulating human behaviour in 
Ancient Israel so far as the cognitive mediating process is effective. The consequence 
of breaching the terms of the tyrIb. in Ancient Israel culminated in the eventual 
exile of the tribes because the custodians of the tyrIb. failed to effectively preserve 
and transmit the implements and mechanisms of the tyrIb. to successive 
generations. The ‗finding of the book in the Temple‘, implies that there was a time in 
which the book of the tyrIb. was lost, which implied that its terms and conditions 
ceased to be transmitted to the people. Hence, they would not be aware of the dangers 
inherent in evil conduct, and would not be motivated to right conduct. 
6.5 Conclusion 
 In concusion, the present study proposes a hypothesis that according to 
Deuteronomistic History (DH), Israel went to exile because of breaking the tyrIb. 
with YHWH, despite several warnings because the medium of enhancing the cognitive 
                                                 
579
 J. K. Ayantayo. 1999.  Religious Ethical Issues in the Oath of Office in the Nigerian Constitution. 102. 
212 
 
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mediating process was not effective. Therefore, part of the purposes of the 
Deuteronomistic Historian is to provide such a cognitive mediating instrument with a 
view to modifying the socio-political and economic behaviour of the target audience, 
which were the post-exilic Israelites. Interpreting this position with an evaluative 
spectrum of the indigenous Èg̣bá practice of ìmùlè,̣ encapsulated in the indigenous 
Yorùbá adage ―eèwọ àimọ kìí humọ‖ meaning ―a child is not afflicted for violating a 
taboo out of ignorance‖, it posits an argument that the reason why tyrIb. 
principles had not been effective hither-to in the modern African societies is because 
there is a lack of awareness of the efficacy of oaths and the implication of breaking the 
terms of the tyrIb.. There is, therefore, a need to create a means of educating the 
African people about the gravity of oath-taking in public parlance such as public office, 
induction to professions, matriculation of students, and belonging to religious 
communities. 
 
6.6 RECOMMENDATIONS 
 In order to ensure the effective application of the tyrIb. concept in curbing 
corruption and enhancing proper socio-political and economic behaviour in post-
modern African societies, the following were recommended: 
i. Adequate religious and moral instructions 
 First, adequate religious and moral instructions should be incorporated into the 
formal education curriculum from the primary level to the tertiary level. This should 
include a thorough inculcation of the reality of the existence of God and the relevance 
of the fear of God in the daily human endeavours. 
 
ii. Proper orientation on the implications of oaths 
  The administration of oaths should be preceded by proper orientation and 
information with adequate references to practical instances of the effects of breaking 
public oaths. For instance, historical references should be made to the life of previous 
public office holders, illustrating the effects of compliance and non-compliance with 
the oaths of offices should be inculcated in the formulae for the administration of public 
oaths of office; while in the case of students, reference to the past life of previous 
students should also be cited with reference to compliance or non-compliance with 
matriculation oaths. 
 
iii. Proper contextualisation of the tenets of religious faiths 
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 There should be a proper interpretation and application of paradigms in the 
language and terminologies of all religious faiths, which would make them readily 
understandable in indigenous cultural categories. For instance, the full implication of 
religious paradigms such as covenanting, oaths, sacraments, e.t.c are better understood 
when interpreted in the light of the local witness of indigenous cultural paradigms. To 
achieve this, experts in the field of hermeneutics and exegesis should be engaged. 
 
iv. Proper theological formation of religious functionaries 
 There should also be proper theological formation for religious functionaries, 
who are usually engaged in the religious leadership, teaching and guidance of the 
public. Religious functionaries such as pastors, evangelists and clerics should be 
thoroughly trained in the interpretation and application of religious principles such that 
they would be able to, accurately interpret and, practically, apply the moral paradigms 
inherent in the religious faiths to the ever changing socio-cultural contexts of their 
followers. 
 
v. Engagement of competent and committed religious clerics in the 
application of religious tools in social engineering and public administration 
 Properly trained and committed religious clerics should be engaged in the 
administration of oaths instead of administrative or judicial officers, who themselves 
may not have deep convictions about the practical consequences and practical social-
political, economic and moral implications of the oaths.  For instance, students would 
take their matriculation oaths more seriously if it is administered by a religious cleric 
instead of the Registrar of the institution. 
 
vi. Use of potent oath implements 
 In most instances, persons who take oaths lightly do so because they do not 
perceive the potency of the religious implements and symbols employed in the 
administration of the oaths.  Many who are not deeply committed Christians may take 
an oath with the Bible very lightly, not realising the long- term effect of breaking such 
oaths. The use of potent oath implements would reinforce the fear appeal, and better 
motivate the participants in the oaths towards compliance with the sworn oath. 
  
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Testament. USA: B. Blackwell. 
            1978. Old Testament theology in outline. USA: John Knox Press. 
  
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APPENDIX I. INTERVIEW RESPONDENTS 
S/N RESOURCE PERSON DESIGNATION AGE RESIDENSIAL DATE AND TIME 
/OCCUPATION  QUATERS OF INTERVIEW 
1. Chief Ṣofẹnwa  Jagùnà of Ìtòkú Above 80 Ìtòkú 15/07/2008 
10:00a.m-1:23p.m 
2. Rt. Rev. M. O.  Ọwadayọ Bishop of Èg̣bá Above 65 Oníkólóbó 30. 07. 2008 
(Anglican Church) 9:00-9:30a.m 
3. Magistrate Wunmi Ọṣibọgun Legal Above 50 Ìsábò ̣ 30. 07. 2008 
Practitioner 12:00-12:30p.m. 
4. Ven. S. O. Ṣomọrin Clergy Above 50 Ọgbè ̣ 30. 07. 2008 
3:00 – 4:00p.m 
5. Rev. J. O. Olubayọ Clergy Above 40 Ìjẹmò ̣ 06. 08. 2008 
12:05 -1:00p.m 
6. Mr. Bọla Lawal Secretary, Above 65 Aké Palace 07. 08. 2008 
Aláké‘s Palace, 8:30-930a.m 
Abe ọ̀kúta.  
7. Barister. S. A. Oduroye Legal Above 50 Kém̀ta Òke- 07. 08. 2008 
Practitioner  Bodè 7:30-8:00p.m 
8. Oba Adedọtun Arẹmu Aláké of Above 70 Aké Palace, 14.08. 2008 
Gbadebọ (Okùke ṇ ù IV)  Èg̣báland Abe ọ̀ kúta 
9:00p.m - 11:00p.m 
9. Chief Amos Iṣọla Ọdẹbiyi Olóri Pàràkòyí Above75 Ìjẹjà 19.08.2008 
of Ìjẹjà 1:48- 3:00p.m 
10 Rt.Rev. Luke Odubanjọ Bishop of Èg̣bá- Above60  Asérò 20/08/2008 
Yewa; (Methodist 8:17 - 10:15 a.m. 
Church Nigeria) 
11. Chief Kasali Sanyaolu Ságbùà of Ìpóró Above 70 Ìpóró  23/08/2008;  
11:00-11:30a.m 
12. Chief Ayinla Bankọle Ò ḍ ò f̣ in Kém̀ta Above65 Ìtòkú 23. 08. 2008 
12:05 - 12:36p.m 
13. Pa. Joseph, Akinbiyi Retired Civil Above 80 Dágunró- 23. 08. 2008 
Servant Ìgbórè 3:15 - 4:36p.m 
14. Pa Edward Oduroye Transporter Above 75 Kém̀ta Òke- 26. 08. 2008 
Bodè 10:00-11:00a.m 
15. Mrs.C. O. Ogungbayikẹ Retired Civil Above 70 Ìyànà 28. 08. 2008 
Servant Láǹtóró 9:00-10:00a.m 
16. Chief Bola Ọdẹbiyi Retired Civil Above 70 Omídá 28. 08. 2008 
Servant 1:00-3:00p.m 
17. Mr. Kayode Ogungbayikẹ Paramedic Above 40 Abúlé Olo ṇ ì,  28. 08. 2008 
6:30-7:00p.m 
18. Chief Amos Ayinde Akintoye Retired Civil Above 76 Ìsábò ,̣   06. 09. 2008 
Servant 4:00-5:30p.m 
19 Rev. E. O. Ọladoyinbo Clergy Above 45 Kájolà, 06.10. 2011 
Owódé 8:00 -8:30a.m. 
20. Chief. O. Dosunmu Baálè ̣ Above 75 Kájolà, 06.10. 2011 
(Kajola Village) Owódé 9:00 – 9:45a.m. 
21. J. O. Oyebitan Retired Teacher Above 80 Erunbé  08.10.2011 
10.05-11:00a.m 
22. Ven. V. O. Ṣotunde Retired Clergy Above Kém̀ta-ÌdíÀbà 08:10:2011 
2:30-3:30p.m 
75 
23. Chief. D. O. Ṣopeju Bàbá-Ìjo Above Ẹle g̣ à 21. 10.2011 
9:00-10:00a.m 
70 
24. Mr. A. A. Fadipẹ Retired Civil Above Kéesì 23. 10.2011 
Servant 10:00-11:00a.m 70 
25. Yosef Ben Daud Staff, Israel Below Jerusalem 12/11/2011 
Museum  40 
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APPENDIX II 
Focus group discussions with the Aláké's Regency Council 
VENUE: Aké Palace  
th
DATE: Monday 18  August 2008;  
TIME 11:15 - 11:50 a.m. 
 
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS: 
S/N PARTICIPANT DESIGNATION / LEVEL OF PARTICIPATION 
OCCUPATION 
1. Chief (Engr) J.O. Òḍòf̣in Aké Chairman of the Regency Council; 
Ṣodipẹ Active participant 
2. Chief E.O. Famuyiwa Apènà Ìtokò Secretary to the Regency Council; 
Active Participant 
3. Chief J.O. Ọsanyintolu Jagùnà Kém̀ta Active Participant 
4. Chief B.A. Ṣofoluwẹ Apènà Ìtòkú Active Participant 
5. Chief Akanbi Kuṣimọ Balógun Ìjeùn Active Participant 
6. Chief M.A. Makinde Jagùnà Ìpóró Ṣodẹkẹ Active Participant 
7. Chief Bajọmọ Balógun Ìjẹjà Absent with apology 
 
 
  
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APPENDIX III: SAMPLE OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE 
DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN; IBADAN 
NIGERIA 
 RESEARCH QUESTIONNAIRE  
INTRODUCTION: 
 This questionnaire is designed for the purpose of carrying out a research on the 
topic 'Berith as a socio-political and economic regulatory mechanism in Ancient Israel 
and traditional Èg̣bá-Yoruba culture. It is purely an academic exercise, with the aim of 
evaluating popular opinion concerning the issues raised. Strict confidentiality is 
guaranteed. I therefore seek your cooperation by freely and honestly responding to the 
questions. 
 
INSTRUCTIONS: 
Please tick the appropriate option  (√ ); where necessary, write out your response in the 
space provided. 
 
SECTION -A-  BIOGRAPHICAL DATA 
 
1. Age: Below 30yrs (  ) 30-50yrs   (  )   50-70yrs (  )  Above 70  (  ) 
2. Sex: Male   (  ) Female     (  ) 
3. Title: Mr./Mrs./Dr./Sir/Chief (Please Specify)................................................... 
4. Occupation:  Student (  ) Employed ( )  Self Employed ( ) Retired (  ) 
5. Religion: Moslem( ) Christian (  ) Traditional Religion( )  Others (Please 
Specify)............................................................................................................. 
6. Educational Qualification:  Pry School (  )  School Cert. (  )  National Diploma / 
NCE (  ) Graduate ( )  Post Graduate ( ) 
7. Ethnicity:  Èg̣bá Alake (  ) Oke ona ( )  Gbagura (  ) Èg̣bá Owu (  ) Ìbarà (  )  
  I am not sure (  ) Others(Please specify).......................................................... 
8. Residential Quarters, (e.g.Ìsábò ,̣  Àdátán e.t.c specific address is not 
necessary)........................................................................................................ 
9. Do you belong to a Cooperative Society, Student Union, Trade Union or 
Association? If Yes, please Specify………………….…………………………….. 
 
SECTION -B-  RESEARCH QUESTIONS 
1. Do you agree that Covenant is an agreement between two parties which call on God 
or a supernatural power to ensure conformity to the terms of the Agreement? 
Partially Agree (  )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( )  Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  (  ) 
2. The major principle in covenant-making in Èg̣bá – Yoruba belief is to instil the fear 
of God in people with regards to normal day to day behaviour in society 
Partially Agree (  )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( )  Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  (  ) 
3. Covenant among the Èg̣bá people emphasises trust and clear conscience 
Partially Agree ( )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree  ( ) Strongly disagree ( ) Neutral  ( ) 
 
4. The idea that God would punish people who do evil secretly is common to all 
religions 
Partially Agree( )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( )  Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree ( ) Neutral () 
 
5.Instilling the fear of the wrath of God could be used to prevent people from bad 
behaviour like cheating, fraud, stealing corruption, sexual immorality, telling lies e.t.c. 
Partially Agree ( ) Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( )  Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  ( ) 
 
6. Do you agree that people are liable to show love, justice, and faithfulness to one 
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another because they are bound together by covenant? 
Partially Agree ( )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree ( ) Neutral  ( ) 
 
7.Do you think people are more careful not to break a covenant than they are not to 
break civil or moral laws? 
Partially Agree ( )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree  ( ) Strongly disagree ( ) Neutral  ( ) 
 
8. If you agree with 7 above, do you think people don't want to break the terms of a 
covenant because they fear the wrath of God of other spiritual forces? 
Partially Agree ( ) Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree ( ) Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  ( ) 
 
9. Many trade associations in Èg̣báland can be regarded as covenant societies 
Partially Agree ( )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( )  Disagree ( )  Strongly disagree ( ) Neutral  ( ) 
 
10. The Ògbóni System of Statecraft in indigenous Èg̣bá setting is not a secret cult 
or fraternity 
Partially Agree ( )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree ( )  Strongly disagree ( ) Neutral  ( ) 
 
11. The Ògbóni statecraft was a means of maintaining political stability in Èg̣báland 
Partially Agree (  )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( )  Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  (  ) 
 
12. The Pàràkòyí of Èg̣báland is not a secret society of fraternity 
Partially Agree ( )  Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  (  ) 
 
13. The Pàràkòyí of can be regarded as a mechanism of regulating commercial 
activities in Èg̣báland 
Partially Agree ( ) Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  (  ) 
 
14. The Pàràkòyí employs covenant concept in regulating commercial activities in 
Èg̣báland 
Partially Agree ( ) Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  (  ) 
 
15. Cooperative thrifts and trade associations in Èg̣báland employ covenant concept in 
regulating the behaviour or their members 
Partially Agree ( ) Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( )  Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree ( ) Neutral  ( ) 
 
16. The covenant principles used in the Covenant of God with Israel recorded in the 
Bible are very similar to the principles used by many covenant societies, trade unions 
and cooperative thrifts in Èg̣báland 
Partially Agree ( ) Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  (  ) 
 
17. The use of covenant concepts such as instilling the fear of God, and appeal to 
conscience and emphasis on trust, could be used in regulating human behaviour in 
modern societies 
Partially Agree ( ) Agree ( ) Strongly Agree ( ) Disagree  ( )  Strongly disagree (  ) Neutral  (  ) 
 
18. What is the likely result of breaking a covenant? 
  
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LEGEND: 
Total Number administered = 1000; Total Retrieved = 1000 Percentage Retrieved 
=100% 
SN = Serial Number  T R = Total Number of respondents to the particular Question
   
N = Neutral; %N  Pecentage of Neutral Response = N/1000x 100 =N/10 
S.A = Strongly Agree     % SA= SA/TRx100  
A = Agree;   % A= A/TRx100  
PA = Partially Agree   %PA  = PA/TRx100   
D = Disagree  % D = D/TRx100  
SD = Strongly Disagree ;  %SD  = SD/TRx100  
TPR = Total Positive Response = SA+PA+A;   %TPR = TPR/TRx100  
TNR= Total Negative Response = D+SD; %TNR = TNR/TRx100  
INFERENCE : 
 Each Question on the Questionnaire is constructed as a proposition, to which the 
Respondent is required to show the level of Agreement of Disagreement. A Question 
with more than 50% Total Positive Response is considered a valid proposition, while a 
question with less than 50% Total Positive Response is considered an invalid 
proposition. 
+ve  = Affirmative,  valid proposition 
-ve = Negative, invalid proposition. 
 
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION  
A. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION 
 A total of One Thousand copies of the Questionnaire were distributed within the 
research populace which covered The Administration of the Questionnaire is as 
follows: 
Abe ọ̀kúta North Local Government, Ogun State    250 
Abe ọ̀kúta South Local Government, Ogun State   250 
Odeda Local Government, Ogun State     200 
Obafemi Owode Local Government, Ogun State   200 
Ido Local Government, Oyo State      100 
    TOTAL    1000 
 
 100% Retrieval was achieved because copies of the Questionnaire were 
administered on a wait-and-get basis. A research assistant was employed in the 
administration of the Questionnaire to assist in locating Older respondents and the 
580
interpretation of the research questions to respondents who were not literate . 
 Abe ọ̀kúta was given the largest number because nearly all the clans and sub-
                                                 
580
 The Rev. E. O. Oladoyinbo of St. Andrews Anglican Church, Kajola was very helpful in assisting with 
the administration of the Questionnaire, and locating Older respondents for the Interview as well as 
for the Questionnaire. 
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ethnic groups of the Èg̣bá have representative quarters at Abe ọ̀ kúta. Ọdédá and 
Ọbáfe ṃ i Owódé Local Governments are also given relatively large number because the 
indigenous Èg̣bá Homesteads are still represented in these Local Governments and they 
have not been displaced by foreigners. Ìdó Local Government is given least because the 
indigenous Èg̣bá Populace have been dislodged to a greater extent during the Inter-
tribal wars. This affords the opportunity of fairly even distribution of the Questionnaire 
among the major sub-ethnic groups and clans of the Èg̣bá people. 
 
B. AGE CLASSIFICATION 
 05% of the respondents were below the age of 30yrs 
 10% were between 30 and 50yrs 
 60% were between 50 and 70 yrs 
 25% were above 70yrs. 
 
 Since the majority of the respondents were above the age of 50, it shows that 
the views of the respondents would be a closer representation of indigenous Èg̣bá-
Yoruba perspective. 
 
C. GENDER 
 90% of the Questionnaire respondents were male. This enhances the validity of 
the inference from the Questionnaire because the male are more involved in the 
statecraft and religious administration of the Èg̣bá People.  
 
D. OCCUPATION 
 5% of the respondents were students 
 8% were self-employed, and majority of these were Road Transport Workers or 
Petite  traders 
 27% were active civil servants 
 60% were retired from active employment because of Old Age. 
 
 A total of 95% of the respondents have been involved in active employment at 
one time or the other and have been involved in one trade union, cooperative or trade 
guild. 
 
E. RELIGION: 
 95% the respondents were Christians. 
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 5% were not Christians, but are related to Christians either by marriage or as 
members of their families. Respondents who have some knowledge of the Biblical 
concept of covenant, at least in the way it has been presented through the Christian 
Missionaries, were purposively selected. 
 
F. EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATION: 
 0.48% of the Respondents had post-graduate education, or are Post Graduate 
Students 
 8.02% were graduates 
 13.4% had equivalent of National Diploma (NCE; Advanced Teachers‘ 
Certificate;  GCE  A/Level & Cambridge A/Level) 
 20.7% had equivalent of School Certificate. 
 30.3% had Primary School education 
 27.1% had no formal education. 
 
 The researcher and a research assistant helped in explaining the content of the 
Questionnaire to the respondents that were not literate. This ensures that the 
respondents fully understood the research questions. 
  
G. PARTICIPATION IN COOPERATIVE OR TRADE ASSOCIATIONS 
 All the respondents had participated in one religious association, trade guild, 
student union, social club or cooperative association at one time or the other. The 
respondents were purposively selected. Some of the targeted respondents were trade 
unions and cooperative thrifts. However due to the importance of the views of older 
people, majority of the older respondents were visited at home, and after church 
services. Majority had taken part in one guild or the other, while they were younger, 
and were currently members of religious associations.  
 
  
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SUMMARY CHART OF QUESTIONNARE RESULTS 
SN T R N %N  S.A  % SA= A % A= PA %PA= D % D SD %SD TPR %TPR TNR %TNR Inference 
 N/10 SA/TRx100 A/TRx100 PA/TRx100 D/TRx100 SD/TRx100 SA+PA+A TPR/TRx100 D+SD TNR/TRx100 
1 985 015 1.5% 306 31.07% 391 40% 157 15.94% 113 11.47% 018 1.83% 854 86.70% 131 13.30% +ve 
2 969 031 3.I 187 19.30% 485 50.05% 173 17.85% 101 10.42% 023 2.37% 845 87.20% 124 12.80% +ve 
3 959 041 4.1% 194 20.23% 417 43.48% 228 23.78% 097 10.15% 023 2.40% 839 87.49% 120 12.51% +ve 
4 985 015 1.5% 267 27.11% 416 42.23% 187 18.99% 081   8.22% 034 3.45% 870 88.32% 115 11.68% +ve 
5 968 032 3.2% 215 22.21% 427 44.1% 228 23.55% 076   7.85% 022 2.27% 870 89.88% 098 10.12% +ve 
6 982 018 1.8% 147 14.97% 380 38.70% 246 25.05% 186 18.94% 023 2.34% 773 78.82% 209 21.28% +ve 
7 977 023 2.3% 139 14.23% 351 35.93% 262 26.82& 191 19.55% 034 3.48% 752 76.97% 225 23.03% +ve 
8 950 050 5.0% 101 10.63% 341 35.90% 270 28.42% 204 21.47% 034 3.58% 712 74.95% 238 25.05% +ve 
9 918 082 8.2% 055    6.00% 207 22.55% 290 31.59% 322 35.08% 044 4.79% 552 60.13% 366 39.87% +ve 
10 628 372 37.2% 005    0.80% 109 17.36% 256 40.76% 251 39.97% 007 1.11% 370 58.92% 258 41.08% +ve 
11 838 162 16.2% 084 10.02% 168 20.05% 199 23.75% 285 34.01% 102 12.17% 451 53.82% 387 46.18% +ve 
12 794 206 20.6% 079    9.95% 165 20.78% 215 27.08% 233 29.35% 102 12.85% 459 57.81% 335 42.19% +ve 
13 769 231 23.1% 102 13.26% 246 31.99% 157 20.42% 188 24.45% 076 9.88% 505 65.67% 264 34.33% +ve 
14 789 211 21.1% 058   7.35% 197 24.97% 241 30.55% 209 26.49% 084 10.65% 496 62.86% 293 37.14% +ve 
15 856 144 14.4% 081   9.46% 207 24.18% 262 30.61% 243 28.39% 063 7.36% 550 64.25% 309 35.75% +ve 
16 864 136 13.6% 029   3.36% 207 23.96% 293 33.91& 243 28.13% 092 10.65% 529 61.23% 335 38.77% +ve 
17 917 083 8.3 123 13.41% 404 44.06% 233 25.41% 107 11.67% 050 5.45% 760 82.88% 157 17.12% +ve 
 
  
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APPENDIX IV 
DETAILS OF PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION 
S/ DATE AND VENUE LEVEL/NATURE OF OBSERVATIONS 
N TIME PARTICIPATION 
1. 07. 08.08 The Olúwo Èg̣bá's Observation of dispute The native court was in session, 
12:00-2:00p.m (Chief E.A. resolution proceedings with the Oluwo and his council 
Adeboye)Residence, (pictures and video coverage on seat, a civil case was being 
Ìyànà - Lísàbí, Ìdí- were not permitted) presented, there were witnesses. 
àbà, Abe ọ̀kúta  
2. 11.08. 2008 Olumo Rocks, Research tour of the Pictures of historic artefacts and 
10:25a.m - Ikija, Abe ọ̀kúta monumental Olúmọ Rocks places on the rock. 
4:00p.m 
Pictures and video clips These are documented in the 
were taken; I was assisted by Plates and resource CD  
a tour guide, Mrs. Modupe 
Adebayo 
3 19.08.2008 Aké Palace, Aké Observation of indigenous i.  The mode of greeting 
8:45-11:50a.m Abe ọ̀kúta Jurisprudence by the Aláké's ii.  Mode of dressing (See Pictures 
complaint council Ì"dí- in Plate i.; and resource CD Rom) 
ère".Pictures of artefacts and iii. Court etiquette 
video clips of proceedings iv. Court charges  
were taken  
4 08.11.2011 – (i)   Shrine of the Examination of Ancient i. The ancient texts were 
10. 11. 2011 Book Complex, manuscripts. The originals preserved in good condition. 
8.30a.m - Israel Museum, of the Dead Sea Scrolls, The ii. All the manuscripts were 
4:51p.m Jerusalem. Aleppo Codex, and some handwritten. 
(Israeli Time) dated fragments were iii. There were no verse 
Ticket No: consulted. At the time of the numbering on majority of the 
100453316 visit, The Originals of the manuscripts 
Aleppo Codex and some of iv. In many instances, the 
the Dead Seas Scrolls paragraph breaks are not 
manuscripts were on display uniform. 
at the dome. 
Pictures and video clips 
were forbidden in the 
Museum. 
  (ii) The Aleppo The microfilms of the i. The Aleppo Codex is a 
Codex resource Aleppo Codex, and other Massoretic text, even though the 
centre, Israel resource documents were verse numbers are absent. 
Museum, accessed. Links was gained ii. The microfilms of some 
Jerusalem, Israel. to the online Electronic chapters and some books were 
microfilms of the Aleppo not available. 
Codex, the Codex Sinaiticus, iii. Only Deuteronomy is 
and the Codex available of all the books of the 
Allexandrianus. Pentateuch. 
 
  (iii) The Dead Sea Microfilms of the ancient i. Many  of the Dead Sea Scrolls 
Scrolls information manuscripts from the consulted were Masoretic texts, 
and study centre, Qumran community were though a few do not have the 
Israel Museum, accessed. nikud. 
Jerusalem, Israel. There were also ii. The entries in the Critical 
commentaries and apparatus of the BHS correspond 
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monographs which were with the verifications made so 
helpful. far with the microfilms of the 
ancient texts.  
6 11. 11. 2011  Mount Sinai, Observation at the Mount The actual site of the theophany 
10.00pm Sinai Peninsula, Sinai, the supposed site of was not certain. The present 
Egypt Time Egypt the Theophany, and Sinai location is largely based on 
Covenant. Scholarly speculation. However, 
Pictures are provided in the the texture of the rock 
Picture Plates. formations depict charred rocks 
while there was no certain 
evidence that there had been an 
active earthquake. This is one of 
the evidence advanced to 
support the location as the site of 
the Theophany. 
7. 12. 11.2011 St. Catherine Observation of the Codex The Codex Sinaiticus was 
9:00a.m – Monastery, Sinai Sinaiticus written in  unpointed running 
2:00 pm. Peninsula, scripts  (i.e. scriptio continua 
Egypt without the Greek breathings 
and accents.)  The folios are 
made of vellum parchment 
derived from animal skins. Each 
page is rectangular in shape, 
roughly 40x35c.m. Each page 
has 4 columns of 48 lines each, 
and each line has between 12 
and 14 Uncial  Greek letters, 
written in Alexandrian Greek. 
The available portions at St. 
Catherine are the book of Isaiah, 
1Maccabees and 4Maccabees. 
There was no relevant text for 
the present study. The only 
extant portion of the Codex 
relevant to the present study is 
the book of Jeremiah, and this, 
along with majority of the 
portions were at the British 
Museum in London at the 
moment, but the Electronic 
Facsimile is available online. 
8. 05. 02. 2012 Live Telecast on Listening to the live sermon The Archbishop affirmed that 
8:00-8:30p.m BCOS Television  By the Archbishop on the public officers who break their 
by Most Rev. topic: ―Should a Christian oaths of office would definitely 
J.O.Akinfẹnwa take revenge?‖ suffer the consequence. What 
Archbishop of happens to them after they leave 
Ibadan office often reflect the impact of 
Archdiocese the oath they had taken while in 
Church of Nigeria office. It may be negative or 
Anglican positive depending on their 
Communion compliance. 
 
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SUMMARY CHART OF QUESTIONNARE RESULTS 
SN T R N %N  S.A  % SA= A % A= PA %PA= D % D SD %SD TPR %TPR TNR %TNR Inferenc
 N/10 SA/TRx100 A/TRx100 PA/TRx100 D/TRx100 SD/TRx100 SA+PA+A TPR/TRx100 D+SD TNR/TRx100 e 
1 985 015 1.5% 306 31.07% 391 40% 157 15.94% 113 11.47% 018 1.83% 854 86.70% 131 13.30% +ve 
2 969 031 3.I 187 19.30% 485 50.05% 173 17.85% 101 10.42% 023 2.37% 845 87.20% 124 12.80% +ve 
3 959 041 4.1% 194 20.23% 417 43.48% 228 23.78% 097 10.15% 023 2.40% 839 87.49% 120 12.51% +ve 
4 985 015 1.5% 267 27.11% 416 42.23% 187 18.99% 081   8.22% 034 3.45% 870 88.32% 115 11.68% +ve 
5 968 032 3.2% 215 22.21% 427 44.1% 228 23.55% 076   7.85% 022 2.27% 870 89.88% 098 10.12% +ve 
6 982 018 1.8% 147 14.97% 380 38.70% 246 25.05% 186 18.94% 023 2.34% 773 78.82% 209 21.28% +ve 
7 977 023 2.3% 139 14.23% 351 35.93% 262 26.82& 191 19.55% 034 3.48% 752 76.97% 225 23.03% +ve 
8 950 050 5.0% 101 10.63% 341 35.90% 270 28.42% 204 21.47% 034 3.58% 712 74.95% 238 25.05% +ve 
9 918 082 8.2% 055    6.00% 207 22.55% 290 31.59% 322 35.08% 044 4.79% 552 60.13% 366 39.87% +ve 
10 628 372 37.2% 005    0.80% 109 17.36% 256 40.76% 251 39.97% 007 1.11% 370 58.92% 258 41.08% +ve 
11 838 162 16.2% 084 10.02% 168 20.05% 199 23.75% 285 34.01% 102 12.17% 451 53.82% 387 46.18% +ve 
12 794 206 20.6% 079    9.95% 165 20.78% 215 27.08% 233 29.35% 102 12.85% 459 57.81% 335 42.19% +ve 
13 769 231 23.1% 102 13.26% 246 31.99% 157 20.42% 188 24.45% 076 9.88% 505 65.67% 264 34.33% +ve 
14 789 211 21.1% 058   7.35% 197 24.97% 241 30.55% 209 26.49% 084 10.65% 496 62.86% 293 37.14% +ve 
15 856 144 14.4% 081   9.46% 207 24.18% 262 30.61% 243 28.39% 063 7.36% 550 64.25% 309 35.75% +ve 
16 864 136 13.6% 029   3.36% 207 23.96% 293 33.91& 243 28.13% 092 10.65% 529 61.23% 335 38.77% +ve 
17 917 083 8.3 123 13.41% 404 44.06% 233 25.41% 107 11.67% 050 5.45% 760 82.88% 157 17.12% +ve 
 
232 
 
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY