THE AL/r'INJO THEATRE: (The study of a Yoruba theatrical art from its earliest beginnings to the present-times). by Mrj4 / w Joel Adeyinka Adedeji, M.A. (N.Y.U), Dip. Drama (R.BsC), L.R.A.M. Thesis submitted to the University of Ibadan for the degree of Doctor-of Philosophy in tEfe Faculty of Arts. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY i. P R S P A C E This is the first systematic study ever to be made of the origin and development of a theatrical art that is indigenous to African culture. The Alarlnjo Theatre is the product of the civilisation of the Yoruba peoples of Western Nigeria. My interest in the AlArinjd Theatre was first aroused when first as a student of the drama in Great Britain and later in the United States of America, I became absorbed in the study of the theatrical art of the Italian Commedia dell* Arte. I recalled the occasions when the Alarlnjo troupes visited our town and lodged in our compound. My grandfather was the Babanxsangc> and my granduncle was the AlSgbAa. I remember particularly the live­ long day performances of the troupes of Olufale Ajangila from Iragberx, the late Isold Aro from Ir66 and Alabx of ibokun when they came, each on their yearly rounds. The impression they made on me was profound. It is, therefore, my greatest pleasure and privilege to have the opportunity that has enabled me towafctthis study. This thesis attempts to provide a general conspectus of the art of the Aldrinjd Theatre from its earliest beginnings to the present times. Por convenience, the work is divided into six parts: Part One establishes the background of the study. It em­ phasizes the central importance of the 6bh clan to the development UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ii of art and masquerading, and the emergenoe of the theatre from ancestor-worship. Part Two is devoted to the origin of the theatre from the egungun as ancestor-worship traoing this through three developmental phases. In Part Three the growth of the theatre is examined as a sooial institution; first as a court entertainment and then as a people's theatre. Certain factors affecting the professional aspects of the theatre are also discussed. In Part Four the art and practice of the theatre are described within the framework of Yoruba aesthetics. Part Five is an outline of the background of the artistes who contributed to the professional growth of the theatre and Part Six examines the extent to whioh the style and form of the theatre relate to and are affected by modern developments in Nigeria. In order to realise both the historical and analytical objectives of the study the methodology adopted is as follows: The historical reconstruction from Oral Tradition is based on concept formation and content analysis for the purpose of inter­ pretation. Some questions are asked, some points of reference are made and a system of concepts is formed. Some generalizations are, however, ineluctable. The analytical approaoh is reinforj^ced by a system of inter­ view based on the 'discussion approach' rather than the use of the 'questionnaire'. Two categories of informants are used: professional UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY iii artistes talk about their own background, describe their work and refer to other artistes they know or have heard about. The other informants who are non-professionals discuss their personal knowledge of the activities of the egungiin and the operations of the troupes. The process of analysis includes direct observation of live performances and photographs of previous ones. Recordings of chants and songs made on tapes are also analysed. Personal experience and intimacy with the subject of study are, however, an asset. (See Appendix 9 for research plan). It is not the express purpose of this study to prove Gustave Cohen's postulate on the theatrogenie nature of religion and religious practices, albeit the study examines how the Yoruba egdngdn as ancestor-worship, and by its own nature, originated and developed the Alarlnjo Theatre. The significant aim, however, is to use this work as an attempt to draw attention to the importance of a hitherto neglected field of study. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY iv A CKHOWLEDG-EMENT S This presentation is the olimax of an opportunity which I received in 1959 to 3tudy Speech and Drama in Great Britain and the United States of America. My first especial gratitude is due therefore to the Federal Government of Nigeria for the scholarship award, the first of its kind, which made this possible; and to Professor G.J. Axworthy, now Principal of The Central School of Speech and Drama, London, for paving the way for my studies abroad and for sharing his great store of knowledge with me in this study as a co-supervisor. I wish to express my deep sense of obligation to Professor J.F.A. Ajayi, Head of the Department of History, University of Ibadan, for his great interest in the study mnd, particularly, for his inspiration and painstaking supervision of the finished work. For field-work, I owe a lot of thanks to the following people, especially: AlAgba Agboola^ Adeniji of Ksijora Street, Iwo, formerly of the Yoruba Historical Research Soheme, Institute of African Studies, University of Ife, for his interest in the study and, in a very important way, for his valuable assistance in undertaking certain enquiries on my behalf on the Oral Tradition aspects of the study; to bgbeni Adebayo Faleti and Ogbeni Wande' / f Abimbdla, who severally accompanied me to Oyo and who, in many ways, deepened my knowledge of Yoruba Oral Literature; Ogbeni Segun Adegbiji who introduced me to his people and the troupes at UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY V Imala; 6gbeni Alan Aroyewun and Kola Oladipupo who introduced me to operations in Abeokuta and Igbooina areas respectively; 6gbeni Adlsa Balogun, N.B.C., Ibadan who provided me with materials on the activities of the troupes in Otta; Chief J.A. Ayorinde who enlightened me on Ibadan history and the operations of the troupes in Ibadan and area; Ogbeni 0. Olajubu and J.R.O. Ojo, both of the Institute of Afrioan Studies, University of Ife for their colla­ teral interests and to Qgbeni Wale Ogunyemi and S .A. Babayemi, both of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan for providing me with some relevant manuscripts. I oannot but mention my indebtedness especially to the following professional troupe-leaders: Ojel&ce Aiyelabola; Oduola Ijwigila; F6yeke Ayoka Ajangila (for honouring me with a beautiful rendition of my 'orxkl’ - Elese M^ko); Oyadoja Olufale; 0jeyemi Akereburu and many others mentioned in the study including Chief Salawu Adel eke, the Alapinni of Oyo. My thanks are also due to Chief Ulli Beier, formerly of 03hogbo and now of the University of Papua, New Guinea^in very many ways; to Mr. Frank Speed for providing me with photographs; to Miss Peggy Harper for her collateral interest; and to the White Photographers, Crosby Photo Centre and the University Photocopy Section for the photographs used in the study. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY I also wish to taka this opportunity to express my gratitude to my friend Aygdeji 6ni of 13, Granville Hoad, London N.4, England, who provided me with the ’haven of rest* that I used for writing the first draft; to Professor Fred Litto of the Interna­ tional Theatre Studies Centre, University of Kansas, Lawrence, U.S.A. for his kindness daring my stay there; to Dr. Remx Adeleye, Department of History, University of Ibadan, for reading through my second draft and offering very useful suggestions and to Mr. Raymond Odor of the School of Drama, for his fine work as a typist. I hereby also acknowledge with thanks the assistance of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan for supporting the research with a grant of £100 when I started field-work in 1965. Finally, a more personal word of gratitude is due to ay father, Adedeji Adisa"Arowosaiye, for his never failing interest in my progress and to my darling wife, Larin, whose sympathy and cheer sustained me during the arduous years of study and research. J .A. Adede.ii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY vii. A B S T R A C T This study describes the art and development of the Alarinjo Theatre from its earliest beginnings to the present times. The origin and development of the theatre are traced to the descendants of the 6b&, believed to be the autochthones of Yoruba- land and worshippers of ObhtAlA, the Yoruba supreme divinity. By giving material existence to Obktila, they displayed an instinct for impersonation and ritualistic expression which leads to developmental drama. As a natural reaction to the deprivation which they suffered at the hands of their enemies (a party of immigrants), they had recourse to^jstratagems by which inva- ^/certain riably, they developed the means of drama? namely, religion, art and disguise. The 'masquerade* was first used by the Igbo' followers of Obatala to terrorise and plunder the Ife city-state out of which they had been driven by a party of immigrants believed to have been led by Oduduwa. At a later period, the Nupe (supposedly under the influence of the descendants of the Oba who had sojour­ ned in that country after the dispersal from Ife) used the 'masquerade' to prevail upon the Yoruba of Oyo. The Yoruba who at that time worshipped the 'masquerade* as ancestral spirit had believed that the Nupe soldier-masquerades were ancestors who had re-appeared on the side of their enemy. They therefore abandoned the Oyo city-state and went into exile. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY viii. In a rapprochement that followed during the reign of Ofinran (e. 1544), it became clear that the descendants of Oba who had returned to the fold from the Nupe country, had knowledge of the secret of the 'masquerade'. The Eghngiin Society was formed as a conjoint association of two clans - the bba (Yoruba indigenes) and the Igbori (Tapa extraction). With this association, both the worship of the ancestor as egungun (masquerade) and the use of the eg^ngun for social action were brought together under a hierarchy. e. The theatre emerged from three developmental phases - ritual, ^ festival and theatre. The process shows the treatment and use of the egungun for both ritual and seoular occasions. It was Oldgbin Ologbojo, a descendant of the 0b&, who adopted the 'masquerade' for the purpose of furthering his duty as retainer and head of court-entertainers. With these court-masques, therefore, the third and final phase in the development of the theatre from religious dramatic roots was reached. By about the second half of the six­ teenth century, the theatre had been bom. The theatre flourished extensively during the eighteenth century but mostly within Court circles and participated in the annual egungun festivals. With Ssd bgbin (who adopted the title 'Ologbojo' for his professional role) leading a band of costumed- players, the theatre extended its operations outside of the Court and throughout the Oyo empire. Other professional masque-drama- turgs followed in his footsteps. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ix The fall of the empire during the early part of the nineteenth century did not adversely affect the fortunes of the theatre; on the contrary, it contributed t> its artistic development and profes­ sional growth. The troupes travelled far beyond the Oyo areas and into the new Ibadan sphere of influence where they became - popularly known as the 'AlArlnjd'. Towards the end of the century and thenceforward, however, the corroding influence of Islam and Christianity on the structure of the Yoruba society questioned the continued existence of the theatre. The fora and style of the theatre arise from the generalised * concept of Yoruba art, namely,that the artist proceeds by induction rather than by deduction. Although the artist, normally, operates within a transcendental frame of mind that inspires him to accom­ plish his objective, the results of his work seem superficial to the casual observer. The substance of what the masque-dramaturg wishes to communicate or share with his audience is revealed in the material of his creation which also underlines his main pre-occupa­ tions, namely, religion and human situations. Thus, in the thea­ trical 'repertoire', there are two types of masques - the spectacles and the revues. While the former are designed to meet religious objectives, the latter are sketched out as comments on happenings in the society. Although the spectacles are serious drama in intent, yet they are sometimes given satirical turns; but the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY revues are always comical. The root-elements of the theatre are the mask, the ohant, * nnfl the dance; but a performance is the sum total of all of these and the unified product of gesture and costume. The theatre has specific obligations to the audience with idiom it communicates. Its functions over and above divertissement include education and edification. Bat the art of the theatre can be better appreciated only within the framework of Yoruba aesthetics and the sensibili­ ties of the people. During the height of its influence, the theatre provided s gainful employment for many people outside the original lineage that first developed the art. As time went on, however, it could not escape being affected by the forces of change which had been at work in the Yoruba sooiety from about the middle of the nine­ teenth century. With the introductions into the Yoruba sooiety of other forms of entertainment based on European models towards the end of the nineteenth oentury, the Al£rlnj6 Theatre faced a gloomy prospect. Traces of its influence have been found in the 'new theatres'. While it yet thrives by appealing to the taste of the uneducated masses, its means have failed to attraot the rising generation of western-educated and acoulturated people who patronise the 'new theatres'. With the increasing popularity of the 'new theatres' UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xi. therefore, the Alarlnjd Theatre is bound to fade out of existence. ^/It will, however, leave behind its own undying influence on the new forms. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xii C O N T E N T S Preface i. Acknowledgement ii. Abstract vii. List of Plates xvi. List of Maps xxi. Chps. 1. Introductory Notes: I. Definition of Terms 1 II. Critique of Sources 11 P A S T O N E The Background I. Introduction • • • 31 II. Myth of the Oba • « • 33 III. Religion and Ancestor-Worship 36 IV. Mask and Masquerade • • • 40 V, Traditional Art • • • 46 VI. Developmental Drama • • • 52 VII. Society and Societal Organization 58 VIII„ Conclusion • • • 66 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY x i i It P A R T T W O The Origin of the Theatre Chps. 3. I. Masquerade and Anpestor-Worship 69 (a) Skngo's Reforms: The 'Funeralia' 69 (b) §finran's Reforms: The 'Cultus' , 72 (c) Origin of the Egungun 78 4. II. The Emergence of the Theatre 98 (a) Developmental Phases 98 (b) The Dramatic Form and Style 1 0 2 (c) The Theatre ... 124 III. Perspective 127 P A R T T H R E E The Theatre in History \ (Perspective) 4. I. As Court Entertainment 133 II. As People's Theatre ... 176 III. The Rise of Professionalism 1 8 0 IV. Missionary Impact ... 201 \ V. Conclusion 206 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xiv P A R T F O U R The Art of the Theatre Chps. 5. Theatre Organization and Training 208 I. Publicity 208 II. Presentation ' 212 III. The 'Repertoire' ... 226 IV. Training \ ... 263 f 6. The Theatrical Art and Its Audience 271 I. Form and Style 272 II. Aesthetics ... 284 III. Audience 290 (a) The Significance of the Theatre 291 (b) Magic and Make-Believe 294 . <•> Cultural Syncretism 300 P A R T F I V E The Artistes 7. Biography of Great Professional Dramaturgs 303 I. Esa 6gbin ... 303 II. Extinct Professionals 315 III. Extant Professionals 319 \ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY XV 1. Aiyelabola (ibad&n) 321 2 . Xjangxla (iragberf) 327 3 . Ake'reburu (inxsha) ... 334 4. Oluifale (ikire) ... 342 5 . Others 346 P A R T S I X The Theatre in the Modern Times Cbps. ^ 8. A Changing Society ... 361 I. Cultural Nationalism 362 II. The Old and the New 364 III. Prospects ... 375 Appendix • • o 381 Bibliography O • • 403 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xvi. List of Plates Nos. 1 . Lineage Masquerade - Edgtinla, Ijebu Igbo. 2 . Ekine Masquerade - Ijebu Waterside. 3. Ekine Masquerade - Inland 4. G-elede Masquerade - Ijio. 5* Eyb Masquerade - Lagos. 6 . igbd Masquerade - Ife. 7. §l|we Masquerade - Oro (Igbomina). 8. f Modem Caricature - Queen Victoria. 9. Modern Caricature - A Lawyer and a Missionary. 10. Modern Caricature - A Whiteman (face-mask). 1 1 . Modern Caricature - The Bucktooth (normal) /face-mask7 1 2 . Modern Caricature - The Bucktooth (abnormal) ^ace-maslj? 13. Ancient Caricature - An Oni and His Wife. 14. Ancient Caricature - An Oni and His Wife (front view). 15. Humanistic Art: Door Panel. 1 6 . Humanistic Art: Door Panel. 17- Humanistic Art: A Scene from Yoruba Life. 18. Humanistic Art: Wood Carving. 19- Humanistic Art: A Gel|d^ Headpiece. 20. Humanistic Art: An Egdngdn Headpiece. • 21. Obalufdn Mask. *> * 22. Egifngiln Festival at Okemesi. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xvii 23. A lineage masquerade at Ijebu-Igbo. 24. The lineage masquerade takes part in a dance-display. 25. Catching the Boa-Constrictor. 26. Iy£ Agan or iyamode. 2 7. Officers of the Egdngun Society - imala. 28. Masque of the Agemo. 29. Profession - Ajangila, Ibadan, 29 a. Dressing-room. 30. A Court Performance. 31. The Chorus: 'Wives of the Family' as Chorus. 31 & The Chorus: 'Old Women of the Family' as Chorus. 32. The Chorus Leader. 33. The Orchestra - Aiyelabola, imaliL. 34. The Bata Set. 34 • Apprenticeship. 35. The Bata Leader. 35&. The BVfca Leader acts as an Interloculor. 36. The Ijuba. 37• The Dance. 38. Acrobatics - Ajangila, Ibadan. 38 fit. Acrobatics - Agbegij6, Oshogbo. 39* §ango and Child. 39 gt • VS ango, as a Magician. 39b* lŷ tw<5 Sangd /Shngo's devotee/ accosts the Policeman. 40 . G-el&de: k Head-mask. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xviii. 41. A &fel|de Masque. 42. Masque of the Boa: First Act. 42 . Masque of the Boa: Second Act. 42^. Masque of the Boa: Final Act. 43. Masque of the Leopards. 43*. Masque of the Leopards: fighting over a rooster. 44. The Alligator. 45* The Baboon. 46. Didlrln (The Moron). 4 7. Eleekididi (The Mumps). 48. Onxmu Oni (The Nosey). 49. El^nu Rbbo (The G-ossip). 50. bkanjuwa (The Avarice). 51. Elenu Wambo (The Buck-tooth) . 52. El^ti Kolobo (The Eaves-dropper). 53. Omuti (The Drunkard). 54. Fanslga (The Adulteress). 54&. The Pansiga Masque. 54b . The PansAg& Masque: The Apon (Bachelor). 55• The bs pp. 11-12. 2. For wider explorations on the separate distinctions between 'drama' and 'theatre', Nicoll, oj>. cit.. pp. 11-15 are useful. 3. Drama is not primarily a literary art, its essence is not words but action. (See John Huisinga. Homo Ludens. The Beacon Press, Boston, 1950, pp. 13-27). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 nothing to do with dramatic literature"A Theatre includes among other things, the pantomime or mime, 5 the opera, 6 the ballet,7 4 . ibid., pp. 1 1 -1 2 . 5. The ’pantomime' which originated from the Homan word 'panto- mimus' has acquired various theatrical styles. In Imperial Rome, it was a performance by an actor, who by means of 'mask and gesture', illustrated a narrative sung by -the chorus. During the eighteenth century, the pantomime acquired a diffe­ rent proportion especially in the British Empire when the traditional Christmas entertainments came to be so labelled. The term is now sometimes used to describe, variously, what is seen in acting or dancing when words are not employed to convey the plot or idea. Modern exponents of the pantomime describe it as the art of 'mime' although this is originally another form of theatrical performance of classical origin. (See: The Oxford Companion to the Theatre. Ed. by Phyllis Hartnoll, 2nd edition, O.U.P. pp. 598-601). 6. The 'opera' is a theatrical art which originated during the Italian Renaissance, in an attempt to revive the musioal rendition of classical drama. The French Revolution gave a startling impulse to the opera which had become an 'opera- ballet' at 1iie instance of the Acad&de Royale des Operas inaugurated in 16 7 1. Opera in the second half of the nine­ teenth century was dominated by the powerful personality of Richard Wagner who set the basis of its modern form. (ibid, pp. 485-591). 7. The 'ballet' is a theatrical performance involving "a dramatic spectacle in which the action is presented in dancing and in mime to the accompaniment of music". It was originated in France in the seventeenth century as a court entertainment. Its impetus as a special dramatic form independent of the opera was given by King Louis XIV who was personally interested and took part in the dances. The ballet has magnificently flowered in Russia where it started as an entertainment in the Imperial Court. (See: ibid, pp. 47-54). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 the commedia dell'arte 8 and the masque.9 The elemental roots of drama are embedded in sacred ritual. The accessories are the dance, the chant and the mask. These are the manifestations of all theatrical developments all over the world at the early stage. 10 While in the case of some stagnant cultures the drama has not gone beyond these basic essentials, in Western drama such elements became greatly refined. "What began as spontaneity became formalised, what welled up from the subconscious became rationalised, what had9 810 8 . The 'commedia dell'arte' was another Italian development during the Renaissance. It was in fact, the major theatrical experi­ ment of the age. As professional actors, the players travelled with their repertoire of scenarios or sketches of plots which were then improvised upon during performance. They used masked characters each of whom had a recognised individuality. From the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries the 'oommedia', in a way, became the popular theatre of Europe. (See: ibid, pp. 398-403). 9. The 'masque' or 'mask* is an entertainment which was derived from ancient ritual - religious rites and folk-ceremonies. In England, it began as a Folk-play or the "Mummers' Play" and then later during the sixteenth century, it became an elaborate Court entertainment. At the hands of Ben Jonson it became a literary art and lost most of its social force. The 'masque' has held an important place in the history of the theatre, mainly because of its influence on ballet, opera and pantomime and partly because of its contribution to playwriting. (See: ibid, pp. 518-519). 10. John S. Bowman, "Banco, Chant and Mask in the plays of Wycherley" Praam Survey. Fall, 1963, p. 181. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4 been a social rite became an individual's art,” 11 even though the accessories in one form or another have always remained at the core* The most important elemental accessory found in the Alarinjrf Theatre is the 'mask'. 12 Originally, it was sacro­ sanct and ritually bound up with ancestor-worship. But later its essence changed in the hands of artists. The 'mask* became a disguise technique and a device for dramatio expres­ sion. Thus the 'mask* can be used for ritual and theatrical purposes in the Yoruba society. The 'ritual mask' belongs to a group or a lineage, and the 'character' is a representation of the family or lineage ancestor. It may be a carved wooden face-mask or a cloth faoe-aask with two holes or a network through which the wearer of the 'mask* can see. The 'theatri­ cal mask' on the other hand, is consistently used as a form of disguising to dramatize a story or a poetic metaphor. The 'dramatis personae' are established and identified through their stock characterization.2 1 1 1 . ibid., p. 182. 1 2 . In the early forms of drama, in most cultures, the mask was universally used not only as a device to disguiaa the face but also as an aid to the wearer in assuming the identity of the character he is impersonating. (See: Mowry Roberts, On Stage. Harper and Row, New York, 1962, p. 12). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5 'Masque* has been used in this study to denote the art of performance of the 'Allrlnjo' during which a 'theatrical mask' is worn by the 'dramatis personae*. The Yoruba Masque, like the traditional English‘'masque', is a form of Mummery which developed into a Court diversion for speoial oocasions and later became the people's theatre in the hands of professional actors. According to Bowman,1^ the 'mask* is mere 'dramaturgy' only when it is thrust into a play; but when it is used consistently as a dramatic convention to express something "beyond the representation of the matter," and a great deal of the meaning is conveyed in this way, then the 'mask' becomes a rhetorical device. By the 'rhetoric of dramaturgy' is meant the employment by the dramatist of conventional expressive devices to project the ideas of a dramatic play by visual and aural means. 14 The 'rhetoric of dramaturgy* brings the ele­ ments of dance, chant and masking into a unity which provides a tangible dimension for the meaning of the dramatic play of the 'Alfirlnjd'. In this study, therefore, the artistic leader who employs the 'rhetoric of dramaturgy* as an expres­ sive device in the 'masques' to create a unit of theatrical 134 13. Bowman, oj>. oit.« p. 182. 14 . ibid. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6 performance, is called the 'masque-dramaturg'. He is the 'animator* of the 'masques' as veil as the manager of the troupe. The term egimgun, as we have seen, covers a number of concepts and can be a source of confusion in Yoruba culture. The egdngun. originally, was considered as being the re­ incarnated spirit of an ancestor materialised in a human form during a temporary re-appearance in the world. But it has come to be erroneously used as a term to denote all forms of masquerading or disguise. 15 The 'mask* facilitates the sub­ mergence of the masker's own 'persona' while at the same time it induces a measure of empathy from his spectators. The term egungtin is of Oyo origin and there it denotes the 'ancestral spirit', fully costumed or robed in 'ago', and manifesting human qualities or attributes. The ancestral spirit was originally oalled 'ara orun' (a native of heaven) or 'ebora' (deity) in non-Oyo areas of Yoruba. Egdngdn has, nevertheless, become a generic term for all forms of masquerading. In this regard even the 'Alarlnjd' which has almost severed its ritual link from the egtingtin is still classified as 'egungdn apicUin'^ (the masquerade that performs spectaoles) or 'egdngdn al4re' (the masquerade that performs plays). 516 15. Masks and masquerades are forms of human artifice bound up with the ceremonial expression of the magioo-religious systems of traditional societies. 16 . S^e^pirt^II^^C^apter 3 for "the origin of egumnSin and source UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 7 Masquerades 17 are, of course, not limited to egu/n gu/n in the Yoruba society. Masquerading is identified with some religious groups and cultic associations like the G-ve ledAe 8 , feklnb. and Epa.1^ The Ad a W - d r ^ a is another form of mas­ querading connected with funerary rites in Lagos. It is believed to have originated from Awori but with Oyo and Iperu connections. The incarnated spirit is called 'byb'. The ceremony is ritual drama held in honour of the memory of a distinguished person. 20 During the religious observance of several of the Toruba deities some form of masquerading can also be seen; for instance in the annual festival of 'Ob^t&la', the arch-divinity. By tradition the Oyo egdngun. or any egiingrln that is derived from Oyo, is fully costumed; this means that no part of the body of the masquerader must be revealed to the public. Some non-Oyo egdngun expose certain parts of the body especially hands and legs. In the eastern half of Yorubaland, espe­ cially in Ondo province, the masquerade "is dressed in a 718920 17. See plates, 1 , 2, 3, 4 & 5, 18. Beier "Oelede Masks", Odu. No. 6, June 1958, pp. 5-23. 19. Oyin Ogunba, Ritual Drama in Ijebu Ode (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Ibadan, June 19^7/, passim. Epk masks are also found among the Ekiti people. 20. J.O. Lucas, "The Cult of Adamu-Orisa," Nigerian Field. 1945. pp. 184-196. ----------- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY * No. 1: Lineage Masquerade - Edgdnld, Ijebu Igbo (Photo by courtesy of Dr. Oyin Ogunba). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 2: Ekine Masquerade - Ijebu Waterside. (Photo by courtesy of Dr. Oyin Ogunba). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 3: Eklne Masquerade - Inland. (Photo by courtesy of Dr. Oyin Ogunba). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 4: Gr^lM6 Masquerade - Ijio. (Photo taken at a performance, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 8 long grass-robe, and wooden mask depicting the face or head of an animal. He is a supernatural inquisitor who comes to enquire into the general domestic conduct of people especially that of women and criminals." 21 During the Edi* Festival at Ife, this form of masquerading is used to enact the mythology of 'Moremi and the Igbo'21 23 2 In this study the term egungun has been confined to its general use as denoting the 'masquerade'. The term "Egting&i Society" has been adopted to refer to the association formed by members of the egungun cult-group. The egungun of the deceased person who is brought home during the funerary rite is described as 'ghost mummer'. D The use of the term 'egungun apidan*, the classificatory name of the theatre-group has been noted but the attributive appelation of the group as the 'Alarlnjo' (professional travelling dance troupe) has been adopted. * The term 'oje' is another source of confusion. The 'Alarlnj^' started in Oyo where it was first called 'oja' - a minstrel who travelled about as an 'akewi' (gleeman). He wore gorgeous oostumes and was received at Court and in the compounds of the noble with gifts and money. The oommonplaoe sayings "gbe oje lq" 21. ibid., p. 150. This form of masquerading is believed to be indigenous while the d o t h costumed masquerade is believed to belong to immigrants fro® Oyo. 22. M.J. Walsh, "The Edi Festival at Ife", African Affairs. Vol.47, No. 189, October 1948, pp. 231-238. See plate, No. 6. 23. N.A. Fadipe, Sociology of the Yoruba (Ph.D. Thesis, University of London®, 1$39» P * o 7 . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY V No. 6: Igbo Masquerade - Ife. (From African Affairs. Vol. 47, No. 189, October 1948). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY - 9 - 9 (stroll out with gorgeous apparel/) or "oje mi ga" (my outfits rank high) are reminders of the earliest association of the word with ’gorgeous accoutrements’. In terms of classification, the w is an egiingun l£bala. There is a great distinction between the '6jb' and the ' egungdn' in the Igbomina area. The general class of egiingun is called ’pkdkiL’ the special class is called ’elewe’ and the ’Alarinjo’ (the professional troupes) who are invited every two years to entertain the masses they call ’bjb'. Every actor's first name includes 'bjd' as a prefix or a morph, for example: OjdlAdd, Oldjede and 0 j^wumi. In certain areas, however, both 'bje and 'egdngun’ are synonymous and used indiscriminately. The elders of egungun are called 'Agba dje'. For this study, the 'bje' is synonymous with the 'histrione'. The term "Yoruba* has been used in this study, generally, to denote the society and culture of the Yoruba speaking-peoples of Nigeria and certain parts of Dahomey. It includes the area where the Alarinjo 'theatre is known to have developed and the areas in which the troupes operated. The origin of the word is dubious. Belief in its Arabic origin oan be found in the chroni­ cles of the learned Sultan Bello of Sokoto where it is described 24. See plate, No. 7* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 7: Elewe Masquerade - Oro (Igbomina). (From S J U Oyinlola, by courtesy of Kola Oladipupo). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY as 'Yarba'. 25 Sultan Bello's reference was in respect of the area settled by a group of people who "originated from the remnants of the children of Canaan, called Nimrod." 2 6 According to him, "Yarba is an extensive province containing rivers, forests, sands and mountains, as also a great many wonderful and extraordinary things." 27 The group is believed to have been led by Oduduwa, a Crown Prince, and after several wanderings across the Sudan they reached Ife where they finally settled. Prom them "sprang the various tribes of the Yoruba nation." 28 However, these various tribes in the sub-kingdoms in which they were found did not refer to themselves as ’Yoruba*. The name came to be identified with the Oyo sub-group in a sub-kingdom 25. A reduction of Sultan Bello's map of Central Africa reproduced opposite p. 371 of Major Denham' 3 and Captain Clapperton's Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the years 1822 - 1824, Tol. II. London. 1826. shows the 'Yarba' country. These early English explorers themselves referred to the country as 'Yarriba' and knew about the name through discussions with people in the Hausa - Fulani emirates of Sokoto. (See op. oit.. p. 339). 'Yoruba' may, in fact, be the eponymous of "Yar-rooba, son of Kahtan" of Arabia. (See: Samuel Johnson, History of the Yorubas. C.M.S. (Nigeria) Bookshops, Lagos, rep. i960, p. 5 . 26. ibid. 27. ibid. 28. ibid.. p. 7; see map, No. 1. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Map 1: Yoruba Main Sub-groups: By kindness of Dr. J.A. Ma^asan, Department of Education, University of Ibadan. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 1 - 11 - believed to have been founded by Oranykn, the "youngest of Oduduwa's grandchildren".29 The name diffused later among the other sub-groups owing to the influence of the Anglican Mission which although first based at Abeokuta was named the 'Yoruba Mission.'^ Later, in the process of evolving a written language, the missionaries used the Oyo dialect as the basis for a standard language.31 The term became extensively used during the process of education to include not only the language but also the culture and the peoples. II. Critique of Sources The sources used for the reconstruction of the background and history of the AlArinTheatre as well as in the systema­ tic structuring of the dynamic phenomenon of its art can be divided broadly into four categories: Literature or published works; The Verbal Arts; The Visual Arts; and Drama: (i) Literature: A great deal has been written on the three aspects of the egungun phenomenqnyiamely: 29. Johnson, op. cit., pp. 8 - 12. 30. S.O. Biobaku, The Origin of the Yoruba. Lugard Lectures 1955, Lagos, p. 9* 31. J.PA. Ajayi and R. Smith, Yoruba Warfare in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, 1966, p. 2 . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 12 (a) the ettingxln as a rite or Yoruba burial custom. (b) the egungun as a cult or secret society. (c) the ejnlngun as divertissement or entertainment. The Alarlnjo Theatre in its developmental phases went through all three aspects. Those who have written on the general subject of the eettngiin include ethnologists, social anthropologists and certain nondescripts who came upon the Yoruba socio-cultural scene without the necessary equipment for handling the subject with any clear distinction. Among these are a number of mis­ sionaries, colonial administrators, explorers and tourists. As Dr. S.S. Farrow has said, Mthe chief works have been written by those who were not conversant with the language, and who ... did not live among the people. These writers had to get their information at second or third hand, and their work, praiseworthy as it is ... has suffered considerably from the serious difficulties which beset research of this kind"*2 Some of the ethnologists and social anthropologists whose works have been examined and cited include A.B. Ellis,^ 32. S.S. Farrow, Faith. Fanoies and Fetioh. London, 1926, p. 1 . (This is the published book of a doctoral dissertation written after an intensive study of the Yoruba and a long stay in the country.) 33• A.B. Ellis, The Yoruba Speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa. Chapman & Hall, London, 1894, pp. 107-109. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 13 R.E. Dennet xl and P.A. Talbot. 35 Ellis's work, early as it was, has served as a general reference for others who came after him; as a result, its main faults and weaknesses have been repeated by them; they have hardly furnished any fresh thoughts or ideas, or insight into the subject. The works of Darryl Forde^ are a notable example in this regard. The concentration has been on the practice of eg6ngun as a secret society and as a funeral rite. The missionaries, too anxious to reduce all forms of cultural activities to manifestations of barbarism in a pagan society, made scant references to the egtingi&t in their accounts and intelligence reports. Among them are T.J. Bowen, 37 Miss T u c k e r , a n d Anna Hinderer.^ 34. R.E. Dennet, Nigerian Studies. Macmillan & Co. Ltd., 1910, pp. 18-33* 35. P-A. Talbot, Peoples of Southern Nigeria. London, 1926, pp. 760-762. 36. Darryl Forde, The Yoruba Speaking Peoples of South Western Nigeria. London, 1951, pp. 17-19. 37. Tjr. Bowen, Central Africa; Adventures and Missionary Labors 1849-1856. Charleston, 1859» Opassim). 38. Miss Tucker, Abyeokuta or Sunrise in Tropical Africa. London, 1856, (passim). 39* Anna Hinderer, Seventeen Years in the Yoruba Country. London. 1872, (passim). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY - 14 - 14 The works of both the ethnologists and the missionaries have had great influence on the Nigerians whose studies have touched on the subject of egungun generally. Some of the. Latter have offered criticisms of the works by foreign investigators and have used their knowledge of the Yoruba language and cul- ture to advantage. Both Archdeacon J .0. Lucas 40 and Profes- sor E.B. Idowu4 1 concentrate on the ritual base of the egu, ngu,n and furnish information on its funerary aspects. Chief 1.0. Delano4 2 describes the yearly egungu/n festival and the ritual play during the 'Iseku', a burial rite. Reverend Samuel Johnson, 43 more than any of the above provides infor­ mation on the origin and some aspects of the history of the egungun. He describes the funerary rites as they extend to both the male and female heads of families. The writings of Dr. E.G-. Parrinder4 4 on the egu, ngu,n as a funerary rite as well as the cult of ancestors are very useful; 40. J.O. Lucas, The Religion of the Yorubas, Lagos, 1948, pp. 138-141. 41. E.B. Idowu, Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief. Longmans, 1966, pp. 191-193. 42. Isaac 0. Delano, The Soul of Nigeria, Werner Laurie Ltd., London, 1937, pp. 111-117; 164-171. 43* Samuel Johnson, The History of the Yorubas. C.M.S. (Nigeria) Bookshops, Lagos, i960 rep., pp. 29-31; 137-140; p. 160 and passim. A4. Ep.pG.. 4P1a-r4r7i.nder, Religion in an African City. O.U.P., 1953, . . . / 1 5 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 15 and the articles of Professor William Bascom4 5 and Peter Morton-Williams^ are significant because they prdvide a careful treatment of the different categories into which the egungun is sub-divided. Bascom presents a classification of the egururtin and describes the ’ egungdn apidAn* as the enter­ tainment group, and states that egungun generally, and the "onidan" in particular, are of Oyo origin. Morton-Williams gives an eye-witness account of an egungun festival and the theatrical performance of the anidAn group of egtfngun The eye-witness accounts given by both ClappertonLS and Lander*^ in their journals of a performance in their honour by one of the Yoruba travelling troupes at Old Oyo in 1826 have been of primary importance to this study. 45* William Bascom, "The Sociological Role of Yoruba Cult Group”, American Anthropologist (New Series) Vol. 46, No. 1, Pt. 2, Jan. 1944, pp. 50-59. 46. P. Morton-Williams, "The Egungun Society in South-Western Yoruba Kingdoms", W.A.I.S.E.R. Proceedings. 1956 (reprinted 1963 ), PP- 90-103. 47. See Appendix 6. 48. Hugh Clapperton, Journal of a Second Journey into the Interior of Africa. London, 1826, pp. 53-56. 49* Richard Lander, Records of Captain Clapperton*s Last Expedition to Africa. Vol. I, London, 1830, Chafer V: "Pantomimic Representations by the Yarribeans", pp. 115-1 2 1. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The performance was described as a pantomime. 50 The accounts give a general background to the performance, the details of the setting, the acts, the chorus and the orchestra. The obvious weaknesses in the acoounts are those due to ignorance of the Yoruba language. The chants and the songs which are vital to the understanding of the plot of each act were not recorded. Ulli Beier has so far done more work than any one else on the egvfngdn in general and the 'AlarLnjo* in particular. He describes the 'Alarinj6' as the "Agbegijo" and said they "could be called the beginning of theatre in Yorubaland".51 He uses the term 'Agbegijd' as generic for the olass of ewtngdn entertainers, the theatre-group: "there is a special group of egungun whose purpose is to entertain. These Egungun are oalled Agbegijo - we take wood to dance."’*2 The Agbegij<$, in fact, is the professional name of the troupe that is stationed in Oshogbo where Beier lived. The troupe operates 50. The entertainment as described seems to resemble the Homan pantomime in which the performer acted his part by changing costumes and masks. He gesticulated and danced while a chorus sang to musioal accompaniment. (See Roberts, oj>. cit.. pp. 64-65). 51. Ulli Beier, "The Agbegijo Masqueraders", Nigeria Magazine. No. 82, 1964, pp. 191-199. 52. ibid., p. 191. Beier's interpretation of Agbegijo to mean *we take wood to dance" should have been 'one who takes wood to dance' Instead. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY in Oshun division and travels widely. There is also a troupe at Otta with the same professional name that has no lineage connection with the group at Oshogbo. Every 'Al^rinj^' troupe adopts a professional name which relates to a historical background. Other professional names are: Aiy^iab^l/, Ajangll^, Aj^feebo, Lebe, Eiy^ba and others. There are other obvious contradictions in some of Beier's conclusions whioh are unfortunate. In a recent book which he edited, he has a chapter on 'Yoruba theatre' where he remarks that "there is no conventional theatre in Yoruba tradition." 53 His idea of the 'conventional' apparently has to do with the modern manifestation of the Western theatre. He,however, fails to see that what he goes on to describe as the "Agbegijo theatre" is in faot the Yoruba conventional theatre - a development which has followed its own artistic traditions. Be that as it may, he provides much information in his study of the 'Agb£gij p. 19. See also Idowu, 02. oit.. pp. 7-8. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 20 a poetic opening which is a prelude to the story. The recital is always ended with the 'ebo', or sacrifice which the enquirer has to make, depending on the nature of the revelation made to him. All 'Ifa' poems are historical, even though the historical and the mythical elements are mixed together in the lay-out. 61 The origin of the egu✓ ngu/n is revealed in OduX QV wp.n ri/ nse (\Q wq/n ri/n + Ose) and how egu('n gu/n | became a secret society is revealed in Od\u Qv wp/n ri/n Me/. i\i. The E^a or Ewi chant can be classified as Oriki or panegyric poetry. 62 It is composed in order to give free expression to the feelings of the composer and it is usually a tribute. There are two main divisions: 'Oriki A1§-I1^' (lineage praise-poems) and ’Orikx Orxle' (totemic poems). The poems are by nature a medley of select items (es&) and usually include the attributes of persons, places and things. The 'VsV has its own artistic style which differentiates its kind from the 'Ijala', (the Hunter's chant) or the 'Rara' , (the Eulogy). It is believed to have been originated by the 'boe' or eg&ngtSn labala and popularised by Esa Ogbin, a native of bgbojo, the first masque-dramaturg. It is of historical interest that this class of egungun bards are 61. Wande Abimbola, "Ifa Divination Poems as sources for Histori­ cal Evidence", Lagos Notes and Records, University of Lagos, Vol. I, No. 1, June 19^7, pp. 17-26. 62. Vansina, oj>. cit.. p. 151. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 1 descendants of Ologbojd Ologbin, first known as the Alafin’s ’Arqkin', (panegyric poet) and then as his 'Oldgbo' (staff- bearer).^ Oldgbojo was the first court-bard to become ’ Baba El6e'gdn’ since it was he who instituted the e&dngiin festival^ as the owner of what came to be called ' egungun' in Yoruba history. The Oriki or praise-poems belong to a unique system which is of an immense importance in the tracing of Yoruba pedigrees. 65 Sometimes these poems reveal the origin of certain Yoruba settlements.^ It is believed that the poems were composed by men who led a guild or a group of bards.67 The Oritk >i poetry survives till today among two guilds: 68 63. The Olcfgbo was sent out as a town-crier to inform the bereaved of their losses during a national calamity resulting from a war expedition. Obalokun was said to have done this about 1580. (See S. Johnson, History of the Yorubas). C.M.S. Bookshops, Lagos, (rep. i960), p. 168. 64. S.O. Biobaku, "The Use and Interpretation of Myths", Odu. No. 1, 19551 p. 13* (Biobaku states that "during the instal­ lation ceremony of every new Alaketu, the Baba Eleegun recites the entire list before an assembly of all the people"). How Oldgbin Ologbojo instituted the annual egungun festival is described in Part 2, Chapter 3 . 65. Johnson, og. cit.. pp. 85-86. ("The Orile is not a name, it denotes the family origin or Totem.") See: S.A. Babalola, Awon Oriki Orll^. Collins, 1967. 66. S.O. Babayemi, Awon Oriki Ale Il4. (Unpublished Ms.) 67. Adebayo Faleti, The Totem Poems of the Yoruba. (Unpublished Ms.) 68. SIebea dtahne, w1o9r6k1s; oSf.:A . BaBkaabrael oClbaa.d aAmwoosni ,O iO*nrEiTk~i0.r iMlbba, riC oPlulbilnisc,a t1i9o6n7s;, D.A. Obasa, Iwe Awpn Akewi, I b a d a n 1933. UNIVER ITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY n the 'oje or the mummers' guild and the ' or the hunters' guild. With these two guilds, the poetry has become a conventional mode of artistic expression. While each guild has its own stylistics or technique of recitation, the subject- matter is practically the same 70 The poems include those addressed to the main family lineages of the Toruba, those telling the history of the foundation of certain Yoruba towns, those containing place names and personal names, and salute to certain plants and animals. Most of the lineage poems, in particular, reveal certain social circumstances involving the lineage-heads. The poems seem to have been compiled as 'mementos'. Of historical interest is the fact that a good deal of the lineage or totem poems are addressed mostly to the founders of the Yoruba settlements after the return from exile in the Bariba country and the Nupe captivity about the middle of the seventeenth century. The name of Alafin Abiodun (c. 1770 - c. 1789)' is often mentioned in the poems which is an 69. See the works of: S.A. Babalola, Content and Form of IjAla. O.U.P., 1966; Oladipp Yemitan, IjdlA. O.U.P.. 19^5. 70. Ulli Beier, Yoruba Poetry. &.P.S., Ibadan 1959, p. 9. 71. See: A. Akinjogbin, "The Oyo Empire in the 18th century - A Reassessment", Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. Vol. Ill, No. 3> December 19*><>, pp. 455-459. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 23 indication of royal interest in or patronage of the artists. In the "Orlkl bba" we find indications that point to the Oba as the antochthonous ' clan*, the artists of the realm and the inventor of the 'mask'. In the n0rxki Iran Oldgbin",^2 the lineage which developed the Alarinjo Theatre, Alafin Abiodun is referred to as a patron.73 The myths and tales include stories which attempt to explain the Yoruba world, its culture and society. According to Lloyd, these were "virtually the only source of Yoruba history for the centuries before the arrival of the Europeans. The myths are religious in character and are usually narrated during ritual or festival occasions; transmitted by the priests or priestesses connected with particular 'orisa' or deities. They arejusually intended to control the conduct of the worship­ pers and govern their ftttl. The myths connected with egungun and its origin vary from one community to another. In most cases they relate to the founder of the settlement, or the 72. See: SJL. Babalola (1967), op. cit.. pp. 91-103. 73• The reference to Alafin Abiodun does not seem to suggest that the poem was composed during his reign. Since there is evidence of accretion in the poems, it is likely that the reference was added at a later period by a descendant of the lineage. 74. P.C. Lloyd, Yoruba Myths. Odu. No. 2, 1956, p. 20. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 24 salvation of the settlement from the ravages of an invader by a brave person who is then worshipped as egungun after his death. Tales are fictitious narratives drawn from imagination; but sometimes they contain allusions to historical episodes. Sometimes it is difficult to separate a myth or a legend from a historical narrative. The Yoruba do not separate myths conceptually from secular traditions and historical narratives. They have, in fact, the same name-word 'It&i* for both mythical and historical narratives whether the narration takes place during sacred or profane occasions. The * Itin' is, of course, different from the 'Aid' which is a tale or a story meant for amusement and moral instruction. For example, Adeboye Babelola in his narrative on how egtingrin came into the Yoruba world used the tale to draw out a morel lesson.75 Lastly are the Yoruba wise sayings which, although they are not stories, yet each sums up a story. They are an essential part of Yoruba traditional lore and philosophy. Included in this category are the proverbs, riddles, epigrams and other such things for which the Yoruba are particularly noted. They, too, have been found to be of significant importance to the historical researcher. 76 The elements of Yoruba verbal arts 75• Adeboye Babalola, "Bf Egungun Ti fe De lie' AiyeM, I we Ede Yoruba. Apa Kinni, Longmans, Nigeria, 1962, pp. 38«42. 76. Biobaku, oj>. oit.. p. 14 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 25 are essentially intellectual in content and artistic in form. Although they serve as welcome diversions on occasions of their usage, one cannot fail to be intrigued by their influence. They are usually extracts or illustrations from history, observations on daily life and the creative imagi­ nation. What makes them significant is the link they form with other narratives included in Oral Tradition. (iii) The Visual Arts: Pather K. Carrol in a comment on Dr. L. Segy's book, African Sculpture, says that "a copious illustrated history of Yoruba culture could be compiled from Yoruba carving."^ Sculptures, wall-paintings and other material artifacts of the Yoruba have been found to be of historical value to the study. They furnish illustra­ tions of dress, ornament, material culture and, sometimes, the custom of the people. They are also helpful in tracing artistic growth over tile long period of Yoruba history. Yoruba artists indulge in caricaturing.'7 8 Whether in reference to an imitation or a representation of a person or thir 77• Pather Kerin Carrol, "African Sculpture Speaks", reviewing Dr. L. Segy's African Sculpture in Odu. No. 1, 1955, p. 35. 78. William Bascom, A Handbook of West African Art. Milwaukee Public Museum Handbook, October, 1953, pp. 40-41. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 26 in sculpting, chanting or performance, an element of ludioyfrous exaggeration is introduced as part of the tot§l artistic picture. This art of deliberately distorted picturing relates to mytholo­ gical characters and important social figures, as well as general types in the society* 79 A good example of the carica- ture of mythological characters is that of "Oni and his wife*. 79a Some observers have described the incident as a ritual occasion showing the Oni and his wife in a ritual dance, but this kind of thinking over-emphasises the importance of the king's wife and her role as 'queen' in a monogamous culture. In the Yoruba setting this role is far-fetched. The involved pos­ ture has also been presumed as the caricature of the brother- sister marriage simplified in the Ife royal house." do 'Brother-sister marriage' would not seem to be the case but that of the royal personage who had sexual intercourse with his relation. The occasion would be openly dramatised in form of 'role playing* in the *Igbd Ore', a place outside the town, where the two relatives involved in the act would be led in a 79* See plates, Nos. 8, 9* 10, 11, 12, 13 & 14. The examples of modern caricature are taken from Bascom's book quoted above while those of old caricatures are taken from Prank Willet's book Ife. 79a . See plates, Nos. 13 & 14. 80. William Fagg and Prank Willet, "Ancient Ife", Odu. No. 8, Ituda* ^London a^ Q r8pePI||* to R.E. Dennett, Nigerian UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Noo 8: Modem Caricature - Queen Victoria. (Photo from William Bascoa, A Handbook of West African Art Milwaukee, 1953)* "" --------* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY * No. 9: Modern Caricature - A Lawyer and a Missionary. (Photo from A Handbook of West African Art. 1953)* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY t *• No. 10: Modem Caricature - A Whiteman (face mask). (SPthuodtioe s,b yU nciovuerrtseistyy o fo fD oIibagd aSni)m.monds, Institute of African UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY * No. 11: Modern Caricature - The Bucktooth (normal) /face-mas^ (Photo by courtesy of Doig Siamonds, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 12: Modern Caricature - The Bucktooth (abnormal) /face-mas!^7 (Photo by courtesy of Doig Simmonds, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY An Oni and his wife. No. 13: Ancient Caricature - An Qnl and His Wife. (Photo from Prank Willet: Ife in the History of West African Sculpture. Thames & Hudson, 19^7. " ““ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY - 2 7 - 27 procession through the streets of the town and asked to 'act it out' in a ritual ceremony of appeasement to the arch- divinity, brisa-nla, the god of ethical and ritual purity.8 1 Yoruba art, generally, is a record of observation of life. This artistic technique has been described by Carrol as 'humanistic' because "the artist sympathetically observes and represents the life that he sees around him". 82 Examples of this form of artistic expression are found in door-panels,83 bas-reliefs 84 and wall-paintings8 5 mostly found in the royal palaces. Verger describes the historical episodes in the bas-reliefs of the royal palaces of Abomey as having a Yoruba influence. The figures allude to the wars which the 81. J.A. Adedeji, "Form and Function of Satire in Yoruba Drama", Ofiu, Vol. 4, No. 1, July 1967, pp. 62-72. Caricature is an aspect of Yoruba satirical genre. The basic need for satire in Yoruba society is the essential need for exercising certain controls, meeting the essential need for equilibrium and peace of mind. 82. Father K. Carrol, "Ekiti - Yoruba Wood Carving", Odu, No. 4, pp. 3-10. 83. ibid. See plates of door-panels, Nos. 15 & 16. 84. Clapperton, op. cit., p. 58 describes the figures represented on the bas-reliefs he saw in the palace of the Alafin at Old Oyo. 85. TJlli Beier, "Yoruba wall Paintings", Odu. No. 8, pp. 36-39. Beier describes this important aspect of Yoruba art which h»3 been neglected by observers and critics of Yoruba art. . . . / 28 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 15: Humanistic Art: Door Panel. (Photo from Father Carrol, Yourba Religious Carving, Geoffrey Chapman, 1967* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 16: Humanistic Art: Door Panel. (Photo from Father Carrol, Yoruba Religious Carving. 1967. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 28 people of Dahomey waged against the Yoruba in the early part of the eighteenth century. 86 In a way, they serve as a record of the Dahomeyan version of some of the happenings during their long drawn out engagement with the Yoruba. The Yoruba artists, both the representational and the theatrical, share or reveal the same ’humanistic* interests. 87 There is mutual compatibility in their disciplines. They draw their inspiration from the same environment and sometimes display the same artistic vision. For example, the figure- types displayed and the scenes depicted in the Yoruba door- panels, bas-reliefs and wall-paintings are dramatic and have also been found in the ’repertoire’ of the theatre-troupes. (iv) Drama:- Many Yoruba religious observances include enactments of historical scenes. 88 At many festivals and during the installation ceremonies of chiefs and priests, the events of history are revealed in a type of stage-acting which is part of the total ceremony. This fora of dramatization 86. Pierre Verger, "Note on the Bas-Reliefs in the Royal Palaces of Abomey", Odu, No. 5» pp. 3—13- 87* See plates, Nos. 17* 18, 19 A 20. 88. I .A. Akinjogbin, "Enactment Ceremonies as a source of Unwritten History", Proceedings of Conference. N.I.S.E.R. 1958, p. 172. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY a No. 17: Humanistic Art: A Scene from Yoruba Life.(Kioto by courtesy of Prank Speed formerly of University of Ibadan). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 18: Huaanistio Art: Wood Carving. (Photo by courtesy of Doig Simmonds, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 19i Humanistic Art: A G-$ldd$ Headpiece. (Photo by courtesy of Doig Simmonds, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No 20 Humanistic Art: An Egdngdn Headpiece (Photo by courtesy of Doig Simmonds, Studies, University of Ibadan. In*titute of African UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 29 very usefully helps to trace history even if the intention was not specifically to record history. Conclusion:- In constructing the historical aspect of the study, we have had recourse to a methodology based on all of the above. At the back of our mind has been, of course, the assumption that "it is a common practice in every civi­ lized community to set up, in brass or marble, in work of art or literature, in songs or traditions, worthy memorials to perpetuate the achievements of its scions with noble aims."89 The arts of the Yoruba yield valuable source material which can be structured into a series of sequences to form themes or headings for the theatre historian. Their limita­ tions, however, have been fully realised and no attempt has been made to depend on them exclusively. Conventions of style and medium may owe their origin to particular circumstances which cannot be easily perceived and may lead to generalizations. Interpretation can be faulty if other things are not taken into account during the process of observation and evaluation. Artistic canons change from time to time, even within the same 89. Chris. Johnson, in Nigerian Chronicle of February 5, 1909, p. 6. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 30 historical period, depending on the existence of certain vital forces in the society. The theatre historian has to be critical as it is not sufficient only to record faots. To evaluate, we have attempted to recreate the circuastances in which they existed in the past, relying, of course, on calculations of probability. 90 Our efforts have been strengthened, however, by the details of contemporary history, by personal contacts and by experience. The presence of the Yoruba past in the present, significantly acts as a vital link between the anoient and the new. 90. Vansina, o£. cit.. p. 186 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY P A R T O N E The Background UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 31 C H A P T E R T W O Introduction:- The theatre as an institution normally relies, for its develop­ ment on several artistic elements which only appear at an advanced stage of civilization. Usually the political, eoonomic and tech­ nological situations influence its progress. According to Rice, "the theatre is not limited to the physical viewing plaoe. It includes the multiple techniques required for the organization and projection of a dramatic presentation, the numerous and varied personnel, both artistic and technological, engaged in the applica­ tion of these techniques, and the audience. In the aggregate, these constitute an institution that is not only cultural but social; one that has an identity and a history of its own"1 The history of the origin and development of the AlArlnjo Theatre is involved with the history of the *bba*,2 believed to be the autochthonous clan, worshippers of Obatala, otherwise called 'Orlsa-nla*, the Yoruba supreme divinity and the creator of the 1. Elmer Rice, The Living Theatre. Harper and Bros., New York, 1959, p. 26. 2. Oba is a legendary name given to the man believed to be the founder of Ife. As a deity, he became known and worshipped as Obatdla, which is also the name mentioned in the 'myth of creation*. His descendants, or perhaps his worshippers, include the following: Olefin Qb&makin, Qb&liif6n,Obawinrin, according to Ife tradition, and QbarijA, according to Oyo tradition. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 32 ’earth', according to Yoruba 'myth'3 Prom the 'orikl' (praise-chant) of ' b b a ' t h e following three significant points, which are crucial to this study, have emerged: (a) that the offspring of bba initiated the idea of the •masquerade' as a means of disguise. (b) that the offspring of were artists and that they held the Ooni /king of Ife^ in contempt. (c) that Babajide, the Ologbin Arepa (believed to be the first masque-dramaturg and founder of the professional dance troupe which later came to be popularly known as the *Al£rlnj6') was an offspring of the $b&. The history of the 'bbi clan' which im largely shrouded in myth, spans two epochs of early Yoruba history: the Ife epoch and the Oyo epoch. The religious and dramatic basis of the study originated in Ife civilisation but the theatre as a socio-cultural institution is the product of the rise and fall of the Oyo empire. Religion is the basis of dramatio developments in Yoruba as in most cultures of the world; 'disguise' is its means, and both depend on artistic propensities for their fulfilment. 34 3. Rev. E. Bolaji Idowu, Olodumare. Longmans, 1966, pp. 19-20. 4. See Appendix 1. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 33 II. Mvth of the Oba:- The central events in the life history of the primordial 6b& can be gleaned from several myths which are summarised, as it were, in a dramatization that has become a permanent feature of the annual Qbatald festival. During the ritual performance, there is an episode which depicts a conflict with an adversary, a defeat and imprisonment, and a return. The drama is a pantomime in three acts: In the first act, there is a fight between the Chief Priest of Obatala (who impersonates the deity) and another priest (who impersonates the adversary). During the contest the former is overwhelmed, taken prisoner and carried off the arena. The second act shows an intervention for his release which is then secured by the payment of a ransom. In the third act, he is liberated and allowed to return to the fold. This the Chief Priest does in a triumphal dance.^ Myth is a way of interpreting a primordial act; in this case, the 'act of creation* which is a divine one. According to Eliade, "man constructs according to an archetype."6 In Yoruba mythology, Obat&la is a primordial archetype. 65 5. J.A. Adedeji, "The Place of Drama in Yoruba Religious Obser­ vance", Odu. July 1966, p. 89. 6. Mirca Eliade, Cosmos and History. Harper Torchbooks, New York, 1959, p. 10 . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 34 The religious act of worshipping him as the supreme divinity includes an enactment which shows three crucial phases of his life when he was a mortal. This drama derives from three myths: The first is the 'nyth of creation' which claims that after Ob&t£la, at Olodumare's (The Almighty &od's) command, has finished creating the 'earth' which he called" If h", he then went on to create 'man' and peopled the place with both normal human beings and misfits, the latter when he became drunk and slumbered. The second, which is the 'conquest myth', recalls the arrival at Ife of a band of immigrants who under a powerful leader, believed to be'Oduduwa**, invaded, settled and colonised the 'city-state'. The third myth, drawn out into several episodes, tells first the story of the civil war between the indigenes and the immigrants, then the imprison­ ment of Qbatil^, then the recourse to strategems and finally the 'rapprochement'.^ 7 7. The 'Obamerl episode' narrates the events of the civil war and the imprisonment of Obat&lsf} the ' Igbb episode' reveals the planned strategy applied by the followers of Qbatala' to revenge} the 'Moremi episode' recalls how Mor^mi sacrificed isia, her only son, as ransom for the restoration of peace to ife} and the 'Alaiy^moore episode' shows how feluyare, the Igbb king, finally returned to Ife. * UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 35 The myths do not pronounce on the period of deification of bba, the mythical ancestor, into the god ObatAl^ or brxak- lila, but it must have been after a considerable time-lag. The enactment which dramatises the essential events of his life during the crucial part of the annual Obatala or brisi- rfcLa festival must be seen as an act of commemoration. This probably took place after the 'rapprochement' between the indigenes and the immigrants in order to ensure a cosmic and cultural continuity in the Ife world. 8 Although the 'conflict' has survived in the enactment ceremony as 'drama', it is the religious significance of the myth, not its historicalness, that makes the enactment more meaningful. For "man believes that life has a sacred origin and that human existence realises all of its potentialities in proportion as it is religious"9 Man participates in myth as though it is a reality; by drama­ tising the myth he makes the humanity of the god or deity even 89 8. This would be an example of 'sympathetic magic'. The re-enact­ ment shows ObhtAlA's final victory over his enemies; by so doing, the worshippers are invoking the aid of the deity in fulfilling their own wishes. 9. Eliade, The Sacred and the Profane. Harper Torohbooks, New York, 1961, p. 202. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 36 more significant while, at the same time, it deepens his own involvement. The ’drama' brings a mythical occurrence (the life of Obatala) into reality and as part of religious obser­ vance, it puts the worshippers in a state of belief and strengthens their faith thereby. Ill* Religion and Ancestor-worship By an 'imitatio dei' we see the divine behaviour of the god who created the 'earth' and 'man'; we see in the worship of ObVtal£ the core of a dramatic actualization of a. mythical event. Role-playing has been used as a technique to give material existence to the arch-divinity. In the drama Ob&tala is represented or impersonated by his chief priest, whose dignified portrayal of the deity reveals the hero, whose life- force and humanity brought order into a world disturbed by a party of invaders. Yoruba religion is manifested in ancestor-worship. The phenomenon of ancestor-worship first originated at Ife, probably with the deification of bba, afterwards known as Obatala (the great bba). This form of religion is called 'spiritism'. It is a system whereby the living community is drawn into communion with the 'spirit' of the dead. Even though the human instinct for impersonation and ritualistic expression is mani­ fest in the dramatization which forms a part of the religious w UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 37 worship of Obatala, and even though a conceptualised image of him is housed in his shrine (for he is believed to have metamorphosed into a stone statue), the real object of worship is not the stone or the artifacts in the shrine but his 'spirit'. As a form of religion, ancestor-worship is based on the indestructibility of the 'soul'. A man's 'spirit' exists before his birth and naturally continues after his life. It resides in his body while he is living and survives him when he is dead. 10 Although this 'spirit' can now be evoked during ancestor-worship, it did not at first manifest itself in a materialised form. It was at a later stage in ancestor-worship, at a special ceremony, that the 'spirit* or the 'manes' of the dead was brought to the homestead in a materialised identifiable human form.1 01 The saying, "6 ku t^n, . oit.. p. 28). The fact that the followers of Ohhtala claim ownership of the land may explain why the cult venerates the 'earth' (believed to be the creation of Qb^tallT) and derives its sanctions from a mystical contact with it - 'bgboni' by folk etymology derives from "igbb 16 ni'le" (igbb owns the land). 15. The followers of 0ba'tiedf a after their defeat during the civil war at Ife, moved into the jungle in the outskirts called 'Igb<^'gbb' (the grove of the Igbb). The Ife people referred to them as Igtib. 0b&t61a is addressed by his worshippers as 'king of the Igbb’. Other appellations by which the Igbo was known are '<f' and 'Arb'. The leader of the Igbb masquerade during the Edi Festival is called 'Sluyare'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 49 / IV. Mask and Masquerade:- The '^gbo Masquerade' 10 seems to he the first manifesta­ tion of this means of disguise in the Yoruba society. The followers of Ob^tala haring been forcibly ejected from Ife by the immigrants, are known to have resorted to its use as a stratagem. By covering themselves from head to foot with "Ekan grass" (Imperata oylindrica) ahd bamboo fibres, with a 'mask' (ere) depicting the face, the Igbb nicknamed "Eluyare" attacked Ife and successfully raided and plundered the city- state for a long period of time.17 The Ife people "attributed their affliction and distress to the displeasure of their gods, because those that attacked them from the Igbo territory appeared not to be human beings, but gods or demigods." 17* The idea of masquerading was at that time unknown in Ife and the 'Igbo masquerade' was called 'ebora' (spirit). The eventual defeat of the ̂ gbo through the heroic intervention of Moremi and the 'rapprochement' which followed it bringing Igbo back to the fold in Ife is commemo­ rated in the 'Edl Festival' 6178 16 . See plate, No. 6 . 17. Johnson, jog. oit.. p. 147. l/. ibid. 18. ARefvf.a iMrisc, hVaoell. J .4 7W,a lNsoh., 1"86T,h e JEadniu aFreys t1i9v4a8l, pa.t H23e1 . Ife", -A-f-r-i-c-a-n UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 41 The ' O• b<if•on mask' 19 is believed to be the only evidence of Ife bronze face-mask. It is said to be that of Obalufon Alaiyemoore, son of Ob^lufdn bgbodirin. (Jbaluf^n, credited with the introduction of bronze casting into Ife, is believed to have metamorphosed into a bronze statue at his death; hence his attributive name "bgbodirin” (the ̂ gbo who metamorphosed into iron). The rite of human beings (heroes and royal personages) being replaced by stone images (didota) at their death was a funerary phenomenon during the early part of Ife history. Most of the great leaders, customarily, had stones carved in their effigies. Before they died, they kept them in secret places known only to their confidants. These latter buried their leaders' oorpses secretly, while they revealed only their stone images to the public.20 This 'Qbklltfon mask' has been described as one that was used during the funerary rite of the king for the ceremony of oalling his 'spirit' to the homestead; some have suggested that it was a dedication to the memory of the one who popularised the art of bronze-casting in Ife. Boris de Rachewiltz has 20* 19» See plate, No. 21. 20. J.A. Ademakinwa, Ife, Cradle of the Yoruba: A Handbook of the Origin of the Yorubas. Pt. I, p. 40. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY _ No. 21: Obalufon Mask. (Photo’from Prank Willet, Ife in the History of West African Sculpture, Thames & Hudson, 1967* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY presumed that the Ife ’funerary statues' preserved the Yoruba custom of representing the features of the deceased during the funerary Irites.2'* The collection at Ife of ’heads' shows by their naturalistic style that the artist or artists who made them were fulfilling certain cult prerogatives - the "royal ancestor cult" which states that a great man dies to become 'ota' ^stone/ in order to live forever"21 23 2 It was this form of burial ceremony which created toe necessity for obtaining the living likeness of the deceased; not the ceremony of bringing home the ’manes' of the deceased as a 'masquerade' whioh developed later. The 'Obalufon mask', in all probability, was the face- mask of the 'Igbo Masquerade' of Obklitfon Alaiy^moore2^ in which he returned to Ife after Moremi's 'rapprochement' with the 21. Boris de Bachewilts, Introduction to African Art. John Murray, London, 1966, p. 63. 22. R.E. Bennett, Nigerian Studies, London, 1910, p. 25. The principle behind 'dxdota' (stone) or 'dislgidx (terracotta) or 'dirin', (iron), as the case may be, has also been used to explain the Esie Images. (See Bamiro Adeagbo, "The Dilemma of Esie Images", Nigerian Sunday Sketch Review, Ibadan, February 23, 1969* p. 5» 23. In Ifq Oral tradition, Obal&fbn II or Al^iy&noore is believed to have led a group of dissidents that worried Ife from outside. Ademakinwa, eg. cit., p. 59 states that Alaiy^aoore, Obalufon II was restored to Ife throne in reconciliation after he had lived in exile over a certain period. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 43 Igbb people. The ’mask' has slits below the eyes for the wearer to see through; it carries holes round the hair-line and around the lips and edges which are clearly intended for the raffia grass that is used to build up the disguise. The ’mask' is believed to have been "kept in the Omirin chamber in the palace” 23J ^ where probably, the Al^Ciyemoore' s triumphal return to Ife ended. The '»I gb>o Masquerade' is believed to be the earliest form of disguise in the Yoruba culture. It has survived in the masquerades found in certain parts of Ekiti, Owo, Akoko, Ondo and in the former Benin empire. The existence of the VI gb,o type of masquerade in Benin was probably due to the contact she had with the most easterly part of Yorubaland when the area came under the Benin empire.24 In these areas of Yorubaland the 'masquerade' is described as "omo 0l6ba ” (offspring of the Oloba).2'’ Both the Oloba and Ob&lfcfdn, the inventor of the 'mask' are believed to be descen­ dants of the primordial "Oba and are followers of ObhtC}^,2 45 23̂ . Prank Willet, Ife in the History of ?/e3t African Sculpture. Thames and Hudson, London, p. 29. 24. R.E. Bradbury, The Benin Kingdom and Edo Speaking Peoples of Southwestern Nigeria. London, 1957, p. 22. 25. This information was communicated by Taiwo Arejigbon, a leader of the Egungun Society in Ekiti, in a radio programme, WNBS, Tiwa-n-Tiwa 10/1/69. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 44 otherwise called brx§k-nla or brxsa. The following extract from the 'Orxkx' 26 dedicated to the 'masquerade* credits Obklkfdn with its ownership: "L'dj<5 tx gbogbo irunmolk pejo, Tx nw6n wxpe kxni won yi 6 se kx won lk ni'yx; 0j6 nk ni 'Balufon r&ns6 s'fye omo rk l'6ko emu. 0j6 nk 16 padl Ibk omo brisk l'ona. Iye ni Ase 91110 Oldfin. Ibk omo brxsa.'* "The day when all the four-hundred2 7 deities assembled, And asked what they could do to be dignified} It was on that day that 'Balufdn /(Jbklilfdr̂ sent for Iye, his offspring from the palm-wine farm.2̂ It was on that day that she met Ibk offspring of brisk, on the way. _n Iye is the offspring of Oldfin,2 678390 26. I am grateful to bgbkni Olanipekun Esan for this ’Orxkx E^gun*. 27. It is generally believed that there are four-hundred deities or 'brisk' in the Yoruba pantheon. But there is some con­ fusion about this census. 28. According to Ife tradition Obktklk is regarded as a palm-wine addict. His worshippers, however, abstain from drinking palm-wine. 29. It is believed that it was a woman who first discovered the 'masquerade' and brought it home from the bush. 30. According to Ife tradition, Nxmos^ye, a one time leader of the Obktklk group in Ife and worshipper of the deity, was nicknamed Oldfin §skngangan Obkmkkin (or Oldfin for short). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 45 Iba is the offspring of Orlsh*^ At Ejlgbo^2 where Ob&tdflA is worshipped as 'Orlsa Oglyan' , the deity is referred to in his praise-chant as ”6 db Ikire, o d'eegun a-kunle-bo fun gbogbo won". (He ̂ Ob&tdlj^ got to Ikire to become an ' ebgiin' /masqueradej7 worshipped on bended knees by all of t h e m ) D u r i n g the Ikire festival of 'drisa Ikire' there is a masked procession and "some of the younger women in appropriate costume pantomime various birds and a n i m a l s " A l s o , at Abeokuta where ObAtala, is worshipped 3214 3 1. 'Iba' referred to as the offspring of '6rlsa' (6ris&-nla or ObAtAlA) may be Obaltifon the founder of 'the 'masquerade' . 32. 'Ejlgbb' is derived from the 'diarchy' which was formed by 6giyan and Lagelu (two igbd leaders) when the latter arrived there before moving to found his own settlement near the present Ibadan. (See E.A. Kenyo, Agbonniregun. Ibadan, 1968, pp. 80-81). He is believed to have used masquerading for gangsterism in this settlement and tortfe this was responsible for the destruction of the settlement later. (See Chief I.B. Akinyele, Iwe Itan Ibadan. Egbe AgbA-o-tan, Ibadan, 1 9 1 1, pp. 12 - 1 3 . 33. Quoted from Bakare Gbadamosi, "Oriki Ogiyan", Or£ki, Mbari. 1961, p. 9. 34. Bascom, op. pit., p. 34. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 46 as ’brisd 6gb<$', a masked man is paraded with a drawn sword.35 Thus, for the followers of Obatala masquerading was not only a means of ’disguise’ for the purpose of terrorization in order to achieve a political objective, but also a way of giving a material existence to the deity through impersonation. V. Traditional Art: The bba clan, the indigenes of Ife, was the custodian of the traditional Ife art. Willet supporting this contention says that the fact that "the head of the family who represents the Igbo should be in charge of the two groves which have produced such a large proportion of Ife art in terracotta is striking, suggesting as it does that the art may really be that of the indigenous population who were employed in the service of the new ruling class. nJ3 6 If present evidence would give any indication, Qbawinrin, the priest in charge of the G-roves of Iwinrin and Ospngangan QbAmakin, is the head of the Igbfc quarter at Ife.*6 3 35 • R.C. Abraham, Dictionary of Modem Yoruba. University of London Press, 1958, P* 483. 36. Prank Willet, Ife in the History of West African Sculpture, Thames and Hudson, London, '"i"9 o r^ t o the OoniW- Offspring of one who carves the basin for bba to feed out of.* 4 43* I am grateful to Ogbeni S.A. Babayemi of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan for 'Oriki £>ba'. ( See Appendix 1 ) . 44. This line alludes to the feud between the bba clan and the throne of Ife. For the followers of bba, Ife is 'If| Ooye' or 'Obyeldgbb' but for the supporters of Oduduwd Ife is 'Ife p§ni.' The former is another name by which Obdtdlb was called. (See Ademakinwa, o£. cit., Pt. II, p. 28). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 50 Offspring of one who digs the entrails of the tree and throws them into the bush. Offspring of one who uses hot iron to mark 6wd/nd,e4s5i gn^ the wood.x can transform the wood into a human being46 at \re".47 Because of its focus on everyday life, the style of art which developed during the Post-Classical period has been referred to as 'humanistic' 48 Since the artist sympatheti­ cally observed and represented in his work what he saw around him. Carrol who has made an extensive study of this artistic development among the craftsmen of Northern Ekiti, 49 claims 645*8 45. Ol^jowon, (known as Qwon for short), was a descendant of the legendary bb& who established a great reputation as an artist in the Oyo’kingdom. Both Lkghayx and Ajibdgund^ the famous court-artists of the eighteenth century were his offspring. (for the praise chants of these great artists, see Babalqla, Awon Orxkl O r & b . Collins, 1967* 46. This is a reference to the connection of'bba and his descen­ dants with portrait art and caricaturing. 47* *^rV has been used here attributively to refer to a place of origin. In fact it is the other descriptive name of the igbo used by the Ife supporters of Odbduwk to address the followers of QbatAlfif on their return to Ife after Mqremi’s‘rapprochement*. In this regard 'Are' means 'stranger'. The term has survived among the Oyo artists as a name that relates to a great and an ingenious clan. 48. Kevin Carrol, "Ekiti Wood Curving", Odu, No. 4, p. 3. 99 • Carrol, Yoruba Religious Carving. Chapman, London, 1967, (passim). See plates, Nos. 15 & 16. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 51 that the artists are more interested in scenes of Yoruba life XViannin any attempt at time sequence or- the building up of a narrative. Yoruba humanistic art flourished in Oyo and became wide­ spread with the expansion of the empire and even after its collapse. 50 It is the background which this artistic develop­ ment provided for the emergence of the Yoruba theatre from its religious dramatic roots that is of significant interest. A sociological view of the art reveals a strong link between the fine arts and the drama. They both show a strong reflexion on, and expression of, the culture, linked closely by a belief system and a philosophy. Both art sued drama are used as a means of communicating certain significant experiences which reveal the interactions 6-f- man vuvbh nature. Both the carver, for instance, and the dramatist, almost invariably tell the same story. 51 There is convincing evidence that the latter5 01 50. Evidences of this diffusion have been found in the works of Ireogun, Bamgboye and Bandele of Osi, all descendants of the great Oyo carvers, who settled in Northern Ekiti. (See Carrol, ibid.). Also in the Southwestern parts of Yoruba especially in the works of the carvers of the Egungun and G-elede masks. 51. Kevin Carrol graphically describes the ’pageant of Yoruba life' illustrated in the carvings he studied. (See Carrol "Ekiti Wood Carvings" Odu, pp.3-10). The themes of the 'pageant' bear out the artistic relatedness between the carver and the masque- dramaturg. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 52 draws his inspiration from the former. The artistic represen­ tations whether they deal with subjects of historical, social or fictional interest, are without details; but they form links and are enough to stimulate the imagination of the spectator to fill in the outlines. VI. Developmental Drama The Yoruba, like any other people, were in quest of the right way of living and this begins from 'play'. According to Plato, "life must be lived as play; playing certain games, making sacrifices, singing and dancing; and then a man will be able to propitiate his gods and defend himself against his enemies and win the contests". 52 Play begins when one steps out of real life into a temporary sphere of activity which has its own disposition. 53 It becomes drama when the action is symbolic or when it implies an imagined element in a make- believe situation and it is intended to develop or improve social relationships.*25 52. Plato, Laws, VII, 803, c,d,e. 53* Huizing, Homo Ludens. p. 8. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 53 The following ceremonial occasions yield evidences of the 'play-element' of Toruba culture which in one way or another influenced the development of the theatre: (a) SocialAPlav:- The Yoruba has a song for every event of life, and any social occasion creates an opportunity for improvisa­ tions. When celebrants intend to heighten the social tempo during a celebration, they indulge in music, song and dance. These are generally improvised to suit the occasion. In example is provided by T.J. Bowen, a Baptist missionary, who travelled through the Yoruba country about the middle of the nineteenth century. He remarked on how quickly the people could improvise in song and dance. When he was refused admission into Awaye, he said that the women were soon singing about it, the first line being, "The whiteman camped at the root of the tree ..54 There are guilds known for their specialised entertain­ ment in song and dance: the hunter's guild is known for *er6 ode', the 'alagbe' for its 's&kerb' music and acrobatics, and the for its 'bsb' and improvised drama. Each time there is a social occasion that calls for great festivities, namely,a birth^, marriage^ o r deathly any of the guilds could be invited45 54. T.J. Bowen, Adventures and Missionary Labors: 1849-1856, 1859, p. 285. ....... ................. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY especially if it has to do with any of their members. But there are mendicants too who stroll about to give amusements.5' Another form of social play is identified with children's group-drama - 'play-time under the moon'. 56 Polk-tales and riddles are handled by the story-teller, usually an elderly person in the compound, during this monthly get-together: One of the children acts as the 'call-boy*. He summons all his mates to the court-yard. When they are all assembled in a semi-circle, he brings the story-teller around who sits in the semi-circle facing the group and opens the show with a song. The group repeats the refrain and listens to the tale. This is occasionally interrupted by the story-teller singing the song of the tale and its refrain repeated by the group. Riddle-time is the tail-piece. The 'play' is finally brought to an end by dance and song accompanied by percussion or drum music, or the rhythmic clapping of hands in the absence of an accompaniment. (b) Ritual Play:- Every ritual occasion calls up the spirit of 'play' . When a psycho-physical stimulus is evoked, it arouses 65 55. Sir A. Moloney, "Notes on the Yoruba and Lagos", Proceedings of the Roval Geographical Society. XII, September 1890, p. 609 56. Miss Tucker, Ableokuta. pp. 22-23 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 55 an excitement of a dramatic nature. The ritual play serves as a bond of unity among the worshippers. It is a symbolic reminder of common ideals during the rites, sacrifices and worship. The content and form of the ritual play, however, depends on the nature of the 'brisk' whose feast-day is being celebrated. The ritual^play normally grows out of a moment of ecstasy duIrfVing whioh some aspects of the mythical life of the deity is enacted. It is not unusual to find satiric elements in the improvisations. The Yoruba sometimes main- tains a joking relationship with his god5 7 and does not draw sharp dividing lines between the sacred and the profane.*58 58 57• Ulli Beier, Yoruba Poetry. Ibadan, 1959j p. 10. See also his "Gelede Masks’* in Odu. June 1958, p. 9 . 58. Beier, "The Agbegijo Masqueraders", Nigeria Magazine. No. 82, 1964, p. 189. There is a general assumption that there comes a time in human development when man treats with profanity what he had formerly held to be sacred. This manifestation among Yoruba worshippers which is still prevalent, especially during personal worship, may be an attitude of a transiti­ onal nature. However, when the Yoruba worshipper communi­ cates with his object of worship "it is an ingrained habit to call his object of worship by attributive names ... appela- tions and personal epithets." (idowu, op. cit.. p. 9)• These appelations and attributive names may be of a satirical nature and may also be one way in which the Yoruba humours his 'bri§k'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 56 Unlike in the social play where,sometimes, professionals can be brought around, the ritual^play is exclusively part of religious observance and is, therefore, handled by the worshi­ ppers and their priests. It is sometimes played through symbolic action, including dance and chant, and sometimes through a dramatic enactment. The play-form, normally, takes ■toe following pattern: An evocation chant opens the ritual observance, then there aar* prayer and sacrifice# followed by the communal meal and sharing; a dance-drama brings the gathe­ ring to an end. The presence of visual arts, namely, carvings, in the place of worship,and sometimes carried in* the dance, may evoke particular excitement or emotion# of an ecstatic kind. (c) Enactment Ceremonies:- There is 'play* during enactment ceremonies which are features of civic and religious festivals. An enactment ceremony has to do with an important historical event that bears directly on the life of the people. For all practical purposes, they serve as reminders of the past and provide a sense of security in the present. Civic enactments are observable during civic ceremonies, usually involving all th,e citizens in the community, for commemorating certain events:- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 9 57? the founding of the settlement, 59 the crowning of the first ruler, the enactment of the harvest-home or a celebration which employs 'sympathetic magic. . 62 Religious enactments are observable during the annual festivals of certain 'orlsk' They depict either certain events during the mortal life of the deities or certain conceptualised ideas about them. The play-form is not fixed and varies from place to place depending on the virtuosity of the priests or worshippers. Examples of religious enactments are found in the annual Ob'htala and Ed\i festivals.60*12 4364 59• Johnson, oj>. cit.. p. 227. 60. Akinjogbin, o£. cit., p. 17 6. 61. Johnson, o£. cit., p. 49* 62. The expression of man's longings through an enactment that invokes the aid of the supernatural forces in fulfilling his wishes. Richard Lander has recorded an example of this form of ritual drama employing 'sympathetic magic' in Records of Blapperton's Last Expedition to Africa. Vol. I, London, 1830. pp. 289-290. (See Appendix 2). 63. J.A. Adedeji, "Form and Function of Satire in Yoruba Drama", Odu, Vol. 4, No. 1, July 1967* PP- 67-68, see also I.A. Akinjogbin, "Enactment Ceremonies", p. 177- 64. Adedeji, "The Place of Drama in Yoruba Religious Observance"' Odu 1966, pp. 88-94. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY - 28 - 58 Professional entertainers developed especially during the Oyo period of Yoruba history. The 'bjk' masked entertainers developed into the Aldrln$6 Theatre. Other itinerant groups like the S&ngd' dancer and the ’Akiriboto’ wteisejt were noted for their magical displays, and the ’Aldtgbe’ dancers for their gymnastics. In Old Oyo, there were the court-jesters who lived at the pleasure of the Alafin in the palace. The 10193a’ (robber) was kept for the amusement of the king’s spectators during certain civic occasions. As a clown the Olof'a who, dressed in a flowing garment, crept about on all fours, performing acts of robbery. 65 Another was the ’A§a’, the barefaced ’knight errant’. He acted out the king’s message on his missions. 66 At court, there were also the ’AkunyungbA’, the king's bards, whose entertainment was the chanting of the king's praises.67 VII. Society and Societal Organization;- Ife as the centre of a brilliant civilization which67 5 65. Johnson, op. oit., p. 53* 66. Adedeji, (1967), cit., p. 70. 67. Johnson, op. cit.. p. 65. / n r \ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 59 gradually spread in all directions to cover a vast territory was developed in consequence of the stratagems initiated by the indigenous inhabitants who were later politically sub­ merged by an invading party. The new rulers succeeded in their colonization programme and Ife became a model city-state, the centre of religious activities whither all the peoples returned, at intervals, on 'pilgrimage' for spiritual inspiration. The founding of the Oyo city-state in later oenturies, however, marked the beginning of a new epoch in Yoruba history. The culture of the previous epoch developed and strengthened the new. The dramatic expressions which the socio-political and religious systems of Ife civilization helped to originate and develop, spread to Oyo where the Alarlnj6 Theatre even­ tually emerged. An inter-relationship between the dramatic developments and the culture patterns is necessary because "the relationship of any trait' to its culture is important to the understanding of that trait" 68 According to Courtney, "the dramatic expre PP* 235-251, discusses the significance of the lineage system. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY for he was believed to be next to him. He was in charge of the ancestral cult and he led the others in the rites of worship. He also had some social and political powers attaohed to his status. Vital economic powers were centred in his hands and this tended to make for great solidarity within the lineage and also helped in preserving the compound as one great residential unit.72 The compound contained a cluster of houses enclosing a large central area. A piazza ran right round it. The 'ode' is the grounds in front of the compound used for recreation. The size of the compound depended upon the size of the lineage* It was oblong in shape and had a gabled frontage over the central gateway. Its ohief features were the 'oj6to', (impluvium), the 'akodi' (inner chamber), the ’k£a' or 'k£rV (secret or retiring apartment in the court-yard), and the 'agbal£*, (dourt-yard). For the individual as well as the family, the oompound was the centre of life and the castle of refuge. Although all the compounds had certain distinguishing features which related one to another, there were certain peculiarities , 0 in design and decoration which made one more attractive than anothe 72 72. A.L. Mabogunje on "The Morphology of Ibadan" in The City of Ibadan (ed. Lloyd etc.), Cambridge, 1967, p. 47* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 82 The court-yard was the centre of the recreational life of the compound. It was "the common place of resort for all the inmates, where, shut in among themselves, they can without fear of interruption, talk over any subject of family interest." 73 It *as notably the 'school' within the compound where games, gymnastics and dance were practised. It was the scene of the moonlight shows: drama, story-telling, riddles and other amusements; also the place where children imbibed their rich mythology and learnt about their gods. Because of its importance to the compound, the verandah or piazza facing this court-yard was decorative. The walls were designed in bas-relief, the leading doors were carved with figures and the roof-posts were sculpted or ornamented. 74 Richness in designs, of course, depended on the distinction and status of the lineage in the community setfup. The lineage-head was normally chief of the compound and represented its interests on official occasions.75 The Yoruba adage, 'lie la ti iikfes<£ r^de', means more than its English counterpart, "charity begins at home." The com­ pound had within it an inherent method of educating the young. 7435 73. Tucker, Abbeokuta, p. 22. 74. Clapperton, oj>. oit.. p. 48. 75. Bolanle Awe in The City of Ibadan. o£. £it., p. 115. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 63 Within it, children were introduced to material culture, folkways and mores as well as religious beliefs and philo­ sophy. The lineage chants or the totem-poems were mastered. This was particularly essential to the role of the wives of the compound during ritual, festival and social occasions when they had to chant the praises of their husbands. What­ ever the individual could pride himselfAor be credited with > outside of the compound, was the result of his education within the compound. 'Role-playing' was, for this reason, an essential aspect of training. Rhetoric was characteristically an important aid to social intercourse and communication. The verbal arts were useful in ingraining the traditional lore and they helped in developing rhetorical virtuosity. The political organization was also based, to a large extent, on the lineage principle. The king ruled through a council whose membership was drawn from representatives of lineage organizations, secret societies and religious groups, as well as guilds and other civic associations. Since the function of the king combined both the civil and the religious it was, therefore, important that all group-interests were represented on the ruling council. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The king's Court was, to all intents and purposes, the centre of the religious, social and industrial life of the people.^ Both the king's social and ritual celebrations called for amusements and dramatic enactments. Fashion began at Court and artists and craftsmen presented the best of their works first to the king. All ideas about the development of the social and economic life of the people were advanced from the palace. When the king was in state, he occupied one of the several gabled porticoes (k^bi) fronting the palace. He occupied the "Kobi Aganju" the central portico on festival and social occasions. He retained the servioes of court- jesters and entertainers as well as musicians and rhapsodists who kept up the social tempo of the palace. The existence of craft-guilds in the society was of social and religious importance. Crafts were highly developed and those who plied them were held in special regard. There was a strong relationship between the craft-objects and the religious beliefs with their ritual observances. Some notable craftsmen were honoured to live in the palace but the lineage- system contributed more to their influence. Guilds functioned mainly to protect the interest of their members and their 67 76. Wilfrid D. Hambly: Culture Areas of Nigeria. Vol. XXI, No. 3, Chicago, 1935s p. 458. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 65 regular meetings were noted for festivities and amusements. The society was held together and sustained by Yoruba religious beliefs. They furnished individuals with specific experience and stimulations. 78 The individual worshipped one or more of the deities in the Yoruba pantheon whether they were within his compound or outside. In its great complexity, Yoruba traditional religion did not have any theological or doctrinal basis but it was highly organized with a priesthood system. Certain days in the week were set aside for the rites and observances of the deities and certain calendar months were dedicated to their festivals. Ritual acts were esoteric and confined to initiates but the festivals were public occasions when everybody gathered for communal sharing. Shrines and temples were filled with ritualistic sculpture done in wood and bronze, and the walls were deoorated with paintings and bas-relief. Masked dances and ritual drama featured during the observances of some deities and worship consisted of salutes, prayer and sacrifice. 78 77. Daryll Forde, oj>. cit., p. 16. 78. S.F. Nadel, Nupe Religion. Routeledge and Kegan Paul Ltd., London, 1954, p. 259. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY - 36 - 66 Dramatisations and dramatic enactments as part of social and ritualistic life provided mental and psychological relaxa­ tion. As a means of vicarious interaction, they also provided the common ground for social and spiritual intercourse. Music and dancing were favourite pastimes and there were ballad- singers, the chief of whom was the Oldgbo or Arqkin, the king's cymbalist,one such was Olrfgbin Oldgbojo, the first masque- dramaturg.80 VIII. Conclusion:- The human instinct for impersonation and ritualistic expression which leads to 'developmental drama', was displayed to a large extent by the §b& clan, the autochthones of tfe* Yorubaland, apparently as a natural reaction to their vicissi­ tudes. They gave material existence to Qbat&la, the supreme divinity, whose humanity was responsible for the restoration of order and tranquility into a cosmos that was upset by the presence and activities of a party of immigrants. By a recourse to stratagems, they developed the means of drama ? namely, religion, disguise and art. Through these they were 7980 79. ibid., p. 12 5. 80. See below, pp. 153-4. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 67 able to get a kind of release and other satisfactions; and even more,to lay the foundation for the emergence of the theatre. Evidently, these indigenes were culturally developed, especially artistically, before the arrival and settlement of the in Ife. But in spite of their ingenuity and creativity, they were politically subjugated, scattered and isolated by the immigrants. Perhaps this was due to a lack of a strong centralised power at the beginning; although, later, they organised themselves into secret societies to achieve their political objectives. The effect and influence of both the 'bgbdni Society' and the 'Masquerade' beoame more pronounced in the new settlements founded away from Ife. The 'bgb<$ni Society' became a cult - "a priestly corporation that mediated between the king and his council and sanctioned their actions." The 'Masquerade' a3 eguhguh, the materia­ lised form of the spirit of the ancestor, became a cultic organization for the worship of ancestral spirits and from which the Alarinjo Theatre developed its essence.8 1 81. Peter Morton-Williams, "The Yoruba Kingdom of Oyo" in West African Kingdoms of the 19th Century, eds., Porde and Kaberry, O.D.P., 1967> P* 42. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 68 The development of a monarchical system of government and a religious hierarachy, and the concentration of both in the oity-state were the starting points of Yoruba urbanism. 82 The 'xlu' (town) was the centre of politics, religion, commerce and cultural activity. The governing council was called 'llu', a term synonymous with that of the physical city-state or town. Urbanism and a hierarchical form of social organization were strong contributing factors in the development of the theatre. The Old Oyo Iempire provided opportunities for general mobility and a system of communication between the metropolis and other towns and villages. Old Oyo, the metro­ polis and seat of the Alafin, Lord of the Palace, became the centre of light and civilization. It determined the pattern and the kinds of dramatic expression which the structure of the empire helped to spread, since the provinces followed the lead of the capital.8 2 82. William Bascom in "Urbanization among the Yoruba", American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 60, No. 5, March 1955* pp. 44^-454, discusses the Yoruba settlement patterns. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY P A R T T W O The Origin of the Theatre UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY C H A P T E R T H R E E I. Masquerade and Ancestor-worship:- The phenomenon of ancestor-worship which originated in Ife as 'spiritism' developed a materialised form at Old Oyo. The funeral rite which created the systemthereby the ancestors were supposed to have metamorphosed into stone or other objects was changed. At Oyo, the ancestor could be evoked and cattlled down into a 'costumed figure' . This took place during a special ceremony designed to give the impression that th.e deceased was making a temporary re-appearance on earth.1 The ’spirit' manifested himself in an identifiable human form. The development is believed to have been initiated by Sango when he was Alafin of Oyo. (a) Sanyo's Reforms; The 'Funeralia' §ango, the son of Oranyan by a Tapa woman, was b o m during the latter's military expedition in the Nupe country,bgHSa^wpa aomam When he became the Alafin of Oyo, he immediately set about the re-organization of the city-state. He strengthened his rule over the governing council, re-organised the palace and appoin­ ted a number of courtiers and household officers of the crown. 1 Idowu, op. cit., p. 193 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 70 As an act of filial piety, he introduced a new element into the rites of the Yoruba funeral ceremony - the cult of ances­ tor-worship . Oranyan had died at Ife and wgs believed to have metamorphosed into a stone-staff, 'Opa 6ranyan'. Sango tried to secure his remains for burial at Oyo, whioh Oranyan had founded and where he had reigned for a brief period before returning to Ife. When Sango failed to have his wish fulfilled, he designed, as an alternative, funeral obsequies for Qranyan at Oyo. At a special ceremony, Sango brought the 're-incarnated spirit' of his 2 father to the outskirts of Oyo where he set up the 'BhrV (the royal mausoleum) for his worship. 'I ̂ya/m ode', 3 the old woman of the palace was placed in charge of the mystery. Her duty was to worship Oranyan's 'spirit' and during an evocation ceremony call his 'masquerade' out of a room in the Bara set aside for this purpose and screened off from view with a white-cloth.L §ango looked upon the old woman with reverence and prostrated before her each time he came to worship his father's 'spirit'. 2. Johnson, op. cit.. pp. 43-44. . 'vI ya/m ode* is derived from "l. ya. -mo-Ode,d e, "j‘lO^tchU3 ’ec Uo't* htser name of Oranyan (See ibid.. p. 10). The old woman is believed to have had an acquaintance with Qranyan during the latter's brief reign at Old Oyo. 4. ibid., p. 65 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 71 Later, the ceremony of bringing the 'spirit' of the deceased to the homestead as a 'masquerade' became widespread as part of the funeral ceremony of lineage-heads. It was also as the means of communion with the ancestor during worship. But instead of the 'Bara', where the evocation ceremony of the royal ancestor took place, that of the lineage was confined to the*K^rV or‘K̂ a,' a secret chamber in the court-yard within the compound. It has since become the retiring apartment for the repose of the 'spirit' of the lineage ancestor or his 'soul'.5 This 'funerary rite' takes place on the seventh day6 after burial and is performed only for the lineage-head and certain distinguished citizens, male or female.^ As soon a3 the 'masquerade' appears during the rite, he is hailed, "ari orun kenken; brisa >̂un aso re meji," (the direct visitor from heaven; the deity ) Q who is inseparable from his two garments). After the ceremony, 5. Dr. Olumide Lucas, Religion of the Yorubas. p. 378. 6. P.A. Talbot, Peoples of Southern Nigeria. Vol. Ill, p. 476. 7. Johnson, o£. cit.. pp. 138-140. 8. The two garments referred to cannot be interpreted literally. This deity during his temporary visit to the earth only materializes in a robed figure and wherever he goes he is seen in the garments that disguise him. * UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 72 the deceased is believed to have become an ancestor and his 'spirit' can therefore, be worshipped in the compound occa­ sionally. The 'spirit* continues to influence the life of his people, and during the time of worship, prayers and supplications can be made to him. §Ang<5, by creating the 'masquerade' of his father and setting him up as an '6rl§h' to be worshipped, reformed the Yoruba funeral ceremony and introduced a new element into ancestor-worship - the concept of re-incarnation in a materia­ lised form. His T£ph origins influenced him in this regard. However, by associating the 'mask' with the ritual worship of the ancestor, he seemed to have preserved the sancity of a device believed to be used for a different purpose by the Tap&. His Yoruba followers, in consequence of this reformation, adopted the system for ancestor-worship and believed in the reality of the appearance of the 'masquerade'.9 (b) bfinr&n's Reforms: The 1Cultus' During the reign of Alafin Onigbogi, the Yoruba had to evacuate Old Oyo because of the menace of the Nupe 'masked 9. Johnson, oj). cit.. p. 160. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 73 warriors'. 10 Morton-Williams has suggested that this evacua- tion took place between c. 1516 and c. 154-9 -11 The Yoruba who had since the time of §&ng<5 worshipped the 'spirit' of the dead and had believed in the reality of the 'masquerade' as the re-inoarnated spirit of the ancestor, took the Nupe masked warriors to be ancestral spirits fighting on the side of their enemy. Rather than fighting the ' ar& 6run' (heavenly beings) whom they revered, the Yoruba fled their city-state and went into exile in Ghere, a Bariba settlement in Borgu. The Nupe had used the 'masquerade' in the same way as the Igbb did at Ife several centuries before. It is, however, not unlikely that the Nupe and the Igbb had influenced each other in this regard. The Igbb as indigenes of Ife would, indeed, be the traditional neighbours of the Nupe. This was made clear when later the Olbbd 12 with others 'emigrated' from the Nupe country to join the ' exiled Yoruba at Ku§u. 13 According to 10. Robert Smith, "The Alafin in Exile: A Study of the Igboho period in Oyo History", Journal of African History. VI, I, 1965, p. 59. 11. Cited in R. Smith, ibid., p. 72. 12. The 'Oldbh' referred to appeared to be a lineage representative of the *6bh clan'. He may, in fact, be a descendant of one of the Igbb leaders, followers of the primordial §bh, who migrated to the Nupe country following the Igbb dispersal from Ife. 13. Johnson, loc. cit. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Johnson, the Yoruba had allowed themselves to be imposed upon by the Nupe masked soldiers because they (the Yoruba) believed in the "reality of the so-called /_Nu pj_/ appmritions." 14 If one would accept this explanation as to the reason why the Yoruba were defeated by the 'Nupe masquerade', it would then appear that the memory of the 'Igbo masquerade' and the mythical role of Moremi had been effaced or did not in fact penetrate into the Oyo kingdom; on the other hand, this explanation could be accepted as an excuse conveniently proffered to defend the Yoruba defeat. But what seems more probable is that §ango, by asso­ ciating the 'masquerade' with ancestor-worship when it was first created at Oyo, had given it a religious essence. Under this influence, it is possible that the difference in concept and belief between the 'Oyo masquerade' (confined to ancestor-worship and funeral obsequies) and the 'Nupe masqherade' (influenced by the Igbo through cultural link), was responsible for what then seemed to be a state of confusion. The 'Oyo masquerade', was ritualistic. The 'costumed figure' was a realistic representation believed to be the 'spit and image' of the deceased when he was living. After his appea­ rance on the last day of the funeral obsequies, the 'image' was UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 75 never seen again in any materialised form. He was believed to have gone to live in the other world - the ’spirit' world; and his worshippers maintained communion with him during ancestor-worship. The 'Nupe masquerade' like the 'Igbo mas­ querade’ on the other hand, was cultic. It was a symbolic representation - a disguise that had no identifiable human form. Since it was designed for the achievement of a political objective, it probably looked weird and grotesque. It was not until the reign of Alafin Ofinran, who succeeded his father, Onigbogi, in exile in G-bere at c. 1544, 15 that the Yoruba adopted the 'masquerade' both as a means of ritual and political action. In order to respond to the threat posed by the Nupe, the Yoruba oamped at Kusu, near the Sanda hill. It was here that the mystery behind the 'Nupe masquerade' was made known by a group of 'Nupe- nized' Yoruba who had come out from Nupe to re-join the remnants of the Yoruba who had returned from the Bariba country. This emigrant group comprised the first Alapinni with the Olobk, Ala/d afa\ , 01^/jve , Ele/f i\ and Olo/h an. 16 The meeting resolved to reconcile the concept of the 'masquerade' with the belief in 15. Smith, o£. cit.. p. 24. 16. Johnson, oj>. cit.. p. 160. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 76 ancestor-worship and constitute both into one organization that should exist to give expression to the cult of ancestor. For ritual guidance, acts of worship and instruction, the emigrant groups from the Nupe country were allowed to form themselves into the hierarchy of the society,1^ (hereafter called the Egtingiin Society). The emigrant groups were, however, comprised of two distinct lineages: the igb^rf and the Oloba. Since they were both responsible for the constitution of the 'cultus', Ofinran appointed them as officers and priests of the ancestral cult. The Alapinni, the representative of the \gbori lineage, was appointed to the Oyo Mesi, the council that advised the Alafin on political matters. Both the Ol£je and AlAdafa, two principal members from the 01<̂ ba lineage, were given posts at Court as the*Ar6kin' (rhapsodist) and ' Olt̂ gbo' (sword-bearer), respectively. By this appointment, the Alafin had given the Alapinni (whose lineage was of Tapa extraction), precedence over the Oloba (whose lineage had claimed to be the autochthones of 1 7 . ibid. 18. When Ologbin, offspring of the Aladafa succeeded his father bw^nrin at Court as the 01<£gbo, it is believed that he occupied the two offices by being both the 01<$gbo and the Arakin of the Alafin. (See Below). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 77 Yorubaland). This arrangement became the basis of a pro­ tracted conflict within the 'cultus' as to which of the two lineages owned the 'masquerade'.19 The most significant of Ofinran's reformations and political re-arrangement, however, was the restoration, as it were, of the ''bb& clan* once more to the Yoruba fold, this time to the Oyo Court. In this case, however, the two principal chiefs from the Oloba lineage were made court- officials with chieftaincy titles. The Ol^je, by nature of his avocation, was assigned to court-entertainments and rituals. He came under Yy^unode, the old woman in charge of the royal ancestral cult at the 'Bark' (an outhouse of the palace). By this assignment, the 01<̂ je became responsible for seeing to the arrangement and organization of the 'ritual play' - the bringing home of the 'manes' of the dead as a 'masquerade' during the last day of the funeral obsequies of the deceased lineage-head. Thus, an opportunity was created for a chieftain from the 'Oba clan' to combine the facilities of his post at Court 19. The conflict was resolved in favour of the (Jloba lineage UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY lx 78 with his own traditional creativity to lay the foundation for the development of a dramatic art. The 'ritual play' of the Yoruba funerary rite formed the dramatic roots from which the Alarinjo Theatre later emerged. It was as a result of the highly placed position of the 01(jje at Court that the theatre was eventually put on the direct road to professionalism. (c) The Origin of the Egtxngun:- The ancestral spirit which was formerly known in Yoruba- land as '§bora' or 'ar<̂ §run' became 'egungun', an appelation which, by folk etymology, derived from 'egungun gtin’ or 'eegun 2o gvfn' ('formed bones' or 'straightened skeleton'). The following 'Qriki Egu. ngun' 21 not only furnishes the explanation of this but also describes graphically how 'egungun' (bone) became ‘egiingiin' (the ancestral spirit) with T^pX connection and setting. 20. Dr. Lucas who describes 'egungun' as meaning “a luminous spirit* (Religion of the Yorubas. Lagos, 1948> p. 141), has accused both Colonel B. Ellis and Dr. S.S. Farrow of ignorance of Yoruba accentuation marks because they had interpreted 'egungun* to mean 'bone' or 'skeleton'. At the least he himself should first have checked with Bishop Ajayi Crowther's interpretation contained in his A Grammar and Vocabulary of the Yoruba Language. London, 1852, p. 80). 21. This 'Orxki' was recorded by the late P.0. Ogunbowale and is contained in his Awpn Ininmole lie Yoruba. Evans'Bros., London, 1962, pp. 75-76. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY OrikI: “Egdngrfn Ajuw^n> Liikhlbkti gb ni mo wit y Mo md f'bwe n'fgborx 'Torx igbdrx mi l'6yd Mbko* Baba Ardkd, Baba Arukd, Omo, ar&k6-ro jA-m&ta. 6k6 tS, gbe UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 89 T'a o ta, bun l'a d'^s* o( f' marks, 22^ And spent my youth at Apinni. I have the 'kbajA' marks, I spent my youth at Agbure. I have the 'gpmbo' marks, I spent my youth at Igbori Because Igbori is also my Oyo. 22. According to Ellis, "Egungun means 'bone', hence 'skeleton' and egungun himself is supposed to be a man risen from the dead". (See A.B. Ellis, oj>. cit., p. 107). 22*. The marks referred to are in respect of the traditional facial marks of certain areas of Yoruba. Tb complete his impersonation, the masquerader has to have masks that have these facial characteristics on them ready for his performance. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 81 Father of the one who sees death, Father of the one who carries death, Son, who carries the corpse to the market for sale. The corpse that was carried to the market That did not sell, Was what a shroud was built for, And waj|called ' egdngtin' . Death has no stream, Thou son that sells the dead for a living, That sells the world in order to make merry at the sacred grove. Father of the little Ato With the jagged mouth'/ The origin of the egtmgtfn phenomenon is contained in 'Odu bw<$nrinse' It narrates how the bony skeleton of the deceased bwonrin of Isanyin was brought home in disguise. It also marks the beginning of the handling of the 'funerary 423 23. In consequence of Yoruba migration pattern, there exist several local versions of the myth of the origin of the egiingtfn espe­ cially where particular deceased individuals are mentioned as the 'Egtingiin'. For instance, Adesola in "Burial Customs in the Yoruba Country" Nigerian Chronicle. Vol. 1, No. 3, December 4, 1908, narrates the story of 'Arago M6ja* as the name given to 'egung’dn' by IfriE, his exploits which led to his- deification. Whereas Pierre Verger narrates how in 'Odu bs^ M^ji' the origin of the e/nWtin. for example, in the Southwest era kingdoms of Yoruba is credited to 'bdu', a woman. (See Pierre Verger in "Grandeur et Decadence du Culte de Iyami Osoronga", Journal de Spoilt^ des Afrioanistes. Vol. 35, No. 1, 1965, pp- 200-218.) 24. The narrative contained in the 'Odu' is popularly held to be the origin of the egdnghn in Oyo. I am grateful to Qgbeni Agbotjla Adeniji, formerly of the Yoruba Research Soheme*, Institute of African Studies, University of Ife, now of Kajqla Street, Iwo, who narrated this 'Odb' to me (13/9/67). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 82 rite' by the Igbd’ri (Tdpa) people who later organised the worship of the lineage-ancestor into a cult under their mana­ gement: Odu Qwdnrlnse:- Verse: "Ardkd, ArClkti, Arbkd-ro jd-mdtb.. 5kd t'a gbd r'gjd tx kb td; L'a gb<£ sg s’£gbd. bun l'a tiln gbb wd*ld, ,k T'a d'agg bb, N T'a Apb l'Adgiin. A difd fdn ^wdnrin IsAnyin T ' 6' kd ti awgn gmg rb Kb r'dwd sin £." “ Ardkd, Arbku, A rbkd-r§ jd -m A td ^ The corpse that was carried to the market which did not sell; Was thro7m into the bush. The same was brought home, Covered in a shroud And called 'egdngun'. 25 25. Names of ()w$nrin's three sons: Aruku (One who sees Death), Ardkd (one who carries the Corpse), Arbkd-rgjd-mAtA (one who carries the Corpse to market but fails to sell it). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Thus decreed the Oracle To Ow^nrln of Is Anyi n Who died, and whose children Did not have the money to do his obsequial rite." Narrative When ̂ w<$nrin of isiiyin died, his three sons could not find the necessary sum of money to cope with the huge expenses that the funeral obsequies entailed. Ardkd, the elder son, when he first saw the corpse, fled. Arhkd, the second son brought the corpse outside and proferred the suggestion for selling it. 26 But he too fled after the suggestion because the deceased was a man of high standing in the society. The youngest son was left with the corpse. He decided to carry out the suggestion, nevertheless. Ardkd-rojA-mdth as he was called, could not find any one to buy the corpse after plying several markets away from home. He was aggrieved, but he decided not to bring the corpse back home; in utter despair, he threw the corpse into a nearby bush and went his own way. The eldest son became the head of the family, was appointed Akto his father's post and became the Oldgbin of 6gbin, a posticrx.2 6 26. According to tradition, the corpse of poor people were sold in the market in the olden days and were bought by those who needed parts of the body for medicinal purposes. . . . / 1 6 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 84 which made him the ' Olcfgbo', the Alafin's staff-bearer and rhapsodist. Despite his hump (for they all belonged to a family of hunch-backs), the Alafin gave him a wife, one whose name was ^y^ Mi>s4. For many years the marriage was not blessed with a child. There was a growing concern especially as Iy/ Mose was becoming old and a successor would be needed in the Afin when 01\ Egungun na gt£n lokt^. Egungun grin*. Egungun gun'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 8 8 See how the bone3 of the dead have perfected'. The bones have perfected indedd. The bones have perfected, the bones have perfected*. The ghost-mummer went round blessing the people and finally departed into the 'KIk', the secret-chamber in the courtyard where the spirit of the dead was believed to have become 'disembodied* within. Ato was called upon to continue caring for the mystery child under the name of 'Iy£ Xgan' (mother or foster-mother of Xgan). The name by which the child was oalled were Ol^gblre ^gan. He was confined within the 'K^a' where bg6g<$, Ato’s husband, visited them frequently as 'Baba Mar-iwo' (father who know the secret). He was described as 'Aldgbo w£' (one who heard and came to the rescue); from then on he was hailed a3 'Al^gb^f, baba Mari wo' (Alagb^, father of all who know the secret). It must be recalled that before the merging of the ancestral rite into the 'cultus' to become the Egungun Society, ancestor-worship and masquerading were handled by two separate lineages. According to the following account, it seems that the organization of the cult of the ancestor as the Egungtin Society (embracing two lineages namely, bgbin /5bJ7 and \gbor^ /t 4 ^ » both of which had laid claim to the ownership of the 'masquerade'), came about probably at the instance of Olt^gber^Agan. This development is narrated in 'Odu 6w<4nrxn UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Odu Qw^nrfn Me.ji:- Vjerse: Ngo re bgbxn lo re e s'egun. Ng6 re Igborx, ngc? re e s'awo. Ngo w& ko ikini i rai w&re-were, Ng<$ re 0y6 re b da. Adxfi f&i Olugbdrf Tx 6 nso kun ai r'omo bi.4 i » Nw<5n wk nda'so b’orx, Nw<4n wa nwipe, 'Onxpon d&'? I will go to Ogbin to create the masquerade Jvaummer^/. I will go to Igbori to learn the cultus. I will then collect all my appurtenances, And go to Oyo to build them up. Thus decreed the Oracle, When Olugbbrx was mourning His lack of a child. He then entered into a shroud, Asking about, ’Where is the Onipon’? The Igborx people could not organise the egungun 'cultus' without the Ol^ponda, who was Olugbere Agan's foster-father. 29 29. This 'Odu' was narrated to me by Chief Orodxjx, the 0<$sa of Iw<5, to whoa I am greatly indebted. (l/2»/68). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 90 Oliigberef, the hybrid child of Iy£ Mose who was herself the daughter of Oltigborx, grew up among the Igb^rf people where he trained in Ifa worship and medicine. He also became a great dancer and acrobat. But because he was a hybrid, he could never really come out in the open unmasked without people raising an eyebrow. Thus, he lost the opportunity of having a wife and rearing children. He decided, one day, to go to Olcfgbin, his step-father at bgbin and ask if he could act as a mummer, or a costumed- actor, otherwise called 'L^bala'. In this form his animal features would be covered up and he would have the grand oppor­ tunity of putting into practice his training as a dancer and acrobat. He could also play some tricks. 01<^gbin gladly accepted his son's proposition, made him a mask and a costume and sent him on a dancing tour of Oyo. This wa3 a visitation that pleased the king who, consequently, agreed to the Ol^gbin's proposition that an annual festival be inaugurated during which period every lineage-head could bring his 'ghost- mummer' to a communal gathering. This gathering, like an 'All Souls' festival, became an important cultural event in the Yoruba oalendar. In spite of it being in a sense a festival of mourning for the dead, it became a joyous occasion, "giving a firm assurance that the spirits of the dead are alive and are UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 91 capable of manifesting themselves in the form of Sawngun. 30 With the egungtin festival inaugurated, OKigbere Igan, who had spent most of his early life in concealment, could afford to walk the streets, at least periodically, as the Oldgbin's masquerade, with his entertaining displays. Oldgbin, was in a very favourable position to use his post and influence at Court as the king's sword-bearer and rhapsodist, to set his actor-son up as a'strolling-player*. This he did, later. OlrfpQnda agreed with the people of Oldgborx^who sought his permissionyto organise the egdngun worship including the rites of the dead and the annual "all souls" festival into a secret society. When the cultus was organised, it had its own hiera­ rchy embracing mainly the people who had taken part in the organization of the funerary rite of Oldgbin's father. Thus, bgbgd, the first impersonator and the custodian of the baby Oldgbfer^ igan, became the 'AlAgbkd, baba Mariwo', ritual head of the cult; Ato, his wife, who was also the baby's minder^was officially recognised as 'ly£ igan', mother-protector of the cult; Amdsan, the whip-wielder, who led the first procession from the bush became the 'At^kun', the whip-man. ''bpl', the call-boy was placed in charge of organising the assembly. The 30 30. Lucas, op. cit.. p. 139* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 92 Al^ran 6r£ became the costumier. Other offices were added later^including that of the Al^pinni who became the political head, a powerful agent of the king and the representative of the cult in the king's council. But Oldpond&'s position as the nominal head of the society remained unquestioned. The following extracts from the lineage-chants of the *I gbiri, 2-4 narrate the T^pa origin of those who became the important officers of the Egdngdn Society when it was first organised. The chant describes vividly how, living amongst the Yoruba, the ̂ gb<5rf people statiLized the influence of the egungtin as a social and political arm of the state: "Eni t'erl Igan as a 'masquerade' to carry the 'e£gunl£* or the lineage-mask of Oldgbin and thus to parade about; and (c) the role of Olugb^r/ "Xgan as a 'costumed-player' at Court and later as a roving performer. The process also reveals a trend in development from the sacred to the profane; with the two polarities of ritual and theatre linked by a 'festival phase’: (i) The Ritual Phase: The process began with Sango who created the ancestral masquerade and on whose initiative it became wide-spread as a permanent feature of the Yoruba funeral ceremony. With Ofinran's reformation, the arrangement and design became the responsibility of the 01<>je, an official at Court and a member of the Egdhgun Society. The Oloje introduced a 'ritual play' as climax to the funerary rite.34 34. The 'ritual play' is based on a plot which reveals how the funerary rite became institutionalised in Utott Yorubaland. (See: Adeboye Babalola, "Itan Kan Nipa Bi Egungun Se Ber Iwe Ede Yoruba. Apa Kinni, Longmans, Nigeria, Cn.d.}, r 38-42) See Appendix 3 for a reconstructed version, xgb^gan'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY When later Olrfgbin succeeded his father Owonrxn at Court as the Alafin's Arokdn and OlcSgbo, he displayed certain initiatives which brought distinct changes and modifications into the form and design of the 'ritual play' as well as the general arrangement of the funeral ceremony. He included 01ugb|r£ Igan as a 'dramatis persona' for the opening act of the 'ritual play'. This like a 'prologue' took place at the 'Igbd lgbAl|', the sacred grove beside the community, during the night preceding the manifestation of the dead person at the threshold of his compound as 'egdngdn'. It was called the 'Igb^gan' (the lifting of the^gan), when he appeared in a disembodied form. Secondly, he himself led the procession from the grove to the homestead with a chorus of masquerades; chanting the 'iwi' (praise-song of the dead) ahead of the ghost-mummer. Finally, he involved the Igborx members of the Sooiety in the cultic aspects of the ceremony. (ii) The Festival Phase: This was the seoond develop­ mental stage when the ancestor as a masquerade had to make a periodic visit to the homestead and walk the streets of the community for a certain period during the ’All Souls' festival. It was inaugurated at the instance of Ol^gbin who wanted to create the opportunity for Olugb&r^ Agan, the masquerade. The festival was ushered in the night before by the 'igb^gan'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 191 But in this case, the disembodied ̂ gan led the procession round the community pursued by a chorus of chanting atten­ dants. The procession started at midnight and ended before dawn. The arrangement of the festival was the prerogative of the Alkgbka’, the ritual head of the cultus and of the Eg6ngun Society. During the gathering of all the 'e^gunla' or the lineage egungun at the market-square fronting the palace, there was a display of dancing, chanting and acrobatics. Usually, Xgan, Oldgbin's masquerade, stole the show. It was at one of his performances that he was nicknamed 'apid^n' (killer of the 'odkn' tree) (iii) The Theatre Phase; This developed when, at the invitation of the Alkgbk/, Oldgb^r^ Xgan stepped into the arena as leader of a band of 'costumed-players' set up at Court and invited to take part in the contest of the ' eegdnl^' during one of the annual festivals. Their position as court-enter­ tainers had given them the opportunity that made them popular. V 35• 'apidkn' = a-pa-odkn. The 'odkn' is a type of fig-tree usually used as shade in the’Yoruba market. The word 'idan' £s now used to mean magic: conjuring and tricks. How OltfgbW Agan beoame •apidkn' is described in *0du Ogbks^'. (See: Appendix 4, "Olrigb^r^ Agan: The First Yoruba Costumed Player"). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 8 2 Becoming a 'strolling-player’ was the only way by which Oli/gber^ Xgan earned his keep since masquerading was the only means by which he disguised his identity. In this way, however, he became the first professional actor of the Yoruba theatre.36 (b) The Dramatic Form and Style:- The developmental phases outlined above are still in evidence in Oyo and in areas settled or influenced by the Oyo people, whether during the funeral ceremony of certain individuals or the periodic egilkgun festival. In spite of modifications, to be noted in the description below, and except in the general arrangement, both the form and design of the 'play-element* have not changed much. Both the 'ritual play' and the 'festival play' are performed as re-enactment ceremonies that recall the (Wnrin Onisanyin (01<£gbin's father) and Olugbere Agan (Oldgbin’s step-son) episodes, respectively: 36. The theatre troupes still carry Ol^gbqre (symbolised by the red-monkey) with them when they travel about. It is said that they\ dratotem is Iji/*m w inspiration from the animal. OltSgb&r^'s e\ reS , the red-monkey. » » UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 103 A. The Ritual Play: It is the last and final ceremony in connection with the funeral obsequies of the deceased. The ceremony is called 'IAbku* (the creation of the dead) or 'Fxfa eegdn bku W9'll' (bringing home the masquerade of the deceased). The ritual play is handled by the bjfe on the seventh day of the funeral ceremony.37 (i) The Rehearsal: According to Delano's acc3o8unt, the arrangement takes forty days to set up. During his life­ time and as soon as the old man shows signs of dying, those who will be responsible for the ritual play will get certain things ready: They practice quietly, sometimes in 'Igboro' or 'Igbale', the gait, movement, and characteristics of the old man; and the man, who will act on the day of the deceased person's resurrection, usually moves close to him. Sometimes he is one 37* Both Chief Delano and P.A. Talbot have recorded the 'iseku' ceremony taking place on the fortieth and^third day, res- /ike, pectively. Talbot ha3, however, explained that the ceremony took place on the seventh day in the past. (See: Delano, The Soul of Nigeria, pp. 111-112 and Talbot, o£. cit.. p.476). It seems that modification in respect of the day of the 'Is&ku' ceremony has been influenced by Islam and Christianity, respectively. 38. Delano, o£. cit.. p. J1 3 . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 104 of his faithful slaves, a neighbour or an 'Iwofa' (sic.)» but never the son of the deceased.39 (ii) The Setting:- There are two acting areas or 'stages’: the 'Igb&le' (sacred grove) and the 'Agbo'le'.. (compound). In the first setting at the sacred grove, the priests of the Egtfng^n Society assemble to lead the 'Xgan' in procession to the second setting in the compound where members of the deceased gather. (iii) Characters:- The 'dramatis personae' are: the Xgan who is disembodied but has a Voice during the night of the first act of play; the Gho3t-Mumroer or the 'Image' of the dead person who resurrects on the second day for the second act of play; the Atokun who is the body-guard who carries the whip. He is not disguised; as an important egungiin offioial he sees that the 'Image' is not touched or assaulted. There is a chanting chorus, usually relatives of the deceased, and lastly there are the widows and children whose roles are important to the action of the play. (iv) Performance:- The play is in two acts and takes two days for the cycle:40 39* Delano, MThe Iseku Ceremony in Yoruba Burial Customs'', Odu, No o 5, p. 26. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 105 First lot: The Entrance. (The Waking Night). The Agan's entrance began with a procession from the sacred-grove where the stage was set for the first part of the rites of the dead. At the entrance to the sacred-grove, the women of the cult gathered as Chorus to sing the Agan ri..t ua,l song:41 1. Kodro, K66ro'. bkor6'. (2ce.) Bi oju mi kx> k’oba, Aiya mi kb bale (etc.) 2. Mo ri 'bi obirin m'awo Awo'. Igborl ni ild awo Awo (etc.) 3. E gb'oba, e gb' /gan'. G|ge (etc.). 1. Oh Kor6, K6rb'. Y o u Okoro'. (2ee.) If I do not set my eyes on the king, My heart will not feel at ease, (etc.) 41• I am grateful to Chief Sdl^wtt Addleke the present Alapinni of Oyo and his housefold for singing this to me on the occasion of my visit 17/9/65. (Full recording on tape). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 106 2. I've seen where women know the secrets of the cult. Secrets'. Igbbri is the home of all secrets. Secrets', (etc.) 3. Carry the king, lift up A%gan'. Gently, (etc.) The setting in the compound included the wives, children and other relations of the deceased who used the courtyard as the scene of their own welcome of the dead and his party. They engaged in dances and songs, usually the praise-chants of the lineage were rendered. From the latter the special attributes which the deceased possessed were known. Before the gathering in the courtyard a dance procession round the town was held by the women of the household forming a dancing l p Chorus as a striking feature of this first act: Chorus: A n£ran on^, A niran b«la'. G-bogbo bgbagba, A niran ola. 42. I am grateful to my father Alagba J.S. Adedeji Arowosaiye for singing these songs to me. They were those in connection with the play of the funerary rite of his own father Chief bsunw^nu, The L^juwa of Okemesi, one of a first generation Oyo settlers, who had introduced both the EgtWian and Skngb into the town and was the Babani^ango. The 'ritual play' has been reconstructed after Chief Osunwenu's which took place in April 1936. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 107 Solo: Repeats. Chorus: X nwi a, V w a 6 ri'. Solo: Bx nihxn ni, Tabi l'ohun ni, Chorus: X fori a, awa b ri, Xwa kb mo 'b i y i o gbbgba o'. Solo: Bi nAin ni, Tabi’ l'ohun ni. • Chorus: X nwa a, Xwa o ri, Xwa o sun y Xwa b wo y Xwa b mo• 'le• t'b wb•. Baba wo k£ra 1Lfeh, a lighted lamp; they continued with improvised songs and danced round the circles of light. Then they stopped dancing as, "two men danced out from the house to each of the circles, and then back again. On their return a few women accompanied them, as if to act as an escort, and then they rejoined their companions... The music stopped and the songs with it. Then two women started singing solos in rich soprano voices. The words were all concerning the dead man. Two men starting singing, invoking the spirit of the deceased man's father UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 109 and mother. This continued for a long time... The songs ceased... Then all of a sudden the crowd swayed and someone shouted: 'He is coming' ... The man came slowly. His gait, his action, his movements and dress. He even carried a walking-stick. He was in very truth the man who had departed the life forty days ago The 'Agan' party arrived from the 'igbhlfe' and the actor (unmasked) symbolizing the 'shade' of the dead, entered the threshold without the women identifying him^and then into the apartment of the deceased where he hid in the ceiling and there awaited the evocation. The 'bpd' (caller), beat the ground three times with a stick, and called out loudly the name of the deceased: The 'Conclamatio'1*4 Priest: Ldgbdjd 6'. /5sdnwen^7 Chorus: 6 deni'. Priest: Ldgb^jd b'. Chorus: 6 dkjl'. 43• This is an extract from Chief Delano's eye-witness account. (See: Delano, The Soul of Nigeria, pp. 114-115). 44. After Parrinder, 0£. cit.. pp. 44-45. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 110 ■PIIIWr—■i ■■e s t : Ti o kb bd ddhtin l•e »e k•eta 0 6 di opipi, b 6 di apdadl ti a fiifon 'n4, 6 6 di asa, kekdta ni ng 6 pb yi oi Ddhim,md je ki nkan 6 se Awgn omo re, Awon iybw6 re * A wo« n &bdro re«. J| ki ind ild yi k6 tu wa l'ara o ! Ldgbdjd b'. \gan (impersonator): 6 b 6 6 Priest: So and so'. (Calling /figunnqnxi/ the deceased's real name) Chorus: This is the first call'. Priest: So and so*. Chorus: This is the second call*. Priest: If you do not answer the third call, You will become a featherles3 fowl, You will become a pot-sherd, You will become a shameless person^5 'A§a' is capable of being interpreted to mean ’an ugly fowl' according to Parrinder's translation. Originally the word is used to describe the action or behaviour of someone who has no shame, hence, '6 y'asa'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY l i t This is the third call I will make'. Answer, let nothing happen to children, Your wives, Your younger brothers. Let us find comfort in this house'. So and so'. ^gan: Yeah', (answering from the ceiling'.) At this, the orchestra sounded and everybody was excited. Later, the music and songs stopped and the Voice of the deceased was heard through a disguise making certain pronouncements 46 and blessing his people. Then suddenly, amidst great tumult, the impersonator dashed out with great speed and vanished into the midnight, followed by the priests of the cult, back to the grove. Second Act: The Exit (The Next Morning). The eg6ngrln priests gathered at the '̂ gb&lfc Stage' where the mummery was arranged. The actor was costumed in one of the dresses of the deceased believed to have been put into the grave and buried with him. In the compound of the deceased where the second stage was set, the relatives 46. According to other sources, it is the ’L6ko', the actor- guide, who speaks and not the impersonator. But Talbot says that the 'shade' if asked "pronounces judgment on any matter of dispute about his property and finishes by giving his blessing." (op. cit.. p. 477). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m relaxed into a state of general festivity; only the widows remained in mourning, dressed in rags with their hair clean' shaven. The women of the house formed a chorus of singers, as usual, improvised and danced at the threshold, awaiting the return of 'baba' to the homestead. One of such songs went as follows: Chorus: bsunwgnu 9mo afowurb s'omo. Solo: Eni b l'£r£ e ma ma bu wa. Chorus: b• s* unwe* nu o« mo« afowuro• sft 'o« mo«. Solo: K6 s'6hun t'6 dun bx ar£ e•ni. Chorus: bstfnwenti etc. Solo: Orx kx x gb<$fo. Chorus: bsunw^niS etc. Solo: Owo nj6 sun l'orx al£d£. Chorus: i^sunwenu etc. Solo: A wo r6* r4• rd k' awo ma mk d'awo.s Chorus: 6§unw§nu etc. Solo: E ma je ko dun nyxn^ B' £iye ti rise nxyen. Chorus: bft s• unweftnu etc. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 113 Chorus: Osunwenu, you who showed very early the qualities of greatness. Solo; Those without brethren, don't revile us, Chorus: Qsunwenu etc. Solo: Nothing brings satisfaction more than the presence of one's brethren. Chorus: O« sl unweinu etc. Solo: The head that wears the crown is never empty. Chorus: bsunwqnu etc. Solo: Lots of money abound in the crown. Chorus: Qsunwenu etc. Solo: The cult is expansive but let no cult-members let each other down. Chorus: Qsunwfnu etc. Solo: Don't be saddened by it, It's just the way people do things. Chorus: O* s* unwetnu eto. After the dancing and singing at the 'Agbo'le Stage' had been going on for some time, the Dundun^ orchestra was UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 114 sent to fetch 'baba' home from the grove. Then, a solemn prooession proceeded amidst the following Dilndun rhythmic beat: Ire• te• 'se*,/ Sin-sin. Irpt^ 'sdo ba'le n'Igbale* 49* This is a term that encompasses the play-concept in games, recreation, contests, liturgical and theatrical representa­ tions. The semantic base of the word is Latin, from 'Ludi' which denotes the Roman great public games. (See: Huizinga, op. cit., pp. 55-3^}. It is used here to refer to the games and theatrical representations on the last day of the egungun festivals. 50. Talbot, o£. cit.. p. 761 . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 118 G-be mi - i - i'. Pick me up’. Priests: The only way to praise the Xgan Is to pick him upj Agan's tail must never touch the ground of the sacred grove. Agan: Pick me up, then*. Agan is then picked up and carried round in a procession through the main streets of the community. Of course, for this performance, Agan is invisible; under the benefit of darkness and the strict injunction which forbids the unini­ tiated to come out, there is no attempt made to designate an impersonator for this act. Agan's ’Voice’ is the only signal the people get to know the time of his arrival in the com­ munity. The ’Mar£wo' (ohildren of the Cult) pursue him through the streets tulik a very dramatic chanted duologue: 51 Agan: Mo d£ v6r6w4r4 b£ bjd al^. Mariwo: A-a-gan b\ Agan: Mo d6 kutukutu b£ bjd bmir§. 51. This Agan's arrival chant is recorded in Peter Morton-Williams, "The Egungun Society in South-Western Yoruba Kingdoms", W.A.I.S.E.R Conference Proceedings. Ibadan 1956, (reprinted 19^3)> pp. 93-94. (The translation and modifications here are mine). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Hariwo: A-k-gan b'. X gan: Mo de pkpkpk bi eji xyaleta Marxwo: VA -a-gan VO'. Xrbxi: Oju aldro ls5> to ild aro. Marxwo: A-a-gan b X gan: 0jd amd• kbkd kb td ild amo•n. Mariwo: X -'h -gan b igan: Oju aldgbbde ko td ild kro. Marxwo: A-k-gan O'. Igan; Marxwo o-o-o Mo de o-o-o'. Mariwo: A-a-gan, b'. Agan: I come like the spluttering rain at eventide. Mariwo: Yea, A*1gan*. Igan: I come like the drenching rain at the break of day. Marxwo: Yea, ^Lgan*. Agan: The eye of the dyer sees not the bottom of the vat UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 120 Marxwo: Yea, Agan'. The eye of the potter sees not the inside of* the clay. Marxwo: Yea, Agan'. Agan: The eye of the blacksmith sees not the nodus of the forge. Marxwo: Yea, Agan'. Agan: Yea, Marxwo'. I've arrived, indeed'. Marlwo: Yea, Agan'. The procession returns to the grove before twilight. It is the signal fee* every one in the community that the 'Agan' has preceded all the lineage ancestors of the community *fco the feast of the 'All Souls'. It is believed that the ancestors return to the community through the gateway of the 'igbAlb' and that they then proceed to the 'k^rb' of the compound of each lineage. The procession to the king takes place by noon. (ii) The Pageant: This is the procession to the king and the assembly takes place before him at the 'bde' (open space or square) before the palace, normally adjoining the central market. All the lineage-masquerades, otherwise called 'e^gdnld', take their positions on this 'All Souls' day^to pay their homage to the king in a certain order. The pageant is marked by "the type and magnificence of the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 121 particular egunla £eegunlj^ of each lineage, and its dis­ tinguishing characteristics, such as a right to the crown, or the priesthood of a particular deity or descent from a renowned warrior."52 Each ' e^gunl^' is surrounded by his ' omcfle' (children of the compound), dancing and chanting the lineage praise- songs, all dressed-up for the occasion.*^ Each 'e^gdnl£' bears a name, usually the ancestral cognomen, or an attri­ butive name that is an illustration of the lineage. Some costumes are elaborate and usually reflect the resources of the lineage and their conception of the ancestral image. At the stage of performance, each lineage-pageant is marked by a dance-display, sometimes presenting an enactment- story with appropriate local themes. After this formal salute to the ruler, each pageant recedes and winds up in the different lineage homes where feasting and merriment continue. The ' ê gtinl̂ ' parades round, blessing and receiving gifts from his children. 52. Morton-Williams, o£. cit.. p. 101. 53. See plates, Nos. 22, 23 & 24. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 22: Egungiln festival at Okeraesi - Children of the Compound, ohanting the praise-3ongs of the 'Ê giinla' (the lineage-masquerade). ■ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 23: A lineage masquerade at Ijebu-Igbo. Every masquerade brings his own music to the festival. (Photo by courtesy of Dr. Oyin Ogunba) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m (iii) The Ludus: This development started on the initiative of the Aldgb&d as oultic-head of the Egdngdn Society. It was intended to provide an opportunity whereby the lineage ' edgiinl̂ ' could, in a form of competition, demon­ strate and display their dexterity in dance and improvisa­ tions . The contest was voluntary and was merely intended to raise the voltage of the festival. It took place at the *6de' in front of the Aldgbkd's compound. "Presents were given and the 'play' was repeated in the various quarters of the town." 54 This special performance took place on the last day to bring the festival to a close. As time went on, however, the spirit of the 'ludus1 was cast overboard. Tempers of participating masquerades ran high, charms were introduced freely and magic displayed above the normal expectations of the games. To ameliorate a deteriorating situation, the Aldgbdd inaugurated another 'command performance' this time organised by the Oldgbin lineage, with 01dgb&r$ Igan and his band who had been known to stroll about with their 'iwx' (chants), acrobatic dances and dramatic improvisations. With this group stepping into the arena, the third phase of the theatrical development began. 54. Talbot, op. cit., p. 761 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 123 To begin with, the annual egungun festival had a named month, 'osu egungtfci', in the Yoruba calendar. It took place at a time when the crops were ripening in the farms and the first fruits were beginning to come in. It was, in effect, the festival of the 'new yam'; but was, normally, preceded by the festival of Qb&tild, the arch-divinity, who, as 'primus inter pares', had to eat the first yam.55 Nowadays, the festival month has changed and the idea of the 'new yam* has broken down. While in certain areas of Yoruba, in Oyo and Ibadan, the festival still takes place annually, modifi­ cations have been noticed in the Igbomina and Southwestern parts. The dates vary from between April and August to between December and March and the festival is no longer an annual event. Never­ theless, the festival is still of major importance to the commu­ nities wherever it is held. People from abroad return home to partake of the rites of worship and the festival feast and to rally round their ' e^giinlA'. T 55. ibid., pp. 760-1 . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 124 C. The Theatre: At the early stages, when the 'Apidln' group was invited to perform as part of the annual egungun festival, it came strictly under the jurisdiction of the Egungrin Society. Whatever gifts and money were given to the actors during performance were shared out by the officers of the Society. An actor received not more than forty cowries. 56 Morton- Williams, 57 describing a performance by the Apida,n group during one annual festival which he witnessed said: the ’apidan' dancers and mimes perform such feats as appearing in three dresses in the course of a dance;58 act little morality plays; caricature types of people and mime odd creatures and sing egungun songs... They go round the town during the festival, singing to people, calling chiefs and the wealthy by their praise names, recalling their forbears and expecting these gratified men to reward them.... In the olden days while the egungun were dancing and performing 'idan*, people would throw cowries for them; the 'oje' would leave them on the ground until the dancing was finished when someone would colleot them all in a basket or hat.59 56. Peter Morton-Williams, op. cit., p. 97* 57. ibid., pp. 90-103. (See Appendix 6 for list and description of plays in this account). 58. The actor normally appears in three dresses. First is the 'agb' which looks like an overall dress, seeond is the 'l&bala', which is a tunic over a pair of pants which serves as under­ garment but is used for dancing and acrobatics; then, lastly, the 'bjb' dress, the real costume of the character that he plays*in any particular act. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 125 Later, they developed as "mendicants who travel from one town to another giving entertainments in hope of recei­ ving gifts of money from their audiences."^ At Ife, when they arrived there to perform, they were looked upon simply as beggars from Oyo who had no standing as a religious group.61 Beier, who made an extensive study of the group, has described them as 'Agb6gij<$', meaning: "we take wood to dance" 62 because of the carved face-masks which they don for their various improvisations. He described them as mas- queraders who "do not represent ancestors"; they "dance" just for "entertainment on the occasion of funerals, marriage ceremonies, wedding feasts, annual sacrifices of orisa 60„ Bascom, og. cit., p. 53* 61. ibid. 62. Beier erroneously uses this term as generic for all the thea­ tre-groups. In fact 'Agbegijo' is the professional name of the company based at Oshogbo. (See: Beier, "The Agbegijo Mas queraders", Nigeria Magazine, No. 82, Sept. 1964, pp. 189- 199) 63. Whereas the funeral masks and the lineage egdngtln of the annual festival are all impersonations of the ancestor or a deceased individual. 64. The 'dance' of the theatre-group involves acting. According to Beier, the "dancer does not merely display the mask; he acts the part." (See Beier: Introduction to African Literature, . Longmans, 1967, p . 244). The Yoruba has no equivalent for the word 'act' and uses 'dance' as an all inclusive term. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 126 worshippers etc. In short, they come whenever they are invited by anybody who is willing to pay for the entertainment given. But they also have their own festival when they dance for Al rade*. The solemn ceremonial rite of 'calling the dead' had given place to a commemorative rite handled and directed by a cult-organization. The presence of the guild of artists and craftsmen in the 'festival phase' caused considerable changes In the general conception of the ancestral image. Instead of realistic and concrete forms in the presentational aspects, we had signs, gestures and symbols. Taste dictated form and style. As soon as the direct phenomenon of the ritual performance of the first phase changed or was modified in emphasis, andAsolemnization ̂ u»Hen. gave place to rollicking and magic display in the second phase, Wxe-n. the 'real person' of the ancestor changed to an imagined character. With the element of mimicry thus introduced, what then succeeded was the artistic improvisation of an individual animator or dancer (actor). A deviation from concrete reality was also manifested in the artistic carvings, whether face or head masks, as well as^the ^rv decorative costumes which were worn for the pageant. These hardly furnished any solid information about the nature of a UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 129 particular ancestor. Even the names which the 'masquerades' bore were ho longer specific and related. It would be too presumptuous to claim that the artists involved in the designing of the 'masquerades' were allowed to dominate their assignment with their own virtuosity. It was, however, possible that they had a certain amount of freedom to improvise and that they, therefore, wanted to derive a certain amount of aesthe­ tic satisfaction from their works. Hence, we missed the cult imperatives that dominated the artistic design of the early phase. There are certain other features of the 'festival phase' which are of dramatic importance. The pageant performance which manifested in dance (with an enactment-story at the base of its pattern), changed in quality and character to magic displays and the use of charms. Thus modifying the primary aim of the 'ludus' which, at best, was to eelebrate and display certain distinctive characteristics which marked one family or lineage from another. The idea of the 'ludus' was to afford people at the festival a period of entertainment through contest. It was remarkable for its abuse by the 'e^gunla', the lineage masquerades, but it was also noted for the oppor­ tunity it created for the theatre to emerge. Before the Oldgbin's group was invited to perform for the amusement of those who congregated for the annual festival, the dramatizations of the 'eegtinl̂ ' were all-embracing and all-involving UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 130 The performers were not separated from the ritual obligations of ancestor-worship and the requirements of the cultus. In fact, the performance was a 'symbolic ritual', 68 the purpose of which was to enable the 'impersonator' to achieve some form of union with a supernatural power. Since the impersonation was symbolic of the doctrine or belief of ancestor-worship, it had a function similar to that of contagious magic; and the impersonation, though possibly commemorative, was not creative and therefore not theatrical.69 But during the 'theatre phase', an attitude of detachment had developed. The masks used were acting devices and no ancestors were being impersonated for the purpose of performance. Three guilds were directly responsible for the arrangement and design of the performances of the Oldgbin group: Al£r&n br£, the costu­ mier, who was said to have been 01<£gbin's kinsman, was responsible for building all the costumes needed for the different acts of performance; 016$6 or Oldjow&n, the master carver, was responsible for carving all the wooden face and head masks that were used in the transformations; and lastly, of course, was Oldgbin himself, 68. H. Beresford Menegh, "A Way of Separating Theatre from Bite", Educational Theatre Journal. Vol. XIX, No. 2, May 1967, p. 123. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 131 the animator, who must have handled the improvisations, the dances and the chants, drawing on the Akunyungba , the palace rhapso- dists, which he headed. The performance of the 0l6gbin's troupe was, of course, creative and theatrical. By developing an attitude of detachment from the ritual, their performance led to the gathering round of a crowd of people whose purpose was to see a performance by a troupe of performers and not participate in a rite. These spec­ tators (audience) judged the success or failure of each perfor­ mance on the basis of how far they were amused and diverted. Participation at this level became aesthetic. The ability of the spectator to perceive and discriminate actions and visual symbols arising from a creative force, is due to the development of ’histrionic sensibility'. 70 By this development the spectator or audience was directly or indirectly cultivating interest in the new art. Individualism in art breeds secularism. As soon as the 01<$gbin's or ’Apidan' troupe became detached from the umbilical cord of the egtingtln cultus, it sought its ovm patronage from the 70. Francis Fergusson, The Idea of a Theatre. Anchor Books, New York, 1%9, pp. 250-253. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Court, where in fact it had matured. It was allowed to travel out to the Oyo principalities or metropolitan provinces, to entertain the king's vassals, ruling princes and chiefs. This scope for performance must have increased their mode of experimentation and encouraged the introduction of 'satire' which they widely indulged in. For according to Southern, a time comes, especially when the play of gods and heroes develops to gigantic proportions, when the spectator must feel the need for relief from the high concerns of great immortal themes; and a pathetic consciousness begins to form of little man confronted by these things - seeming by contrast comic in his limita­ tions, yet peculiarly valiant in his one invincible power to take knocks..,His only defensive resource is a jest or sourrility.,71 71. Richard Southern, The Seven Ages of the Theatre, Faber, London, 1962, p. 82. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ■ x ■»*: .4 > ,.r ( t ie t i * t »:>■ , -xr-f m t # . t f C ?0 Igbe&O. 01 i) ' 15 v P A R T T H R E E mmet The Theatre in History UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY C H A P T E R F O U R 133 The Theatre in Historical Perspective: I. As Court Entertainment The first stage of the development of the theatre seems to have emerged about the middle of the sixteenth century at the Court of Alafin Egunoju, the founder of Oyo Igboho. Ofinran died at Ku^u and was succeeded by his son Egunoju who brought his -fo.th«-rs remains with him for burial at the new capital. 1 Igboho became a castle of refuge and seat of government for the Yoruba for some three quarters of a century.2 Owonrin Onisanyin, the hunch-back, probably^ succeeded the Oldje at Court as the king's Oldgbo and head of the Akunyungba, the king's rhapsodists. The Iyamode was responsible for training the Akunyungba. They provided entertainment at the king's pleasure and during special festival occasions. When Owonrin Onlsanyin died he was succeeded by Ologbin his eldest son as the king's Ologbo and rhapsodist. It was he who brought up 1. Johnson, op. oit., p. 161. 2. R. Smith, op. oit.. p. 59. 3. This seems to be the period narrated in *Odu 6wonrxnse'. (See above, pp. 82-88). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 134 Oltigb&rd Xgan, the masquerade, as a costumed-player at Court with the Akunyhngba as chorus. King 6gb<51d, otherwise called Abxpa,^ was the last of the kings who reigned at Igboho. He acceded to the throne about 1590. 5 He made a firm resolve to return home to Old Oyo, the metropolis, and set his mind and energy towards its accomplish­ ment. But he did not find things easy. Most of his people, especially those who had been born in exile could not be easily persuaded to accept the fact that returning to Oyo was a worth­ while proposition and venture. Igboho had been well settled and had given a firm security to those who had spent a good part of their early life wandering around the marches of Borgu and Nupe on the lower banks of the Niger. The Oyo-Mesi, the king’s council9was strongly opposed to the move. When the^ knew that ̂ ounctllor? the king could not be persuaded to change his mind, they resolved on using the element of disguise as a stratagem to foil the attempted move. The Al^pxnni, one of the Oyo-Mesi and the representative of the Egdngdn Society on the king’s council, was the brain behind 4. Abxpa is a contraction of 'enitx a-bx-sx-ipa' (one born on the wayside). He was also hailed as ’Akohfcm B£sa' (one who refused Bisa's entreaties). 5. R. Smith, o£. oit.. p. 74. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 135 the dramatic strategy. At his initiative, the Oyo-Mesi planned to stop the king's move. They knew that, as was customary, the king would send emissaries to inspect the abandoned sites, propi­ tiate the gods and make sacrifices before the final move-in took place. As they were resolved on thwarting the king's will, they thought the move could be stopped by frightening the emissaries off the old sites by a company of ghost-mummers. They got masked actors or ghost-mummers ready and secretly despatched them to Old Oyo to precede the king's emissaries. There were six stock-characters each representing a coun­ cillor: the hunchback (Basorun), the albino (Al^pinni), the leper (Asipa), the prognathus (§Amu), the dwarf (Laguna) and the cripple (Akiniku) Their presence at the sites, indeed, T i ­ ghtened the first batch of emissaries on the hill, Ajaka. "Abipa was at first distressed, but the Ologbo (the royal cymbalist and aroken ̂ ar<£kiij7 who had some inkling of the truth, advised him to send a group of trustworthy men from Igboho to investigate the matter. Six famous hunters set out and they soon rounded up the 6. These stock-characters are caricatures of humanity believed to have been created by brisA-^lA" (ObAt^lA), the Yoruba arch-divinity, under the influence of wine. They are called '^ni Orlsa' (those of the Deity). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY bogus phantoms.”^ The King's Oldgbo (Olc/gbin) would certainly be privy to the secret design of the Councillors, he himself being a member of the Egungun Society. But his decision to reveal the secret of the cult in this regard might have gone to strengthen the clash of interests and personalities that had existed between the two main lineages which had been uneasily wedded together to fora the Society. Thus the strategy of the reluctant Councillors was destroyed and the King earned the nickname, 'Oba M6ro' (catcher of ghosts).8 On the king*8 orders the ghost-suramers were brought to Court and were placed under the charge of his Oldgbo (Oldgbin). They lived "in a special building within the Afin"^ to entertain the king. At the weekly meeting of the king and his Councillors for the Jakuta sacrifices, they retired into the banqueting hall for the usual refreshments that followed the religious ceremonies. Here the king, in a mood to surprise the Councillors, arranged for a show in which the ghost-mummers waited upon their creators'. The councillors were dumbfounded by this but they took the show good-humouredly and departed. Those they thought to have been 7. Smith, _o£. cit.. p. 70. 8. Johnson, o£. cit.. pp. 165-6. 9. Smith, 0£. cit. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 13V playing the 'ghost' at Old Oyo were in fact in the king's palace as a band of entertainers'. The king thereafter called for a public performance of the ghost-mummers to enact the story of the '(xho3t Catcher' under the management of Oldgbin, his 01<5gbo. The Councillors having been greatly incensed planned to ruin the show by evoking rain. But Oldgbin stopped the heavy downpour, and his mummers carried through their improvisations with dances and chants. Upon this feat, he was hailed '01. oit., p. 166. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 138 in ass’s skin to be taken to Oyo for interment." 11 When the final move back to Old Oyo was completed, Olbgbojo's body was buried in a Court dedicated to his memory and called 'bde bgbd- ldk|' - "Eni ti 6gb61d fi 5de-il4 k$" ( one whom bgbblu honoured with a Court). Old Oyo was reoccupied in the twentieth year of the King's reign, about 1610. 12 The story of the 'Ghost Catcher' was re­ enacted at Oyo three times annually: first during the brisk Oko (farm god) festival, secondly during the festival of brisk M§nlk and thirdly at the Odbduwa festival. It is also enacted during the installation of a new Alafin^when it takes place privately in the royal reception hall (Aganju) at night. J By the middle of the seventeenth century, the 'bjk', the name by which the ghost-mummers came to be popularly called, had become well established at Court and had been responsible for the management of the 'ritual play' of the funerary rite. During the reign of King Jayin (between 1655 and l670),1if Olusi, his son, 11. ibid. 12. Smith, 0£. cit.. p. 73* 13* ibid.. p. 70. 14. Chief Isaac Delano, Iranti Anfani: Itan Oyo. Evans Bros., London, 1964, PP* 20-21. See also: Chief S.O. Ojo, Bada of Saki, Iwe Itan Yoruba. I, Ibadan, p. 69. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 139 became popular with the masses because he was kind and generous, against his father's wickedness and weakness. The king conse­ quently jealous of his son's popularity, and succeeded in getting rid of him by poison. When the people learned of the prince's death, they gravely aggrieved. For them the hope of a better future under the prince had been dashed to the ground. He was universally mourned and the whole public took it upon themselves to perform his funeral obsequies. "His egungun was brought out, that is, an appearance of his apparition, clothed with the cloths with which he was known to have been buried". 15 When the king heard that the egdngtan of his late son was on its way to the palace, and knowing what the consequence of such a visitation would be, he quickly took poison and died: "(5 ku d|d& kx a k6 iwi wo Akesan, Qba Jayin t£ 'rx gba 'so."1^ it the approach of a company of chanting ghost-mummers to the Akesan, King Jayin buried his head in a shroud ̂ die_c£7. 15. Johnson, op. cit.. p. 171. 16. ibid., p. 171. See also Delano, op. cit., p. 21. Delano explains that this ritual ceremony was contrived because the Yoruba funerary rite was never done for young people. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY But the 'ritual play' was certainly a stratagem designed to get rid of the vile king, as it was not customary to perform the 'ritual play' during the death of a young man.17 By 1698, the golden age of imperial conquest that saw the phenomenal expansion that established the Oyo empire had begun. 18 Normally, stable government and civil justice encourage the cultivation of leisure which in turn favours the operation of the theatre. 19 When King Agboluaje, the grandson of King Ogbdlu20 came to the throne about 1750, his grandfather's tradition of keeping the court-masques, seem© to have been adhered to. During the 'B§be' 21 festival whioh he celebrated because of the peace and prosperity that prevailed all over the kingdom, 22 it is said 17. for this reason, according to Delano, the performance took place on the twenty-first day after the prince's burial. 18. I.A. Akinjogbin, "The Oyo Empire in the 18th Century", Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria. 7ol. Ill, No. 3, December 1961, p. 452* 19. Hugh Hunt, The Live Theatre. O.U.P., 1962, p. 67. 20. By folk elymotogy: "A-ri-0gb6lu-01<4p<5n-aj4" was compressed to 'Agbdluajl' . 21. The 'Bebe' is akin to a jubilee or golden age of a king's reign. During the celebration, liberty of speech and action is granted every one. Everyone appears in his holiday dress and goes to Oyo for the festivities and displays which mark the festival period. (See Johnson: ag. cit.. p. 163). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 141 that the '^jb' performed their masques till day-light turned into darkness'. King Agboluaje's 'orxki' is full of pictures of this grand 'Bebe': "Agboldaje se Bebe, 6 yanjti kdtdkdtd. bgbdld t'a kx tx kb jb i Baba, iku fo'. G-bd owd rx owd nd, Baba, iku pin. Xran kx x sa, baba Aldndu, B'enia Idwd-ldwd, kb le b nx alb-ye; Bx i ti gb'dwd ka rx owd nd k6, Baba, iku pin*. Bx bnia p6 bun bxmo, Kb le b bx Jxmxs'owo bi Abudu; Bx bnib nx aso nla-nld ri'll. Ko le b nl a-tx-wu-mx, Bx ti Kogilede kd; Baba wa Agboluaje, bro 6yd ti kan Bebe k&n Bebe'. Agbdluajb se Bebe - Bebe yanju kdtd-kdtd . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 142 Agbdlilaj^ ni baba 23 Agbdlilaj^ celebrated the Bebe, It went off without a hitch. Ogbolu whom we salute in vain'.24 Father, flown off by Death*. Carry money on you, and have for a spending spree, Father, finished off by Death'. The velvet never fades, M om* father of Albndu. One may be very rich, but may have no fittings; Not the one who carries money about For his spending spree, Father, finished off by Death'. One may be blessed with children, But may not have one like Abudu, his rich merchant-son. One may have plenty of big clothes; He may not have one that fades not. Not like Kogilede. Our father Agb61haj£, Oyo's fame is beyond the B^be jubilation'. Agb61uaj£ celebrated the Bebe, It went off without a hitch. Agboldaj^ is our Father. King Agboluaje, surprising all his admirers, committed suicide and was mourned for a long time. But royal patronage of the arts proceeded unabated. 23. I am grateful to Al&gbA Agbool^ Adeniji for chanting this 'Oriki' to me. 24 . The allusion to King 6gbolu, his grandfather, is an indica­ tion of resemblance between the two monarchs. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY By the time King Abiodun, whose mother was King Agboluaje's daughter, came to the throne of Oyo in about 1770, 25 the empire had become very extensive and had reached the apogee of its fame. Abiodun was bent on re-establishing Oyo as a great commercial centre. The trade-routes between the capital and the coast had suffered neglect during the troublous times of G-dha, the Basorun of the empire. To revive and strengthen them Abiodun established outposts, notably at Haro, Ijana and Jiga and succeeded in making Porto-Novo a beach-head. 26 He placed vassal rulers in these towns "all recruited from the staff of the palace in Old Oyo." 27 Because of his patronage of the arts, Abiodun has been credited with organising the craft-guilds into technical specia­ lities and encouraging each to contribute its best product to 25. According to Dr. Akinjogbin, the "date of Abiodun’s accession is unknown. Tradition, however, relates that he had been on the throne for some time before the civil war in which he defeated G-AhA, his chief opponent. (See: "The Oyo Empire in the 18th Century - A Reassessment," Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol. Ill, No. 3, December 1966, ff., P. 455. 26. Peter Morton-7/illiams, "The Oyo Yoruba and the Atlantic Trade, 1670-1830," Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria. Ill, No. 1, December 1964, pp. 38-41• 27o Morton-Williams, "The Yoruba Kingdom of Oyo," in West African Kingdoms in the 19th Century, (eds. Porde and Kaberry), O.U.P., 1967, p. 41. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 144 enhance the prestige of the Crown. He is also believed to have put the theatre on the road to professionalism. The court-entertainers were expected to travel with their masques to the metropolitan provinces of the empire to entertain the dis­ tinguished members of the royal family. According to Johnson, a great number of them did not reside in the metropolis. 28 It is said that it was during this period that the operations of the troupes extended to the southwestern kingdoms of Egba, Egbado, Awori and others. 29 Also during this period, “the egungun spread to Dahomey and are found among the G-u and Eon where egungun is called Kujito or the French word revenants".30 After the overthrow of GAhA, the powerful Basorun of the empire^ and his regime of terror about 1774, King Abiodun pro­ claimed a one-day 'Bebe' festival to mark the dawn of a new era. 31 The last time the 'B§be' was celebrated during the reign 28. Johnson, op., cit.. pp. 67-68. 29. Peter Morton-Williams, "The Egungun Society in South-western Yoruba Kingdoms" I.A.I.S.E.R. 1956, p. 90. 30. E.G-. Parrinder, West African Religion. The Epworth Press, London, 1961, pp. 130-1. 31. Johnson, oj>. cit.. p. 185. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 145 of King Agboluaje, it was a big occasion for the masque-artists who became involved with the ceremony for the first time. On this occasion, the troupe performed to the King at the Bkrh which he visited for the thank— offering sacrifice to his fathers. 32 Abiodun, whose 'oriki' is 'Ajamti omo Sang6', is said to have imposed the worship of both 'brisk Skng4' and 'brisk Egungun* on all the areas under his Jurisdiction. Both Sango and egungun worship became widespread as a result of the Alafin’s resident officers entrenching themselves by assuming the roles of the chief priests of Sang6 and also making their presence felt through egung&n sanctions. It was common belief that Egungun was §ango*s divine guardian.^ During Skngd festivals the Baba IC Eleegun is connected as chief performer. 32. It is possible that Abiodun is linked or identified with §kngd and credited with great achievements simply because his reign, said to be long and the most prosperous, is also the most remembered in Oral Tradition. 33♦ S.O. Biobaku in Egba and Their Neighbours. 1957, p. 8, refers to the situation as was extended to the Egba kingdom. 34. Skngd as the creator of egtfhgun. the ancestral masquerade, has been discussed above. §kngd was also a reputed magician. But one day as he was performing to his courtiers, his clothes ripped and he was stripped naked. He evoked the Egungun, and his ancestral masquerade appeared and gave him a piece of his material to oover his naked parts. This is said to be the origin of SAngo* s 'lkbk' or kilt. 35* Ulli Beier, A Year of Sacred Festivals. p. 75* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY King Abiodun’s mother was a great patroness of the arts. Because of this, the occasion of her death and funeral obsequies was turned into a great feast for the arts*. The King commissioned three notable guilds of artists to contribute of their best to the burial ceremony. Lagbbyf, a descendant of the fapous carver 01c(jownn, was invited to carve the image of his mother on all the doors and posts of the palace, and two hundred of such posts were carved in figures. Ala^jobi A^of^La, the descendant of the famous costumier, Alaran bri, was changed with making enough costumes to dress up all the posts. Last, but by no means least, Ijlsa dgbin,^ offspring of Al^dafa, and the celebrated masque- dr amaturg of the realm, was a3ked to prepare a mummer for the 'ritual/play' of the funerary rite. The occasion was a memorable gala and ha3 since been perpetuated in the following praise-chant: Oba Abiodun , O♦ ba G-an-̂ n-bji!s»e 'I. Oba a-dim b^ k'ef ro'. Nwefftn nf ki onfkaluku Kio^ a gbe op<£ r'byo. 36. See Chapter Seven for his biography. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Iya A bio dun Alafin akokb ’Un l'o' ku, l'o f o r i oye sx'le. Nwo• n ni nw«o n o d'owo jo•, Ki won 6 ro'gi l'4so. Ni nwon d'<5wb jo, Ni nwdn rd'gi 1'aso . Nwon wi k4 si Lbgbbyi Omo Ol^jowpn; bpdmdl^ro wi r6 'gba igi l'aso. 6 pa igi ctk, 6 sx s'ogi d' enia." nKi l'ijisa bgbin y'o ri b'ori r'ode re 6 j6 ni' jo ojrf bi t<$?" &bogbo e^gdn il^ wa Irin mb l ’afol Nx'j^ bpd fo'hun, l'(5ju bmi ni. N'l^ se'gi l'aafin 6yo, Ellrxi iljogun eru, Oniwifa j' ogun Iwbfb, H a s p nj'ogun aso. bp6 w& r6'so, bp<4 wa gba^i. Bi e ba sin e^gtra je ni'le yi, Se b'ettlkan b le b mu nyin? UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2^ Baba nvy in 16 l'ea niti mbei ninu ast o«"-5 King Abiodun, King &an-dn-o jise'. Thou who are of good report [ They asked that every artist should bring a carved post to Oyo. Mother of Abiodun, the foremost Alafin, She it was, who died and left the throne, They called for all /artist^7 to pool their resources - To dress her image with a costume. Then all resources were pooled, The images were oostumed. They called in L&gb&yi, Offspring of 0l6jow§n. bp^mtildrd then costumed the two-hundred images, Transformedv the posts into human beings'. 'What will Ssa 6gbin have to put on When his turn comes to take his Mummer out?' All the mummers in the house were already costumed in velvet'. When the Image made a pronouncement I was there as a witness at a close-up in the palace at Oyo; Some inherited slaves, Some inherited vassals, Others inherited clothes. The Image was then dressed with a wrapper and waist-cloth. 'If you choose to mimiok the e^ngifn in this town, who will charge you? Your father owns the impersonator in the mask'.' 37* This 'Oriki' is extracted from "Oriki Iran Opomulero” in "Xwpn Oriki Or fie by Adeboye Babalola (1967), pp. 40-46. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 149 The age long recurrent feud between the Igbori and Oba clans each of idiom had contested the ownership of the egungtin. in spite of -their joint membership of the Egungun Society, came to a head during the reign of King Abiodun: "Awqn agbagba mrfta ni Nw6n rfjiyan nitori Awo. Oldponda dihun o ni \O un l'voun l'Awo. Oldgbojo na a ni bun l'6un l'Egtingiin. AlAdejobi erd Aran Qmo Af^ffl£ dahun 6 l'oun l'oun l'Egungun. Is4 d'i§4 akitiyan'. Nw$n k'djd <5 di'l£ Oba. Qba ni k' dldgbojo K'd ta kdk6 eti aso; Nw^n ni k* dldponda K' 6 ta k6k<5 eti a$o; Nw<^n ni k'llarSn bri K* run mo« ndan'.' 'bdede re kb gbb'nia. N'bO l ’o 6 k'egberin eegun si?'^ "Esa Cgbin, citizen of Ogbojo. I, Esa Ogbiri, donned my costume, I took a dance step and made a brilliant pose under the costume. I spread out my arms and gathered my » clothes round in a flourish. Esa Ogbin, citizen of Ogbojb. Son, who has stepped into the favour of the Crown." "Es4 Ogbin, citizen of bgbojo, The King of Oyo, He, it was, who sent a message v To the house of the citizen of Ogbojo. He said they should come with eight-hundred masks. The first time we went to the palace at Oyo, We could only take two-hundred masks. The King said, 'I am surprised*. Aren't there any more masks in the Court at heaven?' 42. This chant has been extracted from Babalola's "Orxki Iran Ologbin" op. cit.. pp, 92-3. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 157 'Your verandah cannot contain people Where would you put eight-hundred masks?* King Abiodun, it seem* , gave the first boost to profes­ sionalism and individualism in masque-dramaturgy since, by his judicious intervention, the theatre-group was released from the cultic obligations of the Egdngtin Society and became a perma­ nent part of court-amusements. It is also clear from the outcome of the contest that the aetor required the mask of the carver and the costume of the costumier and therefore the wo-operation of the two guilds for his dramatic improvisations. But what developed thereafter was that the masque-dramaturg had to make contracts with the other guilds for his needs. After the most auspicious period of Oyo history, King Abiodun's reign came to an end and with it the tranquility and prosperity which had prevailed in the Yoruba country. The revo­ lutionary wars which ensued, wrecked the empire and devastated a good portion of Yorubaland. King Abiodun died in April 1789, but within two years of his death, the citadel which he and his predecessors had painstakingly and courageously built, was already 43• There is no doubt about the exaggeration in the figures as to the size of the oompany of actors managed by fesA Ogbin, but it must have been a large one. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 158 showing signs of cracks. In 1797» eight years afterwards, Old Oyo had no constitutionally accepted head. 45 The relevance of this is that with the chaos at Court and the unrest in the reign of King Awole, the successor to Abiodun, the operation of the theatre troupes had to be focussed elsewhere, outside fit the royal court of Old Oyo. Prom about 1800, "numerous Oyo oitizens had started to desert their homes and look for new settlements in other, more secure, parts of the Yoruba country where they would not only have political stability, but would also be able to satisfy their economic n e e d s . T h e Fulani invasion has often been blamed for this unprecedented misfortune; but it would seem that deser­ tion and the earliest wave of migration from the northern fron­ tier of Yoruba were, the result of panic and frustration. "The beginning of the disintegration of the Oyo Empire owed nothing to Fulani pressure or to the Fulani Jihad" 47 since "authority had broken down in Oyo at least seven years before the start of 44. I.A. Akinjogbin, "The Prelude to the Yoruba Civil Wars", Odu, Vol. 1, No. 2, January 1965, p. 27. 45. ibid., p. 38. 46. ibid. 47. ibid. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 159 the Jihad. Indeed it was the breakdown of authority in Oyo which enabled the Jihad to affect the Oyo Empire to the extent that it did."^ In the 1820s, the anarchy that had been 'a*- feature of life in the empire must have convinced the Fulani that the impetus of the Jihad which had conquered the Hausa states could be carried southwards into the Yoruba country. Between 1822 and 1830, the empire faced the Afonja rebellion4 9 which allowed the Fulani emirate to be created at Ilorin. King Majotu, described by Lander as the ‘pusillanimous Mansolah", was blamed for having "neither foresight, nor wisdom, nor resolution", to put the people in a posture of defence. There was no doubt that the Oyo administration was supine in the face of the Fulani threat.50 In spite of these oircumstances, the theatre troupes flourished a m i kept up their custom of acting plays in the metropolitan provin­ ces as well as in the Yoruba sub-kingdoms to the south. Beginning from the Onikoyi down to the Onijana, it was the custom of the ‘llhrl’ (resident governors) in the areas under Oyo, 48. ibid., p. 44. 49. Johnson, op. cit., pp. 197-200. 50. Richard and John Lander, Journal of an Expedition to explore Course and Termination of the Niger. London, 1832, pp. 134-5, 142-3. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 160 to include a travelling troupe in their entourage during their annual visit to do homage to the Alafin. According to Clapper- ton, "it is the custom, during the time that the caboceers51 from the different towns remain on their visit to the king, to act plays or pantomimes". 52 On this particular occasion, Alafin Majotu had invited his provincial governors to come to Oyo to meet his august visitors: Captain Hugh Clapperton and his Cornish manservant Richard Lander, both of whom rendered vivid and glowing accounts of the show.53 During their seven weeks' stay in the capital, the king invited his guests to see a masque performance provided by one 51. 'Caboceer' comes from the Portuguese word 'cabeceiro' which means a headman. (See: Archibald Dalzel, The History of Dahomey. Frank Cass & Co., 2nd printing, 1967, p. XI. 52. Clapperton was not quite certain in his classification of the theatrical art they were privileged to see. What they saw in fact, were the court-masques which by descriptive definition qualify as 'pantomime', according to the Roman development. (See Oxford Companion to the Theatre. 1957, p . 600). 53. Hugh Clapperton, Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Afrioa. London. 1829. pp. 53-56. Richard Lander, Records of Captain Clapperton* s Last Expedition to Afrioa. Vol. I. 1856. Chan. V: "Pantomime Representations by Yaarribeans", pp. 115-121. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 161 of the theatre-troupes, probably the leading troupe at that time.54 The day of performance was Wednesday 22nd February, 1826 and the place chosen for the pastime was "the King's Park, fronting the principal door ̂ Kobi Aganjj^7 where his majesty usually sits. A fetish house occupies the left side, to the south are two very romantic and large block of granite, by the side of which is an old withered tree. On the east are some beautiful shady trees; and on the north his majesty's house from whence he views the scene."..55 The arena or performing area had two beautiful clumps of trees in the centre; "the space may include some seven or eight hundred yards square. Under the clumps of trees were seated the actors, dressed in large sacks /ag^, covering every part of the body; the head most fantastically decorated with strips of rags, damask, silk, and cotton, of as many glaring colours as it was possible." 56 The actor's dressing room was^a temporary fence, £/\rt erected round the trunk of the fan palm-tree which screened them 54. Xjala Amugbekun was the leading masque-dramaturg of this period.^ But there were other travelling companies under Ldmonikun, bjdngbbdu and others. 55* Clapperton, op. cit. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 162 from observation, whenever they chose to remain concealed."57 The court musicians who occupied the fifth 'kbbi’ to the Aganju were in attendance and "a most astounding din from drums, horns and whistles was the signal for the performers to begin."58 (Every performing company, of course, had its own BbtA orchestra in attendance as accompaniment when on tour). The orchestra not only supplied music for the dances and songs, it also cttaa-ted the emotional strain and the aesthetics of the performance. The performance was staged in three acts. The first act was acrobatics, it "consisted in dancing, capering and tumbling by about twenty men enveloped in sacks, which novel and elegant diver- tisement was continued with admirable spirit for a full half- hour." 59 At the end of this act, the actors returned to the dressing-room to prepare for the next act. The second act which commenced almost immediately after was "Catching the Boa-Constrictor": first, one of the actors in sack(a^o) came out of the dressing room to play the Boa and "knelt down on his hands and feet, falling down gently and most conveniently"; then came out another actor to play the Catcher, "he was a tall 57. Lander, op. pit. 58. ibid. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 163 majestic figure which baffled all description: it was of glossy blaok colour, sometimes like a lion couchant over the crest of a helmet; at another like a blaok head with a large wig; at every turn he made it changed its appearance," 60 like "the enchanted Turk in the English puppet-shows." 61 This Character held a sword in his hand and appeared, from his superior dress and motions as well as "the commanding attitude he assumed over the other actors, to be the director of the pageant."62 The act was in 'pantomime', "not a word was spoken by the actors." 63 The Catcher started waving his sword with^flourish when the Boa started to crawl out, thrusting its head and attempting to lay hold of the Catcher. The Boa "went through the motions of a snake in a very natural manner, though it appeared to be rather full in the belly, opening and shutting its mouth, which I suspect, is the performers two hands in the most natural manner imaginable. By reason of the "painted cloth with which /the Bop7 was covered, it might easily be mistaken for the animal it was intended to 60. Clapperton, op. cit. 6 1. Lander, op. pit. 62. ibid. 63. Clapperton, op. cit. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY represent.„65 The Catcher and the Boa then engaged, the former waving the sword and the latter attempting to bite him. At length, at a given signal, a whole troop of actors rushed to the circle of play, where the Catcher, "approaching the tail of the Boa, made flourishes with his sword as if hacking at that part of the body" 66 in a shocking and most unmerciful manner. The Boa "apparently writhed in agony, and convulsively twisting its body for a few moments whilst it endeavoured, without effect to be revenged on its formidable adversary by extending its neck to bite; when life seeming to be extinguished, it was borne off on the shoulders of the /masked actors to the fetish-house j/dressing-rooj7" 65. Lander, oj>. cit. 66. Clapperton, oj>. cit. 67. Landdr, op. cit. Note: This pantomime is the re-enactment of a familiar folk­ tale - "Catching the Boa-Constrictor." The two main characters in the drama are the Catcher, costumed as a powerful hunter, and the Boa. The other masked actors are the Village Characters, In Yoruba, the rainbow is linked with the boa, which is its messenger. It is popularly believed that at the end of the rainbow could be found the dung of the boa and that those who find it get great riches. It is also believed that the foam of the boa forms the seven colours of the rainbow. (See: Farrinder, op. cit., p. 173). In this drama, the Catcher or the Hunter sets out in search of the Boa. He finds it and there is a fight during which he succeeds in catching the Boa. Later, the Hunter calls up the Villagers who arrive to carry the Boa triumphantly to the village, (see plate, No. 25). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 25: Catching the Boa-Constrictor. ^/Described by Hugh Clarm«n^„ Oyo, February 22nd, 182^7 (lutatr.tion “ d Onxraple, Graphic Artist, Ministry of Economic Planning & Social Development, Ibadan). ™ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 165 The third and last act was a sketch - "The Whiteman". One of the actors, "placed by himself on a clear spot of ground, near to the palm-tree, gradually detached his covering , and exposed the figure of a man of a chalky whiteness, to the fixed looks of the people /spectator^, who set up so terrific a shout of approbation that it startled us". 68 He "was of the middle size, miserably thin, and starved with cold. It frequently went through the motion of taking snuff, and rubbing his hands; when it walked it was with the most awkward gait, treading as the most tender footed whiteman would do in walking barefooted for the first time, over new frozen ground. 69 The figure walked but indifferently well, and mimicked our actions as b a d l y . T h e spectators often appealed to us, as to the excellence of the performance ... but at the end of the scene, all eyes, swimming in tears, were directed first to us.... Between the acts we were entertained with a concert of drums and whistles, as well as country songs from the females who were present, in the choruses 68. ibid. 69. Clapperton, op. oit. 70. Lander, op. oit. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 161) of which the people generally joined."71 The theatre-troupes were known to have lived in 6gbin, Igbdri, bkb, Iresa, Ikdyf, §qungbd, Oje and other towns located along the northern frontier with the Borgu and Nupe countries. With the fall of the metropolis which took place a few years after the visit of Captain Clapperton and his party, the theatre-troupes had no ohoice but to abandon their homes and areas of operation. When Oyo capitu­ lated and the Ilorin invaders entered and sacked the city, Jimba, one of the head slaves "took away all the Egungun dress, and forced the citizens to accept the Koran, which necessitated every one to change his name for an Arabic name, the only alternative being the sword.„72 For the theatre-troupes and their court-masques, this 71. ibid. Note: "The whiteman" sketch could not have been a burlesqued imitation of either Clapperton or Lander since they had not been in the neighbourhood for long. Yoruba traders, were of course, in contact with the coast through a trade-route to Badagry and had been in contact with Europeans on the coast over a long period. Snuff-taking had become by the middle of the nineteenth century in England, ery opacity all very important people. In all probability, the sketch was an enactment. According to Clapperton, a Yoruba chief from near Puka, on first meeting him in 1825, had told him "we get all good things from the whiteman, and we must therefore be glad when whiteman comes to visit our country." (See Clapperton, oj>. cit., p. 5). The troupes perform as far south as the Oyo out-posts in Porto-Novo and later Badagry. 72. Johnson, op. cit.. pp. 217-218. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 16V calamity must have been their hardest blow. For the 'Jihad* was intolerant of their type of activities, in any case. With their homeland thus invaded, the troupes moved with their accoutrements and founded or settled in new settlements to the south some of which bore the names of the old. They were, however, unable to operate or perform successfully in the areas occupied or established by the Fulani. Since the capture and devastation of Old Oyo and its supercession by Ilorin,"7̂ the troupes had no alternative, at first, but to try and operate there. But the Ilorin Moslems would not entertain them within their gates, and would of course have nothing to do with the egungun: "Ilorin baba-ngerl'. Ilu to yi ko leegun'. Esin l'edgun won, bkd l'oro ibe. ild» rin,* here ki o td wo• <•5. Eniti ko gbdn 'nu, gbdn l'ebln, Ko ma wo• 'lu ll•drin. ilu to yi ko ni'gbo lie1."74 73• Hp..P .6 8H.armon-flodge, gazetteer of Ilorin Province. London, 1929, 74. This chant comes from 'Orikl Ilorin' chanted to me by Alagba Agboola Adeniji. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 168 Ilorin, chief of cities'. A city a3 big as this has no masquerades'. The Horse is their masquerade, The Spear is their cult. Ilorin, ask before you enter therein. Anyone who is not wise and cunning, Must not enter the town of Ilorin. 7(- A town as big as this has no grove. 5 It was for religious reasons that the theatre-troupes were banned by the Muslims. This, however, did not deter Xjald Amugbekun, the leading masque-dramaturg of this period. When Abdul Salami became the first Emir of Ilorin about 1831, Aj&lA Amugbek&n insisted on performing to the Emir. The Moslem chief was overwhelmed and Ajala*s feat earned him the following praise:^ "A jala' Amdgbektin Omo §ru l'Ofa /fkby^7, A m'dlugbere la ode Ilorin, b-f'am&r& la oja Salami lo. yi gba l^wini, Omo Amugbekdn gba l&ranf l'6de Ild•rin. 75• This refers to a belt of forest used as the sacred-grove or secret precinct and reserved exclusively by the Egdngdn Society. It was a feature of every Yoruba settlement in those days. 75. Alkgbh Agboold Ad̂ hiji. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 0je tf rigun q§in kb wopo, Omo Amugbfkun lb gb'esin, l'o gb'oblrin l'owb 0juekun'." "Ajala Amugbekun Offspring of the most feared one of Qfa £lkoy_i/, One who took 01dgberb77 in a procession through Ilorin, Took his mummery through the market of Salami.7® This (histrione) got a turban. Son of Amugbekun brought the turban from Ilorin.79 Not very many histriones ride on horseback, Son of Amugbqkun took a horse as well as a wife from the watching eyes of the Tiger'."®® 77* Olugbere Agan was the first Yoruba actor. He was a hybrid and is now synonymous with the red monkey who has become the totem of the masque-troupes (see: Johnson, p. 29). They take the animal along with them when they travel. Every performance is preceded by a procession through the streets as an announcement of the arrival of the troupe in the town. 78. Performances normally took place in the main market-square in front of the royal palace. The Emir under reference was Abdul Salami. 79. It is said that the Emir gave him or invested him with a turban as a gift or as a mark of honour. This could also mean the Emir's wish that he be converted to Islam. 80. Actors receive many gifts from their performances. But they are also notorious for absconding with women, usually wives of the nobles, who force their company on them, in admiration. Note: 'Ojuekun' is Abdul Salami's appellation. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 170 Ajala Amngbekun and his troupe became so well known that when the title of Basorun was conferred on Oluyole of Ibadan, the latter invited him to entertain him. Some of the Oyo emigrants had settled in Ibadan and built it into a great fortress against any possible Pulani thrust southwards. Between 1829 and 1832, Ibadan had been consolidated as "a military headquarter for marauding and other expeditions.” 81 Ol&yole born of a noble parentage at Old Oyo, 82 was among the band of marauders living in Ibadan and carrying on expeditions into the Egba and Remo 8* farms. ”He was fond of dancing and acquired a false reputation as an idler” . 84 By 1837, New Oyo had been rebuilt by King Atiba as the centre of a new crusade to restore the dignity of the Old empire. All the leading Oyo families scattered all over Yoruba- 81. Johnson, o£. cit.. p. 244. 82. Akinyele, (in Iwe Itan Ibadan, etc, op. pit., p. 36), describes 01uy616 as the son /descendant?/ of GAha who escaped the massacre of the Basprun*s children and relatives because he was then a nursing baby. But according to Johnson (p. 281), his father was Olokunoye Okolo Ogun, a descendant of Baforun Yamba. His mother was Agbqnrin, daughter of King Abiodun. Thus he was related to King Atiba as fC nephew. 83. S.O. Biobaku, Eminent Nigerians of the 19th Century. Cambridge University Press, n.d., p. 42. 84. ibid. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 171 land were invited to return to the new citadel. It was at the grand ceremony of conferring of titles by the King that both Oluyole of Ibadan and Kurumi of Ijaiye became impressed by the masques of Ajala. After the ceremony at Oyo, Oluyole asked Ajala to accompany him to Ibadan. The Ibadan people were very pleased to see that, included among the Ba^run's entourage on his return to Ibadan after his investiture, was a company of dancing masquerades; hence the remark: "Ehinkunle ara $yo L'eegun ti se va'le Ibadan'." "Through Oyo's backyard The masquerade emerged into Ibadan'." Lagelu,^ believed to be the founder of the first settlement in Ibadan, incurred the ire of §ango because of the role of his 'masquerades'. The settlement was sacked as a consequence, and since that incident no masquerades had emerged in Ibadan. Part of Oluyjple's 'ori/k i' ' 86 however, shows him as an vI gb\o descendant: 85. L^gelu is said to be one of the Igbo descendants and worship­ per of ObktaL^ who left Ife with his followers in search of a new settlement. 86. Akinyele, ojj. cit.. pp. 35-6. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 172 1. Oluyqwdn, Basorun*. A rx 'tele oko fulu ara. Onlogbo'. Iba ase-buruku-$e-rere, Olobele'. Igbo'. Atabatibi'. A rl* tokosx f'Agan l'enu, A f'adluno t'oro l'aiya • A l/ tembelekun jina • l- 1 Bi e ni pe' ko/ lo kd si*gbo, Baba Orldagogo." "Oluyowon,^ Basonin'. One who relaxes like a lord in the d«ck of the boat. Onlogbo*. The ohief who does evil and does good. Olobele'. Igbo'.88 Atabatibi'. One who vfinds the ' tokosi'^ to drag the Agan in the mouth ? One who in defiance confronts the oult. One who drives conspiracy away As though he should go and die in the bush. Father of Oridagogo." 87. An appelation which describes Oluyyle's disposition. 88. By hailing Oluy^le^as an 'Igbo' we get a direct hint of his ancestry as of the indigenous stock. Also, this is an evidence of his interest in the 'masquerade'. 89. It is probably a weapon (a gag) but the real meaning is obscure. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 173 Oluyole is believed to have carried the 'mask' himself andjAhis jduring marauding days, to have introduced the 'masquerade' into the Ijebu area: "Egxingun kan ko de/ Jebu r£; Iba V o m'eegtin wp 'gbcf Remo. Egu/n f'aso, ^I ya\ ndaf si f'aso. ^be l'a /be 'Yand/ k/ t/ f'ago 'le."9° t \ • ° * 4 "No masquerade ever went to Ijebu; Iba /Basorurj7, it was, who took the masquerade into the Remo jungle. When masquerades wash their cloths, Iy&nda too washes his. We had to be begging iyknda before he left masquerading." Before Atiba's re-organization of his new kingdom one of the chiefs he had won to himself was Losa Oluwaiye, the Ala/g baa/,• 91 and during the confernment of titles, he invited Aiyewun from Iseyin to be the Alapinni, the political head of the Egungun Society, instead of Eniayewu, the Alapinni of the ancient oity who was still alive. 92 Knowing the importance of the Society in his new establish- 90. Akinyele, 0£. .cit., Part of Oluyole's 'Orlki'. 91. Johnson, oj>. cit.. p. 276. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ment he felt it necessary to surround himself with his own favourites. Early in 1858, King Atiba was resolved on celebrating the ’B^b^' festival. He felt that, since the country was, at least temporarily, free from foreign incursion once again, the Fulani at Ilorlnjhaving been permanently checked at the battle of Oshogbo by the Ibadan army, 93 he should take advantage of the new circumstances to have a jubilee. "Atiba never lost an oppor­ tunity to emphasize to his audience the importance of tradition and authority." 94 He had, at least partially, succeeded in recon­ structing Oyo on the lines that King Abiodun, his father, had taken. He "reinstituted the annual cycle of the ancient rites for the principal gods important to the kingship." 95 He re-esta­ blished the effective importance of the worship of "brl^a Skngcf and egtfngun. and practised religious tolerance since a substan­ tial proportion of his subjects was Muslim. 93* R.Smith, in Yoruba Warfare in the 19th Century. 0co-authors: J.F.A. Ajayi and R. Smith), Cambridge, 1964, pp. 33-36. 94. (See: Dr. J.F.A. Ajayi in ibid.. p. 66, footnote). 95. Peter Morton-Williams, "The Yoruba Kingdom of Oyo" in West African Kingdoms in the 19th Century. 1967, p. 48. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 175 Inasmuch as the few earlier kings who had celebrated the 'B^b^’ festival had died soon afterwards, King Atiba was entreated not to celebrate it. But he insisted and prepared the ground for the festival. He said, "Well, I am old enough and do not care to live much longer." % Notification went round to all parts of the Yoruba country and delegates came pouring into the new capital. 97 It was a big occasion for the masque-dramaturgs and "from Saki alone came about 200 Egunguns and so from other towns around Oke-Ogun for the ceremonies." 98 During the main performance of the 'ritual/play1, the masque was 'Agan*, "the supposed spirit of his father dressed in the skin of the red monkey; the King prostrated before his father" 99 and was blessed by the gho3t-mummer. Thus, in fact, the King made the celebration a dramatic enactment of his own funerary rite. He died a year after. 96. Johnson, oj>. cit.. p. 329* Note: The 'B$b$' is sometimes termed the 'Iku' or funeral rites, as if intended to mark the close of a long reign. (See: Johnson, p. 164). 97. The festival took place between February 15 and March 1, 1858. (See: Ajayi, oj>. cit.. p. 75 and footnote). 98. ibid., p. 329. 99. ibid.. p. 330. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 178 II. As People's Theatre:- With the break-up of the Oyo empire and the disruption of court-life for a good part of the first half of the nineteenth century, the place of the masques as a feature in court-entertain­ ments weakened. Since Esa 6gbdfn became a professional masque- drama turg, other lineages set up rival touring companies. Names of troupes or companies like Ijliŷ ba, L̂ t>e, Aiyelab^ldi, and others, emerged. Other masque-dramaturge like Aimfgbeki/n, Lomonikun, VO joVn gboVd ut, and others, came to be mentioned as leaders of their own theatre-troupes. Since the troupes did not have to stay at Court any longer, they were free to spread out and to entertain any one or any group who invited them. Besides, they were still part of the egungdn festival in certain areas even though the cultic dependence on them had weakened. It is, in fact, their participation in the annual egungufi festivals that launched the troupes as a popular form of enter­ tainment. On non-festival days, they were able to satisfy the people's desire for entertainment and diversion; whether the occasion was the celebration of a birth, a marriage or a death, they were specially invited to perform. But they also organised their own itineraries and visited places. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 177 Prom about the middle of the nineteenth century onwards, Ibadan had risen as a power and had become a force quite indepen­ dent of the Oyo hegemony. In fact between 1861 and 1893 there was an ’Ibadan empire* extending from Igana in Egbado through Ife to Akoko districts.1^ Following the success at the battle of 03hogbo in 184-0, Ibadan had "began gradually to reconquer from Ilorin the Old Oyo provinces east of the Ogun, as far north as Offa; then they turned east towards the Ijesha, Ekiti and Akoko countries. At each place they conquered they appointed an Ajele to supervise the local rulers and collect tax".101 An Aj^le, as resident official, was responsible to a war chief in Ibadan; but the system offered "a centralised adminis- tration and a standing army based on Ibadan". 102 It also established cultural links between Ibadan and the dependent towns, and enabled the people to visit Ibadjui especially during the important festi­ vals. Since "the Ajele themselves were living examples of the style of living of the metropolis", their position was such as to 100. See map of Ibadan empire in Bolanle Awe, The Rise nf Th«a*m as a Yoruba Power in the 19th century. Thesis, D.Phil. Oxford, 1964, p. 120. 101. Ajayi, o£. cit.. p. 69. 102. ibid UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 178 enable them to make social and cultural impact on the dependent t. owns.103 For the theatre-troupes the rise of Ibadan as a Yoruba power marked a new phaae of expansion. They became popular not only by serving as court-entertainers of the Aj^Le in the various and vast areas in which they were located, but even more so, by playing to the general publio in these areas at the invitation of the Ajele. This, in fact, wa3 the period when the troupes came to be popularly called the A l ^ n j ^ . 10t The battle of Ikirun, otherwise known as 'Ogun Jalumi'1^ was the first organised attempt by the Ekiti, Ijesha, Igbomina and later Ilorin (joining the alliance), to free themselves from Ibadan’s occupation of their territory, and molestation of their liberty. The Ekiti actually started the revolt by murdering the 103. B. Awe, 0£. cit., pp. 153-154- Mrs. B. Awe (on pp. 141-160) discusses the 'Ajele system', its derivation and operation. 104- The'Al^rinjo’ means a professional dancing troupe (See: Abrahams, op. cit.. p. 569). The theatre troupes were so called during, and only in, the Ibadan empire. The Oyo innovators themselves still call the troupes ’Apid^n'. 105. A stampede occurred on the wooden bridge that crossed River Otin during the decisive stage of the war. The Ibadan army believed to have contrived the sudden swelling of the river to cause a flood, cut the bridge and sank the enemy attempting to flee across it. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 179 Ibadan Aj/leJ°^ Ajayf bgbori^fon, who had spent a good part of his soldiering days during the Ijaye War raiding the Egba and Meko towns, 107 led the Ibadan army as the Balogun. When he reached <6 Ikirun in October 1878, 6j^lade/, the masque-dramaturg of the AiyelLab^la troupe based at Inisha, welcomed him with an entertain­ ment. But Xjay^ was more concerned with his pressing assignment to stop the revolt against the Ibadan empire. He succeeded in persuading O ̂jefl a\ de/* to follow him into the battle. By November the battle had been fought and won by the Ibadan army. To celebrate his victory, Ijayf invited bj£l«id/ and his Aiyelabels troupe to entertain the Ibadan war-lords. Thus they became the first theatre-group to operate at the war front. During the time of the ‘Kiriji War1, which was a sequel to the'Jalumi War', two theatre-troupes: first, the Aiydlab<£La led by 01<$jed^, son of bj^L«Jde<' and second, the k jangila led by Ti juku, were known to have been travelling around the camps during different phases of the war to entertain the Ibadan soldiers. At the end of that interminable and indecisive war in 1893» Balogun Ajayi bsungbekun invited the 106. A classic example took place at Okem^si where Fabunmi, who later in 1881 became the Balogun of the Ekiti Confederates, murdered the Aj^le for forcibly cohabiting with hi3 wife. (Cf. Johnson, op.1cit.. p. 425). 107. Smith, og. cit.. p. 45. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 8 0 Aiyelabqla troupe to live permanently in Ibadan in recognition of their contribution to the morale of the Ibadan army during the long war-years. 108 III. The Rise of Professionalism:- The masques flourished within a guild system which helped to ensure that the secrets of the art did not pass beyond the lineages which followed it. Professionalism is known to have been started by the 01<$gbin lineage, and later, other lineages followed, by building up their own troupes. There never really emerged an all- embracing guild or actors' union (until fairly recently), and individualism markedly distinguished one lineage-guild from another Even though each group watched the others jealously and quickly picked up new ideas from them, 109 it was clear that certain lineages were identified with certain artistic specializations. For instance, the Lebe troupe was renowned for poetry (iwi) and dance; Eiyeba was popular for acrobatics and dance; Agb/gij perform under three locally differentiated names.' L&boo ’̂ the name of their place of origin. At Abeokuta there are two important theatre- groups: Aiyelabola and Ajdfd&bd each in the different quarters of Itoko and Gbagura, respectively. The groups in this oircuit, apart from keeping up their ritual obligations by performing (in rotation where there are more than one group) during the annual egiingtln festivals,12** have their own guild meetings during which they entertain the public. 125. The annual egungun festival in this circuit takes place between December and March in the various places. Even in certain areas, the strong influence of mohammedanism has brought about dramatic changes as to when the festival has to be held, whether annually or periodically. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY When they perform during the annual festival, however, the 'I\ yat Agan' otherwise called '^ya Mode' sits watching to ensure that the actors are safe. 126 Even though the performance is given at the command of the Alagbaa, the ritual head of the Egiingun Society, who sits with his officers on one side of the arena, 127 the performers pay special tribute to the Vl yaf Avgan who sits on the other side of the arena. It is in this oircuit that the original style and form of the theatre-masques can be observed and well appreciated. The sketches or revues are more topical and historical and their repertory changes from time to time by new additions. The per­ formance takes place in the market-square and the aotors normally use the cult-house located nearby for their dressing-room. The 'odan' trees in the market provide the needed shade for the audience who sit or stand round a large circular space reserved as the arena of performance. The opening show is ritualistic and begins with the 'salute'. One would expect the professionalism and individualism of the masque-dramaturgs to have affected their style and their form to the extent of a total break with the cult and to the ultimate emergence of 126. See plate, No. 26. 127. See plate, No. 27. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 26: Iyd Agan or iyamode. Aiyelabdl^ Troupe Imala. (Performance a part of Eg6ngdn Festival). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 27: Officers of the Egungun Society - Imala. (Performance was at the llagbaa's command: 5/ 3/ 68). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ’the aotor without the mask'.Butyls is far from happening. The masque-dramaturgs still go by their original descriptive name, egungun apid&uand their olassificatory name, oje^and do not even take kindly to being called the Al^rinjd - a name which originated as an abuse and which more or les3 picks them out and labels them as 'rogues, vagabonds and sturdy beggars'. For the purpose of appealing to their mass audiences and influencing their psyche, it I is expedient for the masque-dramaturgs to be identified as egungtln; as they "cannot very well ignore the shaping and restraining i 28 influence of the cult." The troupes are exposed to all kinds of dire situations and, sometimes, awful experiences when they travel from place to place. They need the cultus as a bulwark to shield them and as a watch­ ful eye to superintend their performance. They never perform without the permission of the Aligbki of the town or village they enter. In fact, they lodge in his house and he arranges for their feeding and, in most cases, helps with their publicity* He gets a certain percentage of all the proceeds; but sometimes. only a token or a gesture of appreciation is made to him. To avert some of the dangers and temptations to which the troupes are exposed 128. Denis Williams: "The Nigerian Image", Odu, Vol. 1, No. 2, (a review), p. 87* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 192 during performance, the Alagbaa provides them with masked body­ guards as 'at^kun' to attend on them. There are reports of charms having been used on the performers by some unknown persons in the audience especially during the performance of tragic or serious plays. 129 It is said thatAone occasion during the performance of /on the Masque of the Boa-constrictor, the actor was unable to remove his costume at the end of the act. 130 To maintain their prestige, therefore, the actors also arm themselves with counter-charms. The 'atokun' or body-guards can also wield the whip against any one suspected of being too inquisitive. It is important tha^ a performance is opened with 'a salute to earth': Barth existed before the gods (orisa). Earth is the mother to idiom the dead return Barth and the ancestors are the sources of moral law.131 129. "There are cases when outsiders or competitors of a different Egungun branch in civilian robes, test the miraculous powers of the Egunguns /theatrestroupes/." (See: Delano, The Soul of Nigeria. 1939, p. 163). 130. Lucas, op. cit., p. 139 refers to another account and said the actor was believed to have been affected by a tester who directed charms against him. 131. Morton-Williams, "The Yoruba Ogboni Cult in Oyo" Africa. XXX, No. 4, October i960, p. 364* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 193 The masque-dramaturgs are members of the 'O gbo/n i Society.132 Since the Society is concerned with the mystical aspects of Yoruba life, the theatre-troupes need the guidance of the 'earth spirit' when they travel out. Their membership of the bgb6ni Society gives them certain privileges and advantages. The Yoruba adage, "Awo n£ gb'awo nl gbonwo" (A cult-member is the one to raise the arm /suppor_tj7 of another cult-member) provides the nece­ ssary incentive for professional people to belong to certain cult or secret associations, especially the bgboni Society. It is imperative that a cult-member shalL not be let down. By seeking to support him, the secret of the cult is protected thereby. Sometimes the masque-dramaturgs were charged with, vagrancy and robbery and were refused permission to perform on account of these allegations. Sometimes they were received with open arms and were well loaded with gifts including new wives'. They were also notorious for being fond of women, even though, in most cases, it was the women who flocked to them out of sheer admiration for their performance. The following narration from 'Odu btunlpon- gbe' 133 accounts for the popularity or notoriety of the actor: 132. Some of them hold important offices in the Society. 133* I am grateful to Mr. Wale Ogunyemi of the Institute of African Studies, University of ibadan, for helping me to record this 'Odu' at Oshogbo. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 194 "0 ni b$e ni enyin o gbo'fa / / f V f ti nwon peri yi bi? 0 ni Oturupongba/, 'fettliru-pQn-kete.* A daf& fun omo-atakiti-gb'e/gbewa^ Ti o t'aklti Vo fi lo rfe d do 'yawo OI loI fin 1* O•tun-Ife He'. Igba t' f / Nwo• n ni ko ko joI; Ko wa kesi awo* n atakiti ti rabe» 1' Ott un-Ife• II/. '^ni o b/ le t'akltl n£nu kaa / / / \ f f v \ ti o ba le tu s'ehin gbagede, \)un ni yi . cit., p. 397. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 199 the latter, was displeased that the invitation was not given to him. He demonstrated his resentment by ruining the performance. First, he invoked rain to stop the show; the Babgun who was aware of what was happening sent to Tijuku and warned him not to spoil his pleasure. Then, during the 'kpada' dance, Olojede^overplayed himself and accidentally exposed his body to the full view of the audience. The officers of the Egiimgun Society dispersed the crowd and the show ended abruptly. At Tijuku's pleasure, the Society insisted that 01ojede/ should pay the penalty of death in the sacred grove. 0i1 oi/ jeide/reconciled himself to his fate. The next day, the officers of the cult gathered at the sacred grove waiting for the culprit. 01, p. 10. 143. ibid., PP- 329-331. 144. T.J. Bowen, Central Africa: Adventures and Missionary Labors. 1849-1856. Charleston, U.S.A., 1859, p. 302. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 204 secret-societies...etc 145 The real conflict which had developed between the 'converts’ and the 'non-converts' came to a head about the beginning of this century. By then the arrogance of the Christian converts espe­ cially in the interior of Yoruba had become insufferable. They took liberties with tradition - with native laws and customs - and very frequently, acted in open defiance «cf them because they felt safe under the protection of "Christian'' British Administrators. The chiefs and traditionalists, especially in certain parts of Egba, Ekiti and Ijebu resorted to the Egungun Society for a means of confrontation. The Society serving as the executive power of the civil government became vindictive. It organised gangs of masquerades, invaded church premises, pestered the lives of votaries, prevented the Christians from congregating and, some­ times, burnt down their churches.1^ As the missionaries and their converts did not distinguish between the cultie-group and the theatre-group * the two distinct classes of egixngun within the Egdngiln Society, they had condemned both as works of the devil. As a consequence, the theatre-troupes 145* Stone, Yoruba Concepts of the Natural World. (Ph.D. Thesis, London, 1967), p. 58. 146. Ayandele, 0£. oit.. pp. 162 - 164. * See diagram: The Egdngifn Family Tree, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY \ 205 faced certain privations during their tours. Apart from the 4 * constant interruptions of their shows by the die-hard Christian converts, they were also losing the allegiance of the women-folk who used to constitute the chorus of every public performance. In certain areas the women, especially the young, could no longer freely and openly participate either because the bulk of those in a position to do so had been converted to Christianity and there­ fore regarded participation as taking part in a pagan rite or* because, as pagans, they feared that the die-hard male converts would molest them. As a result of- the missionary impact on the theatre certain changes were noted. The Christian converts and the '^Lite' class that had emerged in certain areas of Yorubaland maintained an attitude of indifference to the theatre and looked down on its kind of amusements. The Egi&igtfn Society became a strong factor to reckon with. It increased its influence on the theatre in certain areas by offering ’protection' during performances in open places and preventing it from being assaulted. This 'pre­ sence', however, reduced the effect of women audience-— participation which had been the practice; on the other hand, it increased the involvement of the wives and daughters of the masque-dramaturgs in the shows and encouraged their ultimate emergence as professional 'chorus women'. Thus, the present leaders of the extant companies UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 206 were inspired by their mothers. V. Conclusion: The history of the Alarxnj^ Theatre cannot be separated from the rise and fall of the Oyo empire. Its develop­ ment and growth were closely associated with the political and social history. But the fall of the empire, however, did not adversely affect the fortunes of the theatre; on the contrary, it contributed to its artistic development and professional growth. The separation between the theatre and the cultus was widened by the rise of professionalism in the theatre. This developed during the nineteenth century in Court and outside. Nevertheless, a symhotic relationship with the cultus was maintained. The effect of the break-up of the Oyo empire was felt in the dispersal of the theatre from Court but it consequently expanded its operations in new areas away from Oyo. Professionalism resulted in proliferation of troupes and encouraged competition which in turn improved the theatrical art. The corroding influence of such external forces as Islam and Christianity in the first half of the nineteenth century in respect 147 • This is borne out by the biographical notes made during interviews with them. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 207 of the former and the late nineteenth and early part of the twentieth century in respect of the latter, questioned the existence of the theatre. There were conflicts which put the Eg&ngiin Society on the defensive. This period, however, marked the beginning of the process which disrupted the growing influe­ nce of the theatrical art as a means of entertainment in the Yoruba society. The onset of western civilization on the traditional culture had far-reaching consequences. Prom the middle of the nineteenth century foreign theatrical forms of entertainments had been introduced into certain strategic areas of Yoruba and had become the exclusive privilege of a developing class of '6lite'. These new forms of entertainment^ developed and spread out with increa­ sing Christian European civilization and education. As a conse­ quence, they dealt a disintegrating blow on the generality of prac- t It: lo rvers of the traditional theatre. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY P A R T P O U R The Art of the Theatre UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY C H A P T E R F I V E 208 Theatre Organization and Training: I. Publicity:- During the period of intensive professionalism, the theatre was organised by three types of promoters: the first was the Al£gb!ia of the Egungun Society who invited the troupes to perform. The two occasions when this happened were the festival of the Egungun Society and during the festivities following the death of a member of the Society. The seoond was a promotion by the Court; when the players were required to entertain the Court or the populace, the invitation came from the Oba or the Baale or the Chief. The third was when the troupe-leader himself planned his own itinerary and toured the various towns and villages without having been previously invited. The publicity arrangement varied in respect of each term of promotion. There were no formal notices; instead the troupes announced their shows through contacts and processions. Whatever the type of promotion, the role of the Al^gbaa' was important whether as a patron or an agent. Performances sponsored by the Alagba/ were usually ritualistic in nature and were similarly organised. If the troupe lived in the same village or town, the Alagbaa sent the ’Ope' (Caller), one of his officers, to invite the head of the troupe and put the proposal before him. If the troupe lived out of town, the same officer was UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 209 sent with an ’&rokb', a token, indicating that a proposal had been made calling for a performance. When everything had been decided upon as to date and time of performance, the publicity for the show was placed in the hands of the officers of the Society. It was usual that the procession took place on the day of performance. It started from the 'Igbd tgb&le' (sacred grove) led by the 'bpe7* to the ’bde* (open space) fronting the llagbsl^'s compound where the performance took place. Costumed in their ’agb* (overall garment), the troupe processed, accompanied by the Bata- orchestra, dancing and ohanting. The chants were usually those in praise of Esa bgbin, the progenitor of the theatre, as well as those in praise of the egungun in general. Before the procession wound up the troupe paid a homage-visit to SJangô ’s shrine. The Court promotions were usually meant for the pleasure of the Oba or Baale: whether the occasion was a commemoration or an anniversary or just entertaining an august visitor, the troupes came with a view to entertaining a public. The Qba, of course, as a gesture, invited the Alagbaa to make the necessary contacts or consultations with the troupe-manager. If they lived out of town, accommodation was arranged for them, usually at the palace. Sometimes they had to go with the Alagbaa who put them up for the duration of their visit. Since the occasion of such a visit was UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 210 civic and non-ritualistic, the troupe had very little to do with the local cult-group. They made two processions: one took place the evening before the day of performance, as soon as they entered the town. Only the Bkt^ was used in publicising their arrival. They did not dance or chant. Usually, they looked tired and worn out having trekked long distances. The second procession took place on the day of performance. A short time before they were due to set up, the actors went round the town in procession. Costumed in the 'ago' and carrying their '^ku' (dressing-up boxes), and accompanied by the I$ht̂ , they chanted, danced and tumbled as they processed. Lastly, when the troupes planned their own itinerary, they invariably sent an '\a rokoV ', a token, to the Alagb\a a/ of each of the places they planned to visit. If the visit was not welcomed the AlagbW sent back to them not to come; otherwise, when the troupes promoted themselves, they used the AldfgbW as their pro­ fessional agent and placed in his hands all arrangements for publicity, accommodation and feeding. He in turn received a certain percentage of all the total proceeds after the engagement. As this performance was usually designed for the public, it was helpful to find in advance some lineage-heads and some important peo­ ple who might be present at the public performances so as to know which totem and praise-chants to have ready. This the Alagbaa helped in UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 211 providing. He also provided body-guards in case something untoward happened to #the troupe during performance. On such itinerant visits, three processions were arranged. The first took place immediately the players entered the town; when the Bkta struck its music everybody knew the troupes had arrived. They made straight for the Al^gb&a's house where they lodged, usually chanting the 'oriki' of the place as they processed. In the evening, the Al^gbVa led the second procession to the Oba's or Baitle's palace for formal introduction of the leader of the troupe and for a pre-view entertainment; usually, chanting, dancing and tumbling. They wore the 'ago' but did not carry the dressing-up box. After this formal introduction and the welcome ceremony, the Al^gb No. 1, 1965» PP* 200-218, w0du Osa Meji'*,describes the important position of 'womanhood' in the Yoruba society. 'iy^mi bsoronga' is believed to be the custodian of the IsarthS 14. See plate, No. 36. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 36. The Ijuba: An example of the ritualistic fom of 'Opening OIpa' (Aiyelab6la, Imdla.). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 221 2. The Dance: This was in two parts: ritual and social dance. The actors changed into the 'libala', the undergarment, which looked like a kilt over a pair of pants. (This was the costume which the 'b je' wore when he strolled about as a gleeman or troubador). The ritual dance was 'orisa dance' . The B&t̂ ( played in honour of the notable deities of the locality in which the performance was taking place. The actors danced and at the same time chanted the 'orfkl' of each deity. After the ritual dance came the social dance. This was based on the current 'beat' in fashion and was full of sex appeal. Social songs were also sung with the Bata/ leading in every case. The dance finally dissolved into acrobatic display. (Acrobatics of course, may form an aspect of the specialization of a particular troupe. Not all the troupes are now known for this feat). While the acrobats performed, the Bkt£ described their skill as in the following chant: Alantakun*. Alantakun'. B'o ba f'inu ta, A f'eIhin ta. Al/dtakun'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m Spider*. Spider*. When he spins with his inside, He spins with his back. Spider*. (The Bhtfc's allusion to the Spider is, of course, a compliment of the skill of the acrobat and a description of his 'back and fore' spinning and tumbling in the air). The Dance ended with the Orchestra playing the 'interlude* to enable the actors to get ready for the next part of the programme.15 3. The Drama: There were two distinct genres: the 'Specta­ cle* and the 'Revue* and the presentation was in that order; (a) The 'Spectacle* was a form of theatrical presentation that was remarkable in dimension. It was always performed chiefly by the troupe leader as a solo mime. Sometimes other minor characters joined, but the masques concerned mainly mythological or totemistic characters. The mythological dramas were enactments based on myths of deities like §ango, Obatala and others or some local heroes like Aroni. Sometimes, however, the masque of a mythological character could become a satirical sketch. The totemistic dramas were animal 'motifs'. Totemism as a system seemed to have been practised in the Yoruba society in the olden days when "animals had an effect on the imagination and 15. See plates, Nos. 3 7, 38 & 38e UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY "1 : ^ -r • • J-.■* ' - /-? ***_ 1*4 ~ i in i m t m n m z * * — + V . y ■ > UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 22‘i thoughts of the people." 16 (But at present there does not seem to be any conscious link with the system.) There is, however, no doubt that certain animals like the elephant/ the lion, the leopard and others like the snake, the monkey, the crocodile or alligator and also some birds, were at one time taken as family symbols. 18 Besides, the role of animals in Yoruba folklore is an indication of their significance for theatrical presentation. The folklore is full of tales about the closeness of Yoruba life to animal life. This has probably led to the belief that living persons could metamorphose themselves temporarily into birds and animals. 19 This belief was extended to the spectacular masques and made them very popular. In each case, the characters were never really fully developed. Presentation was sometimes haphazard. Whether in pantomime or, as in some cases, as tableaux, the Chorus and the Orchestra sup­ plied the missing links of the plot of the masques. 16 . G-.J .A. Ojo, Yoruba Culture. O.U.P., 1966, p.218. 17. Beier, "Before Oduduwa", Odu, No. 3> p. 10. 18. Parrinder, Religion in an African City, p. 173* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m Added to the category of spectacle was the 'Pure Show' also performed by the leader mainly to demonstrate his manipulative skill. Examples of this were found in the 'Apada' (changeling), 'Ijo Ori Odo' (mortar-dance), among others. (b) The 'Revue' was very much like the form which grew up in Rome and which Livy called the 'satura' or medley. 20 As a comic sketch, music, dancing and singing were its main features. There were three categories of the 'Revue': abstract, sociological and historical. The abstract sketches were sometimes solo and sometimes group mimes. Some represented odd physical features in the society, others were caricatures of human frailties. Examples included Dldirin (Moron), Elekedidi (Mumps), Onimu Oru (Nosey) among others. The sociological sketches analysed the Yoruba society and highlighted its vices, pests and morals. 'Stranger' elements in society were isolated and treated satirically while 'village' characters or 'non-stranger' elements were sketched and treated humorously. Examples included the Tdpa (Nupe), the Pansaga (Adulteress), respectively, among others. The historical sketches, though at one time sociological, had psychological implications either because they seemed to have been 20. Vera Roberts, oja. cit.. p. 5 6. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY introduced to influence social cohesiveness as for example the \tingk (a cult-group for exorcism) and the Idahomi (Dahomeyan General) masques. All the revue-masques depended for their effect on "audience participation'*. The sketches were mainly improvisational and capable of infinite changes. Their songs were topical and in most cases familiar. The dialogue included jokes and ribaldry. Lack of pre-meditation and any carefully worked out 'scenario' affeoted the shape of the masques as, sometimes, the enthusiasm of both the actor and spectator resulted in unrestrained indulgence in farce. 4. The 'Finale1: This, known as 'Idan ̂ pa-re'l^', was usually the Iyawo' Masque (the Bride^* It was the mo3t beautiful and the most expensive to dress. It was always acted by the leader of the troupe to display his flexibility and versatility. The masque was improvisational like the sketches and could vary from one performance to another. However, there were certain distinc­ tive features in it which described the way the bridal procession was organised in Yoruba society in the past. By the end of the performance, while the Bride still continued her 'song and dance' round the 'circle', the other actors repaired into the 'tiring-room', collected their properties and costumes into the '"̂ ku' (dressing-up box) and followed the IyWcf Masque out of the arena in a recessional dance round the streets of the community. *A man plays the role of the Bride and usually not very successfully. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m III. The ’Repertoire': The Ma3que3 The theatre operated on a form of repertory system, namely, that a company could have several productions from a stock-pile of plays ready at the same time. Every company had a stock of masques which were performed over and over again, and from place to place. It was not easy to divide the masques into the two basic classical dramatic genres, namely, tragedy and comedy. This was because although most of the mythological masques were serious in nature, yet the artist was free to base his masque on a satirical motive and change the original popular conception of the deity. By com­ parison, however, the totemistic masques were tragic while the abstract and sociological masques were comic. The following examples have been recorded or observed in actual performance: (i) Mythological Masques 1. Agemp: This is a satire on the Ijebu Agemq cult. The popular myth is that of an old man who hid in the bush and was able to change his form so that he could not be seen by human beings. When he died he was deified and became the chief ancestral spirit worshipped by the Ij^bu.21 21. Lucas, op. cit.. p. 133* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In the theatre, the Agemo is a masque that excites great wonder and admiration. The aotor (usually the leader) wraps a 'fdfa' or ’keere* (raffia mat) round himself and pretends to be invisible inside. The mat wheels and whirls round the ’circle' . But instead of the phantom that the ’f&fa' is supposed to be, the actor, a full-grown man, can be viewed inside the concealment by special permission or the payment of a token. Sometimes one mat is made to divide into three dancing mats. This masque belongs to the category of pure show.22 2. Sango: 23 As a deity, §ango is worshipped as the god of thunder and lightning, but as an ancestor he was the third Alafin of Oyo. His tempestuous reign and restless nature have been the subject of countless myths. Versed in medicine and the practice of magic, he was much feared and respected. In the theatre he is a popular satirical masque always cast as a practising magician. In one sketch 22. See plate, No. 28. 23. The SAng8 Masque is forbidden at Oyo and Ede, because of the ritual link between the ’Egtfrxgun' and 'S&ngo'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m while displaying magic he is interrupted by a police­ man who questions his authority to practice sorcery and so on. He bribes the police, gets out of trouble and dances away. In another sketch he instructs hi^ chil­ dren in the art and practice of magic. One of them becomes possessed in a ritual dance. Sing6 begins to utter an incantation and revives him with his magic wand.^ 3. Gr̂ l£d§: The G-|16d§ is a society in the Southwestern part of Yoruba organised for the expression of the mystic powers of women. The purpose of the dance is to "placate the witches", to appease "our mothers" and to compensate them. 25 The head of the G-^l^des 'society is 'Iy^Lase’, 'bird of the night’, in other words an 'Aje'; unlike the witch in medieval Europe who personi­ fied evil, she represents the mystic powers of woman- h. ood,. 26 In the theatre the &$ldd^ Masque is a sketch on 'iy^L&se' . Her headmask is that of a bearded woman who 24. See plate§,Nos. 39, 39& & 39b 25. Beier, "G-elede Masks", Odu, No. 6, June 1958, pp. 5-7. 26. ibid. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY -a iB L §kng6 as a Magician: (Aiyelabdla at the Gymnasium University of Ibadan, August 1965)* T W r , . •** M t UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 41 A &§lfede Masque: In this sketch, Iy^l^se wearing a man's dress acknowledges the respects of a spectator. (Ajiingila at lpd?). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 230 In the theatre it is sketched as a bearded old man, wicked and surreptitious in manner. He does the bgboni dances and sneaks around. There is nothing spectacular about him. Its performance is forbidden at Abeokuta. 6 . Irflni.: The legendary Ar$nx was an '^so' (a warrior) selected by the Onxkoyi to be his chief physician as well as his military chief-of-staff. He accompanied the OnxkoylT on his war expeditions. Hence the saying: "Aronl 6 gbe'le; Onfkoyx o simi ogun 'lo." "Ironx does not stay at home; Onxkoyi does not stop going to war." The Aronx Masque is a dramatic symbol. The physioal mask is that of a half-bird, half-human being with one leg drawn up. He trots about the 'circle' displaying all his medicines by wearing them. He spouts some incantations followed by an attendant who chants his praises. (ii) Totemistic Masques:- 1. Ere or Ojola (Boa-Constrictor): This is a tragic masque and commonly found in the 'repertoire' of all the troupes. The masque varies from one troupe to another with regard to plot and UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY characterization. Clapperton in his account described the masque of Catching the Boa-Constrictor. 28 Another masque re-enacts a folk-tale, The Boa and the Tortoise: Bkt|: Iro ni. )̂,ft>l£ ko le gb'ahun m\. IroI ni. It's a fib. The Boa cannot swallow the Tortoise. That's a fib. In spite of the boasts of the Tortoise, the Boa succeeds in swallowing the Tortoise but dies in the end from choke. The most popular masque is the one that re-enacts the story of a powerful hunter who metamorphosed into a Boa but owing to circumstances beyond his control he could not change back to a human being. 29 It is believed that another actor who had boasted of such metamorphic powers tried it and failed to change back. Evidently, someone among the spectators had charmed him, and having swooned, he had to be carried off the 'circle' into a nearby bush where he was secretly 28. Already cited. See above pp. 162-16 4 . 29. See: "bgunmefun d'ere, o b'er^ lo", Aworqrin. No. 27, 1956, p. 15. 'bgxinm^fun' is the marne of the said hunter. But in the theatrical performance of the story, the name of the hunter is replaced by that of the actor who plays the role, hence:“Oltifale/Aiy^iabtp.s^'Ajrff^b^ etc. d'erl, <& b'erl lo." UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 232 resuscitated. But as far as the spectators were con­ cerned he had changed completely into the animal and had gone into the bush to live like the Boa for the rest of his life. It Abeokuta and imala^ the tragic masque was enacted thus: The actor (leader) walked out of the 'tiring room' costumed in the 'ag6' having been summoned by the Bata. A mat was spread out in the 'circle' for him to lie on. First he sat down and was completely surrounded by the other actors who concealed him from the view of the spectators. He quickly put on the costume of the Boa which he had carried inside his 'ag&' and waited for the Orchestra. The Bata sounded and the Batd-leader beat the praises of the Boa and masque-dramaturg. But warned the latter to be careful. Then the concealment was cleared. The aotor, now the Boa, lay on the mat and cried out: Aotor: Iku re e l'ori mi o', (thrice) Behold Death is on me'. 30. See plates, Nos. 42, ll&J? I am indebted to Ogbeni S^gun Adegbiji for his assistance during my field-work at Imala. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 42: Masque of the Boa: /k tragic pla^/. First Act: Behold, Death is on me'. „ (Aiy&labdlgC, Imdlh). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Then he went into a deep slumber, (indicating that he was now in the animal world). 5at|: "Aiyelabola'. Aiy^labdld'. Mo ni Aiy^labdla d'ere 6 b'ere lo'." "Aiyelabola'. Aiyelabola'. I say Aiyelabola transformed into a Boa; He went off as a Boa'." Then the Chorus began to chant: IWChIo — rI us.: "Nwon ni b'a b^ wi fun ni,% Nse la ngbO. Bi a ba s'di ro« f'e'nia, Nse la ngba. Awi 1 gb^, §'6un lo m'Owo ota ba Aiyelabola. Aiyelabdla d'ere, 0 b'ere lo■'." "They said, 'If one is warned, It is proper to take heed. If one is talked to, It is proper to take advice. Stubbornness, this was the cause of Aiyelabola playing into the hands of the enemy'. Aiyelabdla tranrfbfmed into a Boa. He passed off with the Boa'." UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 234 Refrain: "Aiyelab<5la d'ere, 0 d'ere l'oni, Adamo d ere. 6 d'ere, 0 d'ere l'oni o ! Adamij d'ere'." (Repeated several times). "Aiyelab^la has transformed into a Boa, He's a Boa, he's a Boa today \ The changeling is a Boa'." (Repeated several times). Bata: Aiyelabola 0*. Ma jafara ale rile lo'. Aiye'labola O'. Bo ba buru tan, NI wo nvx kan ni yi/o ku/ . Aiyelabola O'. Aiyelabola'. Don't be careless, evening is approaching'. Aiyelabrilri'. If the worst comes, You'll be left to your own devices. Aiyelabola'. The Chorus then hailed him back: Chorus: Aiye/l abo/ laf t0, Aiyelabola o-o-d'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Aiyelabpla, Oh, Aiy£Lab^l^l The actor had completed his mission in the animal world and had returned, he indicated this by answering the call: Actor: 0 - 6 - 0 1 Yea111 Then the Bata praising his complete transformation beet as follows: Bata: bj&la a-du-moorin. Ola la nka. Omo, a gun bi ewe-agogol "Boa, you black one with the pleasant gait. We are counting our honours, Child, as straight as the 'bell-leaf'1" There was great joy when the actor made pantomimic gestures in the manner of the Boa, opening and closing his mouth, wriggling and dancing in the animal mask and people in admiration of his feat threw money and gifts into the 'circle’ for him, singing: Refrain: "Adamo d'erel 0 d'ere, 6 d'ere l'oni o, Adamo d'erel” (Repeatedly) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY "The changeling is a Boa y He's a Boa, he's a Boa today? The changeling is a Boa'." (Repeatedly). The act was brought to a close when the other actors surrounded him as before, covered him with the 'ago' which he used to change his Boa costume and then walked back to the booth. 2. Skun (Leopard): The masque of the Leopard is capable of many improvisations: Two Lwparfl5 fighting:- A Leopard suddenly burst out from underneath a pile of grass, rushed through the spectators and disappeared and was suddenly seen on the top of a nearby roof, where he made threatening gestures. Someone in the audience produced a chicken which was thrown to the Leopard. The Leopard pounced down to grab the chicken when another Leopard stalked his way. They both fought for the possession of the chicken when a Hunter appeared, chased them away and took the chicken for his gain. 31 The following is another improvisation: The Leonard and the Hunter:- The Leopard prowled about in the arena, a Hunter came along and searched for the Leopard. The Leopard seeing the 31. Beier, "The Egungun Cult", Nigeria Magazine. See plates, Nos. 45 & 45a UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 43: Masque of the Leopards: (Agbegijo, Oshogbo - Photo by oourtesy of Chief Ulli Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Hunter pounced on him and they fought. The Hunter was careless. The Leopard pulled him down, rolled him over and scampered off. The Hunter picked himself, collected his scattered charms and walked off ashamedly. Other totemistic masques popularly seen in the ’repertoire’ of the troupes include, the Crocodile or Alligator, the Baboon, the Cow, the Elephant and the Horse, among others.32 (iii) Abstract Masques: These masques are mainly ’solo mimes' and the dramatic effect is obtained from the extent of audience-participation: “1* Didirin (Moron): He is represented by a face-mask with a drooping mouth and wearing a fancy-dress, he drags about aimlessly. As a nit-wit he is jeered at by the spectators who taunt him and call him all sorts of names. He drawls and droops and makes gibberish speeches trying to win the sympathy of the spectators^ 2. Eleekedidi (Mumps): There are two popular improvisations on this disease. One masque is that of a boy with two swollen cheeks; he lazes about in the arena and is taunted by other boys in the crowd. One of them drags him about asking him to go to the farm and work like all other good 32. See plates, Nos. 33* See plate, No. 46- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Ok UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4 No. 46: Didirxn /The Uoroja/• (Photo by courtesy of Chief Ulli Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 23 '6 boys. He eats mud and fling3 some at the boys who jeer at him as follows: &ti: "Eleekedidi'. Ko §e e mu r'oko. E•l e• e•k e•didi*." "The Mumps'. He's unfit to be taken to the farm. The Mumps'." In another masque (/ at kI masl a\)n 34 the Mumps was a house-wife who got the disease as a consequence of her being vile in her relations with the other wife of her husband. (This is a sketch based on the jealous wife). She was dragged round by a Chorus of taunting women: Choral Song: "Ma gbe yen va o e'. Ma ko tire ba wa, Dindi e e*k e'• c. Eeke e mejeeji, / tu/0 n gbe de'/. "Don't bring that here'. Don't affect us with yours. Swollen cheeks'. 34. See plate, No. Vf- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY / 3. 47: ?le§kedidi: /The Mump/7. This sketch performed at Imala was that af jealous house-wife. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 239 Her two cheeks, She's brought it again'.** (Repeatedly). She pleaded for their sympathy but was refused it. Later, she was rescued by a man in the audience who gave her money to go and cure herself. 3. OnimtT Oru (Nosey): The face-mask is that of a man with a pot-nose. He goes round the arena with his nose in the air, snoopering and sneezing. The spectators in a taunt sing: Choral Song: "Onrunu oru'. A 0 to1 rol imu re• s'aluwala. Onfmtf oru'." (Repeatedly). "Pot-nose'. _ _ We didn't beg for your nose /kettle/ To do the ablution,* Pot-nose'." The Nosey is disappointed; he does not get the attention of the spectators.35 Other abstract masques include the following: 4. Elenu Robo/ (G-ossip)^ Choral Song: "Elenu Robô , Ta n/' t'e« nu \e \ bo /. 1 35* See plate, No. 48. 3 6 . See plate, No. 49- * This reference is a skit on Islam; before the latter's influence inno sYeo rtuob ac,o o"kA bbe atnpsr ow iitmhu) rwea ss 'heewahr d.jq" (we did not beg for your UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. if8: Onimu Oni: Z?he Nose^ 7 (Agbegljo', Oshogbo: Photo by courtesy of Chief Ulli Beier). fcw _ . I . -1* • - «■<— * UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No 49: ?1lnu R°bo': fihe &ossiî ' (Agbegxjo, Oshogbo: Photo by courtesyof Chief Ulli Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY §'enu fofo »n "You with the round mouth, Who pushed your mouth into it. Your sharp edged mouth'." 5. bkhnjuwa (Avarice):^ Choral Song: "bkanjuwa'. G-ba gbogbo e, Ole, gba gbogbo V ." "Avarice'. Takes all, Rougue, takes all'." 6 . SI enu Wambo (Buck-tooth) Choral Song: "Ko r'ohun falejo; S■ 'e* nu wamb«o. Ko r’ohun falejo; Wa ’ hxn kun 'le." "Has nothing to offer her guest; Spreads out her teeth. Has nothing to offer her guest; Fills the home with her teeth." 7 . Sletif Kolobo (Eavesdropper):"^ Choral Song: "S' eti Kolobo'. 37• See plate, No. 50. 38. See plate, No. 51. 39* See plate, No. 52.- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY > No."50: §kanjuwa: /The Avaric/7. (Agbegijo, Oshogbo: Photo by courtesy V of Prank Speed)*' f UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 51: Elfnu Wambo: /The Buck-tootjj?. (Aiyelabpla, Imala). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 241 O\ fOff r0 , Odale okunrin, 9 ra # '-d o ll' ' <* ‘ft r :< S ’eti Kolobo'.’’ ’’Spreads ears like cups’. Tell-tale, Treacherous man, Spreads ears like cups’." (iv) Sociological Masques: In these masques more characters than one are usually involved; but in cases where the character is a ’solo mime’, audience-participation is resorted to for dramatic effect: 1. \A bi/k ur: An ’Av bi/k• u*’ child is believed to have been possessed, 'in utero’, by one of the company of elfs who inhabit the ’spirit’ world. They live near the ’Iroko-tree’ where they attract other children to join them. If a woman loses several children in infancy and it is recognised that she is visited by the same child repeatedly, the child is an ’Abiku’. She has to adopt a means of making the child stay through sacrifices and other devices. In the theatre the sketch is that of a mother who bears a baby on her back, the baby is Abib/. She takes UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m the baby off her back to feed him. During the process the baby dies. She beats him (a rag-doll) to revive him and in frustration throws him away to the crowd. The crowd refuses to have him and he is flung back at her. She takes a long look at him. The baby has revived. She picks him up and dances off with him in her arms. 2. Qmuti (The Drunkard):^ He staggers on, coughs loudly, thrashes about and falls. A Policeman picks him up; beats him and drags him away as he pleads with the crowd for help: Bit tit: "Qmuti f'ara 3 'bfo, Igida'." "The drunkard wastes himself about, 'Tis a pity'." 3* Pangaga (Adulteress):^ She goes round the arena inviting any of the spectators to step inside'. She makes herself up many times and adjusts her wrapper. She sits down in the middle of the 'circle' and takes .0. See plate, No. 53* l1 . See platea, Nos. 5 % 5*^ & UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY V ) No. 53: Omuti: /The Drunkard^. (Agbegijo, Oshogbo: Photo by courtesy o: Chief Ulli Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY > ____ _ ~ - ---- — -nf • » --- --- No. 54: Pansaga: ^The Adulteres^. (Agbegijo, Oshogbo: Photo by courtesy of Chief Ulli Beier). mat UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 54a : The Pansaga Masque: This sketch performed at Iraalk was a scene al Pan$a'g& (Adulteress) and lp<£n (Bachelor). * UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No* 54 : The Pangea Masque: The Apon (Bachelor) reveals his phallic symbol which frightens the Adulteress. WSr^-wbr^ gb'fcde'. (The adulterers •are out'.) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 243 off her wrapper. A young man, Apon (bachelor)^comes along. She asks if he is strong enough for the exercise The man answers and approaches. She searches him to feel his purse. The man drains his purse and the woman is pleased. They indulge in romance and then the woman lies down. The man undresses and reveals a huge red- painted phallic symbol. The AdeLfcterass frightened by it yells out. The man chases her around: Apon: "'G-ba to ngba pcjun-poun Ta lo ke si? 0 wa nse he-he-he, Oko tobi'." "When you were collecting the pounds Whom did you call? Now, you are hollering, Penis is too big'." Pan3aga: "Ma ri mi fin o e'. Ma ri mi fin. Emi kl i. sj'egbe mama r§. Ma ri mi fin'.” "Do not insult me, hear'. Do not insult me. I’m older than your mother. Do nit insult me'." UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The man struggles with her: Choral Song: "Wer^-wkr^ gb'ode'. Bx ti ns'ako, nx ns'abo; Be nx i se'yawo olosun l'e• se•. Were-w^re gb'ode'.** "Adultery is now in vogue’. As it involves the man. So it involves the woman; And so it involves the newly wedded bride. Adultery is now in vogue'." The Police comes on to the scene and arrests both of them. 4. L^kplaya (The Lovers):4̂ A young Braggart oomes on and brags about a beautiful Girl. The Girl breaks in, hears the brag and i3 annoyed with the Boy. The Girl walks off and vows never to see the Boy again. When the Boy is alone he resumes his brag. The Girl returns J and the Braggart rushes to her and on his knees begs her 42. This improvised drama is found in the 'repertoire' of Aiyelabola troupe in Abeokuta. I am indebted to Ogbeni Alan Aroyewun for his assistance. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 245 Braggart: "Kurukiiru kb je nrx'gbo, Igbo o 3 6 nri kurukuru. Ileke 6 jd nrx'di ore mi, Adumaadan'. Bebe b nri yara rq. Mo ka 'lbke &e bi ogofa; b« re> mi. Mo ni, 'koo, kx ntun ka leekan si'. A-du-maa-dan mi, G-ba mx o rx'k|. Duduyemi mi, jowo o ." "The mist prevents me from seeing the bush, The bush prevents me from seeing the mist. The beads prevent me from seeing the waist of my friend. The shiny ebony-black beauty'. The beads prevent me from seeing your room. I counted them up to a hundred and twenty; My friend. I said, 'pick them up so I can count them « again'. My shiny ebony-black beauty, Accept me and see how you'll be petted. My Duduyemi, forgive me." His song disarms her: Girl: "Grbe'ra n'le o dxde, 0• r4% mi. Ng 0 nx torx gbxgbo p'aja. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 246 Ng b ni torx kxk\a n p'ax gboV. G-be'ra n'le• o ma a kalo."4 "Pick yourself up, My friend. I will not kill the dog because it barks, I will not kill the ram because it kicks, Pick yourself up and let's go." The Braggart stands up and both of them dance away. 5. Osomaalo: This masque is a satirical sketch on the Ijesha cloth-dealers who operate a system of 'hire- purchase' as a means of attracting buyers. Because they do not demand ready cash they add a certain amount (interest) to the normal selling price of the ' material and allow the buyer a respite. The following improvisation was recorded with the Ijanglla Troupe:^ A young Ijesha (identified by tribal marks on the face-mask) comes on with some cloths. He tries to sell them to the spectators who tease him appropriately. Soon a character comes along, (in this^rnotK^p particular case it was one Baba 01 prohibited the worship.45 The first skit on the Atinga cult was introduced into the 'repertoire' of the Lebe troupe at Iraala in the same year. The VA tiyn gav., wearing a black singlet and a pair of dark jeans, led a group of his cult-members into the arena, dancing and singing. Then the Atinga stopped the music and looked for a Witch among tiie crowd. He held up his sword and blew his whistle, all of a sudden the Witch (an actor) emerged from amongst the crowd. Amidst danoing and singing the Witch was 44• Morton-Williams, "The Atinga Cult among the South-Western Yoruba", Bulletin de 1 ’ I.F.A.N.. T. XVIII, Ser. B. Nos. 3-4 p. 3 1 6 . 45. Parrinder, o£. oit., p. 55* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 4 a exorcised in a mad rage which broke up the crowd. 7* Idahbmi: (The Dahomian (General): The masque wa3 originally developed among the troupes in the South­ western circuit. Because of its popularity, it is now found in the 1 repertoire' of almost every troupe inclu­ ded in our investigation. It is believed to have been devised in Abeokuta, probably by the Aiyelabola troupe of G-bagura, to stiffen the 3gba people who, before the middle of the nineteenth century, had been A victims of the terror of the Dahomian invaders. The Idahoml masques which were found in the 'repertoire' of most of the troupes varied in concept and plot from one area to another; but always the character was that of a hunter or a soldier. 47 He looked very frightful, wearing charms all over his tunic and holding a 'dane-gun*. With face painted black and eyes red and fiery, he trooped into the arena looking for the enemy: 46. This masque which was recorded at Imala during field work has not been found in the 'repertoire' of the troupes in the Oyo- Ibadan-Igbomina circuits. 47* See plate, No. 56- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY T No. 56 Idahdml: /The Dahomian General?, (Agbegijo, Oshogbo: Photo bycourtesy of Chief Ulli Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Ba\ ta/ : "Jagun-jagun wVo 'lu', E* f'ara bale*o. Idahomi ko', idhhbmi ni, E• f'ara bale*'." "The warrior has come to town, Don't panic'. It's not the Dahomian, It's the Dahomian, Don't panic’." >Dahgmi: "Mo de, mo de'. E o param$? 'DahdO'mi E b paramo? 6 d.4, kxniun de, Ekun, paramArf!/Haus§7. Agbdgij6, Oahogbo: Photo by Prank Spued). *“N UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY r No. 59t T[hfot Nbhy wbm&roit M asqu" W t h er mane : ^ oIrnu bteh^is sketch tin f /iiiiuijj/ is a blindman• (P h oto l ■ ■/ " l 1 ’' * ■ ■1' ’ H i Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 254 ritual ceremony. What the Yoruba called the ’'igunnu' is in fact the 'Ndako G-boya' . This masque is a satiri cal sketch but the masque-dramaturg is more anxious to exhibit his own cleverness in manipulation through dance and spectacle: 52 Song: " Igunnu-ko iI. guv nnu\ ge\ geV. G-ambari ta Fulani o'. Igdnnu gege" (Repeatedly). ”Gunnu-kol Gunnu, softly. Q-asbari sold Pulani'. Gunnu, softly.” In other sketches of the Tapa. he could be improvised as a Profligate, a Beggar or a Cripple.53 10. Oibo* or Eebo* (The Whiteman): 'Odu Otua-s&a' gives in the following description, the Yoruba conception of the Whiteman: 52. See plate, No. 6o 53. See plates, Nos. <£>t & 62. 54. I am grateful to Alagba Agbooli Adeniji for this 'Odu'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY | ------------ *'* ' " ' ■ —t i r n u ■.. . No. 60: IgunMnu-ko ̂ Ndako Crboy£7: A sketch on the (Nupe) ou.lt It isan e xample of ̂p■ ur-e---- j --s h- ; ow, (Akereb' -uru, Inl-hm;. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY TPhheo toB egbgya rP:r anAk sSkpeetecdh) .on the Tape (Nupe). (Agbegijo, Oshogbo: UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Jj No. 62: The Cripple: A sket'oh on the Tiipk (Nupe). (■Agbegijo, Oshogbo: Photo by courtesy of Chief Ulli Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY "K^nwun l'omo Hausa je e yo; A&sak l'omo Eebo^ f i n y o , b« pa l’o• mow Fuiani ru u kiri'. Ifa lo ta gbogbo won, t d ra gbogbo won. Orunmila i d ta ’bun d£du, ra ’hun dddd. If a lo/ ta ’hun dudu, ra ’ham dudu. bninmxla lo ta 'hun pupa, ra 'hun pupa. Irlgialo i d ta Fuiani, lo/ fi owo rVe ra ^E e' bo/. Oun lo/ ta kanwun to fi ra kira; 6 wa ta ododoA, d f'owo re ra aberiri-sese. Tani ko mb ?d If^ l 6 ti m'Eebb* l'eru? Ei ' jo ti Eebo ti wa fi 0gun gbe e 7 L'e• ru wo«n ti Ĵ ba ni." "The offspring of the Hausa eats potash to his fill. Snuff-taking fills the offspring of the Whiteman. The offspring of the Fuiani was fated to carrying a stick about'. Ifa was the one who sold all of them, And bought all of them. Orunmila it was, who sold something black, and bought something black. If^ it was, who sold something black, and bought something black. Orunmila it was, who sold something red, and bought something red. UNIVERSITY OF IB DAN LIBRARY The huge and good-natured man it was, who sold the Fulani, and used the money to buy the Whiteman. He it was, who sold potash and bought snuff. He then sold something rosy to buy something darkly. Who didn't know that it was Ifa who had enslaved the Whiteman? Since the day the Whiteman came to lift him with Cgun, god of iron, Has fear been struck into people.- It seemed likely that this conception of the White- man was the plot of the Masque of the Whiteman which was described by Lander in the records of Captain Clapperton at Katunga in 1826 as "the caricature of a whiteman".^5 5 There is no doubt, however that this conception of the whiteman was the result of the early contacts of the Yoruba with the Europeans. The Whiteman masque changed considerably in the 'repertoire' of the troupes over the years of contact. The important thing noted was that the masque-dramaturg always designed the Whiteman masque to reflect contem­ porary conception. Some of the masques included the District Officer accompanied by his family welcomed by an pba during an official visit, later inspecting a Lander, Record of Captain Clapperton's Last Expedition. Vol. I, London, 1829, p. 120. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY guard of honour mounted by a handful of Akoda or Policemen. 56 After the Royal visit to Nigeria in 1956, the Aiyelabola troupe in Abeokuta brought out the Masque of the Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh.57 Recently, the image of the Whiteman has charged frcr the dignity of the Colonial official to the earn a.re s ~ of the Peace Corps and the tourist.56 11. Iyawo (The Bride' : This is the eost beautiful :f all the masques foes: it the 'repertoire' of the troupes. Usually acted by the leader for the 'finale', the masque is iwtxcrisatioral like all other revue-masques. In tre one observed, the Bride, as she prepared to leave heme collected all rer costly apparel^ - ' iro' (wrapper , 'bubs’ .blouse . gale' (head-tie) and 'iborun' (shawl’ and pet or. as nary as she could Earage. Later in 'song and lance' she bade farewell to her people (the spectators as she left for her husband's house, her new home. Soon, the Husband emerged on the scene. The Bride resumed her song and dance, but this time she started taking off her dresses one after the 56. See plate, No. 63 • 57* See plate, No. 64-- 58. See plat®, Ncb. 6$ 4 6$ f UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 63: Masque of tho Whiteman: A Colonial Visitation. The District Offiotr visits the Qba with bis family. Policeman sre on guard. (Porformanoa at $tan Myegbajxl, 1965). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 No. 64: Masque of the Whiteman: The Duke of Edinburgh and Her Majesty Queen. This was a sketch on the Royal Visit to Nigeria in 1956 (Photo by courtesy of Chief Ulli Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 65: Ma.n.|u<' <>r tho Whiteman: This is a sketch on the new •dftoeption of the whiteman. (Photo by courtesy of Chlr.r U3L1 Wrier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 65 Masque of the Whiteman: The dalliance scene. (Agbegij^* Oshogbi Photo by courtesy of Chief Ulli Beier). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY other, giving them each to the important people she spotted in the audience until the penultimate dress# She then knelt before her husband amidst choral chanting and removed the last set of dresses which the Husband paid for. She revealed a baby (a decora­ tive doll) on her back which she handed over to the Husband and collected the 'owo omo' (money for the CQ baby). She then performed the feeding of the baby, handed him over to the Husband and amidst choral singing and dancing, went round collecting money from those who got the dresses: Song; "Omo l'ere oja o, Omo l'ere oja. Oltiwa k<£ fun wa l'o• mo•. Omo l'ere oja." « t • 59* The baby-doll, a dramatic symbol, signifying fertility, was an indication that the Bride had brought with her children to fill the new household. Her most important blessing from her parents had been, "brf f'ehin pon ’mo" (You will have children to carry on your back). See plates, Nos. 6$, 6*a, 6T , 68 , 69 , ± 69* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY « UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY — ..- V \ J S L No. 66 : Masque of the Bride: The Husband accepts the Child. (Aabeeiin Oshogbo: Photo by Prank Speed). ' J * 1 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY — >'.■__ ".i. ■ -------- |— .....------- L % *k— No. 67: Masque of the Bride: Qyadpja's (Olufale) conception of the Bride Note: The head-mask is carved from wood. ;*S w n UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY „ c * . U^m.e of the Bride: Ejon'gboro’s (Ikire) conception of the Bride Note: The heed mask is a unique design. The hair style is made of assorted beeds. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 69: Masque of the Bride: Bride and Bridegroom - (Ijangila's performs: at Ibadan). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 .. -v*- . . , No. 69 : Masque of the Bride: The Bride feeds the Child /a decorative bab; doll/. ( 1 j&ngild, Ibadan). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY t 5 a "Child is the profit of the market, Child is the profit of the market. Lord, give us Child, Child is the profit of the market." Then the Bata beat the 'finale': Bata'': "6 16, e k& re'le, Nl ie ti to lo;O* je\ ♦ kan kyo s• 'awo-s•'awo W gbagbe i l e . " "Enough, let's go home, It's time we went home; No histrione ever carried on the secrets of his trade And forgot home." Chorus: "0 to ka re'le'. 11^ la nlo. Oje kan o s'awo-s'awo 4 W « • 4 K'o gbagbe"1 ile/." 60. 'Market' is used in the song as a poetic image. The Yoruba's belief that the world is a market where people collect and barter may be implied. The Yoruba's quest for 'child' is an evidence of his concern for continuity in procreation. After the necessary labours and the bargaining which takes place at the market of life, the transaction yields a profit only if a child is left to continue the process before the return journey to the other world is undertaken. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 280 "It's time we went home'. It's home we're going. No histrione ever carried on And forgot home." Bride (Chief Actor): "0 to o'. Awa^ nlo, 6 digba-o-3e'. K'a^ma" f'oji/y'ara wa, K'a^ ma' f'o* se• y'ara wa." / "It's enough'. We are leaving Adiem'. May our eyes not miss one another, Kay our feet not miss one another. Chorus: Repeat. The songs went on in many verses as the Bride led all the others out of the arena of play into the community, collecting gifts as she danced along. 0 Other masques which were found to be of sociological signifi­ cance were the political sketches on the late Chief S.L. Akintola, Premier of Western Nigeria, the late Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the Sarduana of Sokoto and Premier of Northern Nigeria and Chief Obafemi Awolc^wo, leader of the Action Group, an opposition party: UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 261 At G-bagura, in Abeokuta, the Aiyelabola' troupe, in their 1966 annual performance, brought out a satirical sketch that reflected the political sympathy of the masque-dramaturg. The masque sketched out how Chief Akintola, as Premier of Western Nigeria went to Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, his counterpart in Northern Nigeria and formed a political alliance aimed at liquidating the politi­ cal party of Chief Awolow^. The scene opened with Akintola and Awolowo in heated argument. The Police came and took Awolqwp away. Ahmadu Bello arrived on the scene. Akintqla went straight to him and prostrated. Then both of them in dance and song went round the 'circle' amidst shouts of political slogans from the spectators.61 At Imala, there was a different version of the same political tussle. The performance was by the Lebe troupe. Awolowo and his supporters trooped into the arena chanting political slogans, next came Akintola with two thugs. Then came the confrontation; both Akintola and his two thugs were beaten up and left writhing in pain. A Policeman came to the rescue. He settled the differences by making Akintola stoop before Awolowo. Both in reconciliation danced away amidst the applause of the spectators.62 6 1. This improvisation was recorded during interview in Abeokuta, 18/4/67. 62. This improvisation was recorded in Imala, 27/3/67. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 282 Other masques which were recorded basing on contemporary social scenes include the following: 1. The Cattle Fulani and his Cow. 2. Return from Mecca: SalAm-^leitu. 3. The Jealous Woman. 4. The Horse-rider. 5. The Mother. All these masques were improvised dramas. Sometimes a combination of characters was involved. The use of the Policeman was found to be an important means of resolving conflict but sometimes the audience were appealed to by the Chorus to help in finding solution. When 'dialogue' was used it was impromptu and attempts were made at characterization especially with regard to the language and accent of 'stranger' elements in the Yoruba society. Sometimes the acts dragged helplessly in spite of the controlling influence of the E&ta. The masque-dramaturg uses the masques of his 'repertoire' to demonstrate two main aspects of his own skill: first is the use of the serious masques to assert his super-natural attainments and second is the use of the comic masques to satirise. But his desire to dance and sing is by no means inhibited since he utilizes both effectively to complement his total performance. Realistic acting and costuming are natural concurrences. All thia* combine to give UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 263 the masques in performance their variety and vitality. IV. Training Training for the theatre provided that the actor distin­ guished himself in three distinct, but mutually inclusive, artistic disciplines. The actor was expected to be an‘Akewi* (G-leeman), then an ’Olokiti* (Acrobat) and finally an'drebe' (Dancer). But the training programme did not emphasize any particular order. Thus an actor who had a flair for gymnastics concentrated on acrobatics and dance. Since the gleeman had to know all the different categories of Yomba'Oriki* (panegyric, totem, place and personal poems) he also had to match this by developing a good chanting voice. The actor's accomplishment was based on the successful completion of the three units of training. Nevertheless, not all the troupes became distinguished in the three. Some troupes were known to be famous for balladry, some for acrobatics and others for dance. (a) Apprenticeship:- Training was not formal and was run on the basis of appren­ ticeship without a formal contract. The theatre-guilds used to be lineage-guilds, that is, any person bent on an acting career had to be himself a member of a lineage which followed the profession. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY HA Later, others from outside lineages came in for training. Their membership of the Egungun Society was made a precondition and a trainee was first initiated into the cult before he went on to the treining. The Yorube custom of consulting the Oracle after the birth of a child to know his Odu, to determine the kind of life that he would lead, opened the theatre-guild to outsiders. Thus, there were two categories of people who trained as actors: the ̂ b;}/dlran, and the 'bj^wumi* . The first included all those who were descendants of the lineage-group of theatre practi­ tioners. The second included all others from outside. There was no age limit for apprenticeship; but usually, boys began their training from the age of six or when they were old enough to walk to the farm. Their period of apprenticeship ended when they were old enough to get married and stand on their own feet. Apprenticeship, though it had no formal contract or agreement, was not without some obligations, moral or other. Once a person was apprenticed to an artist he moved home and lived with his master. He served him entirely and this included running errands, working on the farms and sometimes assuming certain responsibilities which amounted to serfdom. The master, on the other hand, apart from training his apprentice, fed and clothed him. Throughout the duration of the apprenticeship, the trainee could only occasionally visit his own UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 265 people and serve them and this he did with permission from his master. There were people who came to train when they were already fairly advanced in age. This category of apprenticeship varied from the first one only in details of service. Candidates served for a limited period, spelled out in terms of years, and paid a certain amount of money to secure their freedom. In the past the amount was fixed at *egbokanla otto' (two thousand, two hundred cowries - about 3ix pence half-penny in sterling). This form of apprenticeship was not without its problems both for the master and the apprentice in 30 far as personal dealings and human relationships were concerned. Sometimes a trainee found he had to learn the elements of acting from someone younger in a£e but more experienced. In some cases training had been cut short because of misunderstanding. The actor used the period of apprenticeship not only to learn the art and craft of his trade but also to equip himself mentally and sometimes spiritually by learning the U3e of certain protective charms in order to counter the effect of charms that might be used against him# He had, in fact, to be a medicine-man as he was expected to traffic in medicines during the rainy season when the actor became, normally, a "sedentary professional". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY (b) The Player’s Resources During his training the actor has to develop the following personal resources: voice, gesture (including dance)^appearance and accompaniments. 1. Voice: The development of the actor's voice is the most important part of training. He does not use the egungun voice. 63 ̂but has to learn the special technique of chan­ ting the 'esa' or 'iwi' (the ballads). The poems are many and varied: poems of all important Yoruba lineages; poems about all important Yoruba Oba, towns and settlements; poems on totem animals and objects; poems which form a kind of humorous commentary on Yoruba life - l X s attri­ butes and weaknesses. Then he has to learn the *iba' (the pledge and salute) chants which form the 'opening glee' of every performance. It is said that an actor needs a sharp mind to be able to accomplish these memorizations successfully, so he has to learn a mnemonic 'ofo' (incan- tation) 63. The egttngdn voice is the Egan's voice. Since ̂ gan Olugbfer^, the hybrid, had a guttural voice, this became known as the egningtin voice, but was confined to the cult-group. 64. See Appendix 7 for an example. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 267 When an apprentice has mastered this aspect of his training he becomes an 'aklwi' and can engage in minstrelsy. He wears the * Lab ala*, the costume of the troubador and occasionally travels about collecting gifts and money which he brings back to his master. 2. Gesture: The actor has to develop a flexible body since he is expected to play many distinct character roles, male and female, 65 in the same performance. His movements and dance techniques are developed over a long period of training. The 'br̂ fct' or ritual dances are many and varied and the actor has to learn to dance at least the important ones. Acrobatics form an important aspect of the actor's stock-in-trade. It requires a special skill and discipline to aoquire its various patterns: forward and backward somer­ saulting, leap and sky-rolling, tumbling sideways, whirling and cart-wheeling among others. He must learn to make precise and realistic gestures to characterise the different portraits he depicts in action. The gestures must not detract from the face-mask and the costume that he wears for each particular scene. 65. There are no female performers except in the Chorus; but they do not masquerade in this role. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 288 He must be careful not to let any part of his body be visible to the public during performance. He has to develop a manipulative skill which can help him in his quick changes and tricks. 3. Appearance:- He has to learn how to wear his masks and costumes. Ecstasy and rapture are a distinguishing feature of every performance; to obtain this, the actor must feel himself transformed into the character that he depicts and the spectators must be swept along with him. His masks are not just visors, they are character-por­ traits; his costumes are not decorative dresses, they depict the type and nature of the character he represents. His acting must appear consistent, especially in the sketches, and it must matoh his appearance. His training includes painting of the masks, making and mending of costumes. He also has to learn how to convert old costumes for new character types. There are very few cases when the trainee has to learn the art of carving the masks; carving is within the exclusive preserve of another craft-guild and may be forbidden. Accompaniment:- The actor has to train in 'ensemble' work. This requires that the Bata (orchestra) ha3 to UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 269 be in attendance during training. As they belong to another guild, there is always a contract or a form of agreement to retiin the services of a Bata group. The actor must learn to understand the difficult language of the Bata. By its nature, it is diffuse and complicated in pattern. This imposes a burden on the actor-trainee who has to be very familiar with this accompaniment. To be a good dancer is to learn to be familiar with the stylistics of the Orchestra. The dance patterns are many and varied and there are an infinite variety of 'dots and dashes' added by the Bata-Leader. The apprentice has to gain mastery to be well accomplished. Every masque has its own music, song and dance. Impro­ visation which is the basis of the dramatic art forms a great part of the training and rehearsal periods. In fact, new ideas of form and style are known to have been created during rehearsals. By training in 'ensemble' fashion pro­ blems of harmony and discord are resolved. The masque-drama- turg explains outlines of plays and suggests possibilities for comic business especially for the revues and for stock chants for the spectacles. In all respects, the Bata-drummer is allowed freedom to add his own improvisations to demonstrate his own virtuosity. But all this is accomplished UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY during training and rehearsals. Versatility is the virtue of the player. ' I ^ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 271 C H A P T E R S I X The Theatrical Art and its Audience: Any theatrical art developed within a particular cultural matrix has a combination of artistic qualities and aesthetic values peculiar to it. Apart from the presence of certain sig­ nals which are likely to convey universal meaning as far as art appreciation is concerned, the full meaning of any work of art can only be achieved by the spectator whose sensibility it reflects. A theatrical performance can have an objective value for any spectator if the experience that the play evokes gives him aesthetic pleasure. According to Gordon Craig, "the objective of the theatre is neither intellectual nor emotional but is the evocation of aesthetic pleasure derived from the presence of imaginative beauty” J Aesthetics concerns itself not exclusively with beauty but with all the arts in relation to each other and to culture as a whole. It is based on observation and ideas derived from the arts of a culture. One can talk about "Yoruba aesthetics" only to the extent that the Yoruba culture is different from other cultures, and so far as differences are found as a result of the peoples' reli­ gious beliefs and philosophy. Hitherto, there has been no systematic 1. Gpopr. do2n9 5C-r6a. ig: -O--n- - t--h-e-- --A-r--t-- --o-f-- --t--h-e-- -T-h--e--a-t--r-e-. London. 1911. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 212 study of Yoruba philosophy, and present studies of Yoruba reli­ gious beliefs are scattered and inconclusive. The art of the Alarlnjo Theatre is full of obscure metaphors and allusions to such an extent that only an understanding of its aesthetics can help those who want to appreciate it. To be able to do so they have to recognise the form and style and other distinctive characteristic features of the theatrical art and these will help them to judge or evaluate the merits of a performance. I . Form and Style: The form and style of the theatre arise from the genera­ lised concept of Yoruba Art, namely that "the artist often tends 2 to proceed inductively, rather than deductively." This is a form of artistic expression which according to Fagg is based on "selective generalization."^ It is designed to bring out certain 2. William Fagg: African Art: The Contrast with Western Tra­ dition . "The Times Review of the British Colonies", July 1951, p. 6. 5. ibid. The Yoruba maxims, "abo br6 lb nso f' bmolnw~*j^H (one has ofily idold Tby Ltbet h8g e”nt^ledm haanl fo r "aay waonrd' itt; rthaei „MiMaei ais* siusf ficcoiaepnrte)h ena-n d a h i f«& omdran lcf mb x. (we a„ not have to tell * “ • * fo” may be'used to explain this oonoept. ^ S d ^ 2 *6 OnrSa,a?o” f ^ say is more 'unsaid' than ness aid allusion"Acknowledge the values of eoonomy, indirect- factors influencing Yoruba concept for- generalization". fully what is meant by "selective UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 273 qualities at the expense of others and to represent certain particular aspects, be it of man, nature or object, rather than the whole. To understand the reason for this tendency in Yoruba art, one has to find out about the artist's intention as well as his cultural and philosophical backgrounds. The Yoruba artist normally operates within a transcendental frame of mind that inspires him to accomplish his objective. His penetration lacks depth however, and his subjects are borrowed mainly from a social and material environment which excites him emotionally. The substance of what the masque-dramaturg wishes to commu­ nicate or share with his audience is revealed in the material of his creation which also underlines his main pre-occupations - namely, religion and human situations. His themes depict first, his faith in the ancestor and the emotional influence that the ancestor excercises on his life; they also indicate some vagueness in his own conceptualizations of the ancestor or the deities and this may qualify the fact that he operates within the realm of allegory and symbolism; and secondly, his humanistic interests are not without some reference to his general concern for th^/con- tinuity and survival of society; for they reveal deep psycholo­ gical motives. The form that he uses must not only be such that it can help him to record his vision of a suprasensible reality; but such also UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 274 as can meet the eyes of the group to which he belongs and with whom he wants to share his experience. The shape or structure of his art-medium must, therefore, include certain accepted princi­ ples that help to produce the desired result. This means that his technique must fit or blend his subject-matter with his form. All these elements combine to give the Yoruba masque a style of its own. Thus, the spectacles are designed to meet religious objectives while the revues are sketched out as comments on the state of society: The spectacle-masques are ritual enactments and are in many respects, pure 3how. The style of staging is theatrical and is 4 based on illusionistic presentationalism. The themes are episo­ dic. There are no acts or scene divisions but, instead, poetic links provided by solo and choral chanting as well as by B&t£ *usic. The mythological and totem masques are designed to exploit the realm of magic and they rely on symbolic action for expression. The action derives its meaning from certain events connected with it but the details of these are usually missing. Consequently, the spectator's imagination is duly stretched while at the same time 4. This term has been used to denote the type of staging which emphasizes the presentation of a story in theatrical forms with the actors in direct contact with the audience, psycho­ logically. (See: John Gassner, Producing the Play. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New Ed., January 1967, P • 349). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 27b he gets carried away by the spectacle - the magic of transfor­ mation*. The rerne-masques tend to create the illusion of reality as there is an attempt to imitate life; but this is only 'selective realism* because no racee amtah realiam is employed ijt”'will ensure an impression of reality. In spite of the naturalness brought into the acting, both the stylised mask and the realistic costume are fixed, expressing onlyAprevailing characteristics of stereo- /tVxe types rather than specific individuals. The simple plots or themes on which they are set are not without some pre-meditation This means that the improvisations always fit the character- sketches . The revues are farcical and easily display the comic spirit of the Yoruba, but there is more emphasis on dramatic action than on the working out of plot. Imaginativeness and resourcefulness are needed for their full development both by the actors and the spectators who mutually participate in the action of the revue-episodes. (a) The element of plot: The Aristotelian canon of the central importance of plot in the drama is hardly contemplated by the Yoruba masque-dramaturg. In his technique, the plot is not an indispensable element; the drama is basically the presentation or representation of an action UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 276 and character is, unquestionably, the more important element. Character traits and motives are so clearly defined in the acting and so sketched out in the masque that they become easily intelli­ gible to the audience. Type-characterization is a technique which keeps the character within the group rather than seeks to make him an individual. In Yoruba traditional beliefs the individual has no separate existence outside of the group. The masque-dramaturg therefore spends more time on making his charac­ ters into portraits with visual appeal than leaving them as plastic models who shape up in different several dimensions during performance. Dialogue is minimal, chants and dance are somewhat fixed elements and the mask-character does not crystallize in performance. It is the 'song-element', in the main, that generally provides the plot-lines. The root-elements of the theatre are the mask, the chant and the dance; but a performance is the sum total of these and the unified product of gesture and costume: (i) Masks: The characters of the drama all wear masks. Masks were first used as an extension of the egungun myth, a supernatural vital force; and later employed for the sublimation of the 'ego' of the impersonator. In order to make his themes real as well as create an illusion that the egungun (spirits of the departed ones) see the faults and foibles of those in society and UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY laugh them to acorn, the masque-dramaturg added points of emphasis which separated the 'persona* of the actor from the character of his mask. The masks bear ideas or themes that are meant to be communicated; sometimes they are expressed in realistic forms, sometimes they are expressed in symbolic and abstract forms. Symbolism is an essence of Yoruba aesthetic theory. It is the projection of an idea through the means of visual and verbal modes. (ii) The chant or the poetry: The chant is an important element of the drama; as a matter of fact, most of the dramatic themes and ideas derive their sources from the 'orlki' and 'orile' • chants, (panegyric and totem poems, respectively). Both the actor and the BAtd-drummer use the chants to lay the scene, convey the sense-impressions and communicate the thematic points. Although the chant has a basically fixed element, it is capable of accretion. (iii) The Dance: Dance is the accompaniment of song and component part of performance. The Chorus usually participates in the action of the drama through songs. Most of the songs are topical and improrisational and are in evidence especially during the revues. The dance not only enlivens but interprets the drama­ tic action and, naturally, flows from the plot. It is not inde­ pendent of the drama except where it forms a part of aerobatics and beoomes a pure show. Every dramatic situation is enlivened by UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the music of the B&tA, the traditional orchestra of the theatre and an inseparable part of the masque. A most significant area of aesthetic appreciation of the masques is the balanced fusion of all the three elements of mask, chant and dance; with their adjunctive qualities, they communicate meaningful signals and excite ecstasy or rapture among the spec­ tators. The total experience which they transmit derives from a 'gestalt' of the visual and aural patternings or configurations which are part of and confined within the dramatic for® and the style of acting. (b) The Dramatis Personae The 'masks' of the masques are distinguishing in their charac­ teristics. There are three types of character-portrayal: Mytho­ logical, symbolical and sociological characters. Each type is distinguished by its mask: (i) Mythological characters: The character is depicted usually through a wooden head-mask carved to reveal certain pre­ vailing characteristics of the deity or mythical hero. Attached beLoui frf the head-mask is a face-cover, usually made of cloth and worn like a sack with two holes bored through to enable the actor to C see. Examples are: ObatAla, SdngtJ and sometimes G-el&de. 5. See plates, Nos. 70 & 71 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 70: Head-masks: QbH4la and S&ngrf. (Ak^reburu, Infsha) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 71 ■ Head-masks and Pace-masks: Gfelddrf, brl^Oko, T̂ fpi, ipa-Ode, S&ng6 and ?l^nu-Wamb9 , respectively*. *(By Mhdness of J.R.O. Ojo, University of Ife). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 279 Where the mythological character is a totem animal, a rea­ listic attempt is made to create a representational image through the use of a head-mask made of wood, leather or cloth and a painted costume. Examples are: The Leopard and the Alligator.6 (ii) Symbolic Characters: These are mainly satirical charac­ ters. Some represent the living riddles of the times symbolically portrayed while others are personified slogans with abstract concepts. Examples^ are: 1. The G-ossip 2. The Nosey 3. The Avaricious 4. The Buck-tooth 5. The Mumps 6. The Moron 7. The Prostitute 8. The Drunkard 9. The Dunce. The carved face-masks are made of wood. The head-cover is distin­ guished by the wearing of a hat o-r a head-gear by male and female 0 characters, respectively. 6. See plates, Nos, ~J2 & 73• 7. See plates, Nos, 74 & 75• 8. See plates, Nos, J6 & 77- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ' UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY V UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY M j L .I m --- _ — ^ — - __ ___— it - No. 74: Face-Masks: Personified slogans with abstract oonoepts. (Ak^rdburu, Inisha). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY w * s m UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ■----------- - - — ■ ' - --------------------------- To. 77: The Female G-^mb&ri ̂ /Hausjj7. Note: 1. The use of a head-gear: the scarf is tied under the jaw. 2. The^'kbbl' /porticcy' of the palace of the Oldtan of Otan Aiyegbaju is in the background. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 280 (iii) Sociological Characters: There are two types of characters under this category: 'Stranger' elements and 'non­ stranger' elements of the Yoruba society* The 'stranger' ele­ ments wear carved face-masks bearing distinctive tribal marks or other characteristics. Examples 9 are: 1. The Whiteman 2. The Tapa 3. The Gdmbarl 4. The IdAhomi. The 'non-stranger' elements are mainly Yoruba village and insti­ tutional characters. No carved wooden masks are worn. Instead, the face is covered by a cloth-mask and the character is distin­ guished by a typical head-cover. Examples^ are: The Bride and Groom, the Policeman. At Imalk, there was an interesting difference between the representation of the living and the dead 'dramatis personae'. The artists wished to portray three well-known political figures, one alive and two recently assassinated. The living figure (Chief Awolowo) wore a cloth face-mask distinguished by a brass-rimmed pair of spectacles and a fez hat. One of the dead figures (Chief Akintola) had a oarved wooden face-mask showing his tribal face 9. See plates, Nos. - 68j also plate, No. 78. 10. See plates, Nos. 69 & 3 9^. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. ~J8: Stranger Elements: The Whiteman face-mask - Two different conceptions. (Akdrdburu, lnxsh&). ! UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 281 marks on the face while the other (the Sarduana of Sokoto) had a white turban as the head-cover. What is significant in these differences is the conception of the Yoruba artist of the 'persona* of the living and the dead. (c) Convention: The Yoruba view of drama can be summed up in Hamlet's famous advice to the players: ...The purpose of playing, whose end both at the first and now, was and is, to hold as 'twere the mirror up to Nature; to show Virtue her own feature, Scorn her own image, and the very age and body of the time, his form and pressure.^ The purpose of the masque-dramaturg is both revelatory and didac­ tic but his meaning is only comprehensible if his technique is familiar. The interpretative element is indispensable to any medium of communication and to the theatre most especially. The language of the Yoruba theatre is peculiar to it but it is utili­ zed through a fora that is common and familiar. All Yoruba art- forms are based on poetic imagery and symbolism. The masque is a 'symphony' combining the rescources of mask, chant and dance. 'While the whole masque is improvisational, the three root-elements are fixed or static. The artist makes a statement; sometimes explicit, sometimes implicit. But his?portrayal of the illusion of truth is aided by the fact that his dramatic technique is the essence of the 11. Shakespeare: Hamlet Act III, Sc. 2 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY • 282 theatre - a synthesis of imagination, manner and, material, . 12 Everything performed for the benefit of an audience in a theatre (of whatever type), "must contain elements of artificiality and illusion - degrees of enlargement an' d trickery." 13 The dramatic art is based on a convention of presentational and representational action with wide gaps in its surrounding circumstances left open to be filled up by the imagination of the spectator. But the Yoruba spectator has a capacity for mental illusion and this is a proof of the sharpness of his imagination. The masque-dramaturg is interested in presenting an imaginative truth in his masques and in making a great demand on his specta­ tors through this mode of expression. The poetry of the Yoruba theatre is evocative, that is, it elicits mental images, calls upon the experience - beliefs, fan­ tasies and emotions - of the spectator without the exuberance of a narrative element. As the theatre exists for communicating poetic truth by impinging on the imagination and since the narra­ tive element is minimal, the reliance is on metaphorical statements and symbolism. The Reverend Ajayi Crowther puts the case clearly as follows: 12. Robert G-. Newton: Magic and Make-Believe, Dobson, London, 1959, p. 12. 1 3 . o£. cit., p. 18. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 283 The Yoruba are used to brevity and elegance... The poetry are in the main metaphorical. Some object is selected, to which the character intended is attributed, and some quality or other accident, is predicated of that object of sense, which is designed to figure the intended predicate.^ Although the poetic chants speak in very brief allusions, they usually refer to a long story, which Is sometimes familiar. According to Beier, the "Yoruba speak in proverbs and allusions. Often they find it sufficient to voice the beginning of a proverb - they can assume that their learned /knowledgeable/ audience is able to complete the phrase." 15 An appreciation of the stylistics of the Yoruba language is almost invariably synonymous with the appreciation of the art of the Yoruba theatre, because, as Crowther puts it, "it should seem that there is scarcely an object presented to the eye, scarcely an idea excited in the mind but is accompanied by some sententious aphorism founded on close observance of men and manners, and in many case§, of a decidedly morel tendency." 16 There is scarcely an experience which the theatre does not explore and make state­ ments upon. The ’masks' as poetic images draw out emotions when 14. Rev. S. Crowther: A G-rammar and Vocabulary of Yoruba Language. London, 1852, p. 18. 15* Beier: Three Yoruba Plays: Duro Ladipo. Mbari Publications, Ibadan, 1964, (postscript). 16. Crowther, op. oit.. p. 17. ■ - ■ / ■ - \\ , ■ ■ m .-'. . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 234 they are projected; both the actor and the Bat£-orchestra communi­ cate poetic statements which are vivid to the spectator who, as convention demands, actively participates, by joining in the refrains. The poetry of the Yoruba theatre, therefore, can be described as a dramatic art, based on a poetic language, that works through images and allusions; with a Bata-orchestra, that talks with and to actors for their appropriate reaction, in gesti­ culation, chanting and dancing; with a Chorus that joins in songs and refrains; all expressing feelings and communicating thoughts; all sharing common experiences about nature and the state of the society. The major dynamic force behind any traditional art is its power and influence upon emotional life, its sacredness and mys- ticism.^ The desire to fora an image and project that image for the purpose of identification, is an overriding force that prompted the masque-dramaturg to form images of everything that was wor­ shipped and everything that affected social life; and to attaoh to that image, the sanctity of its medium of projection. The juxta­ position of the two - the ritual and the secular - in the theatrical situation, increases the instances of vicarious participation. II. Yoruba Aesthetics:- It is necessary to make an analysis of the various artistic 17. Dr. T.A. Lambo: "Mysticism: A Major Buttress to African Art", Nigerian Daily Express. January 9, 1965. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY forms which combine to aid the understanding and appreciation of the Yoruba theatrioal art. If the primary objective of the Yoruba artist is the mutual sharing of aesthetic experience with his spectator, it is presumed that the creative artist and the specta­ tor share a common background. It is believed that a work of art has aesthetic value only to the extent that it communicates an intelligible, experiential message to its spectator. By assuming the appropriate mood, the spectator comes into contact with the personality of the artist. As a result, the spectator shares the artist's experience and vision and empathises with the work of art. What the masque-dramaturg puts into his theatrical art is a selection-from a number of art elements each of which has its own independent existence but which, through the process of synthesis, are^fused together to form one distinctive art-form. For the /ail spectator to feel aesthetic emotion with the masques he must share with and react to the same impulses and instinots as the artist. Past experience or similar historical background as much as a common environment are salient factors in aesthetics. G-enerally, Yoruba art is intimately bound up with social beha­ viour and religious life. Its aesthetics cannot, therefore, be separated from the people's concept formation and value systems. In his conceptualization, the Yoruba projects beyond the boundary of the known into the unknown. The phenomenon of 'ancestor worship' helps him to transcend himself and to commune with the vital elements UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 288 that inhabit the unseen world. Thus, his aesthetic conception is under certain influences and his thought processes are similarly affected. There are, no doubt, certain universal qualities of aesthetics which can be used to judge the theatrical art; but the values diverge. For instance, the following art-forms are evidences of the Yoruba creative genius: (i) The verbal arts (proverbs, riddles, folktales, epigrams etc.). (ii) The fine arts (carving, painting etc.). (iii) The performing arts (dancing, singing and drumming and dramatizations). They are the basis of socialigation and social control. But the theatre utilizes all three categories in a synthesis. Thus, to understand and appreciate the form and style of the theatrical art an analysis of the functional attribute of each category of art-form will have to be made. A Yo*uba aesthetic theory can only be meaningfully based on the ’gestalt' formula, namely, that the whole is more than the total sum of its parts. The Yoruba is not anxious to tell a long story or delve into complicated plots. He deals in understatements, he illustrates and explicates by symbolic gestures and metaphorical allusions. He is interested in episodes and he is skilful in improvisation. There is mutual compatibility among all artistic and cultural UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 287 disciplines. The creative arts on the one hand, as well as the oro33-currents of religion, politics, psychology and medical practice on the other, are all concatenated into one whole system. It is the fusion of all these elements that forms the Yoruba aes­ thetic theory. The fusion is, however, established by myth - a state of mind which conditions the individual as well as the group to adopt a system of belief and a way of life, with problems and their solutions left to those with specialised knowledge and the direct intervention of the gods. Thus, the importance of periodic consultation with Ifa (Oracle) and the significance of what the 'Odu' reveals. For instance, the difference between the image or face-masks 18 of the 'stranger' and 'non-stranger' elements in Yoruba society can only be explained through an aesthetic principle. The diffe­ rence lies in the way the Yoruba perceives himself and the others in his society. The 'non-stranger* is a human being while the 'stranger' is a caricature of humanity. Religion and politics influence artistic expression quite a good deal and "a holier than thou" attitude is a recongnisable Yoruba trait. Stranger-elements in society usually break the social taboos and are despised for deviant behaviours. On the other hand, the desire to be commemo­ rated a3 an individual is one of the spurs to success in the Yoruba 18* See above, p. &8Q ■ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ' m culture. This is achieved through egungun, the last ritual phase that transforms the individual into an ancestor or deity. But before this final stage is reached, the Yoruba individual is a 'non-persona' and cannot, therefore, be conceptualized by means of carved wooden face-masks. 19 It is often difficult to decide whether or not a work of art has a certain symbolic meaning. One's reaction would have to depend on one's whole philosophic world-view. Yoruba symbolism has a transcendental basis and sin artist can, consciously or unconsciously, express a spiritual meaning in his art through divine or cosmic inspiration. It re^uvas an enlightened mind to appreciate this.19 20 One cannot therefore be 30 sure that a work of art has no allego­ rical meaning simply by looking at it^and in the case of the thea­ trical art, symbolism may be explained in gesture, ohant and song. Also, a hierarchical conception pervades Yoruba aesthetics with the result that some art forms are more meaningful than others. In this regard watching a 'spectacle' will provoke in the spectator an emotion very B m t different from watching a 'revue' ; the former is ritualistic in essence while the latter is humanistic. It must be explained that the dominant value-system in Yoruba aesthetics was, at a certain time, hierarchical. Yoruba civilization developed a 19. This is explicated by the differences in the face-masks of the three political figures described above. (See p.<28©). 20. See plate, No. 79* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY lrr« typical of African art. Intellectual I l r r r His llisiin i*** th r T im l o f Kdr. Oba U « f r II a Voruba in - rapport IH Irrlu a l in hi» own r ia h l »rrm * to br drri- * in t rtnolional and in- tr llr r tu a l d r lia h l from A Y O R t'R A wood -car- thi» m a*lrrp ir< r. ' ins r» « d f» in lm -r rould br *rrn by hi* rx - rm ollonalixn i and in trl- prr**ton ~ 1 Wood-carving: emotionalism and intellect. (Dr. T.A. Lambo: Prom f Nigerian Daily Express, January 8, 1965) - UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 289 hierarchical system and in Yoruba culture there was a hierarchical way of thinking and organising things whioh, no doubt, extended to \ the arts. For instance every theatrical performance divides sharply into two - the 'idan* or 'spectacle' and the ' efe' or 'revue'. In the first category the most important aspect of action is suggested (presentational style); the characters are mainly mythological and heroic figures. In the second category action is represented (re­ presentational style) and the characters are drawn from life. The aotor of the 'spectacle' has to put himself in the right state of mind 30 that what he does can be seen-by the spectator from a dis­ tance and be believed. The actor of the 'revue' and the spectator co-mingle and both share the fun of dramatic participation through interplay. In spite of the fact that Yoruba religion was also hierarchical, it allowed for flexibility and consequently the disposition of the individual became fluid. The reason for this flexibility might be the result of the thinking in Yoruba that both 'Olodumare' or the Supreme God and the '6ris&' or deity lived in separate spheres. AIL ■Hie 'orisb' or the 'irunmolV, men and animals operated within the same sphere of influence, namely, 'ile' (earth) and affected one another variously while 'Olodumare' operated in 'orun' (heaven) and judged all things. The belief in rebirth and transmigration were also important factors. So, the individual was capable of having mystic experience which could provide him with unusual knowledge UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 230 and he could, therefore, attribute the source of his creativity to communion with the supernatural. The dichotomy in the Yoruba's perception of things can also be used to explain the simultaneous existence of the profane and the sacred as elements within the same plane. Thus, the artist can treat a mythological character satirioally without reservation.21 No attempt has been made in this chapter to write a Yoruba aesthetic theory. 22 Since it is recognised that a work of art only communicates intelligibly with its beholder if the latter shares the same aesthetic values with the artist, it is only logical that the philosophical and religious concepts which condition the thought process of the artist and which also affect his world-view be exa­ mined. Thi3 we have done in an empirical way in order to recognise, for instance, the value of the dramatic event of the theatrical art to the spectator. Ill. Audience: ,4 The Yoruba theatre has specific obligations to its audience with whom it communicates; the audience is the necessary and 2 1. See above, pp. 216 - 228. 22. The study of aesthetics has now been extended to include the arts and related types of behaviour and experience. In the past it dealt exclusively with the philosophy of beauty. (See: Thomas Munro, Oriental Aesthetics. Cleveland, Ohio, 1965, P. 10). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY inevitable condition to which dramatic art must accommodate its means. They are not in the theatre to see life but an illusion of it. They cannot have this illusion if they are confused by artists who change their natural sentiments and sensibility. 23 The Yoruba drama started with a symbol - the egdngun. The medium afforded a natural communication-link between the individual and the ancestor. When the theatre emerged, however, the symbol took on many aspects - through presentation and representation of valid visions and vagaries of life. The new projections did not in any cese change the symbolic meaning originally attached to the egungun presence. To the spectators, the masque-dramaturg was still using the egtitngun, the departed ones, to point out their own faults and foibles and laugh them to scorn. But the theatre has since then established its audience and, yet, a deep-lying religious motivation still pervades. (a) The Significance of the Theatre: The theatrical art is a vital force in society and its functions over and above divertisement are several: A society which has no formal system whereby its younger generation can imbibe the elements of its culture and strive to perpetuate them, has to invent devices 23 23. Francisque Sarcey, "A Theory of the Theatre" in Papers on Playmaking ed. Brander Matthews, Hill, and Wang, New York, 1957, pp. 124-125. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 282 whereby it can pass on information which .13 necessary for security and survival. A olose look at the subjects of the improvisations and the themes of the dramatio enactments, gives indications that the Yoruba theatre, among others, functions to provide the instruc­ tional needs of society by imparting knowledge and information in one form or another. Observation of the environment for events of social importance and their transmission, criticism of or comments on certain behaviour patterns, are features of the theatrioal presentation which, no doubt, influence the life of the individual as well as the group in society. The inclusion of moral principles in entertainment through the medium of art is a source of moral development.24 The theatre has developed its artistic form purely on the principle of emotional pleasure. Its interest in ritualistic expression is sin evidence of its basic concern for raising the spiritual voltage of the community. The ritual symbols and images of the mythological and totemistic masques for example, draw out emotion and influence habits of thought. The emotional force which they rouse as well as the aesthetic appeal which they present, provide the audience with an edifying experience. 24 24. Dr. T.A. Lambo: "African Art infuses Intellect and Emotion" Nigerian Daily Express. January 8, 1965* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The ceremony of communing with ancestral spirits provides a therapeutic weapon for the management of psychological disturban- 25 ces in the African society. A masque performance which enacts or re-enacts an incident or situation that provides a discharge or catharsis, plays a therapeutic role in society. The Atinga and the Idahomi masques are two cases in point. It has been mentioned that these masques were intended to stiffen the Yoruba spectators. Previously the ravaging activities of the'Idahbmi'army and the ‘Atinga1cult in certain parts of the Yoruba society were frightening. Considered within the social situation, therefore, these masques were intended as 'learned* patterns of response to 'stress'. By exposing the spectators to experience aggression through the masques, they were being conditioned to the therapeutic theory of catharsis which suggests that playing out evil lets off steam and that any cathartic discharge of emotion can produce a lasting psychological adjustment. Since the masques are still regarded by the spectators as influenced by the spirit of the ancestor, any manipulations of the material world by the masque-dramaturg, play a decisive part in the life of the people; emotional sharing is a factor in group psychology. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 294 (b) Magic and Make-Believe: The Yoruba spectator knows very well that there is a human being inside every mask, but he believes that the mask is potential and that once an individual enters into it he achieves a state of psychic fusion with the anoestor and, therefore, becomes able to demonstrate supernatural attainments. By the same token, the 'transformations’ in the theatre are variously believed by tradi­ tional spectators to be real transcendent manifestations of the metaaorphie power which the masque-dramaturg possesses. There are various reasons why a traditional spectator main­ tains these, attitudes. Firstly, as long as the spectator is going to identify the theatrioal show with acts of the ancestral spirit or the egtingun , so long is he going to find it difficult to separate the element of theatrical make-believe from the incidence of magic; both of which assume the semblance of reality in their effect on the spectator. Secondly, the Yoruba's belief in transmogrification is carried into theatrical experience and the spectator sees the theatrical transformations as the effeot of magic which changes the shape and appearance of the individual actor into the actual character of his portrayal. This belief is explained in the following dirge: 0 ku tctn, 6 d'ewure olu-Jewe. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 295 6 kri tan, d d'kgbtan olu-j'imq. 6 ku tan, 6 d*alamo ti'jeun 1'eb& ogiri. Ha is dead, He becomes the goat that feeds on leaves. He is dead, He becomes the sheep that feeds on palm-leaves. He is dead, 2g He beoomes the lizard that feeds along the walls. Since the spectators accept the theatrical performance as being provided by the egungun or masked ancestral spirits, they do not therefore, have to challenge or question the 'disguise' and 'pre­ tence' elements which are the essence of performance. Thirdly, the belief in magic and the acceptance of the premise that all creation is spectacularly imbued with vital force, over­ ride the spectator's disposition. For him magio has a utilitarian purpose and there is truth in the use of charms. G-aha, the power­ ful Bashorun of the eighteenth century Oyo empire,was famous for his transformation charms. "He was credited with the power of being able to convert himself to a leopard or an elephant, and on this account was much feared." 27627 26. Cited in IcLowu, Olodumare, p. 200. 27. Johnson, o£. cit., p. 178. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Fourthly, a non-literate society is non-self-analytical in the following sense: The individual cannot easily anatomise his societal institutions in terms of the logical and the non-logioal, the empirical and the ritual, or the scie-n tific and the mystical. 28 / He therefore actualizes rather than intellectualizes, normally. His world is undifferentiated and he hardly draws the distinction between the natural and the supernatural, the abstract and the con­ crete. He carries the seme world-view into the theatre where animals, plants, objects, natural forces and abstract entities like laughter, disease and hunger are humanized in performance. According to Lucas, the "Egunguns claim the power to metamor- phose themselves to animals and to change their sex" and this I m ­ posture is taken in by the gullible spectator who^aea^aot see "a^/eioes make-believe by means of dress or skin of animals"^0 worn by the actor. The story of metamorphosis having taken place during theatrical presentations in the past are widely circulated; among those often cited are: Olufale d'er&, 6 b'er& I9I Aiyelab^la d'ere, o b'ere lo'. 289 28. E.N. Obieohina, "Transition from Oral to Literary Tradition", Presence Afrioaine. No. 63, 1967, pp. 158-9. 29. Luoas, o£. cit., p. 138 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 297 Oluf&le metamorphosed into a boa, he passed away with the boa'. Aiyelab^lii metamorphosed into a boa, he passed away with the boa'. When the spectator is wholly detached from a work of art, either through the skilful manipulations of the artist or through some form of clever artifice, the unperceiving spectator is swept off hi* balance and carried away with the make-believe. Detachment can be the result of a psychical or an aesthetic distance. But in this ease, the distance does not permit of total detachment from the spectacle because the spectator is empathically involved. In the theatrical arena, the actor assumes the personality of the character he portrays but his transformation into this character takes place off-stage at a place concealed from the gaze of the spectator. It is, of course, the theatrical make-believe that persuades the spectator that things are not what they seem. The element of illusion which works on him like magic, catches up with his belief in the reality of the theatrical transformation. Thus, by the process of aesthetic distance and the result of a psychio fusion with the product of the dramatic actualization, the specta­ tor is confirmed in his belief that some vital force is present in the theatrical arena. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 298 In the cultic arena, on the other hand, there is no spectator, there is no risible impersonator^ every one present is a partici­ pant in the ritual observance or ancestor-worship. Therefore, every one comes under the spiritual influence of the 'ancestral mask' who is believed to possess a metamorphic power. He can be disembodied, he can be materialised. By an act of faith, the participant believes in the reality of the transformation of the ancestor into a masquerade. He is forbidden to move near or touch this masquerade for fear of incurring the death penalty. The organisers of the theatre while still retaining their association with the cultic group and going under the classifica- tory name of 'egungun', cannot but strengthen the impression which still persists in the mind of their unperceiving and undiscrimina­ ting spectators. It is true that this position helps them to influence their spectators in many respects and so none of the artists would like to expose the source of their 'theatre tricks' that help them to build up the illusion they sell off^readily to /so the gullible spectators. Theatre tricks are devices which can be used to heighten theatre experience. 31 When trieks, as a method of achieving 13 31. Sareey believes that as part of the convention of the theatre, oertain tricks should be inherent in the drama and should be established as laws. (See: op. eit., p. 124). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 299 illusion, are used cleverly and effectively, they can help bring about the moments of magic which illuminate all theatre experience.32 "The quality of magic in the theatre is indefinable, yet it can, more than anything else perhaps, make theatre-going an unforget­ table experience, transforming in an instant any aspect of theatre- craft." 23343 Imagination is the life-blood of the Yoruba theatre; ’magic' is its particular enchantment; both are achieved through the way and mannerAthe masques are presented to the audience. For a long/in. w/hidn time many an unperceived spectator could not recognise the 'magic and make-believe' of the theatre as an element of illusion. He formed identification with the ancestral spirit whose 'mask' has been carried into the masques and he believed that the theatrical occasion was designed only to enchant and edify him. Increased sophistication has, however, relieved him of this primeval belief;ajr»d now the magic-wand is broken'. However, the moment of 'willing suspension of disbelief' which constitutes poetic faith still per­ sists in this theatre. This is also strengthened by the fact that, for the Yoruba, "there is an intense and emotional link between magic, religion and social organization and creativity"*3^ 32. Newton, oj>. cit., p. 21. 33. ibid. 34. Lambo, "African Art infuses Intellect and Emotion", op. cit. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3GU and he believes in the inter-dependence between artistic creation and the manipulation of the unknown world. (o) Cultural Syncretism: By the concept of cultural syncretism which persists in the Yoruba world-view, there is a harmonious co-existence between the theatre-groups who utilize the resources of the egungun for the material promotion of their trade, and the oult-groups who seek to maintain the sanctity of the egungun and its identity as a secret organisation. The two organisations do not seem to clash even though the theatre-group never makes Asecret of the reality of the /a, man in his mask. It can probably be assumed that the Yoruba believe that the oultus is a deeply religious organisation which uses the theatre as one of its functions and therefore a member of one can participate .in the other without infringement. Moreover, the oo-existence of the profane element within the matrix of the saored in most Yoruba religious institutions can be explained in terms of the eonoept of cultural syncretism. It is customary that the individual maintains a joking relationship with his 'brlsd'. He can humour or tease him while at the same time treat him with awe and reverence. This attitude admits of the existence of a philosophic mind which is both idealistic and pragmatic. There is nothing in the world-view of the Yoruba which is absolute and eternal. He believes that the world behaves like UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m chameleon and changes all the time. This in fact is one of the Teasing remarks of the ereangun during his annual Tisitation: "Bfrf l'oko nda; TlydC l'aiJ 9 nyf". The canoe overturns suddenly; Life is for ever changing. Some people have taken the view that Toruba cultural syncre­ tism is an explanation of an ethos which smacks of ambivalence, to say the least; that there is lack of definiteness in the Toruba 'image'. This is extended to the normal recourse he takes to expressing himself through metaphor and poetic images as meaning that he never wants to be matter-of-fact. The Toruba theatre thrives on the same style of life. Cultural syncretism may, by extension, account for the existence of religious syncretism among the present organisers of the theatre* A good many of the extant masque-dramaturgs that were interviewed, belong to the Muslim frith. One would not expect this situation to exist, knowing of course the Islamio view on image-making and caricaturing. Tet, the retort usually given is: "Imale kd ni ka ma se UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The Islamic faith does not prevent us from performing our lineage rites. Bven the Yoruba Moslem recaptives of Freetown about the middle of the nineteenth century practised syncretism: Peterson, "the Aku ̂ Yoruba/ tended to be Moslem only in religious belief. Their pattern of life remained essentially Yoruba. A strong Moslem minority insisted on the continuation of the Agugu The concept of syncretism in Yoruba culture may, indeed, explain the reason why the theatre with its artistic freedom has not completely severed its ritualistic links with the cultus. This may also be the factor militating against the complete secularization of the theatre and the disposal of the 'mask' as a means of disguise. 35. John Eric Peterson, Freetown, op. cit., p. 294. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY P A R T F I V 2 The Artistes UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY C H A P T E R S E V E N 303 Biography of Great Professional Dramaturgs: In this chapter the background of some of the great artistes of the theatre will be delineated. The purpose will be to indicate how the theatre has been promoted after the progenies of the bb&^ had established professional masque-dramaturgy, to show how professionalism has become such an attractive proposi­ tion as to bring in people from other lineages and to describe to what extent the memory of the progenitors of the theatre has been perpetuated. I. 6 g b & :- Professionalism in masque-dramaturgy has been traced to Es& Ogbfn, a native of Ogbojo, also called 01<$gbin Arepa. His real or personal name was Babdjid^. It is not certain who exactly his father was, but he is referred to as "fesa 6gbfn omo Aladafi" (fesA 6gb£n offspring of Al^dafa). The Al^dafa lineage is said to have descended from Obanlja, an offspring of the Oloba.2 &sA 6gb£n is believed to have lived during the reign of King Abi^dun, about the later part of the eighteenth century. The following synoptic structure from a collection of his 'Ord-kl'^ 1. Ologbin Oldgbojo, founder of the theatre, is said to be a worshipper of ObAtalA. (See also Adeboye Babalola, Awpn Oriki Oril&. Collins', 1967, p. 47). 2. See above, pp. 76-77. 3. Prom 12 3Orikl Iran Oldgbin’ . See: Adeboye Babalola, oj>. cit.. pp. 91-103. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 304 reveals how Esa Ogbin stepped into the shoes of the great Ologbin Ologbojo, founder of the theatre A The dialogue went on like this: Narrator: "Baba onikaluku ti f mo%'le*’ ara dgbojo, Nwon ni nibo ni won i-gbe ibi ,/olobj/ omo won si? Nwb• n l’awom n kb mom ibi nwo«n gbd olobi omo won s£. Esa bgb£n wa/ bi nwdn n ,ile/ ar& dgbojb. Nwoa^ n ni bo ni nwo*n i-gbe* ibi omo w?n si. Nwdn ni oju ina Ni e ma a gbi ibi omo lo L'^fi nje omo apd ini." Esb 6gbin: "Soosio' ti se gerdwuj Wo ike' Olo'gbojo l'ihin mi, Bamkomle." Narrator: "Paa,9 o1 kun'. Esa 6gb£n ara bgbojo, Sogbin-yokel 4 . See above, pp . 136-158. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Esa bgbin ard bgbojo, Ard ode Ogbdluke. 'M<« Sb•6 sddd.7 o« mo« onike-b•o lum•o. iti kbto, ati kdro, Mdrlndinlogun ni 6be ldkunle bgbin. G-bogbo re Id gbd ils'awo. lisa bgbin ara Ogbojo". gsk bgbin: "Cwd iya mi, e bd mi wa §uku suku eja. A le ld - a le le - k le le '. Barawi kan mbe l'ona t'fcsi.*1 "Mo mookun mi o*tun Mo fi ka iddn ire•r e•- irfe* re•, Mo m6okun mi osi Mo fi ka iddn 'rf• cr•d -lrb• re«. Aind n'iyd Oldgbojo i jd, Mdldmdll l’obdge, Moladê id b'eegdn 1'dmo." a a * Narrator: ” Obidlr an Obi o ni jkye l ’Esa. Kaka k'dbirin d j'oye l'Esa, Ilesanmi l'obirin yi d ma a je'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY O« mobo*sade, Onxke-bolumo, Kengbe agbala, Agbodo-yo'ku'." H ’ijo a^faeegun ti bs' awo,^ Agbate baba re di mbfa, Won kb m'awo; Eku di mefa y Won kb so 'gbale, lie lb ti k6• b*ku rb. 0r£ pepeiye L'eku gbd faya. igutan lb je k'awc b baje L'oju elbklri nl ' joun. Igi baba ni £ gbb s’awo, Oba Olusanyin. Ogogo lb da owb 'bode silb." Narrator: "Every lineage-head who knew the Ogbojb lineage Was asked where they keep the 'after-birth' of their children. They all said they knew not Where they keep their 'after-birth'. 5 5. The word 'awo' which means 'secret' or mysteries of the egnngdn to the cult-group^means the 'secret of disguise' to the theatre-group. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Isa bgbin then asked those of the bgbojb lineage, g Where they keep their ' after-birth' . They replied that it's in front of the fire-stove, That the after-birth is kept... That's why they call them those from the fire-side." ksh dgbin: "I can bilk and bulk large'. Look at Oligbojd's hump at my back, Bamkdle." Narrator: "Wonderful'. I salute you', isa bgbin, citizen of bgbojo, The contrived hunch-back. bgbin, citizen of bgbojb, Dweller of the court at bgb^ldkd”, The one honoured by the Crown,7 The contrived hunchback. With nooks and corners all told, Theare are sixteen at bgbin's backyard. In them he performs all his secrets. $!sa bgbin, citizen of bgbojb." W bgbin: "My mother's valets, Please fetch me the best of fish, So that people may know v There's a great actor in Esa." Kneeling on my right knee I folded resplendent masque-costumes. Kneeling on my left I folded dull ones.67 6. By being told where the bgbojo lineage kept their 'after­ birth' , ftsk bgbin was initiated into the secret of the great mas que-dramaturg, 01 pp. 12-14, narrated the story of one appren­ tice-actor whose body was exposed when he was playing the Duck Masque. As a result he was fined by the cult-group for violating the egdngtfn secret. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY To all and sundry. He U3ed his father's masks for his trade, King Olusanyin. ^ bg>f, it was, who introduced the toll” . fesd dgbxn depended on the inspiration he got from his carver for his masques. Fortunately for him, he had blood relationship with Lagbayf, the descendant of the great carver Olojowbn, and Alaran, the great costumier: ”Ki l'Esa f)gbxn yx o rx r<£ b'ori r'ode re 4 jo ni'.jq o jb bd td? G-bogbo edgun ilê wa Aran ma l'as• o*. Omo xyd 1'aja bun bbo • Omo bya ni nwc/n, Won kx x se'yekan". What will ipsa 6gbxn put on when the time comes for him to go out? All the masqueraders in our house wear velvet. The dog and the monkey are born of the same mother'. They are brothers not brethren. 12. The actors were exposed to being tempted on many occasions by members of other secret organizations who wanted to impose on them. When they fell prey, they were accused of exposing the eaungun secret and then penalised. 13. bgbgo', the Alagbka, introduced the toll so that every troupe that wanted to perform obtained his permission by paying the necessary tax. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 310 ksa bgbin has, indeed, become the ancestor of all those who have taken to the profession of masque-dramaturgy. Before they begin any performance, they salute him and give him their pledge: 'pe fesk or (p'fes4). Consequently, they have come to be known as 1apqsa* (callers on Esa). Ey coincidence, their poems which are a hotch-potch of selected themes on various aspects of Toruba life, from the lineage down to the lowest animal in the Toruba world, are called '%s&’ How IsisA bgbin was exposed as an Impersonator of Ologbojo: 'Odu bturtip^ngbb* Terse:- ”Ot6ru pon'gbe'. Adifa fun bturu Ti o pon'gbe t'o pe e ni ike. Adifa fun Bata Ti yib fi ike Oturu han. 4 Bata l'Ologbojo l-jo, O• mo• onike re• mo® -reu mPo". "Oturu has carried the gourd on his back'. Thus decreed the Oracle to Oturu Who fastened the gourd round his back And called it a hump. 14. In the Oyo dialect of Yoruba there is confusion between 's' and (sh). 15. This 'Odu' was narrated to me by kindness of Alagba Agboola' Ade'ni ji. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 311 Thus decreed the Oracle to Bata Who will expose the hump of bturu. Bata is Ologbojo's musician, Son of the one with the sharp hump.” Narrative: "Oturu is not Ologbojo's son. He is a liar. He mounted a gourd on his back and donned it and said, 'Can't you see Ologbojo's hump on my back?" Before Ologbojo died he had said that whoever came to dance with the hump on his back was his heir, and he should inherit his mantle. Oturu (l£sa Ogbin), decided to snatch the mantle through the means of a disguise. He strapped a calabash round his chest and fastened a gourd on his back; then he donned a replica of the Ologbojofs garment and stepped forward. He danced and ohanted after the manner of Oldgbojb to the admiration of all the spectators. But he went to extremes and angered his Bata-drumaer when he insisted on dancing before the Alafin, the King. 'I want to show all and sundry that I am the legitimate heir of Oldgbojo', he insisted. When they stepped into the portico of the palace, Bkta changed his tune and started saying: Batd:1^ Oturu pon 'gbe, Pen 'gb£'. Oturu pon 'gbe, 0̂ pon gba'. 6 pon gb£'. 16 . In Esa 6gbin's 'oriki' he is referred to as "Esa Ogbin, $ni Bata bk l'ahln je" (fesk Ogbin, the one whose faked hump was ruined by the Bata). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY n z Otilru carries a gourd, Carries a calabash', bttird carries a gourd, He carries a calabash'. He carries a calabashl In spite of Beta's attempt, talking through his drum to expose the impersonator, a huge number of people surged round to see the splendour that marked bttfcru's performance. The Alafin then quietly invited bti£ru to the inner room to investigate what the Bata had been saying. The deceit was found out but Otiiru was pardoned. The king announced that he had found Oldgbojo's heir and he was pleased to give the mantle to btdru. fesa 6gbxn's 'Oriki': " W k 1'bgbxn, 01($gbojo. Babajxde, omo asunk^ bi e nl sun'wo. Gukan l‘|hxn Adafa. 3&sa bgbxn, a ta'dx reke', A gifn regx l'ab^ aso. 6 d'onko barawl l'ona lisa. K^ker4 Ogbxn, nvrdn jare bgbxn, Nw^n a f'aso b'orx, Nw6n a ma a s'eVgun je. (3 ba s'e^gi6i je, b ma a'oro je, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 313 Babajid^, $mo asunke b£ e nx sun'wo. Ikl re kb jo t'Oya K ’A gbe o f'Oya. G-ukan re* kb jo• t'brl4s.d K'^ gbe' o f ’Oo^a l'Awe. Ike bjbncLA l'odik^-aatl^eye. Omo on£k^ ehxn Oba, Igba eegun eny£n di 'r£nwo'. Solo, sala eegun, Babajxde, Esa, o f'ode gbogbo s’akanrxn, A r'eegrin sin’ao de'l^ oko. Olbgbojo, Sogbdnyok^, Olbgbin Arepa, Babajxde'mo onxke 'la-yeni. Lejlt-lbjo ara Ogbojo, Eni bata ba l'ehin j^. A r'eegun s' ire, Ara/ Ox gbojo\ 9B \ 10 agq l'olu/ aso." is 6gbin, Olbgbojo. Bab6jide, son of one who carries the hump like carrying a haversack. The bulwark of Adafa. §ak Ogbin, takes a dance pose and poises smartly under the shroud, Becomes the amiable stroller that UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 314 plies the road to 1\j !sv a.\~i The least bgbin, does better than the greatest Ogbin. They get into a shroud and mimick the mummer. Better not mimick the mummer, don't mimick the cult. Babajfde, son of one who carries the hump like carrying a haversack. Your hump is unlike that of Qya For us to make you a gift of Qya. Your posturings are unlike those of Ori^a x v v For us to hand you over to Orisa at Aw?. A make-believe hump has now become a hump to pride onself on. Son of the hunch-back at court, Your two-hundred mummers have become four-hundred'. The mummer who troops from place to place. Babdjxde, Esa, who makes every outing an occasion for performance. You who give away your daughter in marriage with a company of mummers. Ologbojo, contriver of the hump, Ologbin, the carrier of painted masks. Babajide, son of the one with a fitting hump. The blusterer, citizen of dgbojb; One whose back was ruined by the Bata-drummer, Who uses ancestral masks for entertainment. Citizen of bgbojo, son of the one whose best outfit is the shroud." Isa bgbxn's troupe and 'repertoire' surpassed those of Ologbin Ologbojo. While the latter had only entertained the Court, flattered and amused the governing class, Esa 6gbxn took 17* has been used here to indicate the name of the place of sojourn of ijlsk 6gbin. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the theatre to the masses, the grass-roots. Through him the theatre became popular and attracted people from other lineages who wanted masque-dramaturgy as a career. II. Extinct Professionals All theatrical troupes or companies adopt professional names by which their ' oje' are known. Some of these names have been identified as sobriquets; others are patronymic having derived from the lineages of great professional masque-dr anaturgs. One main difficulty which has arisen in tracing the genealogies of leaders of extinct troupes has been that of telling the real or personal names from the professional ones. One example is that of Esa dgbin who is popularly but erroneously called Ol^gbin or Ol^gbojo. The source of confusion has arisen from the fact that it was Esa 6gb£n who inherited the mantle of Ol^gbin Olo'gbo jo believed to be the 'father1 of the theatre. In view of this, when the praises of Olo'gbin Olbgbojo are chanted, it is usual to include those of Esa 6gbin or vice versa, with the result that the two personages appear to be one and the same, injspite of aownfe hundred years thatajce known to have separated the former from the latter. It is clear from this that ijjlsa 6gbin adopted 'Ologbojo* as his professional name UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY There are professional masque-dramaturgs whose names have been handed down; but it is still difficult to know whether the given names are those by which their troupes were called or were personal names. For instance, AmugbeWm1^ the reputed masque-dramaturg of the first half of the nineteenth century is believed to be a descendant of Olo'gbojo but was popularly called 'Aaugbekun' which seems like a personal name. In the case of bjongbodu, however, the personal name of the masque-dramaturg i3 Ojetunde'. bjongbodu, which seems like the professional name of the troupe, is also the name of the settlement where Ojetunde lived as the following 'oriki' indicates: "Ngo re 'gbo, Ngo lo m'obo. Ngo r ’qdan, Ngo7 lo m'awere. Ngo r'Ojongbodu, Ngo' re e m'Qjetunde, Oba ninu Labala." I'll go to the forest, To know the monkey. I'll go to the gmaSaistrid^ To know the ape. I'll go to 0jongbodu To admire <)3̂ trinde, King of the Histriones. 18. See above, p. 1$8. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 317 L^mon^kun is the professional name of another troupe. It is said that the masque-dramaturg was the originator of the Iyawo Masque. From an analysis of the name 'L^monikun', one gets the idea that it is a sobriquet and that the personal name of the leader is lost. When Lpmpniikun started his show, he came on as an expectant-mother, but was delivered of the baby at the end of the show. There is a masque at Imala which is a good reminder of Lomcpxkun's . It is performed by the Lebe troupe but the present leader cannot now trace their origin to the great Lofeonikun. The fame of the Lomonxkun troupe is summarised in the following 'oriki': "B'o pidan-pidan, 0 ^ la wo 'ie okltl; Bi i ti LIo nwI nxkun ko•C" "You may perform spectacular feats, Ifcit you cannot sink into the earth Like Lpmpnikun." There are great professional troupes whose names have been perpetuated either by their own descendants or by those of other lineages who have adopted them. This class of names has been described as 'patronymic' because they are derived either through an ancestral line or through a beneficiary. The two earliest UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 318 professional names which come under this category are Lebe and Eiyeba. Both names are mentioned in Odu dturupon Meji as those of great masque-dramaturgs: Qrxki L^be: "Iru Lebe kb si ninu eegun, Ko si orisa tx yi o se bi Ogun l'^gbede; Afi Ij{mere ti npe ara re nx •loogun." wIn masquerading, there is none .̂ike Lebe. In smithing, no deity can rival Ogun. Except in magic in which Ijxmere20 claims to be a master." Eiyeba is reputed for beauty in dance, mime and chant as the following 'oriki' indicates: Qrxki ftjy^ba: "Okekft E ki Eiyeba 6 rA'dii Hiy§ba’. Eiye a r ’edx ke’. Eiyeba’. 19. I am grateful to Mr. Wande/ Abxmbola', formerly of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, for mentioning this to me as contained in his Odu collections. 20. Ijxmere was Ol^gbere Igan’s other name. He was an adept in transformation. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 319 ^iye a gb'ori igi d'oko, T'bjo t'oda l'Eiyeba rin." "bkflci\ Let Eiyeba shake his waist in dance Eiyeba'. The Bird that dances with his waist, Eiyeba'. The Bird that copulates on the tree-top, IJiyeba strolls, be it wet or dry." The professional names of these earliest troupes have become attractive to and been kept alive by some living professionals none of whom could trace any lineage link with the original troupes. It is believed that the troupes flourished before the fall of the metropolis of the Oyo empire and that subsequent dispersal was the factor responsible for the difficulty which now exists in tracing pedigrees. Ill. Extant Professionals: Great professional names like Aiyelabola, Agbdgijd' and Ajof <̂ ebo' are widespread. They are found to be names of troupes located in Ibadan, Oshogbo and Oyo, respectively, which operate as travelling theatres. These names are also found among the troupes in Egbado division, Otta and Abeokuta areas which operate "sedentary theatres."* Both Aiyelabbla^ and Agbegijo^ are believed *Thi3 refers to performances by players who, although professionals, do not roam about as a custom. Sometimes they operate as 'resident theatres'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 320 to be the professional names of troupes that once flourished in Old Oyo. The location in the Egba and Egbado areas of troupes with these professional names, and the nature of -their especial sedentary roles, are indications of their historical past. 21 The origin of Aj^f^elx^ as a professional name is obscure. The name is obviously a sobriquet and must have been assumed by a troupe that first performed before a party of whitemen. It has been suggested that it was conferred on the troupe that performed for the amusement of Captain Hugh Clapperton and his party in 1826 at Old Oyo. Other troupes have been found to go by the name. The leader of the present Aj6fd^bi^ troupe at Oyo, for instance, said that he adopted the name for inspiration. Another group at Abeokuta was given the appelation after a successful performance before the Resident at an Agricultural Show2 2 at Abeokuta during the early part of this century. The following is a biography of the leaders of some of the extant professional troupes. The selection has been made to indicate their particularity, the extent of the development of 21. See above p. 165. 22. The Agricultural Show was designed by the Colonial adminis­ tration for the exhibition of crops by an assemblage of farmers. But it was also a great ’durbar' where the British representative met the Obas and Chiefs of a particular province amidst great festivities. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 321 professionalism and the growth of the theatre: 1 . AiyAlab<£ltf: (Ibadan) (a) genealogy: bjedlji b j & W Ol^j&de bjeleke.*^ (b) History: Aiyelab<£L^ is the professional name of the troupe said to have been founded by the 016we of Owe. During the Fulani war bwe was attacked and burnt down; but the Olowe managed to escape with his children, bjediji whose former name was Omidlji, was the son of the daughter of the 01<£we. It was this woman who inspired her son to become an 'bjV» histrione. At Inisha, near Ikirun where they lived, Omifilji was started off by his mother, changed his name to bj£dij£ and assumed 'Aiye^ab&La' as the professional name of his troupe. When he died, his mantle fell on his twin son, bj£l&d^. It was through bj^ldd^ that the troupe became the most famous in the area. It was while entertaining the 01<£kuku of bkuku, near ikirun, one day, that Ojelade eaught the attention of Ijayi bgb^riefon, the Balogun of Ibadan, who was at that time staying with the 0l6kuku to prosecute the war against the Ijesha-Ekiti - Ilorin 23. My informant is Alfegbh bjeleke who is the present leader of the troupe. He is about 90 years old and remembers his grandfather very well. Interviewed on October 18th, 1965. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY alliance at the embarkment of the btin.^ A jayi Ogb<$riefon was, however, more interested in finding a quick end to the war than being enchanted by bj^l&d^'s divertissement. So the Balogun asked him for assistance to win the war and promised to reward him with a high office in Ibadan after the war was over in their favour. It is said that bj^ldd6 went to the war front disguised (costumed) as the Whiteman with a dane-gun in hand. This stratagem worked; the enemies fled before him as they could not fight the ghost of a whiteman'. The battle ended in favour of Ibadan in December 1878. Ijayi dgbdriefon was highly pleased to meet bjdlhd^ who a.»*r«ar»0ed. to return to the camp in a great masque- procession, wearing, at that time, the mask of the Warrior, bearing his ancestral image: Batd: "Aiyelab^l^, 9 ku'. b gbon'ra jlgi, 0 ku'. b bd Id gada gbamu. b f'̂ ja Ijesia j’iyan". "Myelab<£La, hail’. A great shaker hail'. If you can chase a dagger, grab it. You who ate pounded-yam With the fish of the Ijesha." 24. See above, p. 178. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 323 He became a court-entertainer to the Ibadan war-lords until his death at Ikirun^and was buried at Balogun Erinle's House. After his death, his son (Dltfĵ de was installed in his place. The new Balogun of Ibadan, A jayi Osungb^kifn, who had apparently heard of the famous 6j^l&d^, invited 01ojede, to join the Ibadan army at Kirijl camp to entertain them with the Aiy^lab^l^i troupe. At the end of this engagement, he was honoured as the best masque- dramaturg alive. When the war was over, the Balogun brought him and his family to live at Ibadan and elevated him to the rank of head of al1 the other professional masque-dramaturgs in Ibadan province and all areas tinder Ibadan's jurisdiction. Oltfjede died at Ibadan and the troupe was taken over by Oj&L^kk 25 one of the three sons and daughters who trained under their father. 6 jel£ke who lives at idf Ar6, L6bo, Ibadan, has travelled widely with the Aiy^labdli troupe and has trained many actors some of whom now have their own travelling companies. bjel^ke is the current ohairman of the G-uild of Actors of the Alar in jo’ Theatre. (c) The 'Iba': (The Salute) "Mo ri 'b^, mo ri 'ba - Iti& baba mi, ^ba 6* jela.de.* 25. See plate, No. 80. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 No. 80: elIke Aiyelabola: He conducts the Abiyamo /Nursing Mother/ mask during the performance held in the Gymnasium, University of Ibadan, August 1965* V UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 324 Omo su s'ago ehin ogun. bje layl&, Xqbla a m'eku wu 'nia da. 0 mu are iku wu'mo'* s*e. bje ti nja'gun kb wo po. VA fi '0 jef- lva -n\a -de/.• C$ -f'iHOln n y V(in bon kdfe. , 6 f'osi nyin ti b&bA. T'^tun t'osi ni bsola/ fi nri agba ojê . Baba Oyawale”, O• mo* Old re-ke-rd'-ke. 6 fi aij'oye yq kqbi l'Ogbe. Eni Ijayi. se n'xka Id* mo. Ire ni Ode,funso* / ste fun mi." "Behold my pledge,* I submit my pledge - Pledge to my father, Qjelade, 0 jqlade, Offspring of the one who wore the big robe with its back filled with medicines. Asola, the histrione. A?qla who uses his costume in a way that makes people want to build one. He makes ghost-mummery the attraction of all children. There are not many histriones who are also soldiers except 0je-la-na-de. He used his right hand to wield the brass gun. He used his left to wield the copper one. *It is customary for the masque-dramaturg to acknowledge the source of his inspiration. He addresses his 'father' in a ritual act wherein he submits himself as a pledge. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY He wielded the leaden barrel with his left and right. Father of Oydwale, 2g Offspring of the smart Olu. Without being a chieftain, He had a 1kbbli (portico) at bgbfe. ̂ ^>7 Only people who suffered under Ajayx can recount it. Oddfunso did me proud". (d) Repertoire: The Aiyelabdl£ troupe is reputed to have introduced puppetry into their show. These are like stiff rod- puppets, manipulated manually by someone in concealment, so that they emerge fete a great height where they are made to dance. The puppets are carved figures, usually male and female, and are called 'Erugklfe' or ’Ajdldk&lokV (One who dances in the air). A typical scene is that of love-making or seduction. The carved figure of a man emerges. He is longing for a mistress. Suddenly the female puppet (mistress) emerges and a long and tedious conversation ensues. They fall into romance and sex; then there is a kind of misunderstanding between them which results into knocking each other about. The mistress, apparently unable to stand it any more, disappears. Before the puppets emerge the BiatH. strikes j 26. This is a reference to Oliigb&r^, the first cos turned-player. 27. Ajayx Q§ungb^kun, the Balogun of Ibadan during the Kxrijl War (1879-1893). See above, pp. 198-200 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY invocation chant and there is a chorus of: Song: "Ko dlde o (2ce.) Erugile k<5 dide o "Let him (puppet) emerge (2ce.) Let Erugale emerge." When the puppets emerge the Chorus then sing: Song: "d de'. Ajdldkeloke de, Erugal^, ijo d4." "He has arrived'. He that dances in the air has arrived, Brugale, it's time to dance." The puppet-show is now very popular with the troupes, especially those located in Ibadan-Oshun areas. 28 It is usually shown as a form of 'interlude'. The following are popular masques found among others in the repertory: I. The G-imbAri (male and female scenes) II. The Pansaga (Adulteress) III. The Boa and the Tortoise29 28. See plates, Nos. 81 & 81s 29. See plate, No. 82. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 81: Puppet Theatre: Aiyelabdla, Gymnasium, University of Ibadan, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 32V IV. The Hunter (Erinle, a deity) V. The Cattle Fulani and his Cow VI. The Whiteman and Didirin (Moron). VII. §ang<£, the Miracle Worker.30 2. Aidngllfc (iragberi):- (a) Genealogy:- Aridegbdjd Aiala 6 j^yemi bduOlA.31 (b) History: Aridegbaju, a native of Pasa, was a Bat^- drummer who played for the Agbdgij<> troupe led by Tijuku AN jangihiflO towards the end of the nineteenth century. Later, he decided to be a professional actor and trained under Tijuku Ajanglla. He adopted his master's cognomen for his troupe when he became a professional. During the Kiriji War (1879-1893)> Aridegbajii became famous for his feat in reviving tired bodies and downcast minds by 30l See plate, No. 39s 31. Alagba 6duola AjdngilA, the present manager of the troupe was my informant, 2/8/67. He lives at Ir^gberi-Ede and is aged about 60. I am also grateful to F8y&k4 Ay-, X jangila, Ja' gi-le-gbd-q' oogun, Omq ab'elepo pon. bpd aj&jd ara Iresa, XkOko, mode IresA. Xjangila, a r'^jl Ogbe dimu." "Behold my pledge, I siwe my pledge, I will always give my pledge to ay father Ajangila, the governor of all costurned-players, King of all masked 'strolling-players'. The histrione who exists in the Mbjb River, The dapper histrione whose fame is a threat to other masque-players. He brings the community round (to entertain) without having to offer them wine. He offers wine without recompensing for assistance rendered him.33 33• There is a pun on the word 'otx' (wine). The allusion, in fact, is on 'entertainment'. It refers to the performer whose popularity brings the crowd round for entertainment in much the same way as people come round for entertainment (drinks) usually given by the nobility after the people had done him the ’owX' (communal service). On the other hand, Xj&nglld to show his nobility, provide wine for the enter­ tainment of people without obeying this custom. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY m A jangila, who brings down the tree to sake medicine, One whose complexion is like the oil. The Post,54 the mainstay of the people of Iresa The AkOko (Bird), prince of Iresfc. Ajangila, who finds Eji Ogbe (the Oraole) for support. (d) Repertoire; Otai 6rd (The Dead that stands) is a masque which is unique to the Ajangll^ troupe. It is a dramatic enact­ ment of a historical episode said to have taken place during the K^rlji War. Arldegb^jti, founder of the troupe, was invited by idle Ibadan war-lords to entertain them. He had bragged that his entertainment was potent enough to revive the soul of the dead. He was asked to show what he meant. He asked for a dead soldier and when he was brought, he started dancing round the corpse. At a certain stage he whipped the body of the dead three times with his horse-tail. Then suddenly, the dead soldier revived to the surprise of all the spectators. In their amazement the war-lords asked Aridegb^jvf to wait on them as their chief entertainer. Xj&lA, son of Arldegbdjd first performed the bkti dr6 masque before Captain Bower at Oyo when he travelled there to entertain the Resident. It was an enactment of the episode at the battle- front: One actor lies dead on the ground, his feet tied with a rope and his body covered with a white cloth. A second actor comes 34. A lineage totem UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 333 along, with the horse-tail to whip the dead. He chants an invocation: Actor: "Olukolb o o o'. Dd mi lohun o jdde. 0 se be f\&n Ol^gbdn, 0 ■ s• e b^• f'Ar^•sa. Jdde ko ma je k'a' or Salute:- "Mo r l 'bi, mo ri 'ba;104 40. An '&bikti' is the ohild who is bom again several times after each death. He is therefore labelled 'one bom to die'. 41. See copy of Poster: plate, No. 87. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 87: Poster: Tour of G-hana, 1965. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 333 Mo ri'ba baba mi, A digun. Omoran »2 Fai ̂obi, mo rx’.ba bhba' mi. • * * Labalaba s* e bi o<%kunrin wo'lu. O• ko• Xtddrb». 6 kb-di-sile-e-el^gan jo gbue-gbue. Ap’agbo-jo ma bun enlkan, Af'ehlnti okd ma ye. Omoran Babirinde, Mo j\lba baba mi. Omo XkAndi, A bd pe ran ni's^; Babdrlnde baba mi, Ti ngb'ori esin, 6 Aran ako, 6 riran abo. bgunttmji Akanb, Mo wa juba l’owd re, Ki nto ma a b * ere lo*. Mo wa r'iba, mo ri'ba 'ye mi, Ki nt<$ ma a b'drd ma a lo«. Omo Odewale, omo Amunuko. E k'4?in baba ko, K'blanihun ma a r'ibi jok<£. bto'ni ampw l'e• se• bi e»ga. 42. Ormhpyrtahnm mdeuarnisn g 'cQhmapn't. inIgt. is a poetical device to make up for UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Emi Akere'buru omo Jalugun. Ijo inu eku, baba 6jediran. Akdku dldl dje ti hjd bi alagbaslle. Ivo* n llu l'a ri•se'lu, Akereburu ni, 'bi a bd ti l'owd si, Ni eegun njo fun 'ni i no'. A ni 'j6 Oldja loto. A ni ti swindri lotd.H "Behold my pledge, I gtue my pledge. The pledge i£ my father^?Adigun> Son of PAjobi, I oUle my pledge to my father. The butterfly enters the town like a hero. The husband of Atddrp, He turns his back on the house of the one who derides him and dances off the bluff. One who invites the crowd to dance but monopolises the dance-space. One who has a bulwark to lean on without fear of failing. Son of Babarinde. I make my pledge to my father. Son of ikande, Whom we would have sent on errand; Babarinde, my father, Who stays on horse-back, And gives orders to the male and the female. Oguntunji Akano, I now come to give you my pledge Before I begin my performance. I, then, behold a pledge, my mother's pledge. Before I go on with my performance. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Daughter of 0dewAle, daughter of Amunuko, Let father's horse give way, So that Ql&iihtin can have a place to sit. Heat, with legs as clean as a swallow's. I, Ak^reburu, offspring of the one who throws his weight in battle; The costumed-dancer, father of Qjedlran. Akuku, the plump histrione, who demands his fee before the show. A town is aanaged according to its size. Akereburu says, 'the masquerade performs to the extent that he is paid'. We have a separate show for the Court. , , We have a separate one for the people." v (d) Repertoire;- Since he took over control of the repertory Oj^yfmi has added many new masques one of which is the GjunbAri Husbandman The 'Gambari' (Kamberri) is never known to be one who can maintain a decent living. Most of the masques portray Mm as a filthy debauched ignoramus, who is only fit to be sent on# errands. This one, however, is a hard-working farmer who has travelled down south from Kano in order to till the ground and make a livelihood. He is well dressed. He comes on with his hoe and4* 4-3 • Listing the genealogy in the 'salute' is am interesting development in AkArAburu's 'Opening Glee'. When he opens his show he efoes hi* 'pledge* first to 6gdn$£nd, the founder of the troupe and then proceeds to 'salute' Babarinde, then bgdntdnji, followed by his mother who had inspired him, before finally announcing himself to the spectators. 44 • See plate, No. 88. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 339 begins a song, showing himself to his crowd: Oloico tuntun, (2ce.) G-arabarx ti Kano de, O• l*oW tuntun. Owner of a new hoe, (2ce.) The Kamberri has arrived from Kano, Owner of the new hoe. Chorus: (Repeats the song) He goes round singing until he completes the ’circle', then he moves to the centre to begin to till the ground. But the Bata then begins to taunt him with the following abuse: B&td: ^gbf, ab'enu gbako. Xgbfe'. Igbe'. Ab'enu gbako-gbako. Farmer, you've a crooked mouth. Parmer’. Parmer'. Your mouth is awfully crooked. The Parmer, however, disregards the taunt and busies himself with hoeing and, later, harvesting. Then a girl (another G-ambari), comes along. She is ugly and scruffy. She is invited to carry off the harvested crops. She is reluctant, at first, and the Parmer taunts her: UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 340 Gonbarl: 0 l'lun 6 $’oge (2ce.) Omo l'lun 6 s'oge; Ko si tobi, ko si yeri; 6 l'lun o s’oge. She says she wants to be fashionable; (2ce.) The girl says she wants to be fashionable; She has no girlie, She has no skirt; Yet she wants to be fashionable. The girl makes up her mind and carries off the crops to the market She soon returns, well dressed, showing off a new outfit. The Parmer, showing his admiration of the girl, now sings: Gambarl: E• wa w’ohon owl s• e 1* Chorus: Owl'. Gambetrl: Owl la fi Ibl'mo« . Chorus: Owl'. G-ambarx: Owl l'a fi nkole . Chorus: Owo'. Gambari: Owl 16 Iso'ni d'agba. Owl ll ns*ewe d'dgbk. Chorus: Ibosl owo" o'. Owl o'.'.’. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 341 G&mbari: See what money can afford'. Chorus: Money'. G-̂ mb&ri: With money we can afford to rear children. Chorus: Money'. Gamb&ri: With money we can raise a house. Chorus: Money'. Gambarx: Money makes an elder of you Money makes the youth an elder. Chorus: Holler every one, Money'. Money'.'.'. The Parmer and the Girl now dance round as husband and wife and exit. Other masques include the following: I. The Igunuko (Ndagbo Guy a) II. The Woman and the Bastard. III. The Leopard and the Cock. IV. The Boa-Constrictor. V. S&ng6, the Trouble-shooter. VI. The Prostitute. VII. Husband and Wife. 45 45. See plate, No. 60. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 342 4. Qlufale: (Ikire):- (a) History:- This theatre-group migrated from Oyo during the reign of Alafin Adeyemi Alowolodu in the 1890s and has been domiciled in Ikire ever since. When Adekanbi left Oyo he oould not move with his troupe because the Alafin was not pleased with the decision; so he left alone. He stopped on the way and married the daughter of a Bata-drummer, who persuaded her family to migrate with her husband. They settled at Ikire and raised another troupe. The present manager of the Olufale theatre company is (Jyadoja Amao. l£ When he grew up, he found the costume-box of his grand­ father Onisile Amoy^dun, but his own father had not shown any interest in the profession; apparently, he had other interests, he was a good hunter and a successful weaver. Oyadoja later decided to train and he has succeeded in carrying on with the family profes­ sion. He did not heed to seek the services of a B&t^-iJrummer since he was related to one on his mother's side. Alabi Makinde has been handling the Orchestra of the troupe since he started. He has made his own name as one of the great living masque- dramaturgs and is the current treasurer of the Actor^s1 Guild. One of the actors he trained is Jimo Ejongboro of Ikire, who left to found his own troupe about ten years ago. Oyadja adopts the following to open his show: 64 46. See plate, No. 89. Interviewed on August 26th, 1967. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Jo. 89: §y£doja AmSo’ as OlufUl^ and his Chorus Leader, (^kire, June 8, 1968) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY (b) The 'Iba* (Salute) The Salute: "Bf aja’ ydo ba la ohun, Yfo wo okoro. Bi" kgbd y i 6 brf la ohun, Yi o kan Bi oao tuntun bbjd j i d ba la ohun, Baba rb* ni^W• kd sf. Ho ji l'ond bo r l 'ba baba nil Iba l'dw6 'Ldlubi, A san rere re bde Xprnni. Badosun, oko Iwoye, oko Sabdkunni, 0 na 'ja m'eru wd'ld. Mo tdn wa rl 'ba baba ai, Awddola, io n ’ba l'ddo re, Apdnldjd-k&n-ri baba Morohun, Elapse, oao Woyira. Ajisola, 900 k|ld ogun. AlAkd omo rk-yi-rd-yi, lie wd kun kd-kd-kd. Igbd dd gdgd, ngd lo rd d d'obo; Igbd dd kb dd, ng o lo re d d'ebltl. Emi ni Xmao' Oyddoja, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY AkobdT Olaore, omo OyafHinmildia AlAke*, o• mo ̂ Fuulas* o*de. L'ojijx ni mo r'oyun tx mo r'omo'. A kx i* fi owo du oyA ni Moko kf a to je%. A ki f fi t'Agba j'oye ni Mode. Begun ni nwon fi nj'oba ni ili wa.” Invocation: Olode kg6 o'. bkuta agd o'. fci\yin Oldde o'. E bun w£ l’dde o, K'iwa o ri 'bi jo. d d'o« wdc trA* lea, 7 d d'owo Ita, d d'owo bsanyin, d'owo dgbojo td l’Cigun. Nitorx bgAdengbe, I'd d'oje 'le. Soungbd Id ti kd awô o se. IgbA tx a ji, l’a bi dketd gbongbd, Ni baba ni k'a mi a b'eegin kiri. G-bogbo enyin aliseku e wa ba mi ad o." UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The Salute: When a dog is about to raise its voice, It makes a long steady look. When a ram is about to raise its voice, It stalks and shakes. When the day-old child is about to raise his voice, He first calls on his father. I awake today to behold my father's pledge'. My pledge is to you 'Lalubi. Who like a river flows to the Xpinni Court. Badosun, husband of Iwoye, husband of Sabekunmi. He goes a shopping and returns home with a slave. I have come again to behold my father's pledge. Awddpla, my pledge is to you. You, light-complexioned husband of Morxhun. EWse, son of Wbyira. Ajisola, son of the one who took care in battle. XlAkp, daughter of the one who bought this and that And tiie house became full to the brim. The bush is thick, I'll go and be a monkey. Whether the bush is thick or not, I'll go and set the traps. I am, Ama6 Qyadpja, First-born of Qydfunmilpla Alake, daughter of Fitulâ edeT. Suddenly I saw the conception, Suddenly I saw the child'. One doesn't have to bribe to be made a chief act M$kp. One doesn't have to be old before one is made a chief at Mpdp. It is through the masquerade that one lays claim to primacy in our lineage. Invocation: You owner of space, make way'. You rock, make way'. You owner of space, give us space'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY A space to put on our show. We consign ourselves to Ir^le (a deity). We consign ourselves to lt£ (a deity) We consign ourselves to Os&nyin, (a deity) We consign ourselves to Oldgbojd, the owner of the Masquerade. Because of 6g&dengbd,47 he introduced mas que-dramaturgy. He first learnt the secret at Soungbe. When we grew up, then we saw the handy costume-box, And father said we should go round with the masques. All you who had done this and gone before us, Come, and assist us as we perform. (a) Repertoire; Apart from a new Horse and Cow masque which he said he has devised, his 'repertoire* is not different from the others.48 5. Others: The following is an assortment of extant professional troupes which have been included in this study for various reasons. The list includes those of great leaders who have not descended from any of the great lineages of masque-dramaturgs but have gained their own reputation by dint of hard work after having served a period of apprenticeship; those who have assumed the professional names of the great troupes of the past^and others who go about in *48 47* This is another attributive name of Olugbere Agan. 48. See plates, Nos. 70, 74 & 75} 78- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 347 their own personal attributes: (i) Agbegij^: (Oshogbo):-^ Agbegijo is the name of the troupe founded by Tijuku Ajangila, a native of ̂ red, near Oshogbo towards the end of the nineteenth century. As a contemporary of Olojede (Ojelade Aiyelab&La's son) he struggled unsuccess­ fully to be installed the Baile of all the existing troupes and recognised by Ibadan, a position which 6j^l&d^ Aiydlabol& occupied after the ‘Jalumi1 battle.^ When the Aiyelab^la troupe moved from In£sha to live permanently in Ibadan, Tijuku also moved his Agbegijo troupe to Oshogbo where his proteges and their descendants still carry on with masque-dramaturgy. The main troupe is now being managed by Egu* nfe/m i. 51 There are two other units in the town of Oshogbo and a few other smaller ones in Oshogbo division, but all are tinder one Badl'e at Oshogbo. 49* This troupe has been well reported on by Ulli Beier. See "Agbegijo Masqueraders" Nigeria Magazine, No. 83, September 1964, pp. 191-199. 50. See above, p. 17 9, 51. See plate, No. 90. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY , No. 90: The Agbegijo Company, Oshogbo presently led by Kgunfemi. (Photo by kindness of Prank Speed). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY (ii) Ldbe: (Oyo):- This troupe which had descended from a great past is now fading out of existence. bjdldke Mamade^ who has succeeded to the leadership of the troupe finds it extremely difficult to muster enough actors to form a company. He has resigned himself to farming and other petty jobs. Labe is the professional name of the troupe headed by the famous §j£t above:. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 353 Besides, the role of women as Chorus is significant, espe­ cially, in the opening ceremony as is indicated in the 'Y juba*. After the salute to Bata, Adeldwo, If a and Iyami bsoronga has been made, in that order, the masque-dramaturg or the chief actor joins, in a form of 'versicle and responses', with the women chorus, as follows: Female Chorus: "Ojd aiyd pd[(4 times) E wd wo gbedu awa. Oju aiye pd, E wa wo eegdn awa. Begun awa nfo Tdpa, 0 rifo 'Jesha. • * Oju aiye pdj Ita pA 2 Ara pej E wa wo gbedu awa. ds'ere l'bdlgbd." Chief Actor: "Ibi § r£, e mi a k'igbe mi lo|(2 times). Emi Addlowo, ooo Sabi. Ibi e rf o, § kigbe mi lo. (etc.) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 354 Actors* Chorus: "Oju aiye pe’. Ita pe*. Ara pe*. - E wa wo gbedu awa. 6j£ka7oruko iy^mi Osoronga. Bi ‘-m u/ ai. ye/, _E« ma/ maN mu/ wa. E mu aiye o, E« ma m̂ i mu wa. E n£ ba se, l’aiye' mu, 0 s* 'ere l’Adelo•w o'•." Female Chorus: "The eyes of the world are set*.(4 times) Come and hear our kettle-drums sound. The eyes of the world are set. Come and see our masquerade. Our masques speak Tapa, they speak Ijesfta. The eyes of the world are set. The square is filled, Brethren are assembled, Come and hear our kettle-drums sound. Adelowq is a player, bdigbd is a player." Chief Actor: "Shout my name, wherever you may] I, Adelpwq, son of §dbi. Shout my name, wherever you may." Actors* Chorus: "The eyes of the world are set'. The outside space is filled'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Brethren are assembled'. You've come to hear our kettle-drums sound. 'Early homage', the name of Mother O^orbnga; You catcher of the world, do not catch us. You catcher of the world, please don't catch us. Whoever offends, the world catches. Adelowo is only a player*." (vi) Eiyeba: (Ibadan):- Alimi Akanjx^ is a masque-draaaturg, aged about thirty eight, and lives at II4 Olubadan Kobiowu, br^nyan, Ibadan. He trained under bj^leke Aiyelabola for five years and finished his apprenticeship two years ago. He does not belong to the lineage of masque-dramaturgs. It was his own wish to become one and when he mentioned this to a friend he was taken to the Aiyelabola company where he trained. Beoause he was found worthy during training, hi3 master bj^leke waived the normal 'apprenticeship fee' as an acknowledgment of his good services. He used to respond, occasionally, to the call of his master when the Aiyelabola troupe had a big engagement and his participation was needed. But his own troupe has become consolidated under the professional name, Eiyeba even though most people still preferred to oall him Alimi Olokitl, the appelation he earned as a great acrobat during his days with the Aiyelabola troupe. 60. Interviewed on October 7th, 1966. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY He liked*Biyeba*as a professional name because the history of the theatre has described the first Biyeba as the finest. It is his aspiration to achieve a similar fame. He started his career with only two masques. He travelled widely performing 'solo' most of the time before he built up a reasonable 'repertoire' of masques. He had possessed his first two masks after serving the carver for six months because he did not have the money to purchase them. One mask he built into the lyawo Masque and the other into the Sambari Masque. With these, he travelled to Lagos and returned with enough money to develop himself. He got married and built the Origa- Oko Masque and then added the Brugale (Puppet Theatre). He now has a permanent 3dtA-orchestra but started by hiring one. (vii) Bjon'gboxxt: (Ikire):-^ Jimo Bjon'gboro is an Apena of the Ogboni Society in Iklre. He comes of a lineage of professional carvers and built his own reputation as a carver for over twenty-five years. Many masque-dramaturgs patronised M m until about ten years ago when he decided to go into the acting career in addition to his regular profession. His connection with the egungun was that his father once had an egungun called 61. I am grateful to Qgb^ni J.R.O. bjo, Institute of African Studies, University of Ife for his reference. Interviewed on July 26th, 1968. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 357 Olun'lago, an 'eegunla'. But since he had inspired many masque- dramaturgs by giving them ideas and helping them to create new masques, he wanted to have the thrill of donning a mask himself and so he went to learn the art of acting under Cyadoja, the leader of the Olufale troupe. He trained for only a few years as he was already old and knowledgeable at the time of his apprentice­ ship. He turned professional still bearing his former appelative, "Ejon'gboro"^ Since becoming a professional masque-dramaturg, he has been known in the area for inventiveness and cr'aftsmanship. He has six regular actors and hfe three wives are hi3 'chorus'. Although he travels extensively with his troupe he has not abandoned hi3 carving. When he begins his shows, however, he opens with a 'salute' to the Olojowon lineage (the ancestor of Yoruba carvers): "Mo ri'ba, bo ri'ba baba mi. 'iba p^» te‘ o» wo• ./ Iba phtd es& y Iba at^lei sei ti ko hu 'run. \ba Lagbayi , Iba Abo/gunde/ omo agbegi-ygtgi. 62. See plates, Nos. 91, 92, 93 & 94. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 92: Ejon'gboro: As an Actor he displays the Abiyamo (Nursing Mother) Mask. (Ikirk, June 8, 1968). -“ ft.m m UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY No. 93: Ejon'gboro: The Chorus /Two of three wives/. The one with a ha. is the Chorus Leader. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 358 ire, mo pa'gida, mo so'gi d'enia. Gbigb| l’b i4gb6, a kl i. ru l'Owon. O* mo%- o•l o•' mo ni i fori ru’gi ftim wa.9 Lagbayi, mo gbp, mo ru t’Odni. Lagbayx, mo gb̂ , mo ru t’Oore. Bi. mo gbe'nb, bi kb ta, b£ mo gbe’na, bi kb l'bwb-l’o/wo; Ni a ba wa owo miran se, L’a ba wa nd’aso b'ori, L'a fi npidan eleegiin kiri." "?ru Olpje ti gbe'na gb’egbeje, Iwofa Ojowon ti gbe'na gb’egbefa, Omo bibi inu Are $ ni 6 gb$'nb gb’egbbbdbgun. E ma pe Lagbayx l'Are mo. E ni ba pe Lagbayi l ’Xre yio f ’eke na ' ra." "I behold a pledge, I behold ay father’s pledge. The pledge of my open hand, The pledge of my flat foot, The pledge of the underfoot that grows no hairs. The pledge of Lagbayi, The pledge of Abogunde, son of one who sculpts and carves. Arb, I have changed wood into a human. We only carve, we never carry them at pwon. Other people’s children carry them for us. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 35a Lagbayi, I carved, I carried to the Obni. Lagbayi, I carved, I carried to the Oorb. If I carved, if it did not sell, If I carved, if it did not fetch money, Then we sought for a new trade, Then we started entering the shroud, And became the travelling masquerade that act about."64 "The slave of Olpje has carved and collected one thousand four-hundred cowries. The bondsman of i^wqn has carved and collected one thousand two-hundred cowries. It was the real son of Are 6je who carved and collected three thousand cowries. Don't call Lagbayi an Are /strangexj7 any more. Any one who calls Lhgbhyl an Are will receive the thrash." 17. Conclusion;- The location of the troupes of the Alirlnjjb Theatre is widely distributed.^ As an Oyo creation, it is significant that the concentration is in the Oyo-Ibadan-Oshun areas on the one hand and in the Egba-Egbado-Awori areas on the other hand. But historically both cirouits have a direct link with the Old Oyo empire. The names of the professional troupes are mainly attributive 6 3. This is a departure from the tradition and the practice of his ancestors. 64. Ejbn'gboro here makes an apology for changing his profession and the cultic prerogatives of the lineage-guild of carvers. 65 See map, No. 2 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY •4 Map. 2: Showing Locations and Distribution of iroupeo. by Mr. Esua Udom of the Institute of African . ’ University of Ibadan. I hereby acknowledge the Kina assistance of the Institute). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY MAP SHOWING LOCATIONS AND DISTRIBUTION OF TROUPES 360 and are intended to have stimulating effect on the individual troupes. Similarity of names between one troupe and another may not necessarily be an indication of common origin. It may, in fact, be after the fashion of borrowing for the purpose of inspiration from a past master than the result of a formal christening. The central importance of women, especially the mothers of the leaders of extant troupes, their contribution to the development of the theatre and growth in professionalism, cannot be overemphasized. This is indicated in the '^bh' (salute) of each of the troupes. The essence of this formal acknowledgement, which has become a permanent feature of performance, is an attribute of the Yoruba: "S£ a bd se 'ni l'dore,op^ l'k dddw (when kindness is bestowed on one, it is fitting to show one's gratitude). The attraction of the profession to people other than those for whom it was a lineage career is an indication of the theatre's popularity in meeting the entertainment needs of the people and even more as a paying concern. It would have been possible to fore­ cast wiM0 further developments the theatre might have manifested as a social institution but for the impact of western civilization which has not only been devastating its resources, but has also been providing its audience with other more m & varied^sophistics- ja n & ted forms of entertainment. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY P A R T S I X The Theatre in the Modern Times UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 361 C H A P T E R E I G- H T A Changing Society: There is hardly any other cultural manifestation that reflects the society in which it appears so fully and accurately as the theatre. When in the preceding chapters the origin and historical growth of the Alarinjo Theatre were surveyed, both developments were related to the Toruba societal background, the culture and the facts of her history. When the art of the theatre was examined, it was appreciated within the framework of the aesthetics and sen­ sibilities of the people. When, at a later period, the society -wa3 faced with portents of change by certain disruptive external forces which had penetrated and challenged traditional life and thought, the theatre preserved its own traditions almost unchanged, except for the masques which were devised to take account of con­ temporary events. This looked like a respite. But the factors of ehange in Yoruba society ran apace and the theatre was bound up within. Islam has spread rapidly far beyond the Fulani emirate of Ilorin creating new ideas and tastes hostile to the egungun, focus­ sing on new concepts of the arts and introducing new sultural patterns into the society by its own form of education. Even more powerful has been the spread of Christian education through Churches and Mission Schools, undermining belief in egungun. masks and UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 382 transmogrification; introducing new forms of entertainment based on European models. With the extension of colonial rule and the expansion of trade in the interior, there have been the spread of external influences throughout the Yoruba and the subsequent increase in the number of the westernised Yoruba. With all this has come a shift in emphasis from the traditional to the 'modern’. I . Cultural Nationalism:- Cultural nationalism was built as a revolt against 'imperialism' in Church and State as well as against the colonial onslaught on the traditional culture which had been going on in Yorubaland since the middle of the nineteenth centuryJ By the end of the same century there had emerged a strong fervour for the evangelization of the Yoruba people through a Christian enlightenment programme that was basically Yoruba. This revivalist group was ready "to sweep the Yoruba within the walls of the church by almost any means possible; working through chiefs, secret societies, the Yoruba language and African music and drumming" 2- The liberal ideas of such cultural nationalists as the Reverend James Johnson, Edward Blyden, Dr. Mojola Agbebi and others became accelerated.^ 1. J.B. Webster, "The African Churches", Nigeria Magazine. No. 97, December 1963, p. 266. 2. ibid., p. 256. 3. Ayandele, The Missionary Impact, op. cit., pp. 241-280. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 363 The ’back to the native culture’ movement produced a new spirit in the churches which led to the development of secessionist churches - the Afrioan Churches. Apart from the introduction of traditional music, singing and dancing into church services the most significant dev\elopment was the “native dramas" A It happened that the inspiration for these 'native dramas* came from Abeokuta where similar experiments were found to be highly successful. The rise of political nationalism in the 1930s gave not only a new edge to cultural nationalism but an added impetus which revived what some critics had described as misplaced enthusiasm of the 1890s. During this period the BamgboW family, traced to Abeokuta, frequently presented their masques on Campos Square in Lagos. Also, the provincial travelling theatres of Aiyelab^la (Ibadan) and Ijangila (Iragberi and Ibadan) reached Lagos. They were known to have performed at the invitation of people like D.A. Qbasa, Andrew Thomas, Doherty and others and became very popular with the masses. Thereupon, it became a regular practice for the troupes to include Lagos in their itinerary. As part of his coro­ nation festivities, Adele II, the Oba of Lagos, after the custom of his ancestor Adele I of Lagos, invited the Aiyelabola troupe from Ibadan to entertain his guests. About the same time, an enthusias­ tic Nigerian made an appeal in the press for some African initiative 4. Lynn Leonard, The G-rowth of Entertainments of Non-African Origin in Lagos: 1866-1920. (M.A. Thesis. Ibadan. 1967^ pp .126-141. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 364 to back a 'revue-troupe'.5 II. The Old and the New;- The development of new theatrical forms of entertainment whioh began in Abeokuta in the 1860s had by the 1880s reached Ibadan and Lagos. These were mainly concerts and orchestral music with reci­ tations and dramatizations thrown in. When the Christian missiona­ ries recognised the importance of providing for the artistic impulse of the people, they extended their entertainments in order to appeal to non-English and non-Christian audiences. A significant develop­ ment was the reliance on local resources for what came to be called the 'school concert'. It seemed that the aim of these entertainments was more than a religious one. Having realised that in order to promote any religious fervour among the people ecstasy has to play a vital role, the missionaries and their new 'llite' class started using these entertainments to provide an integrating influence on the people through diversion. With the choice of songs and recitations based on traditional elements, with a few Yoruba farces and satirical sketches^ forming the core of the 'school concert', we see the 5. M.C. Eoheruo, "Concert and Theatre in Late 19th Century Lagos", Nigeria Magazine. No. 74, September 1962, p. 74. 6. Lagos Observer. August 14, 1884. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY beginning of entertainments based on or inspired by the style and form of the traditional theatrical art. For instance, a 'school concert' staged in Lagos by the Wesleyan High School Entertainment Society in October 1882, included sketohes on the bgb6ni Court and the Egba-Dahomey War, (about 1844-1860) J These entertainments m were said to have been inspired by refugees from Abeokuta. Both the Aiyelabola and the AjdWebo' troupes at Abeokuta are known to have sketched the masques of the ~bgb6ni and the Jagun-jagun Idahpml in the 1850s to reflect the concern of the people at that time on their influence.9 The Anglican Mission in Lagos had some misgivings about the propriety of the traditional elements that were dominating the 'school concert'. It is said, however, that the Catholic Mission, on the other hand, had encouraged the development and that it had also exploited the medium to attract Protestant converts to the Catholic faith. 10 It is also significant that at the same period 7. Lagos Observer. October 16, 1882. 8. The famous 'ifole' (Housebreaking) of 1867 resulted in the migration of Egba refugees to Lagos. They were resettled in the 'Clover Layout' at Ebute Metta in 1868 (See: Ajayi, Christian Missions. 1965, pp. 201-204; also Akin Mabogunje, "Lagos - Nigeria's Melting Pot", Nigeria Magazine. No. 69, August 1961, p. 153). 9. These masques are still popular with the local troupes and have been found in the repertoire of other troupes in the Oyo- Ibadan-Oshun areas with certain improvisational modifications. 10 . Echeruo, 0£. cit., p. 68. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY \ 300 a form of the traditional masque# had appeared in Lagos through syncretic groups from Brazil and Cuba, in a Catholic disguise. The Brazilian emigrants, mainly artisans, had by the 1880s taken over the artistic development# of Lagos both theatrically and architecturally. Apart from being less numerous, their little educa­ tion, religion and cultural orientation had set them apart from their rather sophisticated and professedly educated Sierra Leonian contemporaries. The Brazilian Dramatic Company was a pioneer in the field of drama by setting up a non-traditional theatrical group of a professional calibre. The Company was under the management of Senhor P.Z. Silva, an influential builder. 11 An interesting theatrical development introduced by the Brazilians was the 'Carreta'. This theatrical art which was developed in Brazil was brought into Lagos but it was no less than the Yoruba theatrical art based on the egungun masques which the slaves must have developed during their sojourn in Brazil. 12 The masquerade displays were based on 'character sketches' which in Lagos became simply 'carreta' by corruption. Prom its style and 11. See Lagos Times. December 8, 1880, Lagos Observer. May 8, 1882, Lagos Observer. June 1, 1882, Lagos Observer. April i6, 1883. 12. A.B. Laotan, "Brazilian Influence on Lagos", Nigeria Magazine. No. 69, August 1961, p. 157. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 367 form, there is no doubt that while in Brazil the traditional thea­ trical art was modified under the strong influence of Portuguese culture and Catholic religion. In Sierra Leone on the other hand, the recaptives who had refused to be converted to Christianity but tended to be Moslem in religious belief, continued with the Yoruba theatrical art with little modification. 13 The 'Drama of the Easter Tuesday' as it came to be popularly called later, reminded the Lagosians of the 'ludus' of the annual egt/ngun festivals. The Sierra Leone immigrants, mainly Protestant Christians, had formed themselves into the 'elite' of Lagos, domiciled in the Olowogbowo area of Lagos. On the other hand, the Brazilian Catholics, who had formed themselves into the artisan class of Lagos, lived around Campos Square. They masqueraded in 'fancy dress' with their 'ccarreta' on Easter Tuesday, carried their dramatic pageants round Lagos with their leaders riding on hor3e-back. When the two groups met they whipped each other. 14 The following is a description of the 'carreta masquerade'. It was first introduced into Lagos in the eighties as a Christmas Pageant by the Brazilian Catholics. Later, it became an Easter parade. According to Laotan, it was the survival of the egiitngun 13♦ John Eric Peterson, Freetown: A Study of the Dynamics of Liberated African Society. ('PtuD. Thesis. Northwestern Uni­ versity 19^3), p. 294. See also: pp. 318-321. 14. Akin Mabogunje, og. cit.. pp. 136 & 153* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 368 (the Yoruba sacred masquerade): ■J5 The masquerade parade was composed of several figures - bull (sic. boe), horse, bird and f i s h . It was always a crowd - pulling parade. At every Stop the stage was set for each figure to display before crowds. Carried by a hooded man, the fish danced with the fisherman while the band played lively tunes. When about to retire for another figure, the fisherman who had been dancing around and about the fish, hooked it, drawing it and dancing back to the group. The bird which was al»o carried strutted out with the hunter carrying his gun and wearing a fancy dress. The dance followed the same pattern as that of the fish. And when the time came to retire, the hunter fired his gun and, at once, rushed at the bird tottering to fall, and helped it back to the group. The horse also gorgeously draped was siting across the shoulders of the horseman who was also in fancy dress and delighted the crowds with a fine display of horsemanship, dancing forward and backward and prancing about to rollicking tunes. But the most exciting display was that of the bull which always came out last with its attendant dressed in a frock or overcoat and top or bowler hat and carrying a club. Their appea­ rance drew the prolonged applause of the huge crowd. With an adept carrier it was great fun, the bull now and again making for its attendant as if to butt him, while the attendant, also prancing about, dodged and fenced with his club. 15. Laotan, ojj. cit.. p. 157* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 369 The influence of the traditional theatre was aiSQ OHjOFtflti in the style and form of the number of musical sketches and dances which became known as the 'native drama'. This form of enter­ tainment was developed by guilds or societies of the Secessionist Churches in Lagos in the early part of the twentieth century. By the end of the first world war, however, enthusiasm for the 'native drama' had been on the wane giving way for the emergence of yet another theatrical art known as the 'Church Cantata'. This form was popularised by the new African Churches, especially the U.A.M. (El§ja), the Cherubin and Seraphim and other 'A16dura' (Apostolic) Churches, all located in and around Ebute Metta. Apart from helping the churches to raise funds the 'church cantata' also developed a new spirit of involvement in theology through the use of music, dance end drama to tell biblical stories. In the early 1940s, some of the Choir-masters who had been involved llrt the conduct of the 'Church Cantata' moved the drama out of the church into places like the Li§abi Hall, Ebute Metta and Clover Memorial Hall, Lagos. The 'Church Cantata' which for several decades had revived peoples’ interest in religious drama, had also proved how profitable an undertaking the theatre could be. Thus, the 'Concert Party’ was born out of the remnants of the 'Church Cantata'. Almost simultaneously in Lagos and Ibadan, names like A.A. Layeni, A.B. David, P.A. Dawodu and later Hubert Ogunde UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 370 came to be connected with the 'Yoruba Concert Party' movement. P.A. Dawodu's party based in Ibadan was the first to tour the Western provinces with King Ahab and Naboth's Carden. He was later followed by Hubert Ogunde whose Adam and Eve was a huge success. As a theatrical art, the new 'concert' was a fusion of the 'cantata' and the Victorian 'Music Hall' (a variety entertainment of songs and comic sketches) - the two earlier forms of entertain­ ment which had enjoyed tremendous popularity in Lagos over a long period of years. The most significant influence of the traditional theatre on the 'Concert Party' was the use of the 'opening glee'. What came to be popularly known as the 'opening glee' was an adoption of the traditional '\I ju/ bav' with certain modifications especially with regard to the focus of the 'salute'. The following is one such modern 'Ijuba': "S ku ikale eayin era, E ku ikale enyin enia. K i a' to ma a b'ere wa lo, A f'iba f' 6• l<•$run. Oba \O run ar'aiyei- r'ojrun, Awa ma juba io% woa/ Re* o. Bi babalawo ba ji, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 371 A jdba fqwba. Offspring of one who asks, "what about these many gourds on the palm-tree?" White-water3 is contained in them. 2 . Oba Qbadu, Offspring of Ayinkxni, the warrior. Offspring of the real one at fybh. Offspring of one with flaming eyes. They are the ones who never reach the bush, But lean against the coco-nut tree. They then get the protection of the secret-grove. They selected the Isdnyin avenue and _______________ missed the way home A 1 . Oldba Obedu appears to be a progeny of the primordial bbk. 2. The gourd is a container for palm-wine and has a remote reference to the 'isA', QbAt&lA's wine-pot. 3. Palm-wine. 4. This stanza explains the difference between the first group of 0b&, namely the Igbd, who although masoueraded in the bgursohv,e w'hIigbcdh' gwbabs' ,a nleavteerr kdneevwe ltohpem en'tI.gbdgbhld', the sacred- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 383 3 . Ov gvo go's rooster picks the ground at VO ba\ . . They accuse him of tilling the ground. Offspring of one who emerged from above, Offspring of one who is as fat as a pregnant woman, Offspring of one who knows heaven's forecourt on the day of his death, Offspring of the one who says his matter is not as bad as making the head of the household a bondsman. The matter is not as overwhelming as to go to heaven to raise a loan. I will raise mine in this world. 4. Offspring of one ?&o carves but does not carry his ̂ worlg/ to the Obni.5 Offspring of one who carves the basin for the $bk to feed out of. Offspring of one who digs the entrails of the tree and throws them into the bush. Offspringof one who uses hot iron to mark ̂ desigr^ the wood. bw$n, I can transform the wood into a human being at Are .6 5. Whoever chants the praise name of the bbA-iija lineage, Who does not praise the lineage of Babajide, the Olbgbin Ar$pa, Is beating about the bush.7 5. An allusion to the feud between the bba clan and the Ife throne. 6 . This stanza explains the long standing difference between the If«j (Ooni,) and the krh (Igbo). It also reveals the bba's connection with portrait art. 7• This stanza throws light on the kinship between Oba-nja and Babfitjide, the Olbgbin Arepa. Bab^jlde was the first to use the art of disguise for professional purpose. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 2 384 SONG- (An example of Sympathetic Magic)' Our enemies tremble and are dismayed When they hear of our approach; and at sight of our arrows they die with fear'. See them fleeing like the doe from our fighting men'. Behold them falling down and kissing the dust from the feet of our warriors'. Haste, haste, Yarribeans'. Pursue and overtake your enemies, Slay them without meroy; Stop their voices, that they sing no more at eventide by the light of the moon; They are swift of foot, But they shall not escape you; They are already weary; Their journey of life ds almost at an end; They have fallen to the earth And will dance no more. Weep ye widows of Houssa, and let the lamentations of your children be heard in the land, for they are fatherless, and your husbands have been pierced by the lance of the Yarriba'. 1 1. Richard Lander, Records of Clapperton*s Last Expedition to Africa, Vol. I, London, 1830, pp. 289-290. The Stanza arrangement is mine. 2. Man in the primitive state stresses the expression of his longings rather than his satisfaction. "He re-enacts his victory before he goes into battle, in order to invoke the aid of the supernatural forces in fulfilling his wishes." (See: Theodore W. Hatlen, Orientation to the Theatre. Appleton, Century, and Crafts, New 'York,“T952> p'. "57. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 385 They are clothed in darkness, as the worm in a storm. Who can tell wither their spirits are wandering? Weep ye widows of Houssa; But your tears flow in vain Your husbands will return no more. Note:- This was sung and danced by a group of women in the king's palace who took the opportunity of the presence of a party of whitemen to celebrate and narrate the account of one of the encounters of the Yoruba army with the Hausa-Pulani invaders. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 386 Appendix 5 The Funeralia The plot of the Ritual Play:- A mam had two children. The older was lazy and carefree; the younger was hardworking and painstaking. Before the man died in his old age, he had acquired a large amount of wealth, including goods, lands and chattels. He died intestate. When the older son laid claim to all the wealth as 'de jure' successor to the lineage headship, the younger son disputed this on account of his own large contribution to the legacy. The quarrel raged loud and long and there did not seem to be any end to the problem posed by the death of the man and the just distribution of his legacy. Meanwhile, the younger son went out to seek advice from a friend as to what steps he could take to get his own share out of the legacy. The friend suggested that the only way possible was to call the dead man back alive so that he could make a pronounce­ ment on the legacy as to who should have what. The suggestion was welcomed by the younger son who set himself to carry out the stratagem. ]3y sheer co-incidence, his friend looked like the imper­ sonator he needed for he had all the required qualities that made him fit into the role of playing the dead man. When everything was ready, the younger son announced to all in the household that in order to resolve the problem of how their father's legacy was to be shared, he was going to evoke his dead UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 387 father to come back to life so that he could make the pronouncement himself on how the legacy was to be shared. Every one was aghast when the apparition of the dead man suddenly appeared wearing the dead man's clothing. The impersonator in a feigned voice made the pronouncement, gave everything he had to the younger son, blessed the wives and then disappeared. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix k Ol^gbere Agan (The first Yoruba Actor) How 01pgb^r4 )tgan became the first 'apidan':- Odu Ogbes^1 Terse:- "G-bb-mi, gbe-mi, la ns 'Agan \ Iru Agan o gbodo ba* le n' Igbale, Adifa" fan Parakk T'b l'oun nlo ori odd’n re e j o ." • * "Pick me up'. The only way to praise the Agan is to pick him up. Agan's tail must not be allowed to touch the ground of the sacred grove. Thus decreed the Oracle, When ParakA announced he was going to dance on the 'odan' tree-top". Narrative:- / . 01ugb<|r4 Ijimerk was Ol/gbojo's chief physician and actor. He carried the 'igan' mask. One day on the last day of the eg&ng&n festival, lj£ spent all the morning divining and drinking. In the evening, when all the lineage-masks had assembled at the market-square for the final dance ̂ jx, who was to carry Oldgbojo's ')igan', was dead drunk by the time he arrived. When it was his turn to dance, he ordered the drummer to beat a new tune: 1. I am grateful to Alkgba Agboola Aden!ji of Iwo for this 'Odb'. 13/9/67. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 389 Rhythm: E rx 'wrf, ya'. Agan, ya*. E ri ’wo, ya’. Agan, ya'. You behold the cult, Make way'. Xgan, make way'. You behold the cult, make way'. It's Xgan, make way'. Everybody became anxious wanting to know what had possessed Oliigbfer^. Then he announced he was going to dance on the top of the 'odrfn' tree. There was a protest, but he could not be stopped. He climbed the tree and danced from branch to branch to the admiration of all. Suddenly, one of the branches snapped and meopfevfr- left 1 dangling headlong. Then he cried: Agan: Mo f'orx wo'. Mo f 'or£ wo'. Ha'. hX'. E gb^ ai'. 5 gbe' mi-i-i'. My head is earthbound'. My head is heading for the ground'. Ha'. Carry me'. Pi ok me up*. Then the crowd applauded when they suddenly found him sommersaulting ta t to the ground: Chorus: \ -X-gan b \ Agdn pirigidi'. Xgan p'od^n'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Agan: Wqmu-WQmu-wqmu Chorus: Yes Agan’. Agan has performed a feat'. Agan has killed the ’odan’ tree'. Agan: Hmmmmm'. The crowd rallied him up and cheered him. Olugbere Agan was the first costumed-actor and professional troubador. (Even today, the theatre troupes keep 'Ijxmere', the red monkey, as a mascot. It is believed that they draw inspiration or receive instruction from the anima^ .2 Dancing, miming, and acrobatics were his main specialty. The 'ago' (costume) was his main disguise wherein he hid his hybrid features. He was also famous for jugglery and charms. He divined for people when he travelled around. One day, during one of his solo performances, dancing, tumbling and performing tricks with his costume, 'apada', his body was accidentally exposed to the crowd. Being ashamed that he had been let out, he ran away into the bush where he lived till he died. His Orikl:^(Praise-chant) "Olugbere Agan, Omo b'6ko r£, Egdn Imlmi ar£ bponds. 2. Johnson, oj). cit.. p. 29. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 331 Qmp a-saguko, a-rin-guko. Agb l'olu aso. Olugbere ada, Omo b'oko re, 0n£ ' te eegt£n'. Abi xdako welewdll. B^o bi ku mi ma gb'awo lo'. O• mo» e«ranko gbalaja l'ori igi". "Olut gbev re^ Av gan, Son of tie one who reconciled with her husband."* £gun k±tm £, citizen of Qppnda. Species of the one that gallops. The snroud is the gem of your dress. Olugb^W, tne uninhibited, Son of the one who reconciled with her husband, You who play tricks with mummery'. You who are skilled in manipulations. When you are dead, do not carry the secret with you'. You aniaal at large on the tree-top". 1 1. An allusion to Iya Mbsb (Olugb&rp's mother) who reconciled with her husband Oldgbin Ologbojb after the birth of the hybrid child. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 392 Appendix 5 DUNDUN (The Orchestra of the Ritual Play) How pSnd^n became the 'drum' of the Ritual Play: v 1 Odu Iret^s^:- Verse:- "F’oju d’iku'. Ngo gbodo f ' o ji4 di'ku. a ba f'oju di'ku emi ni nseVii? F ’oj£ d'arun'. Ngo gbodo f'oju d'Vrun. Bi a b i f'oju d'arun K& le e han 'nia I'eem o*. Adifa fun Dundun T'o lq re e/p'oku ni'p^po." "Disrespect death'. Never disrespect death. Should death be disrespected What would the consequence be? I Disrespect sickness'. Never disrespect sickness Should sickness be disrespected The consequence cannot be anything serious. Thus the Oracle decreed to Dundun Who went to call the dead from the road." Narrative: Dundun and Irgtqsq were bosom friends. When tie latter died, Dundun went to ask permission of his relatives to allow him to perform the evocation rite of bringing home the dead from the sacred grove. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 393 He was laughed to scorn. But because of his impor­ tunity, they agreed to let him do as he pleased; but should he fail to bring their father home, they would kill him. Dundun went to consult with Orunmila, the Oracle, and asked for his help. (Jrunmila promised to help. He would ask Esu, the devil, to play the impersona­ tor but Dundun must put some '§aworo' (rattles) round his drum so that when he beat, the rattles would serve as a warning to Esu who would then answer the evocation. Dundun left Qrunmila quite pleased with the promised assistance. He summoned all the relatives to line the route of the procession on the day of the rite. This was done. The procession waited in front of the grove and Dundun moved forward to make the evocation. At the seventh call, he shook the rattles and E§u, the impersonator, answered and lurched forward to meet the crowd. Dundun sounded his orchestra and the impersonator joined in. The processional rhythmic beat was: "Ir^te-se, Sfns:(n. Irete-se^ 6 dl. Baba dê , S/nsin." "Ire Sins: tet -se.in (r* aTt tles).. Ir^t^-se , He's arrived. Father's arrived, Sinsin." UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 394 Dundun then led the procession back to the deceased's compound. At the threshold, he demanded payment for his services. This was refused him by the relatives who insisted that the demand of a fee was not part of their oontract. Dundun went to report the matter to the king who ordered that he must be paid the sum of two-thousand cowries (sixpence sterling) as his fees. Dhnddn thankfully got his fee and left to share his booty with fesh , the impersonator, sounding his drum, jestingly at the 'omqlfidklS’ (children of the deceased) as he went off: "ijnyin omo Iretes^ , E« tea . Iret^s^, ft te • Igb^tif e mo y E ti se a e - Omo Iretes^, E« U•." "You, children of iretese, You’re shamed, irqtq-s^, you are shamed. When you know, Why did you dare,? You children of Iretese ̂ You're shamed." Note: From then onwards, the orchestra became part of the ritual play; the music however stopped at the threshold where the leader was paid his normal fee and left. He was never allowed to go in UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY for fear he might reveal the secrets of the cult. Drummers are known to be talkative'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 6 Extracts from an eye-witness account of a performance at Haro: List and description of Plays -J (Recorded by Peter Morton-Willisms) 1 . The Leopard and the Hunter:- "A leopard is seen prowling in the arena; then the hunter comes, in a white cloth and brown head wrap, searches round and sees the leopard; they fight; the hunter is careless; the leopard pulls him down, rolls him over and scampers off.” (p. 96) . 2 . Sango:- Dances with a bowl of fire on his head. 3. The La (July 1966;, 88-9t. --- "Form and Function of Satire in Toruba Drama", ODU. Vol. 4, (July 1967), 69-79. 2. Banham, Martin, "Nigerian Dramatists and the Traditional Theatre", Insight. No. 20, (April 1968), 30. 3. Beier, Dili. Three Yoruba Plays: Duro Ladipo. Mbari Publications, Ibadan, 1§°4, introduction. — - An Introduction to African Literature. Longmans, 1967. 4. Eoheruo, M.J.C. "Concert and Theatre in Late 19th Century Lagos", Nigeria Magazine. No. 74, (September 1962) 68-74. 5 . Leonard, Lynn. "The Growth of Entertainment of Non- African Origin in Lagos 1866-1920. (M.A. Thesis. University of Ibadan;, 1967. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 412 General Theory; Drama and Theatre 1. Albright, H.D. and Halstead, W.P. Principles of Thea­ trical Art, Mitchell Houghton, Mifflin Co. River­ side Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1955. 2. Bowman, John S. "Dance, Chant and Mask in the Plays of Wycherley," Drama Survey, (Pall 1963), 181. 3. Burton, E.J. A Students Guide to World Theatre. Herbert Jenkins Ltd., London, 1962. 4- Chambers, Sir E.K. The Medieval Stage. Oxford, 1903. 5» Coggin, P.A. Drama and Education. Thames and Hudson, London, 1956. 6. Cohen, Gustave. Le Theatre en Prance an Moyen Age. Paris, 1928. 7. Courtney, Richard. Play, Drama and Thought. Cassel, London, 1968. 8. Craig, Gordon. On the Art of the Theatre. 1911, (rep. Dodd & Mead, London), 1925* 9. Fergusson, Francis. The Idea of a Theatre. Princeton University Press, 1949* 10. Huizinga, John. Homo Ludens, The Beacon Press, Boston, 1959. 11. Hunningher, Benjamin. The Origin of the Theatre. Hill and Wang, New York, 19 6 1. 12. Hunt, Hugh. The Live Theatre, O.U.P., 1962. 13« Kitto, H.D.P. Fora and Meaning in Greek Drama. Methuen, London, 1955 - 14. Mantzius, Karl. A History of Theatrical Art. Duckworth, London, 1903* 15. Menagh, H. Beresford. "A Way of Separating Theatre from Rite" Educational Theatre Journal. Vol. XIX, No. 2, (May 1967), 117-123. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 413 16. Millet Fred. B. and Bentley &,E. The Art ef Drama. Appleton Century and Crafts, New York, 1955* 17. Mitchell, Hoy. Creative Theatre. John Day, 1929. 18. Newton, R.G. Magic and Make-Believe. Dobson, London,1959* 19* Nieoll, Allardyee. Development of the Theatre. Harrap, London, 1957• — - World Drama. Harrap, London, 1961. — The Theatre and Dramatic Theory. Harrap, London, 1962. — Masks. Mimes and Miracles. Cooper Sa. Publishers. s w “ « k , - i # 3 : -------------------- 20. Phyllis, Hartnoll, ed. Oxford Companion to the Theatre. Oxford, 1957. 21. Rice, Elmer. The Living Theatre. Harper & Row Bros. New York, 1959. 22. Roberts, Vera Mowray. On Stage. Harper & Row Bros., New York, 1962. 23. Robertson, Pamela. The Connedia dell*arte. University of Natal Press, 19^0. " 24. Southern, Richard. The Seven Ages of the Theatre. Faber, London, 1962. 25. Young, Karl. The Drama in the Medieval Church. Oxford, 1933. General Background 1. Abraham, R.C. Dictionary of Modern Yoruba. University of London,Press, 1958. 2. Bascorn, William. "The Forms of Folklore", Journal of American Folklore. Vol. 78, No. 307, (January""^ March 1955), 4-5. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 414 3 . g^quet, Bernard. History of Aesthetics. Swan Sonnans- cheim & Co., London, 1910. 4. rown, 0. Baldwin. The Fine Arts. John Murray, London, 1891. 5 Bryson L. ed. The Communication of Ideas. Harper & Bros., ' Hew York, 1948. 6 . Clarke, Kenneth and Mary. Introducing Folklore. Holt, Rinehart A Winston, New York, 1963. 7. Dalzel, Archibald. The History of Dahomey, Prank Cass A Co. (Second Printing), 1967♦ 8. D ’Azevedo, Warren L. ttA Structural Approach to Esthetics," American Anthropologists. LX, (August 1958), 702-714. 9. Eliade, Miroa, The Sacred and the Profane. Harper Torch- books, New York, 1961. --- Cosmos and History. Harper Torchbooks, New York, 1959. 10 . Pagg, William. "On the Nature of African Art" Memoirs and Proceedings of the Manchester Literary and EhilQggRhifirii Society, Vol. 4, Session 52-53. — "African Art: The Contrast with Western Tradition", The London Tines Reriew of the British Colonies. July 1951. 11. Halliday, P.E. Wire Arts. Duckworth, London, 1946. 12. Harrison, Jane E. Themis: A Study of the Sociological Origins of Creek Origins of Creek Religion. Cambridge University Press, 1912. 13. James, Marcus. "Religion in Africa", Presence Afrioaine. No. 24-5, (Pebruary-May 1959), 199-202. 14. Krappe, A Ji. The Science of Polklore. The Norton Library, New York, 1964. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 415 15. Leuzinger, Elay. The Art of the Negro Peoplea. Methuen, London, 1960. 16. Nadel, S J . Nupe Religion. Routeledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1954. 17. Obieohiaa, E.N. "Transition from Oral to Literary Tradi­ tion", Presence Afrioaine. No. 63, (1967), 140-161. 18. Phillipson, Morris. (Introd.) Aesthetics Today. Meridian Books, New York,19^1. 19. Pritchard, fortes and Evans. African Politieal Systems. O.U.P., 1940. 20. Rachewiltz, Boris de. Introduction to African Art. John Murray, London, 1966. 21. Read, Herbert. Art and Society. Paber, London, (paper ed.), 1967. 22. 3enghor, Leopold. "A Civilization of African Negro Inspiration", Presence Africaine. (february-May 1959), 270-288. 23. Vansina, Jan. Oral Tradition: A Study in Historical Methodology. Routeledge & Kegan, London, 19*>5. 24. Verger, Pierre. "Note on the Bas-Reliefs in the Royal Palaces of Abomey", QUO. No. 5, 3-13. 25. Waoh, John. Sociology of Religion. Phoenix Books, University of Chicago Press, 1964. 26. Vellek, Rene and Warren, Austin. Theory of Literature. A Harvest Book Hareourt, Brace & World, New York, 1956. 27 . Wright, Charles. Mass Coaaunication. Random House, New York, 1959* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY