HARMFUL SOCIO-CULTURAL PRACTICES AFFECTING THE GIRL-CHILD AMONG THE KAMBARI OF NIGER STATE, NIGERIA BY OGIDI, DIAMOND PREYE B.SC. SOCIOLOGY (KANO), M.SC. SOCIOLOGY (IBADAN) MATRIC NO. 77167 A THESIS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY, SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN FEBRUARY, 2015 i UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Certification I certify that this study was carried out under my supervision by Diamond Preye Ogidi for the award of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Demography and Population Studies) in the Department of Sociology, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. ................................................................. (Supervisor) UCHE C. ISIUGO-ABANIHE B.A, MPS (Cornell); M.A, PhD (Penn) Professor of Demography Department of Sociology, Faculty of the Social Sciences, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. ii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Dedication This thesis is dedicated to the Kambari Girl-Child whose future could be enhanced by all relevant stakeholders: researchers, government, the third sector as well as her parents who are her first mentors. iii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Acknowledgments The successful completion of this work was like the proverbial “Israelite journey”; despite all odds and challenges by the grace of God Almighty, this work has been accomplished at last. I deeply appreciate the goodness and faithfulness of God towards the successful completion of the programme. A number of personalities became important motivators in ensuring that I made progress and eventually completed the PhD Programme. I sincerely want to appreciate the support, concern and encouragement of my Supervisor, Prof. Uche Isiugo-Abanihe, whom I met in 1996 when I came for a Master of Science post-graduate programme in Sociology. He has been my role model and mentor, and I deeply appreciate all his contributions, corrections and criticisms to ensure that the thesis met the requirements for the award of a Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology. Secondly, I want to acknowledge the contributions, corrections and support of the Academic Staff in the Department of Sociology. Quite a number of them helped to lay a solid foundation during my masters‟ programme in Sociology that had enabled me to complete this work. I wish to express my profound gratitude to the Head of Department Prof. A.S Jegede, Dr. O.O. Omololu, Profs. A.O Olutayo, I.P Onyeonoru and Dr. A.A Obemeata. I also appreciate specifically the contributions of Profs. A.A Aderinto O.M Obono, Dr Ezebunwa Nwokocha and Dr. Emeka Okafor towards enhancing the quality of the thesis by providing relevant literature and critique of the work. Furthermore, I am happy to have had the opportunity to study at the University of Ibadan, “The First and the Best of them All”. Thirdly, I am grateful to Prof. Ibrahim A. Kolo, the former Provost of Niger State College of Education, my former boss, now the Vice Chancellor of Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, for his support and concern to ensure that I completed the PhD programme. I am grateful to the current Provost, Prof Farouq Rashid Haruna, and the Registrar, Mal Abdullahi Dalhatu Umar for their immense support throughout the entire programme. Furthermore, my sojourn in Peace Practice as the Director of the Abdulsalami Abubakar Institute for Peace and Sustainable Development Studies brought me in close contact with at least three personalities who were also critical stakeholders towards ensuring completion of the PhD Programme. Foremost, I want to sincerely appreciate the iv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY immense effort and support rendered to me by, His Excellency Gen. (Dr) A.A Abubakar GCFR, CSG, Chair of the Governing Council of the Institute. Also, Gen. Ishola Williams Executive Secretary, PANAFSTRAG (Pan-African Strategic and Policy Research Group) as well as Prof. Abiola Lipede, a former Dean, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Nigerian Defence Academy Kaduna, a personal friend, whose wise counsels saw me throughout the period of putting the thesis together. My family built a great system of support and encouragement that kept me on the right track. I deeply appreciate my parents, Late Maxwell Botei Ogidi, Mrs. Mary America Kemedubei, my brothers Lawson I.B Ogidi and John Ogidi and my sisters, Rev (Mrs) Carolyne Gbough, Rev. (Mrs) Josephine-Fosu Kwaye, and Rev. (Ms) Christy Laraba Maxwell, and also my in-law, Rev Isaiah Fosu-Kwaye, a Sociologist as well, for all their support. What would I have done without the contributions of my sons, Oluwafemi Oluruntoba and David Kemedubei, computer gurus, who spent sleepless nights with me in the office during data entry and typesetting of the entire work and Omolara Sanusi who also assisted me during the corrections and editorial phase of the work. Oluwafemi Oloruntoba a graduate of Statistics taught me the first lessons on the use of SPSS that spurred me to action to run the analysis for this study on my own. I am sincerely grateful to those who participated as research assistants. They demonstrated commitment, and enthusiasm throughout the six weeks we were in the field collecting data from the six selected Local Government Areas in Niger State. My special thanks go to the following: Philemon Danladi, Loboninya Lata, Patience Patrick, Isah Lata, Simon S. Luka, James Shekarau, Damastsa Stephen Lata and Magdalene Dauda. I am deeply grateful to my friends, Mrs. B.A Ogedenbge, Dr Ngozi Ononokpono, Hajiya Zarah Tukur, Mrs Helen Ajei, Mrs Alice Okonkwo and Mr. & Mrs. Victoria Abuh and Mr. & Mrs. Rachel Ajani for their overwhelming support. Finally, but not the least, I deeply appreciate my Pastors for their encouragement and prayers specifically, Pastors Toyin Araromi, Emmanuel Ogbodo, Shola Odumusu, Prof. Matthew Abolarin and Dr. Evans Ewgim. v UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ABSTRACT Socio-cultural practices which have severe consequences on the overall well-being of the girl-child have drawn attention worldwide. Despite extensive empirical evidence, there is a dearth of studies in Nigeria on the situation of the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State. This study, therefore, examined the harmful socio-cultural practices affecting the Kambari girl-child. Max Weber‟s social action, patriarchy, and sex role theories provided the theoretical framework. A triangulation approach was adopted in data collection. A household survey was conducted among 1598 respondents. Each was a pair of adult males (385) and their sons (385) as well as adult females (414) and their daughters (414). A four-stage sampling technique was used to select respondents from 63 Enumeration Areas in the six Kambari-dominated Local Government Areas (LGAs) of Niger State: Agwara, Borgu, Magama, Mariga, Mashegu and Rijau LGAs. Two sets of structured questionnaires were used to collect information on socio-demographic characteristics, cultural construction of girlhood, familial roles and household practices from adults, boy and girl-children. Fifteen Focus Group Discussions on gender socialisation, gender relations, household practices, and socio-cultural factors were conducted with male and female adults, boy and girl-children in the LGAs. Fourteen In-depth Interviews were conducted with religious clerics, traditional rulers, male and female community leaders. Twelve case studies of girl-children were also conducted. Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics and logistic regression at p≤0.05. The qualitative data were content analysed. Adult respondents‟ age was 40.3±10.0 years, 98.1% were married, and 81.7% were farmers. The mean age for girl-children was 13 years. Most of the respondents were rural dwellers (82.0%). Most of the respondents (97.1%) opined that the status of the girl-child was very low relative to the boy-child. About 99% affirmed that girl-children were disadvantaged with regard to opportunities and privileges. The girl-child faced household discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment (79.0%), education (78.4%) and restrictive food taboos (32.2%). Traditional leaders and significant others approved such practices. About 67% of girl-children perceived these practices as acceptable to the Kambari. Adult respondents‟ gender (Odds Ratio (OR):5.426), education (OR: 4.156), religious affiliation (OR: 3.888), place of residence (OR: 1.723), ideational variables such as pattern of decision-making (OR: 5.707), childhood experiences (OR: 4.396), non- valuation of women‟s role in decision-making (OR: 1.535), and conception of gender roles (OR: 1.317) were significant predictors of the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices against the girl-child. Conception of gender roles, gender socialisations, son preferences, cultural construction of girlhood, and valuation of the girl-child, decision-making, gender stereotyping engender discriminatory practices against girl-children. Child betrothal, early marriage, burden of domestic work, child labour, preference for boy-education disempowered girls, while food taboos deprived them of nutritional well-being and good quality of life. These harmful socio-cultural practices which tend to be discriminatory in nature against the girl-child were deeply rooted in Kambari tradition and have persisted. Serious attention should be given to community mobilisation and sensitisation to address harmful socio-cultural practices which tend to disempower the girl-child among the Kambari. Keywords: Girl-child, Gender roles, Harmful socio-cultural practices, Patriarchy, Kambari culture Word count: 489 vi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table of Contents Page Title Page .... .... i Certification .... .... ii Dedication .... .... iii Acknowledgement .... .... iv Abstract .... .... vi Table of Content .... .... xii List of Tables .... .... xiii List of Figures .... .... xvi List of Plates .... .... xvii List of Appendices .... .... xviii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 1.1 Background of the Study .... .... 1 1.2 Statement of Problem .... .... 2 1.3 Research Questions .... .... 6 1.4 Aims and Objectives .... .... 6 1.5 Significance of the Study .... .... 6 1.6 Scope of the Study .... .... 9 1.7 Definition of Concepts .... .... 9 1.7.1 The Girl- Child .... .... 9 1.7.2 Household .... .... 10 1.7.3 Discriminatory Practices .... .... 10 1.7.4 Socio -Cultural Practices .... .... 10 1.7.5 Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices .... .... 10 1.7.6 Cultural Construction of Girlhood .... .... 11 1.7.7 The Status of the Girl - Child .... .... 11 1.7.8 Gender Hierarchy .... .... 11 1.7.9 Household Power Dynamics .... .... 11 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.1 Literature Review .... .... 13 2.1.1 Historical Background on Action against the Plight of the Girl -Child 13 2.1.2 Legal Framework on Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices against the Girl-Child .... .... 14 vii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2.1.3 Specific Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl-Child 15 2.1.3.1 Access to Medical Care .... .... 16 2.1.3.2 Access to Educational Opportunities .... .... 18 2.1.3.3 Domestic Work Burden .... .... 19 2.1.3.4 Household Food Allocation .... .... 20 2.1.4 Cultural Construction of Girlhood .... .... 20 2.1.5 Enabling Triggers of Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl-Child .... .... 22 2.1.5.1 Son Preference .... .... 23 2.1.5.2 The Dowry Burden .... .... 35 2.1.5.3 Family Support Network .... .... 26 2.1.5.4 The Kinship System .... .... 26 2.1.5.5 Inheritance Law and Rights .... .... 26 2.1.5.6 Religious Beliefs and Practices .... .... 27 2.1.6 The Role of Social Change in Combating Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices .... .... 27 2.2 Theoretical Framework and Conceptual Model .... 29 2.2.1 Social Action Theory .... .... 29 2.2.2 Feminist Theory on Patriarchy .... .... 30 2.2.3 Sex Role Theory .... .... 32 2.2.4 Synthesis of the Theoretical Framework .... 34 2.2.5 Conceptual Framework .... .... 35 2.2.6 Study Hypotheses .... .... 38 CHAPTER THREE: ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE KAMBARI 3.1 Location .... .... 40 3.2 Origin .... .... 40 3.3 Lineages .... .... 40 3.4 Language .... .... 40 3.5 Traditional Economy .... .... 43 3.6 Political Structure .... .... 45 3.7 Religion .... .... 45 3.8 Rule of Descent and Rights to Inheritance .... 46 3.9 Marriage and Residence .... .... 46 3.10 Market Days .... .... 49 viii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.11 Mode of Transportation .... .... 51 3.12 Mode of Dressing and Adornment .... .... 54 3.13 Educational Facilities and Enrollment Rates .... 57 3.13.1 Educational Facilities .... .... 57 3.13.2 Enrollment Rates in Study Area .... .... 57 3.14 Health-Care Facilities .... .... 60 3.14.1 Ownership of Health Care Facilities by Type and Local Government Area .... .... 60 3.14.2 Health-Care Utilization .... .... 61 3.15 Pattern of Household Decision-Making .... 61 CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 4.1 Research Design .... .... 63 4.2 Study Area and Population .... .... 64 4.3.1 Study Area .... .... 64 4.3.2 Study population .... .... 64 4.3 Sample Design .... .... 65 4.3.1 Sample Size .... .... 65 4.3.2 Sampling Technique .... .... 66 4.4 Methods of Data Collection .... .... 68 4.4.1 Social Survey .... .... 68 4.4.2 Focus Group Discussion (FGDs) .... .... 69 4.4.3 In-depth Interviews (IDIs) .... .... 70 4.4.4 Case Studies .... .... 71 4.5 Validity and Reliability of the Study Instruments .... 73 4.5.1 Validity and Reliability of Quantitative Instruments .... 73 4.5.2 Validity and Reliability of Qualitative Instruments .... 74 4.6 Administration of Data Collection Instruments and Organization of Field Work .... .... 74 4.6.1 Procurement of Enumeration Areas .... .... 75 4.6.2 Recruitment of Field Workers .... .... 75 4.6.3 Training of Field Workers .... .... 75 4.6.4 Data Collection Schedule .... .... 75 4.7 Data Management and Analytical Techniques .... 76 4.7.1 Qualitative Data .... .... 76 ix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4.7.2 Quantitative Data .... .... 76 4.7.3 Bivariate Data Analysis .... .... 77 4.7.4 Multivariate Data Analysis .... .... 77 4.7.5 Transformation of Variables .... .... 80 4.7.6 Model Specifications .... .... 81 4.7.7 Testing the Hypotheses .... .... 84 4.8 Ethical Considerations .... .... 84 4.8.1 Informed Consent Process of the Study .... 85 4.8.2 Voluntary Participation of Research Participants .... 85 4.8.3 Respect for the Rights, Dignity and Diversity of Research Participants 85 4.8.4 Non-Malfeasance of Research Participants .... 85 4.9 Problems Encountered .... .... 85 CHAPTER FIVE: PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION 5.1 Respondents Background Characteristics .... 87 5.1.1 Background Characteristics of Respondents .... 87 5.1.2 Specific Socio- Demographic Characteristics of Adult Respondents 88 5.1.3 Distribution of Adult Respondents by their Reproductive Outcome 92 5.1.4 Specific Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Girl and Boy- Children 93 5.2 The Profile of the Kambari Girl -Child .... 95 5.2.1 Educational Outcome of the Girl - Child and Boy - Child .... 95 5.2.2 Problems Confronting the Girl - Child .... 106 5.2.3 Roles of the Girl -Child in the Family .... 111 5.2.4 Roles of the Boy - Child in the Family .... 113 5.3 Cultural Construction of Girlhood .... .... 115 5.3.1 Definitive Features of Girlhood .... .... 115 5.3.2 Prescribed Roles of the Girl-Child .... .... 116 5.3.3 Perceived Appropriate Qualities of Girl-Child .... 117 5.3.4 Respondents‟ Cultural Conception of the Valuation of the Girl -Child 118 5.4 Status and Valuation of the Girl-Child.... .... 119 5.4.1 Respondents‟ Rating of the Status of the Girl-Child .... 119 5.4.2 Respondents‟ Valuation of the Girl-Child .... 123 5.4.2.1 Sex Preference among Adult Respondents‟ .... 123 5.4.2.2 Adult Respondents‟ Most Prefered Sex of Children and Associated Reasons .... .... 124 x UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.4.2.3 Perceived Feelings towards the Sex Composition of their Children 125 5.4.2.4 Variation in Privileges and Opportunities .... 127 5.5 Kambari Socio-Cultural Practices Associated with Discrimination against the Girl-Child .... .... 128 5.5.1 Household Decision-Making and Power Dynamics .... 128 5.5.1.1 Adult Respondents‟ on Decision-Making Pattern on Critical Issues 129 5.5.1.2 Non-Participation of Women in Decision-Making and Its‟ Effects 131 5.5.2. Gender Stereotyping .... .... 133 5.5.3 Conception of Gender Roles .... .... 135 5.5.4 Gender Socialization .... .... 137 5.5.5 Cultural Construction of Girlhood .... .... 139 5.5.6 Valuation of the Girl-Child .... .... 141 5.5.7 Traditional Practices .... .... 142 5.5.8 Son Preference .... .... 144 5.5.9 Kinship Pattern and the Rule of Inheritance .... 145 5.5.10 Religious Beliefs and Practices .... ..... 146 5.6 Dynamics of Discriminatory Practices .... 148 5.6.1 Chilhood Experiences of Adult Men and Women .... 149 5.6.2 Discriminatory Practices against the Kambari Girl-Child .... 150 5.6.2.1 Access of Education .... .... 150 5.6.2.2 Domestic Work Assignment .... .... 153 5.6.2.3 Restrictive Food Taboos .... .... 156 5.6.2.4 Family Food Distribution .... .... 158 5.7 Attitude and Perception towards Discriminatory Practices. ..... 161 5.7.1 Approval of Discriminatory Practices by Respondents ..... 161 5.7.2 Approval of Preferences for Boy-Children‟s Education over Girl-Children by Selected Characteristics of Adult Respondents ..... 163 5.7.3 Adult Respondents‟ Perception of Significant Others‟ Approval of Discriminatory Practices and Likelihood of Accepting Their Advice 164 5.8 Perception of the Girl-Child towards Discriminatory Practices 165 5.8.1 Girl-Child‟s Perception of Discriminatory Practices ..... 166 5.8.2 Discriminatory Practices in Educational Opportunities by Boy- and Girl-Children .... .... 167 5.9 Multivariate Analysis and Hypothesis Testing .... 169 xi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.9.1 Exploring the Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices 169 5.9.2 Approval of Discriminatory Practices .... .... 181 5.9.3 Exploring the Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices by Girl and Boy Children .... .... 187 5.9.4 Synopsis of Logistic Regression Results .... 189 5.9.5 Validation of Theoretical Framework .... 191 5.9.6 Discussion of Findings .... .... 193 5.10 Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation .... 196 5.10.1 Summary of the Work .... .... 196 5.10.2 Conclusion and Programmatic Recommendations .... 201 5.10.3 Contribution to Knowledge .... .... 204 5.10.4 Areas for Further Research .... .... 206 References .... .... 208 Appendix 1 .... .... 223 Appendix 2 .... .... 242 Appendix 3 .... .... 261 Appendix 4 .... .... 264 Appendix 5 .... .... 267 Appendix 6 .... .... 269 Appendix 7 .... .... 276 xii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY List of Tables Table 3.1: Distribution of Number of Public and Private Pre-Primary Schools and Enrolment by Gender and Local Government Areas 58 Table 3.2: Distribution of Total Public and Private Primary School Enrolment by Gender and Local Government Areas .... 59 Table 3.3: Distribution of Public and Private Junior Secondary School Enrolment by Gender and Local Government Areas .... 60 Table 3.4: Distribution of Ownership of Health-Care Facilities by Type and Local Government Areas .... .... 61 Table 4.1: Proportional Distribution of Sample Size by Sub Group and Selected Local Government Areas .... .... 66 Table 4.2: Population Size, Number of Listed and Selected Wards, Enumeration Areas, Clusters, Households and Total Sample Size of Selected Local Government Areas .... .... 67 Table 4.3: Distribution of FGD Participants by Sub-Group, Age, Education, Place of Residence and Research Locations .... 70 Table 4.4: Demographics of IDI Participants .... 71 Table 4.5: Demographics of Girl-Children involved in the Case Study 73 Table 5.1: Percentage Distribution of Respondents by Gender, Language- Dialect, Religious Affiliation and Residence .... 88 Table 5.2: Percentage of Adult Respondents by Age and Occupation 89 Table 5.3: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents and their Spouses by their Educational Attainment .... .... 90 Table 5.4: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents by Some Selected Household Characteristics .... 91 Table 5.5: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents by their Marital Status, Type of Marital Union and Mean Age at First Marriage 92 Table 5.6: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents‟ Reproductive Outcomes and Fertility Intentions .... 93 Table 5.7: Percentage Distribution of Girl and Boy-Children by Ranked Position in the Family and their Age .... 94 Table 5.8: Distribution of Girl- and Boy-Children who Dropped out of School and Never Attended School by Associated Reasons .... 98 xiii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.9: Percentage Distribution of Respondents‟ Conception of the Definition Features of Girlhood.... .... 114 Table 5.10: Percentage Distribution of Respondents‟ Cultural Conception of the Valuation of Girl-children.... .... 116 Table 5.11: Percentage Distribution of Respondents‟ Cultural Conception of the Valuation of Girl-children.... .... 118 Table 5.12: Percentage Distribution of Respondents‟ Perception and Rating of the Status of Girl-children and Associated Reasons for the Rating .... .... 121 Table 5.13: Percentage Distribution of Respondents by their Most Preferred Sex of Children and the Associated Reasons .... 124 Table 5.14: Percentage Distribution of Respondents‟ Perceived Feelings towards the Sex Composition of their Children .... 125 Table 5.15: Respondents‟ Valuation of Girl-Children based on Opportunities and Priviledges .... .... 127 Table 5.16: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents on Decision- Making Pattern on Critical Household Issues .... 129 Table 5.17: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents‟ View on Non- Participation of Women in Decision-Making and its Effects 131 Table 5.18: Percentage Distribution of Childhood Experience of Discrimination by Adult Respondents and the Likelihood of Engaging in Discriminatory Practices in their Households .... 148 Table 5.19: Percentage Distribution of Respondents‟ Desired Educational Aspirations for the Boy and Girl-Children in their Households 153 Table 5.20: Percentage Distribution of Respondents by their Views on Domestic Work .... .... 153 Table 5.21: Percentage Distribution of Respondents Reporting Incidence of Restrictive Food Taboos and Approval of Restrictive Food Taboos against Girl-Children .... 158 Table 5.22: Percentage Distribution of Respondents by Pattern of Family Food Distribution .... .... 159 Table 5.23: Distribution of Adult Respondents Reporting Approval of Preferences for Boy-Children‟s Education over Girl-Children by some Selected Characteristics .... .... 163 xiv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.24: Percentage Distribution of Adults Perception of Significant Others Approvals and their Likelihood of Accepting their Advice on Discriminatory Practices .... 165 Table 5.25: Percentage Distribution of Girl-Children‟s Perception of Her Disadvantaged Position .... .... 166 Table 5.26: Girl and Boy-Children Reporting would Practice Restrictive Food Taboos towards the Girl-Child.... .... 168 Table 5.27: Girl and Boy-Children Reporting Would Practice Restrictive Food Taboos towards the Girl-Child .... 168 Table 5.28: Logistic Regression Coefficients of Adult Respondents‟ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discrimination towards the Girl-Child in Educational Opportunities by their Selected Background Characteristics .... 171 Table 5.29: Logistic Regression Coefficients of Adult Respondents‟ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discrimination towards the Girl-Child by Ideational Characteristics .... 174 Table 5.30: Logistic Regression Coefficients of Girl-Children‟s Exposure to Discrimination in Domestic Work Assignment and Restrictive Food Taboos by their Selected Characteristics 178 Table 5.31: Logistic Regression Coefficients of Adult Respondents‟ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discrimination in Domestic Work Assignment and Food Taboos against the Girl-Child by their Selected Characteristics .... 180 Table 5.32: A Comparison of Logistic Coefficients of Combined Adults Respondents and Combined Girl and Boy-Children on Approval of Higher Education for Boy-Children than for the Girl-Child by some Selected Characteristics .... 183 Table 5.33: A Comparison of the Logistic Coefficients on Approval of Higher Education for Boy-Children over Girl-Children by Fathers and Sons by Some Selected Characteristics .... 185 Table 5.34: A Comparison of Logistic Coefficients of Approval of Higher Education for Boy-Children over Girl-Children by Mothers and Daughters by Some Selected Characteristics .... 187 Table 5.35: Comparison of Logistic Coefficients of Girl and Boy-Children‟s Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices in Educational Opportunities towards the Girl-Child in their Future Households by some Selected Characteristics .... 189 xv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY List of Figures Page Figure 2.1: Conceptual Framework of the Study. .... .... 42 Figure 3.1: Map of Niger State Showing Selected Local Government Areas for the Study .... .... 37 Figure 4.1: Schooling Status of Girl and Boy-Children in the Study Area 96 Figure 4.2: Level of Schooling among In-School Girl and Boy-Children 105 Figure 4.3: Major Problems Confronting Girl-Children in the Study Area 107 Figure 4.4: Mean Bar Chart showing Percentage Means of Familial oles carried by Girl-Children .... .... 111 Figure 4.5: Bar Chart showing Percentage Means of Familial Roles carried by Boy-Children .... .... 113 Figure 4.6: Pie Chart showing Ratings of the Status of the Girl-Child in the Study Area .... .... 119 Figure 4.7: Pie Chart Showing Overall Respondents‟ View on the Status of Boy-Children and Girl-Children in the Community .... 120 Figure 4.8: Bar Chart Reporting Discriminatory Practices Against the Girl-Child .... .... 160 Figure 4.9: Approval of Discriminatory Practices by Respondents in the Study .... .... 162 xvi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY List of Plates Plate 1: Settlement Pattern .... .... 44 Plate 2: Market Scenes .... .... 50 Plate 3: Means of Transportation (Camel) .... 52 Plate 4: Means of Transportation (Boat) .... 53 Plate 5a: Mode of Dressing .... .... 55 Plate 5b: Mode of Dressing .... .... 56 xvii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY List of Appendices Appendix 1: Questionnaire for Adults .... .... 223 Appendix 2: Questionnaires for Girl/Boy-Children. .... 242 Appendix 3: FGD Guide for Adults .... .... 261 Appendix 4: FGD Guide for Girl-Boy-Children. .... 264 Appendix 5: In-Depth Interview Guide .... .... 267 Appendix 6: Case Study Guide. .... .... 269 Appendix 7 Presentation of Case Studies .... .... 276 xviii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 1.1 Background of the Study The plight of the girl-child has gained the attention of the global community since the 1990s. She has claimed a place of prominence on the human development agenda as a result of her social conditions and well-being. The plight of the girl-child remained invisible for quite a long time in most developing countries. It was the Fourth World th Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995 that identified the girl-child as the 12 critical area of concern. A more recent report on the appraisal of the Beijing Platform for + Action, BPFA 15 (1995-2009) on Africa noted that despite significant progress on integrating the Rights of the Child into domestic law through legislative and constitutional reforms in most African countries harmful socio-cultural practices and , discriminatory practices in particular still persisted against the girl-child (UN, 1996; UN, 1997; Ogidi, 1997; Aderinto, 1999; UNECA, 2010; FEMNET, 2010). It has been quite disheartening that 17 years after the plight of the girl-child was identified as a critical area of concern at an International arena she is still confronted with problems and challenges which have not been adequately addressed by most countries. Diverse forms of harmful socio-cultural practices have been extensively documented in Asia relative to other parts of the world, particularly in Africa and the Middle-East (Punalekar, 1995; Kurz and Johnson -Welch, 1997; Lundberg, 2005; Kishore, 2005; Thind, Mahal and Seema, 2008; Das Gupta et al., 2009; Sekher and Hatti, 2010).Scholars have extensively focussed on discriminatory practices against the girl- child,which is, seen as the worst form of harmful socio-cultural practices that have persisted over time against the girl-child. It has been established that the strong preference for the boy-child, which is manifested in household allocation of resources and medical care, adversely affect the nutrition, morbidity, mortality and educational aspiration of‟ the girl-child (Attané and Guilmoto, 2007; Shuzhuo et al., 2007; Plan, 2007; Asfaw, Klasen and Lamanna, 2007; Guilmoto and Attané, 2007; Chitrakar, 2009). Most importantly, quite a number of studies suggest that discriminatory practices still persist against the girl-child as a result of deep-rooted socio-cultural beliefs, social norms, values and practices (Jutting and Morrison, 2005a; 2005b; Lundberg, 2005; Sultana, 2010; UNECA, 2010; FEMNET, 2010).This underscores the need to explore the 1 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY context that engenders deep-rooted harmful socio-cultural practices with specific focus on discriminatory practices against the girl-child. Moreover, due to variations in culture, the socio-cultural practices and contexts under which these practices persist vary from region to region. It is against this backdrop, that the current study examines harmful socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria. The girl- child is known by various names among the major language clusters of the Kambari. Among the Tsishingini (sometimes called Ashingini) found around Salka area, she is called „usheli”. On the other hand, for the Tsikimba (also known as Akimba), the Kambari sub-group found in Auna-Wara area, the girl-child is called “makere”, also, among the Cishingini, that is, the Kambari from Agwara, the girl-child is also known as “makere”. Furthermore, among the Tsigadi (also called Agadi), the Kambari from Ibeto area and also among the Avadi, the girl-child is called “usheli” (Stark, 2000; Stark, 2000). There is a consensus among the language clusters that the girl-child irrespective of her name is a female child. 1.2 Statement of Problem There is a growing awareness and global concern that harmful socio-cultural practices act as the root causes for discrimination and even violence against the girl-child (Ras- Work, 2006; UNECA, 2010; FEMNET, 2010). Some of these practices include son preference, early and forced marriages, child betrothal, child labour, female genital mutilation, circumcision, child sexual abuse, honor killing and discriminatory practices (Ras-Work, 2006; UNICEF, 2014). Series of groundbreaking legal frameworks at the international, regional and national levels have encouraged governments to eliminate these practices. These include the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), the Beijing Platform of Action (BPFA), the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC), the African Charter on Human and Peoples‟ Rights (ACHPR) and Nigerian Child‟s Right Act (CRA) among others have introduced gender quality and prohibition of harmful socio-cultural practices as critical parts of the development agenda at various levels of governance. Thus, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGS) and the Post 2015 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) cannot be realized without addressing the harmful socio-cultural practices that militates against the 2 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY empowerment of the girl-child who is seen as tomorrow‟s woman (UNICEF, 1989; 2014; UNHCR, 1997; ECA, 2001). Furthermore, the global, regional and national concern to focus on the peculiar conditions of the girl-child has become more pressing that ever before because of widespread poverty, changes in the social fabric and relationships in the family, social conflicts which have direct impact on the girl-child. In addition, governments, development partners have become increasing aware that the status of women cannot experience rapid transformation if the inequalities, discrimination, marginalization and these practices the girl-child is subjected to are not addressed (ECA, 2001; UNECA, 2010; FEMNET, 2010). Besides, the focus on the harmfulness of these socio-cultural practices was on the basis of the denial of the human rights of the girl-child to gender quality, active participation in national development and the negative consequences of harmful socio-cultural practices on her overall well-being. These harmful socio-cultural practices are referred to in the UNCRC (Article 24(3)), CEDAW (Articles 2,5 and African Chapter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (Article 16). The African Union theme for 2013 which was “Eliminating harmful social and cultural practices affecting children: our collective responsibility” underscores the significance of this study (UNECA, 2010, UNICEF, 2014). This study is significant for Nigeria‟s national development in view of the fact it seeks to highlight deep-rooted harmful socio-cultural practices that are inimical to the health and well-being of the girl-child. Also, addressing these harmful practices is the gateway to removing all barriers that impedes on the empowerment of the girl-child that would ensure her active participation and contribution to national development. It has been established that the girl-child from birth and at all stages in her life is placed at a disadvantage by harmful socio-cultural practices that affects her economic, social, health, cultural and emotional status. In fact, at the fifth African Regional Conference on Women held in Dakar as far back as 1999 believed that special attention should be given to the girl-child “to enable her to grow-up while benefiting from health, self- confidence and education necessary for her to occupy with dignity and on an equal footing with men, the place which is hers in society” (ECA, 2001:1). 3 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY This study focused on harmful socio-cultural practices affecting the Kambari girl child by examining discriminatory practices against the girl- child, its nature and the socio- cultural practices that tend to engender these practices among the Kambari society. Arguably, the negative outcomes of discriminatory practices have remained invisible because most often, the tendency has been to subsume the girl-child under the category of “women”. Thus, the invisibility of the girl-child is often the result of an overstatement on and the homogenising of “woman” as a category (Punelakar, 1995; Reddy 2009). Currently, the girl-child has been a focus of anthropological and sociological inquiry. There has been a growing scholarship on the girl-child in Asia and as such, many rather view the problems confronting girl-child more as an Asian rather than an African phenomenon (Janseen 2006; Koohi-Kamali, 2008). In Africa, and Nigeria in particular, there has been paucity of literature especially on discriminatory practices. Also, there are relatively few studies on socio-cultural practices that engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child in Nigeria. Additionally, how girlhood is socially constructed in diverse cultural contexts has significant impact on the valuation of the status of the girl child and the roles assigned to her at the household level vis-à-vis the boy-child. A dearth of research also exists in this regard; and this study fills the existing gap by exploring the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria (Aina and Abdullahi, 1995; Moselestane, Mitchell, Smith and Chisholom, 2008). Furthermore, gender marginalization has now become an accepted theoretical concern in the social sciences. More recently, gender has become one of the most important determinants of household differentials in welfare. Consequently, there has been a new focus on household members as separate individuals in view of the fact that different members face different opportunities and constraints depending on their status. Interestingly, such a focus would provide insights on high risk groups among members of the household (Basu, 1989; Punalekar, 1995). Hence, there has been an increasing recognition that boys and girls are treated differently throughout their lives, and most often gender differences have been associated with cultural perceptions of appropriate male and female responsibilities (UNICEF, 1991; 1993; Plan, 2007). Likewise, Anyanwu (1995) asserted that the patterns of parental care accorded children are largely influenced by socio-cultural practices and the attitude of the society. Based on 4 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the foregoing, studies have confirmed that the girl-child is more vulnerable and more likely to face discriminatory practices in education, domestic work assignment, food allocation and in health related issues (Aderinto, 1999; Rufai and Ogidi, 2006; Plan, 2007).These practices affects the well-being of the girl-child and limits the capacities and empowerment of the girl-child. As a result of this Dube, (1988) cited in Sharma (1995) suggested that an in-depth study of the following processes: family structure, composition of family unit, configuration of role relationships, allocation of family resources are significant in explaining gender differences. In addition, gender-based and age division of work and the conception of future adult roles of males and females could also provide useful insights for gender differences which are culturally produced. A number of studies (Das Gupta, 1987; Cowan 1990; Adige, 1991; Devendra, 1995; Borooah, 2004; Kishore, 2005; Pande and Malhotra, 2006; Li et al., 2007; Arokiasamy, 2007; Shuzhuo et al., 2007; Sekher and Hatti, 2007) indicated that there are complexities of types and levels of situation confronting the girl-child. Hence, it has been observed that an entire investigation of the social fabric of any given community is significant in order to ascertain the material and non-material tendencies constituting the present profile of the girl-child (Punalekar, 1995). This necessitates a broad understanding of the social, cultural and economic processes governing the profile of the girl-child. Based on the foregoing, Kapur (1995:15) suggests that dealing with the problems confronting the girl-child would require “a multipronged, multidisciplinary, multiphase, multi- dimensional and holistic approach”. The present study keys into these observation given the dearth of empirical evidence on the girl-child situation in Nigeria and very limited studies which provide socio-cultural insights on practices affecting the girl-child. Hence, this study adopted a holistic approach in order to explore the harmful socio- cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State in North- Central Nigeria.Firstly, the socio-cultural practices refer to the complex whole of institutional, religious, economic, ideational and social factors that influence discriminatory practices against the girl-child.Secondly,harmful socio-cultural practices refers to norms,values and practices imbedded in the culture that are regarded as having adverse effect on all spheres of life of the girl-child that limits her full potentials for development and active participation in family,community and national life. Indeed, it is a holistic way of focusing on a multi-causal investigation of behaviour of parents at the household level and the significant others towards the girl-child in a cultural-specific 5 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY context, with specific reference to the cultural norms, values and practices of the Kambari. 1.3 Research Questions The following research questions were raised in order to provide a sense of direction to the study: 1. What is the cultural construction of girlhood among the Kambari? 2. What are the harmful socio-cultural practices that engender discriminatory behaviour pattern towards the girl-child? 3. What is the nature of discriminatory practices that affects the well-being of the girl-child among the Kambari? 4. What are the attitude of significant others towards discriminatory practices? 5. What are the perception of the girl-child herself towards discriminatory practices? 6. What are the combined effects of individual and ideational factors on the unlikelihood to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child? 1.4 Aims and Objectives The overall objective of the study is to ascertain the harmful socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria. However, the specific objectives were to: 1. Describe the cultural construction of girlhood among the Kambari; 2. Examine the harmful socio-cultural practices that engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child ; 3. Investigate the nature of discriminatory practices among the Kambari; 4. Highlight the attitude of the significant others towards discriminatory practices; 5. Explore the perception of the girl-child towards discriminatory practices; 6. Determine the combined effects of individual and ideational factors on the likelihood of exhibiting or not exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. 1.5 Significance of the Study According to John (1995), the Convention on the Rights of the Child has brought to the fore the concerns of children in the development agenda of most nations. Despite this renewed interest and commitment to address the welfare of children irrespective of their gender, discriminatory practices still persists against the girl-child. Also, 17 years after 6 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY th the girl-child was identified as the 12 critical area of concern in the Beijing Platform of Action (BPFA) discriminatory practices have been associated with deep-rooted socio- cultural practices (UN, 1997; UNCEA, 2010; FEMNET, 2010; FRN, 2010). Consequently, exploring the harmful socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child provides insights on why discrimination still persists against the girl-child with a view to addressing the challenges that confront her. In addition, the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in 1994 in Cairo led to a paradigm shift in thinking on particularly how population and development issues should be approached. It advocated the need to explore the broader social and cultural contexts on issues in order to have a broadened perspective and also bring to fore the rationale for individual behaviour as socially constructed (Pradhan, 2001). Investigating the harmful socio-cultural practices associated with discriminatory practices would lead to evolving strategies that would change attitudes and practices towards her well-being, which in the long run would ensure that parity is achieved with the boy-child in every sphere of life. It is becoming obvious that, Nigeria cannot achieve the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), particularly with specific reference to Goal 2 which involves achieving universal primary education and ensuring gender parity in primary education by 2015. Related to this, Goal 3 is associated with promoting gender equality and empowering women. It is important to note that today‟s girl-child is tomorrow‟s woman. According to recent MDG report on Nigeria, gender gaps still persist in enrolment and completion rates at the primary and secondary school levels. In addition, at the tertiary level, the enrolments of boys are higher than that of girls (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2010). Furthermore, Nigeria ranks 118 of 134 countries in the Gender Equality Index (GEI) and girls in the North have the worst human development outcomes. Only 4 percent of girls in the North complete secondary school (British Council, 2012). Studies (Ogidi 1997; Aderinto, 1999; Rufai and Ogidi, 2006) have shown that the girl-child still faces discrimination with regard to access to education. Parents would prefer to educate boys rather than girls. Thus, there is the need to examine the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child to ensure that Nigeria achieves gender parity in the near future. Furthermore, the focus on the girl-child is a more recent development in sociological and demographic studies, particularly in Africa. She had remained invisible in most 7 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY sociological studies. Often, her concerns have been subsumed either on the sub-group of children or women in empirical databases, and as such have limited usefulness in providing useful comprehensive data on the girl-child. This study attempts to bridge a major lacuna in demographic studies on discriminatory practices against the girl-child in Africa and Nigeria in particular (Punalekar, 1995; Janseen, 2006; Reddy, 2009). Also, apart from early ethnographic studies on them (Meek, 1931; Temple, 1965), the Kambari, despite their unique culture, is among the ethnic groups in Nigeria on which extensive research work has not been conducted. Therefore, this study is of sociological significance in view of the fact that it provides new insights on their cultural practices and the impact of social change, on some aspects of their way of life. In addition, a more nuanced understanding of these practices has been provided by investigating girl-children with regard to their perceptions and their attitudes which previous studies had rendered voiceless by their non-inclusion (James and Prout, 1997; Reddy, 2009). The inclusion of boy-children and adult men in the study population provides insights on how they can actively participate in breaking down socio-cultural barriers that tended to engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child. Furthermore, the methodological approach of pairing a boy-child to his father and a girl- child to her mother provided insights on the dynamics of change, as well as an opportunity for inter-generational comparisons of their attitudes towards discriminatory practices. Finally, real development in any nation must be initiated with the improvement of the social conditions of the girl-child. Kapur (1995) posited that what has not been adequately realised is that woman‟s development acts and interacts with the development of the girl-child. Since today‟s woman and tomorrow‟s mother is yesterday‟s girl-child, the overall development of the girl-child would greatly impact upon her status and that of tomorrow‟s woman and mother. Similarly, the lack of empowerment of the girl-child due to the constraints of discriminatory practices would negatively impact on her future aspirations, reproductive and fertility outcomes, which in turn, would affect her overall development and that of her community as well. The study has provided insights on how to correct gender discrimination in the mother-child life-cycle, beginning with the girl- child. 8 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1.6 Scope of the Study The research focused on the harmful socio-cultural practices that engender discriminatory practices with specific reference to the study population and the geographical area of study. Also, in order to provide further understanding of discriminatory practices against the girl-child, the study explored the cultural construction of girlhood and how the valuation of her roles is related to her ascribed low status. By design, the study comprises pairs of fathers/boy children and mothers/girl-children from varied language-dialects, ages, religious affiliations, educational backgrounds and occupations for the social survey with the view to establishing the effects of socio- demographic characteristics of individual actors on the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The spatial scope of the study was limited to the Kambari located in Niger State which is situated in North-Central Nigeria. 1.7 Definition of Concepts The following concepts have been defined within the context of the study. 1.7.1 The Girl-Child Simply stated, she is seen both as a female and a child. Generally, the “girl” is seen as a self-explanatory component; however the “child” component has variations and delimitations under international, regional and national laws. With regard to international law, the concept of the “girl-child” comes under Article I of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, where a “child” is defined as “a child means every human being below the age of eighteen years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier” (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2003). At the regional level, the 1990 African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child under Article 2, sets a rather higher standard than the United Nations Child Convention by not allowing exceptions; rather “a child means every human being below the age of 18 years” (Centre for Human Rights and UPEACE, 2005).Furthermore, at the national level, the Child Rights Acts of 2003, in Article 21 stated that “a child is a person under the age of 18 years” (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2003). 9 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1.7.2 Household The household is made up of individuals who share a kin relationship with each other (Evans, 1991).According to Bolt and Bird (2003:10) the United Nations supports a more pragmatic definition which says “a household as a group of people who live and eat together”. On the other hand, Bolt and Bird (2003:10) defines it also as where members share a common source of major income and they sleep under the same roof or the same compound. Many decisions that affect the well-being of various individuals, the girl- child inclusive are made within the household. 1.7.3 Discriminatory Practices It refers to the denial of equity to the girl-child in the distribution of resources, assignment of domestic work, access to education and family allocation of food at the household levels vis-a-vis the boy-child. Data were collected on these aspects of the girl- child‟s life among the Kambari. 1.7.4 Socio-Cultural Practices Interrogating the socio-cultural practices associated with a particular issue or phenomenon refers to seeking for answers in the prevailing social, cultural, religious values and belief systems that formed the basis of the socially sanctioned realities of the girl-child and the boy-child or men and women in different communities. It refers to the man-made factors which are acquired as members of a given society which usually affects the perception, awareness, motivation, attitude and behaviour of a people (Isiugo- Abanihe, 1994). Thus, the socio-cultural practices refers to the complex whole of old- aged norms and customs, religious beliefs, taboos, values, and other social factors that influence household discriminatory practices among the Kambari that made individuals behave in a set of ways towards the girl-child. 1.7.5 Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices Harmful socio-cultural practices refers to those practices that have adverse negative effects on the overall well-being of the girl-child such as early or forced marriages, child- betrothal, dowry related crimes, female genital mutilation, son preference, discriminatory practices, food taboos, honour killing, selective abortion among others (Ras- Work,2006;Grabman and Eckman, 2015). 10 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1.7.6 Cultural Construction of Girlhood Generally, the cultural construction of gender in any particular community or society involved definitions of what it meant to be masculine or feminine, and these definitions vary across cultures (Brettell and Sargent, 1997). Consequently, the cultural construction of girlhood relates to “what it meant to be a girl” It is an attempt to answer the most vital question “What does it mean to be a girl?” It is the social and cultural creation of the social structure of a community on what it means to be a girl-child. Understanding the construction of the gender identity of the girl-child is at three major dimensions: her role, valuation of her position vis-a-vis the boy-child and the expected behavioural traits expected of a girl-child. 1.7.7 The Status of the Girl-Child It is the positioning of the girl-child in the social-order of the community. The status of the girl-child is usually lower than that of a boy-child in most cultures. The girl-child is seen as assuming the role of a “woman”, “wife” and “mother” later in life which is usually subordinate to that of the boy-child, who would later assume the role of a “man”, “husband” and more importantly the “head of a household”. 1.7.8 Gender Hierarchy It is the relative status, power and privilege accorded to the male and female gender within the society. It is socially and culturally determined. Men and boys usually occupied a relatively higher position than women and girls in most patriarchal societies. Gender hierarchies are manifested in family relations, household allocation of resources, customs and traditions, the power to make decisions at the household, community and societal levels (Reeves and Badon, 2000). Furthermore, gender hierarchy is also apparent in the relative opportunities available to women and girls in respect to education, health and nutrition among others. Gender hierarchies are usually supported by gender ideologies, socio-cultural beliefs and practices of each respective society or community. 1.7.9 Household Power Dynamics It refers to the differential access to power and control of resources at the household level. Within the household of most patriarchal society, men and boys as heads and potential heads of households are the major decision makers and have control over family resources. The sphere of influence for women and girls is usually confined to 11 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY domestic affairs. Other critical issues that affect the well-being of the household are usually taken by the head of the household. Consequently, household power dynamics influences the allocation of resources and opportunities to various members of the household at each given period. 12 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORITICAL FRAMEWORK This chapter reviewed related literature by examining the historical background of action against the plight of the girl-child, the cultural construction of girlhood and socio-cultural practices associated with discrimination against the girl-child. It also highlighted the contributions, gaps, weaknesses and methodological issues identified in the studies reviewed. In addition, this chapter considered the theoretical and conceptual framework and also the hypotheses of the study. 2.1 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1.1 Historical Background of Action against the Plight of the Girl-Child Generally, the plight of the girl-child gained currency in the 1980s when the United Nations Children Fund, (UNICEF) first adopted the phrase “the girl-child” (Jiwani and Berman, 2002). At the level of the United Nations, a number of seminal meetings such as the World Summit for Children, held in New York in 1990; the World Conference on Human Rights also held in Vienna in 1993; the International Conference on Population and Development, held in Cairo 1994; World Summit for Social Development held in Copenhagen, 1995; and the Fourth World Conference on Women, held in 1995 in Beijing, identified the girl-child as a “gendered concern”. This culminated in the proclamation of 1990 as “The Year of the Girl Child”, and the 1990s as “The Decade of the Girl-Child” (UNICEF, 1993; UN, 1996; Jiwani and Berman, 2002). Empirical studies on discriminatory practices against the girl-child hvse been extensively documented in Asia, particularly in South and East Asia. However, studies in other regions of the world, especially Africa, the Middle-East among others have been fledging at best. Interestingly, it was the seminal work of Amartya Sen, an economist, on “More than 100 Million Women Are Missing” published in the New York Times Review of Books in 1990 that brought to limelight the masculization of sex ratios in Asia which has been attributed to discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. Attané and Guilmoto (2007) posited that only a few demographers and feminist scholars took interest in the ongoing magnitude of female deficit in Asia in the 1990s and the consequent masculization of sex ratios in Asia. In fact, currently, there has been an upsurge of empirical studies on different aspects of these practices in South and East Asia in particular. 13 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2.1.2 Legal Frameworks on Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl- Child There are series of ground breaking legal frameworks at the international, regional and national levels that have been instituted to combat harmful socio- cultural practices affecting the girl-child. These include the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (1948), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESR) (1966), Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) (1979). Others are the 1986 African Charter on Human and Peoples‟ Rights, the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, the 1993 UN Declaration on Elimination of Violence against Women, Agreements reached, that is the Action Plan of the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), the 1995 Beijing Platform of Action (BPFA) (Gender and Development Network (GADN) 2013; Plan, 2012). In more recent times, the UN General Assembly resolutions 2002 on traditional customary practices affecting women and girls and also 2012 on eliminating female genital mutilation /cutting. At the regional level, the 2005 Protocol to the Charter on Human and Peoples „Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa also known as the Maputo Protocol called upon all states to eliminate traditional practices that are harmful to women and girls (GADN, 2013; Raffery, 2013; UNICEF, 2014). In view of the particular relevance and significance the Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC), Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Beijing Platform of Action (BPFA) are worth being singled out. With specific reference to the CRC, its four cardinal principles: non-discrimination, best interests of the child, the right to life, survival, development, and the respect for the views of the child sets the frame for protecting the girl-child from all forms of harmful socio-cultural practices that are discriminatory in nature and are as well rooted in gender inequality. For instance, Article 24(3) stipulates that “States Parties shall take all effective and appropriate measures with a view to abolishing traditional practices prejudicial to the health of children”(UNICEF, 1989: 8). Similarly, CEDAW calls for an end to all forms of gender-based discrimination against women and girls inclusive. Its underlying philosophy is that discrimination against women and girls violates the principles of equality of rights and the respect for human dignity. Article 2 (f) calls upon State Parties “to take appropriate measures including legislation to modify, abolish 14 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY existing laws, regulations customs and practices that constitute discrimination against women” (OHCHR, 1997:2) Consequently, all forms of harmful socio- cultural practices affecting the girl- child are rather seen as “gender based discrimination against girls which infringes on their rights for equality and active participation in family, community and national life. Thus, adequate strategies and programmes should be undertaken to mobilize all relevant stakeholders such as men, boys, religious and traditional leaders in addressing the myriad of harmful socio- cultural practices affecting the girl- child 2.1.3 Specific Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl-Child Discriminatory practices which, is one of the worst form of harmful socio-cultural practices have attracted the attention of social scientists such as economist, sociologists among others. Empirical evidence suggests that these practices are associated with uneven distribution of household allocation of resources and opportunities. This raises important methodological issues; firstly, that the household is no longer being seen as a unitary homogenous unit in social science research. Secondly, gender is now seen as one of the critical determinants in the allocation of household resources and opportunities (Basu, 1989). A number of earlier and recent studies in Asia (Sohini, 1995; Srivastava and Nayak, 1995; Sudha and Rajan, 1999; Pandey et al., 2002; Das Gupta, 2002; Khanna et al., 2003 Plan 2007; Sekher and Hatti, 2010) inferred that strong parental preference for boy- children were manifested in gender differentials in household allocation of resources and medical care. Also, this in turn resulted in gender differentials in child outcomes such as nutrition, morbidity, mortality and in some extreme cases female infanticide (Borooah, 2004; Li et al., 2004; Das Gupta, 2006; Shuzhuo et al., 2007;Sekher and Hatti,2007; Schlosser and Hu, 2010; Sultana, 2010). However, there are relatively few studies conducted in Africa and Nigeria in particular, on reasons associated with discriminatory practices against the girl-child (Anyanwu, 1995; Aina and Abdullahi, 1995; Ogidi, 1997; Cheo et al., 1998; Aderinto, 1999; Yount, 1999). In North Africa, there are mixed empirical results on these practices with specific reference to earlier studies. In Egypt discriminatory practices on feeding and care against the girl-child is weak, however differentials existed in the treatment of sick boy-children 15 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY and girl-children. Also, empirical evidence indicates that educational expenditures favoured boy-children (El-Kholy, 1997; Choe et al., 1998; Yount, 1999). With respect to Nigeria, earlier studies (Orubuloye 1987; Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994; 1996) have established preference for sons with respect to fertility preferences of couples. However, Uyanga (1980) cited in Orubuloye (1987), in an earlier study of rural wives and their husbands, revealed that parents spend more on feeding and schooling for their boy-children relative to girls. More studies in the 1990s on the plight of the girl-child (Ogidi, 1997; Aderinto, 1999) suggest that girl-children face discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment, school aspirations, and food allocation. This necessitates the need to further explore specifically, the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child in Nigeria due to the dearth of empirical studies. 2.1.3.1 Access to Medical Care Empirical evidence from South and East Asia suggested that there are gender differentials in health-seeking behaviour of parents that tend to favour boy-children and disfavour the girl-child. Pandey et al., (2002) employed a follow up observation study to examine gender differentials in seeking health-care and in home management of diarrhoea, acute respiration infections and fever among 530 children, that is, 263 boy- children and 267 girl-children aged less than five years in a rural community of West Bengal, India. Surveillance was carried out weekly from June 1998 to May 1999. Of the 790 episodes detected, 380 occurred among boy-children and 410 among girl-children. Logistic regression results showed that boy-children are 4.8 (C 11.8 – 11.9) times more likely to be taken for early medical care and 2.6 (C 11.2-6.5) times more likely to be seen by qualified allopathic doctors compared to girl-children. Also, expenditure per treatment episode is higher for boy-children, and girl-children are less likely to get home fluids and Oral Rehydration Solutions (ORS) during diarrhoea. nd In another study Asfaw, Klassen and Lamanna (2007) employed the 52 Indian National Sample Survey (NSS) to explore gender disparities in children aged 1 day to nine years in getting medical attention before death in India. It is the first time detailed verbal autopsies of deceased persons, with a recall period of a year before the survey was employed. The study employed place of death as an important indicator of parental decision making concerning their health-seeking behaviour with respect to their children. 16 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY A total of 71, 284 rural and 49,658 urban households were surveyed employing a two- stage stratified sampling procedure. A multi nominal logic model was used to examine the determinants of dying at different places such as home, during transport, in government hospitals, in private hospitals and other places. Three places of death as an outcome variable were created; death at home was the reference category and death in hospital and during transport as the base. Variables included in the model are sex and age of the deceased; others are eight household variables sex, age, age square, educational level of household head, number of live female sibling younger than 15 years, income, location and the social status of the household. In addition, other dummy variables were included in the regression to take account of unobserved district level factors that might affect the place of death of children. The result of the coefficients for age and sex of the household head are not statistically significant at ten percent level. Although, it took the expected negative sign confirming that children in older and female headed households are less likely to die in hospital or during transport than children in young and male headed households. In contrast, income has the expected positive sign and is statistically significant in explaining the place of death. Although, earlier studies (Kurz and Johnson-Welch, 1997; Khanna et al., 2003) found that neither increasing household income nor poverty were sufficient in explaining or reducing gender discrimination in India. In addition to earlier results, location and education level of the head of household were statistically significant in explaining the place of death of children. Children in Urban areas were more likely to die in a hospital or during transport than at home. Also, children with educated household heads (primary and above) are 1.63 and 0.01 percent more likely to die in a hospital and during transport respectively than those with less than primary school household head when controlled for other variables. Interestingly, gender was statistically significant in all cases and it took the expected positive sign in the case of dying at home and negative sign in the case of dying in hospital and during transport. The coefficients revealed that girl-children are 1.8 percent more likely to die at home than boy-children. This revealed that girl-children are less likely to get medical attention immediately before their death than boy-children. Also, young girl-children and girl children with female siblings are less likely to get medical attention before death than boy-children. This further provided insight on the level of 17 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY household gender discrimination in the health care decision of households. Significantly, this is demonstrated by findings of previous studies (Gangadharan and Maitra, 2000; Pandey et al., 2002). With regard to Nigeria, there is dearth of literature on such practices. An earlier study of two ethnic groups in Nigeria showed weak results and found no evidence of any gender discrimination against the girl-child on health care utilization. Rather, the study revealed that the majority of the female respondents consider it unfair to discriminate against the girl-child on health care utilization (Ogidi, 1997). Arguably, the context under which parents discriminate against the girl-child in Nigeria does not exist with regard to health- care utilization; this would, however, require further investigation. 2.1.3.2 Access to Educational Opportunities Globally, a total of 61 million primary school-age children are out of school in 2010, and Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for 31 million of all out-of- school children worldwide (UNICEF and UNESCO, 2012). The out- of- school figure increased from 20 million in 2008 to 31 million in 2010. Also, 55% of the out-of- school children in Sub-Saharan Africa would never attend school. Girl-children accounted for more than half of primary age children that are out of school, and Nigeria alone had 10.5 million out-of-school children in 2010 (UNESCO, 2012). Nigeria‟s Education Demographic Health Survey indicated that male children are more likely to be literate than female children aged 5- 16 years (48 percent versus 45 percent) The South-West have the highest rate of literacy (71 and 73 percent respectively). On the other hand the North-East have the lowest rate of male and female children„s literacy rate at 15 percent and 13 percent respectively. With regard to the North-Central, male and female children have 37 percent and 33 percent literacy level respectively. Similarly, the Gross Attendance Ratio (GAR) for primary pupils aged 6-11 years is higher in the southern geo-political zones than in the northern zones (National Population Commission and RT1, 2011). Also, only 4 percent of girls complete secondary school in Northern Nigeria (British Council, 2012). One of the disturbing trends in a number of developing countries is that girl-children have worse educational outcomes than boy-children. A broad range of explanations have 18 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY been identified on why girl-children‟s participation outcomes were poor, some of which are: socio-cultural, socio-economic, school-based and institutional factors (Rufai and Ogidi, 2006; Plan; 2007; Zimmermann, 2011, Chitrakar, 2009). Furthermore, some of the identified reasons for not investing in girl‟s education are: being a girl, large family size, siblings to care for, burden of domestic work, peak of agricultural cycle, early marriage and poverty among others (Plan, 2007; Zimmermann, 2011). Also, results from a World Values Survey found that almost two-thirds of male respondents indicated that university education for boy-children should be prioritized over that of girl-children. Similar opinion was also made by one-third or more of the male respondents in Iran, Uganda and Mexico and by 1 in 10 men in the United States (Plan, 2007). 2.1.3.3 Domestic Work Burden Girl-children in many countries commence domestic chores at a very tender age; most boy-children are exempted from taking part in most of the household chores because such are seen as girls‟ work. A significant proportion of the household chores are usually quite demanding such as fetching firewood or water, pounding various varieties of grains, sweeping and cleaning surroundings, care of younger siblings and running other various errands. Most times girls spend longer hours doing various household chores, sometimes alone or with their mothers (Ogidi, 1997; Aderinto, 1999; Plan, 2007). Globally, gender disaggregated data on children‟s time use is still in a fledging state. However, fragmented evidence indicate relative time poverty for girls.Worldwide,10 percent of girls aged 5-14 years perform household chores for 28 hours a week or more, this approximately doubles the estimated number of hours boys undertake for domestic work (ILO,2009). Studies in Uganda indicate that girls work 21.6 hours per week compared with 18.8 hours per week for boys. Also, a cross-country study of Kenya and South Africa showed that girls spend more time on household chores work compared with boys. This represents a greater opportunity costs to households if girls engage in non-domestic work activities (Ritchie et al., 2004). Currently, there is growing evidence which indicate that housework is mostly pursed by girls (ECLAC, 2007). 19 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In South Asia, women and girls spend about three to five hours more than men in a week on activities such as fetching firewood and carrying water and between twenty-thirty hours in a week or more on house work (Plan, 2007). Likewise, another study of countries such as Kenya, South Africa, Pakistan and India found that girl-children spent more time than boy-children on non-economic work and these differences became quite enormous among girl-children who are not enrolled in school. (Ritchie, Lloyd and Grant, 2004; Plan 2007).Unfortunately, domestic work on the part of women and girl-children are not often counted as “work” in labour force studies. Also, the heavy domestic burden of girl-children resulted in absenteeism from school, lateness to school and also poor academic performance (Plan, 2007). 2.1.3.4 Household Food Allocation This is another critical area that the girl-child faces discrimination at the household level. It has been established that the quantity of food given to boy-children was usually bigger than those given to women and girl-children. In some societies, men and boy-children were usually served their meals first and whatever was left was for the women and girl- children, usually such practices were associated with certain traditions, beliefs and practices (Uyanga, 1980; Ogidi, 1997). In addition, Thind, Mahal and Seema (2008), in a study of 3600 rural girl-children drawn from seventy-two villages representing the three cultural zones of Punjab in India, conducted on household food distribution had some interesting findings. The sample was selected using multi-stage random sampling method from thirty-six blocks. Qualitative methods such as interview schedule and participant observation were employed in generating data for the study. The results of the study indicated that boy-children received more enriching foods and usually ate first with the adult male. Reasons associated with such practices were that parents perceived that boy- children were more productive than girl-children and would require more energy to do all sorts of physical work in comparison to girl-children. 2.1.4 Cultural Construction of Girlhood Cultural factors which are reflected in the patterns of behaviour, beliefs preferences, customs and traditions account for gender-based differences within a given society (Aina and Abdullahi, 1995). Additionally, studies (Payne 2004; Dummer 2006) have shown that girlhood is socially and culturally created within any given society. Dummer (2006) employed qualitative methods by using FGDs and interviews to examine the 20 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY conceptualization of girlhood, myths of femininity in girlhood and the factors that shaped girls‟ understanding of girlhood and their own identities. A total of 59 girl-children aged 9-12 years old from two intermediate schools in a Texas college town formed part of the study. A total of 18 FGDs was conducted. On the conceptualization of girlhood, the study found that physical and psychological characteristics were significant in defining girlhood. Dummer (2006) noted the following descriptions: “girls had long hair” “girls wore makeup and dresses”, “girls liked pink”, “girls start wearing a bra” and “girls can have babies”. Other psychological characteristics specific to girlhood were: “desire to have fun”, “the ability to feel a variety of emotions”, “perceiving the emotions of others”, and a “sense of maturity”. Indeed, their conceptualisation of girlhood conformed to the notions about femininity. Dummer (2006) noted that the girls in the study were relying on stereotypical mythic femininity of the “female” as “caring”, “nurturers” and “sexual objects” to inform their perception of girlhood. Also, the study found that the girls‟ perceptions of girlhood were influenced by their families, media, social groups (peer and friends). More importantly, Dummer (2006:164) noted that: “the girls are who they were because of the messages they received about girlhood from their families, friends, peers, and the media they consume”. Their conception of girlhood conformed to the western notions of femininity. However, one of the major limitations of the study was that, it lacked socio-economic diversity, the sample were mainly drawn from European-American middle class families. In contrast, Payne (2004) interrogated street girls‟ life in Accra, Ghana by adopting qualitative ethnographic approach among which were FGDs, key informants, participant observation and Participatory Action Research (PAR) to collect data from a sample of nine teenage girls aged 17-19 years. In addition, interviews were conducted with 6 individuals working with NGOs involved with street children in Ghana. Although the study focused on their lives in the street and coping strategies, it provided insights on how girlhood was conceptualized among street girls in Ghana. Payne (2004) observed that girls were socialized into specific roles as “wives” and “mothers” and great value was attached to learning “how to manage a household” and becoming “responsible woman capable of caring for a husband and children”. Marriage was seen as an important phase every girl-child was expected to pass through”. 21 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Mitchell, Smith and Chisholm (2000) posited that there were limited studies on what constituted African masculinity or femininity. Moreover, there had been also dearth of scholarship on the relationship between cultural construction of girlhood and household discriminatory practices experienced by the girl child. This necessitated the need for the current study of the girl-child situation among the Kambari and how the cultural construction of girlhood engendered household discriminatory practices against the girl- child. In sum, the socio-cultural context of girl-children differed across various regions of the world. In Asia, particularly East and South Asia, the masculinisation of the sex ratios had been attributed to strict population policies, advancement in medical technology that aided the abortion of female foetuses (Das Gupta and Bhat, 1998; Ariokiasamy, 2007; Guilmoto and Attané, 2007; Agrawal and Unisa, 2007). Also, due to strong preference, the girl-child faced severe discriminatory practices in health seeking behaviour, denial of the right to education and proper nutrition. The situation was further exacerbated by the following socio-cultural factors: the high–cost of dowry, inheritance laws, old age security and continuity of the family lineage as a result of the patriarchal nature of the society (Plan, 2007; Sultana, 2010; Barcellos et al, 2011). On the other hand, despite the dearth of literature on discriminatory practices in Africa, the socio-cultural practices under which it was perpetuated against the girl-child were likely to differ due to variations in customs, traditions, belief, practices and other related factors (Uwalaka, 1995; Aina and Abdullahi, 1995). In Nigeria, an earlier study of the Nupe and Gwari ethnic groups in North-Central Nigeria revealed that the girl-child was less likely to face discrimination in health-seeking behaviour patterns of parents towards their children (Ogidi, 1997). 2.1.5 Enabling Triggers of Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting Girl- Children Despite international and national legal frameworks that sought to protect the girl-child in practice, cultural and social beliefs about gender and the value of the girl-child has been quite difficult to overcome (Plan, 2007; FMJ 2008; FEMNET, 2010). Also, cultural practices, traditions, customs and social norms were important in providing insight to the persistence of various forms of discriminatory practices against women and girls in developing countries. A recent report on the Beijing Platform for Action (BPFA +15) for Africa noted that despite the fact that most African countries has ratified the Rights of 22 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the Child (CRC) and integrated it into domestic laws through legislative and constitutional reforms, religious and cultural practices which perpetuated gender discrimination against the girl-child still persisted (Jutting and Morrison, 2005a; 2005b; UNECA, 2010). Asia was seen as one of the most populous regions of the world with at least five most populous nations namely: China, India, Indonesia, Pakistan and Bangladesh (Population Reference Bureau, 2011). It was a region where the masculinisation of sex ratios at birth had persisted over time with specific reference to China and India. A number of studies had attributed this demographic trend which disfavoured the girl-child to household discriminatory practices (Kishor, 1993; Ghosh, 1995; Heyer, 1996; Kurz and Johnson- Welch, 1997; Attané and Guilmoto, 2007; Shuzhuo et al., 2007; Plan, 2007; Das Gupta et al., 2009; Barcellos et al., 2011). Studies had identified a plethora of socio-cultural practices associated with discriminatory practices against the girl-child in Asia. Studies in Nigeria were yet to undertake this important exploration. 2.1.5.1 Son Preference Pande and Malhotra (2006) employed data from India‟s National Family Health Survey (NFSH-1) and examined the underlying determinants of son preference as an ideology and its implication for living girl-children. The key questions raised by the study were: what does a culture of son preference mean for the health and care of girl-children? How strong was the ideology of son preference in India? And what factors exacerbated or diminished its strengths. The study found that with regard to household discriminatory practices and the likelihood of a parent discriminating against a girl-child depended on the sex of her older siblings. Parents who already had sons were more likely to nurture a girl-child. On the other hand, girls with two or more older sisters were the most vulnerable. These categories of girl-children had the highest likelihood of being stunted and much less likely to be fully immunised. In addition, son preference was strong but not universal, 54.1% of women wanted equal number of boys and girls as against 46% who stated they wanted more boys than girls. Interestingly, 87.2% of the women said they wanted at least one daughter. The study found that woman‟s education and media exposure were the most significant factors that diminished the strength for son preference. Also, Kishore (2005) posited that factors that underlie son preference were predominantly socio-cultural; noting that India was a patrilineal and patriarchal society 23 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY whereby sons were important for continuity of family lineage, economic support for parents in old age and performance of religious rites. Earlier and recent studies (Orubuloye1987; Caldwell et al., 1992; Isiugo- Abanihe, 1994a, 1994b; Makinwa-Adebusoye, 2001; Ushie et al., 2013) indicated that son- preference was very strong and pervasive in Africa and Nigeria in particular. Nnadi (2013) posited that the MTN telecommunication provider advert “Mama Na Boy” was an apt illustration of the mindset of Nigerians on son preference. Although the advert was withdrawn as a result of protests from gender sensitive NGOs. Son preference which had been one of the major determinants of high fertility in Nigeria was attributed to economic, socio-cultural beliefs and practices (Edewor 2001; Isiugo-Abanihe,2003; Wusu and Isiugo-Abanihe,2006; Isiugo-Abanihe and Nwokocha,2008).These are old- age security, inheritance, continuity of family name, readily available farm labour. Consequently, boy-children are most valued than girl-children. This has been aptly described in a survey of 3000 Nigerian couples by Isiugo-Abanihe (1994a) cited in Milazzo(2012:6) as follows: Childlessness is the most dreaded tragedy for a man or a woman to experience in Nigeria’s patrilineal society (…). The majority of the respondents felt that a man without a son, will not be remembered in the family; his branch of the family will soon come to an end. For the same reason, a man who has only daughters may acquire a second wife to enhance the chance of having a son. Clearly, in such a patriarchial system the perpetuation of the family line is a strong motivation for children. The pervasiveness of son-preference was an indication of a socio-cultural environment that could engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child in Nigeria. Where strong son preference persisted discrimination against the girl-child would be prevalent (Das Gupta, 2002). However, the nature of discriminatory practices and the practice that engendered it were more likely to be context specific due to the variation in cultural practices. Therefore, this study would fill the existing gap in providing an understanding of socio-cultural environment under which discriminatory practices against the girl-child prevailed. 24 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2.1.5.2 The Dowry Burden The dowry system in some parts of Asia had led to what Oldenburg (2012) refers to as the “commoditisation” of both women and girl-children. Also, the dowry system demeans the worth of women and girl-children as exemplified in the following ancient Hindu sayings. Hegde (1999:572) cited in Sev‟er (2008) that “raising a daughter was like watering a neighbour‟s plant” or “for fulfilment many sons, for sake of beauty one daughter” or a “son spells rewards, a daughter expense”. Ghansham (2002) opined that discriminatory practices were intrinsically linked to the dowry system. Dowry inflation was an issue of critical concern in India and also the broader region (Rao, 1993; Anderson, 2003; Lundberg, 2005; Arunachalam and Logan, 2008). The girl-child was usually denied the right to education and health among others in view of the fact that investments on their education would not yield higher returns. Rather, parents would prefer to hold back economic resources to save as gifts to her future husband and his family. This resulted in the under-valuing of girl-children. Both men and women perpetuate discriminatory practices through sex selection related abortions, inadequate education, health and nutrition to limit the opportunities available to girl- child. 2.1.5.3 Family Support Network In most patrilineal and patriarchal societies, the family support network was usually stronger for women who had sons. This also reduces the risk of a number of disadvantages they were likely to face. In contrast, the birth of a girl-child resulted in the lack of support during challenges from the family network. This explained the reason why women were caught up in under-valuing their girl-children, which tend to perpetuate discriminatory practices against the girl-child (Mallik, 2003). Zimmermann (2012) employed the Indian National Family and Health Survey (NFHS) of 2005 to interrogate the non-monetary benefits when a woman had a son. The NFHS collected information on all members of the household with a more detailed survey administered to all women aged 15-49. The questionnaire for women elicited information on the complete birth history of a woman, decision-making powers and women‟s position within the household. The birth of a son was more likely to increase acceptance of a woman by other household members and the larger society as well. 25 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Zimmermann (2012) found that having a son rather than a daughter led to increased decision making power for women in the following areas: about 4 percent point‟s higher probability of having a say in one‟s own health care, and about 7 percent points higher probability of being involved in decisions concerning large purchases. In addition, the probability of having a say on decisions with respect to family visits increased by 4.6 percent if the child was a boy. These accrued benefits were only limited on children aged 0-6 months and disappeared for older children. Also, the improvement in the woman‟s position never translated into more financial or individual independence. The study may not have fully captured the long-term positive effects that a woman may experience. Hence, more research was needed to further provide a better understanding of the issues raised in this study. 2.1.5.4 The Kinship System It had been well documented in literature that the kinship system was closely linked to discriminatory practices against the girl-child. In India, there was a remarkable difference between the Northern and Southern regions as a result of the family and kinship system that each operated (Dyson and Moore, 1983; Sen and Sengupta, 1983; Das Gupta, 1998; Das Gupta et al., 2002; Almond et al., 2009). The masculinisation of the sex ratios was more severe in the Northern region than in the southern region of India as a result of strong son preference which was associated with the patrilineal kinship system coupled with the high cost of dowry. As a result of this, discriminatory practices were more severe in the Northern than in the Southern Region of India. In addition, in patrilocal societies, a woman left her parents‟ household when she got married, and would be joined to the household of her husband‟s parents. Consequently, her potential contribution was limited. The girl-child‟s usefulness to her natal family was usually before marriage. This further explained why parents limited their investments on the girl- child and rather invested more on the boy-child. (Das Gupta et al., 2003; Nilsson, 2004; Lundberg, 2005; Plan, 2007; Plan, 2008; Zimmermann, 2012). 2.1.5.5 Inheritance Laws and Rights Inheritance laws and rights were directly associated with the kinship patterns within a given society. In most patrilineal societies, the rule of inheritance was through the male line, women and girls have no rights to inheritance. This accounted for the pervasiveness 26 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY of son preference and the need to have a male heir for continuity of the family lineage and the transfer of land, political offices among others (Sultana, 2010). The boy-child, as a prospective head of the family, had more privileges and rights relative to the girl-child. Parents would prefer to use more of their resources to further enhance the status of the boy-child who was usually seen as the representative of the family in the wider community. Therefore, he was more likely to receive more education and attention from the parents than the girl-child. In Asia and Africa most societies operate patrilineal kinship systems, and this accounted for son preference and the likelihood of denying the girl-child of certain opportunities such as the right to good education, which should be seen as the gateway to an enhanced status that could empower her for life. 2.1.5.6 Religious Beliefs and Practices In some societies, religious beliefs and practices engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child. Additionally, misconceptions of religious injunctions particularly in African communities had been associated with the poor educational outcomes of the girl-children (Indabawa, 1998; Rufai and Ogidi, 2006). In Asia, with specific reference to India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, sons performed significant ritual rites during the death of a parent. Also, there were other religious rites that could not be performed by women or girls. Consequently, strong son preference perpetuated discriminatory practices against the girl-child (Nilsson, 2004; Kishore, 2005; Sultana, 2010; Zimmermann, 2011). In addition, religious rites and rituals in Africa were usually done by men and the male-children of the family with few exceptions due to the patriarchal nature of most communities. There was the need therefore, to interrogate how religious beliefs and practices engendered discriminatory practices against the girl-child. 2.1.6 The Role of Social Change in Combating Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices Overtime societies experience social change in their behavior pattern, cultural norms, values and practices. However, their receptivity to change depends on a number of factors such as their level of exposure to other social groups, influence of the mass media, adaptation of new religious beliefs, and western education. Other factors are the intervention of government, adoption of new technologies among others (Kottak, 2004; Schaefer, 2008; Ferraro, 2008). Most social groups have specific traditional socio- cultural values, norms and practices that could be regarded as harmful. Some of these harmful socio-cultural practices that have been identified among diverse groups across 27 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the world as discriminatory in nature and mostly affects girl- children with respect to access to education, domestic work burden, enforcement of restrictive food taboos,intra- family food distribution and sometimes even access to medical care (Sohini,1995 ; Sudha and Rajan, 1999; Plan, 2007; Sekhar and Hatti,2010). Other harmful social-cultural practices are female genital mutilation/cutting, early and forced marriage, child labour, sex- selective abortions, son preference, negative gender stereotypes, physical violence and sexual abuse among others (Ras-Work, 2006; Plan 2007; 2014). It is evident that challenging old aged traditions values, norms and practices have been very daunting. This explains why these deep-rooted harmful socio-cultural practices have persisted over the years especially those affecting the girl-child (Ras-work, 2006; UNECA2010; FEMNET, 2010). Notwithstanding, best practices exist with respect to addressing harmful socio- cultural practices affecting the girl-child. According UNHCR (1997) cited in Plan (2012:26) identified the following effective social strategies:  Action-oriented activities subsequent to awareness-building through education and information focusing on the negative consequences of harmful practices;  Emphasis on health and consequences rather than only on legal or human rights;  Focus on educating target populations such as religious leaders, traditional leaders such as chiefs, tribal elders and political leaders, traditional birth attendants, other health workers, men, women, children themselves on the negative consequences of harmful practices;  The promotion and provision of technical support and the mobilization of resources for national and local groups that will initiate community-based activities aimed at eliminating harmful practices. Besides, although these changes are gradual, wherever adequate mapping of the socio-cultural contexts and identification of key stakeholders are taken into consideration, such programmes experience breakthrough. Furthermore, educating and empowering the girl-child in the key to eradicating harmful socio-cultural practices that infringes on her rights and limits her capacity of development. 28 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2.2 Theoretical Framework and Conceptual Model The theoretical framework and the conceptual model offered insights on the mechanism and context underlying the perpetuation of harmful socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child at the household level. With regard to the theoretical framework, Weber‟s social action theory, sex-role theory and the feminist theory on patriarchy were employed to provide a nuanced understanding of the harmful socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child. 2.2.1 Social Action Theory Weber‟s social action theory posits that individuals attach subjective meanings to their actions and social actions which were intentional behaviour of actors involving motives and feelings (Swingewood, 1991; Ritzer, 1996). An action was regarded as social insofar as its subjective meaning took account of the behaviour of others, whereby the acting individual saturate the social context with meanings. In addition, social action or human behaviour displayed certain “relations and regularities” which could only be understood when juxtaposed with the cultural significance attached to them by the acting individual (Swingewood, 1991). Ritzer and Goodman (2003:152) noted that one of Weber‟s most critical methodological concepts was “verstehen”; it implied that a sociologist should attempt an interpretative understanding of any given social action in order to tease out the casual explanation with regard to its cause and effects. Furthermore, social scientists in their effort to seek for plausible explanations should take into account the actors‟ emotions, thoughts, beliefs and attitudes. Weber distinguished four types of social action as a heuristic device. However in reality; there were the manifestations of various combinations of the elements of all types of social action within a given social context. These were instrumentally rational action, that is, Zweckrational; value rational action which were Wertrational; effectual and traditional actions (Swingewood, 1991; Ritzer and Goodman, 2003). Further clarifications indicated that instrumentally rational action, or “means-ends rationality”, referred to an action whereby the goal and means were rationally chosen. In contrast, traditional action was guided by custom and habits, while effectual action was determined by the emotional effects on the actor. Finally, value rational was an action that was oriented to a conscious belief in the value either for its own sake or for aesthetic, religious or ethical purposes (Ritzer, 1993; Ritzer and Goodman, 2003). 29 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Drawing insights from the foregoing analysis, the following plausible explanations could be adduced on the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child:  Firstly, individual actors at the household or community level attach subjective meanings and feelings toward their children and the girl-child in particular with respect to discriminatory practices.  Secondly, the social actions of actors towards the girl-child were intentional behaviour of the actors, which involved a process of rationalization and valuation of her gender as a girl that consequently, resulted to discriminatory practices against her.  Thirdly, discriminatory practices was a social action which occurred at the household level through established relationships of mother/girl-child, father/girl-child and boy-child/girl-child actors on a regular basis with respect to the allocation of resources, responsibilities, privileges and opportunities based on some underlying practices, principles and context.  Fourthly, these actions occurred within a given social context due to the cultural significance attached to the actions of the actors. Furthermore, this underscored the need for an “interpretative understanding” of the actions of the actors in order to arrive at a causal explanation of discriminatory practices.  Fifthly, such causal explanations must explore the given socio-cultural environment by taking into account the actors‟ beliefs, attitudes, thoughts, perceptions and emotions. However, Weber‟s social action theory may not have fully explained the mechanisms that perpetuated and sustained discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The feminist theory on patriarchy filled the gap and limitations in this regard. 2.2.2 Feminist Theory on Patriarchy Patriarchy within feminist scholarship, with specific reference to theory and practice, had been examined differently from the liberal to socialist feminism (Ritzer and Goodman, 2003; Payne, 2005; Randall, 2010 Chenoy, 2010). Etymologically, the word patriarchy was derived from two Greek words- pater (father) and arche (rule) which literally meant “the rule of the father” or “patriarch” (Hartmann, 1980; Coetzee, 2001; Kameri-Mbote, 2005). In contemporary times in feminist scholarship it had been used to analyse the principles underlying women‟s domination and by extension the girl-child. It referred to 30 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the totality of structures of domination and exploitation that affected women‟s position and by extension, the girl-child‟s position in society. Also, it represented the institutionalisation of men‟s power over women in both the public and domestic spheres; household, polity, economy and heterosexual relations (Walby, 1990; Coetzee, 2001; Giddens et al., 2005; Ray, 2011). At the household level, it was a system of hierarchical and unequal power relations whereby the father, as the head of the family controlled, all the economic resources, took all the major decisions of the family and thereby maintained an ongoing control over all members of the family and those related to it (Alcoff, 1990; Ray, 2011).These hierarchical and unequal power relations were legitimised through ideologies, social practices and other institutions such as religion, kinship and family system, media, law and even the state. Also, at the household level, family patriarchal values as well as masculinity and femininity character stereotypes were reinforced through the process of gender socialisation (Alcoff, 1990; Coetzee, 2001; Ray, 2011). A body of literature on the various strands of feminist theory on patriarchy explained women‟s oppression domination and discrimination in terms of it causes consequences and prescriptions for addressing it. According to the liberal feminist, female subordination was rooted on a set of customary and legal constraints whereas the Marxist feminist linked it with the introduction of private property thereby creating a class society. On the other hand, the radical feminist insisted that patriarchy was a system that oppressed women since it was characterised by paternal dominance, hierarchy competition and power. Also, from the perspective of the psychoanalytic feminist, the root of women‟s oppression was embedded deep in her psyche, due to the internalization of asymmetrical power structures through the process of gender socialization (Ritzer and Goodman, 2003; Payne, 2005; Randall, 2010; Chenoy, 2010). Mc Fadden (1994) cited in Kameri-Mbote (2005:20) noted that: Patriarchy is the framework within which gendered relations of power are played out and has assumed a dominant role and relationship vis-à-vis other forms of social organisation to the extent where matrilineal forms of social processes survive, it is the patriarchal power relations which underpin and strongly influence the 31 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY manner in which men and women live together in such societies. Patriarchy was the root cause of discriminatory practices against the girl-child. At the household level, unequal power relations placed women and girl-children at a disadvantaged position. The father had power and control over all the resources and took most decisions for the family. As a result of the dominant role of the father, there was the under-valuing of the position of women and girl-children. Consequently, a process of subjugation of girl-children and the privileging of men and boy-children as heads of the household was often the case in most families and communities that were patriarchal in nature. In addition, the unequal power relations were reinforced by other institutions such as religious beliefs and practices, marriage and kinship system, media, norms and values. Also, each member of the household internalised patriarchal values through gender socialization which legitimized the superiority of men and boy-children. The privileging of men and boy-children was also responsible for household discriminatory practices against the girl-child in access to education, assignment of domestic chores and in the allocation of food at the household level. Also, it accorded men and boy-child a higher status through their involvement with responsibilities associated with the public domain. On the other hand, women and girl-children were accorded lower and inferior status with responsibilities restricted to the domestic domain. The ascribed status of each member of the household was seen as a practice or tradition that had been passed down from one generation to another. Therefore, it was an acceptable norm that men should exercise authority and women and girl-children should occupy subservient positions (Cain and Nahar, 1979; Brettell and Sargent, 1997; Cain, 1998). 2.2.3 Sex Role Theory Sex role theory posited that individuals occupied different sets of roles which were socially determined. There were marked differences by gender; men, women, girls and boys were ascribed different roles (Bradley and Moore, 1996; Ember, 1996; Schaefer, 2008). Also the individual‟s actions, behaviour, dispositions and desires were usually determined by the set of roles occupied by each actor. Men and women were “systematically funnelled into social positions that attracted greater amounts of value 32 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY (tangible and intangible) to men than women” (Scanzoni and Szinovacz, 1984:16). This layering effect invariably implied that women and girl-children inclusive occupy subordinate positions. The basic assumptions of the theory are as follows: 1. Society assigned different roles to men and women, 2. Roles were socially determined 3. Roles were occupied by individuals who were called actors. 4. A set of roles had acceptable expectations, behaviours and attitudes which were internalized during socialization. 5. The differing roles occupied by individual actors were presumed to create gender stereotypes, on femininity and masculinity which accounted for differences in behaviour. 6. Individual actors carried out their specific roles guided by the prevailing social norms and values. 7. The set of roles had ascribed social status, whereby women‟s role were linked to the “domestic domain” and occupy a lower status and men who occupied roles associated the “public sphere” occupied higher status. 8. Society ensured conformity to role performance through a set of rewards and punishments. Society ascribed roles and defined associated depositions, behaviour patterns for each individual actor which the individual internalizes during socialization. Parents, depending on their gender, acquired the character of femininity or masculinity either as a mother or wife or as a man, father or husband. Parents ensured that the girl-child internalized the ideal notion of femininity; learning to be submissive, caring and acquiring skills associated to her future role as a wife and mother. As a result of the strict division of labour, the girl-child was limited to roles that were limited to domestic domain. Whereas, the boy-child internalized the character associated with masculinity and learned how to be aggressive and domineering in his disposition. Society expected conformity from each individual actor; hence parents enforced strict division of labour by gender at the household level. In most traditional societies, it was unheard of for boy- children to be assigned “women‟s work”. Also, each role had ascribed statuses and responsibilities, men, and boy-children by extension were mainly in the public domain and this included representing the family in 33 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the community, exercising authority and control over members of the household, providing for and protecting the family. Based on the gender hierarchy men and boy- children were ascribed higher status. On the other hand, the role of women and girl- children which included caring for household members, cooking and carrying out other domestic chores was assigned lower status. 2.2.4 Synthesis of the Theoretical Framework A triangulation of Weber‟s social action theory, the feminist theory on patriarchy and the sex role theory provided a comprehensive framework that highlighted the links between the variables being investigated. The social action theory of Weber was employed to describe the motives of individual actor towards the girl-child. It noted that discriminatory practices towards the girl-child were engendered by motives that were situated within a given socio-cultural milieu and individual actors attach cultural significance to their actions towards the girl-child. Also, it noted that discriminatory practices were an intentional action of individual actors at the household level which involved rationalization of the value of the girl-child vis-à-vis the boy-child. On the other hand, the feminist theory on patriarchy sought for casual explanation on the perpetuation of discriminatory practices against the girl-child. Traditionally, the Kambari society was seen as patriarchal, their kinship system was largely based on patrilineal descent. The kinship system was the foundation of a pervasive patriarchal ideology that led to the rationalization of differential access of men and boy-children; women and girl-children to the material and symbolic resources of the society. Women and girl-children were seen as outsiders in view of the fact that once they got married, their contributions would rather benefit their husband‟s household than their natal family. This explained why parents would prefer to educate a boy-child than a girl-child. More so, for the purpose of continuity of the family lineage in particular parents ascribed more opportunities to boy- children than girl-children. In addition, the patriarchal nature of the society resulted in the privileging of the boy-child and the subjugation, devaluation of the role and the status of the girl-child. The girl-child faced discriminatory practices because she was a girl and the gender hierarchy in most patriarchal societies accorded her a lower status. Furthermore, the norms, values belief and practices reinforced discriminatory practices against the girl-child. 34 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Finally, the sex-role theory added another dimension to the analysis of discriminatory practices. It opined that roles and social status were socially determined and each individual acquired the character of either femininity or masculinity through gender socialization. Parents enforced conformity to the strict division of labour by gender whereby women and the girl-child were restricted to the domestic domain and men and boy-children to the public domain. Therefore, the attitude and actions of individual actors towards the girl-child was based on societal conception of masculinity and femininity. Also, gender stereotypes were also associated with discriminatory practices. It was often assumed that boy children were more intelligent than girl-children. Therefore, on the basis of that and the future role they were expected to assume, parents preferred to educate boy-children than the girl-child. In addition, it has been assumed that boy- children were more productive than girl-children since they work more on the farm, their quantity of food was likely to be bigger than the one given to the girl-child. In sum, these theories had provided insights on the socio-cultural environment engendered discriminatory practices against the girl-child. Discriminatory practices occurred within a given socio-cultural context and this necessitated the interrogation of the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria. 2.2.5 Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework clearly demonstrated the relationships between the socio- cultural variables and discriminatory practices, and the integration of Weber‟s social action theory, the feminist theory on patriarchy and the sex role theory as shown in Fig 2.1. The conceptual framework was very important in operationalizing the problem, and in understanding the casual relationships, which existed either directly or indirectly between the dependent variables and the independent variable in this study. The absence of a comprehensive analytical framework may distort the factors associated with the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child. The conceptual framework indicated that the relationships between the theories, independent and dependent variables are multi-dimensional. At the level of the theories, 35 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY relationships exist between the theories that sought to explain the context under which harmful socio-cultural practices negatively impact on the girl-child. An individuals‟ action is shaped by his personal characteristics (education, place of residence, gender and religious affiliation), which is turn, determines wither the norms, values and beliefs would negatively or is unlikely to influence his actions towards the girl-child. Furthermore, the vicious cycle of negative girl-child outcomes is likely to be perpetuated by an individual actor depending on his or her personal characteristics. Consequently, it is the interplay between the independent and dependent variables that engender harmful socio-cultural practices that negatively impact on the empowerment of the girl child. The conceptual framework indicated that discriminatory practices as the dependent variable were influenced by the independent variables which were largely embedded in the socio-cultural way of life of the respective actors. Discriminatory practices occurred within a given socio-cultural context. Patriarchy defined the culture in general and more in particular the socializations pattern, cultural construction of girlhood, belief and practices, attitude of significant others, kinship system and the gender hierarchy. These structural variables constituted the societal foundation of model and significantly influenced the socio-cultural environment which engendered discriminatory practices. Also at the household level, patriarchy had an influencing effect on the nature of intra- household power dynamics, in-terms of the pattern of decision-making, resources control and the valuation of women‟s role in decision making within the household, which on the whole determined the allotment of household resources and work assignment to the girl-child. In addition, individual actor‟s education, gender, place of residence, religious affiliation and socio-economic status could determine the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory behaviour towards the girl-child. Finally, discriminatory practices had far-reaching implications on the status and the position she was accorded vis-à-vis the boy-child, her worth as a girl, or the value attached to her role and the privileges she is given or denied. 36 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Feminist Theory on Patriarchy Sex-Role Theory Social Action Theory  Male dominated power  Defines femininity and  Act ors‟ actions occur in a structure at household/society masculinity. given social context  Subjugation of women/girls  Perpetuate gender stereotypes  Actors attach subjective  Assignment of roles based on privileging of men/boys meanings to their actions gender  Valuing of male roles and  Ascription of status  Actors actions intentional devaluating of female roles  Actions influenced by  Hierarchical power structure attitudes, beliefs, values that favours men and boys and emotions disfavour girls Triggers of Harful Socio-Cultural Practices  Gender Stereotypes Discriminatory  Conception of Gender Roles Practices  Valuation of the Girl-Child Actors‟ Actions  Gender Socialisation Girl-Child  Gender Hierarchy Outcomes  Cultural Construction of Girlhood  Access to Socio-Demographic Education  Limited  Beliefs and Practices. Characteristics  Food Taboos Opportunities  Patterns of Decision- Making  Education  Domestic Work  Lower Status  Valuation of Women‟s Role in  Place of Residence. Decision- Making  Food Allocation  Vicious Cycle of  Gender Discriminatory  Attitude of significant others Practices  Religious Affiliation  Patrilineal Kinship  Son Preference Figure2.1: Conceptual Framework of Harmful Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl-Child 37 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2.2.6 Study Hypotheses Hypotheses were formulated to guide the study and they are closely linked to the objectives of the study. Hypothesis one is closely linked to study objectives two and six. Also, hypothesis two is closely linked to objective one and two, while hypothesis three, four and five are closely associated with study objective two. Hypothesis One H1: There is an association between the incidence of discriminatory practice towards the girl-child and the parent‟s gender, level of education, socio-economic status, and place of residence, religious affiliation and socio-economic status. H0: There is no association between the incidence of discriminatory practice towards the girl-child and the parent‟s gender, level of education, socio-economic status and place of residence, religious affiliation and socio-economic status. Hypothesis Two H1: There is an association between rigid conception of gender roles by parents and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. H0: There is no association between rigid conception of gender roles by parent and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child Hypothesis Three H1: There is an association between parent‟s childhood experiences of discrimination and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child H0: There is no association between parent‟s childhood experiences of discrimination and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices against the girl-child Hypothesis Four H1: There is an association between the pattern of decision making by parents and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. H0: There is no association between the pattern of decision making by parents and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. 38 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Hypothesis Five H1: There is an association between participation of women in decision-making and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. H0: There is no association between participation of women in decision-making and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. 39 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER THREE ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE KAMBARI This chapter highlighted the ethnography of the Kambari in order to place the study in a proper context.It examined the location, lineages, language,the traditional economy of the Kambari among others. 3.1 Location The Kambari are found in Niger state, Nigeria. According to ethnographic data, the Kambari are found particularly in the former Kontagora, Sokoto and Nassarawa Provinces. These areas are found in present-day Kwara, Niger and the extreme Southern parts of Sokoto, Kebbi and Borno States. In Niger State, which is the focal area of the study, they are found in six local government areas namely: Agwara, Borgu, Magama, Rijau, Mariga, and Meshegu (Temple, 1965; Otite, 1990; Ragada, 1992). 3.2 Origin There have been speculations that the Kambari migrated from the regions of the Middle East during the Islamic conquest of North Africa. This has been a common speculation about the origin of some Nigerian tribes such as the Yoruba (Udo, 2004). Etymologically, the Kambari are among the indigenous groups of Nigeria. Temple (1965) asserts that they came from the highlands between south of Zaria and the North of Niger Province. 3.3 Lineages The lineages of the Kambari are further made up of different ancestral clans owing to the lineage groups which are as follows: Aganke, Agbara, Alyari, Aza‟akusan, Ashipkari, Ngaski, Alinguci, Abuze, Aza‟amadanga, Nkete‟in, Ntspa, Nts‟le, Nwoyo, Aza‟akakulu, Aza‟akawana, Nsanguya, Aza‟ayuma, Agara-inwa, Ogonto, Okolo, Abawu, Akinki, Aza‟arago, Nkyeku, Nyanyan, Nfongi, Aza‟ametikpem and Aza‟nkporu among others (Yohanna and Zamiyoku, 2001). 3.4 Language The Kambari language belongs to the Benue-Congo sub-group, and they have had close cultural affinity with the Dakkarkari, Dukawa and Kamuku (Meek, 1931; Middleton, 1997). Crozier (1984) classified the Kambari into different language cluster groups 40 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY namely: Auna-Wara known as “Tsikimba” (Akimba), Agwara Kambari language cluster known as “Cishingini”, Salka Kambari language cluster “Tsishingini” (Ashingini), Rijau Kambari language cluster also known as “Tsigadi” (Agadi) and Ibeto Kambari language cluster known as “Tsivadi” (Avadi). Others identify the “Asawuni” located around Nasko Area, the “Aposhi” Agwara area and the Makatenge are found around Mashegu area. There is a sense of ethnic unity among the different language clusters which are linguistically related; although the Kambari of one speech form never understands the other. (Stark, 2000; Stark, 2000). 41 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY FIG. 3.1: MAP OF NIGER STATE SHOWING SELECTED LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS FOR THE STUDY 42 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.5 Traditional Economy Farming has been the main stay of the economy of the Kambari. They practice shifting cultivation, and this explains their pattern of settlement which can be described as dispersed (See Plate 1). The most predominant occupation of the Kambari male is farming, a Kambari man that cannot farm is considered a “lazy man who wants an easy life”. Thus, at age 4, the Kambari boy-child follows the father to the farm with a small hole that he can handle and he is given a portion to work on. However, because of his tender age, by noon he is allowed to go back home, while others continue the work on the farm till the sun sets. The main food crops grown are millet and guinea-corn, while rice, beans and groundnut are grown as cash crops. In recent times, women are also getting actively involved in farming mainly producing groundnuts, bambara nuts apart from petty-trading. The Kambari practice „communal farming” known as “gaya” in Hausa and also called “gulmo”among the Kambari. It usually involves every grown male and young boy as from age 10 who would be invited to work on a farm in the same village or the neighbouring villages. It is a very important activity and an integral part of the cultural practices of the Kambari. During, “gulmo” the women and young girl-children are involved in cooking food such as “tuwo”, (pounded millet/guinea corn), locally brewed beer (“burukutu”). The owner of the farmland also provides a goat and a dog to be slaughtered for those involved in “gulmo”. Some parts of the food are taken to the farm while they are still working. However, when the sun sets, they return to the house of the owner of the farm where they are seated according to their age-groups and are properly entertained with varieties of foods and the locally brewed beer. Apart from farming, men also engage in fishing, hunting, rearing of cattle, goats and sheep and blacksmithing as well. Within the traditional economic setting of the Kambari, boy and girl-children are also involved in different types of occupations that relates to their gender and future roles as heads of household wives and mothers. The boy-child engages predominantly in farming, cattle herding hunting, blacksmithing, and brick-layers. Traditionally, these are male- dominated occupations. On the other hand, girl-children like their mothers mostly get involved in trading, hawking, farming; production of shea-butter oil and selling of the popularly locally brewed beer known as “burukutu”. 43 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 1: Settlement Pattern 44 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.6 Political Structure The Kambari has a political structure similar to those of the Hausa-Fulani and are believed to have been a powerful tribe until 1840 A.D. (Temple, 1965). Series of inter- tribal wars with Hausa City States such as Yauri,Gwandu, Kontagora as well as the Jihad orchestrated by Umaru Nagamaste, the son of Sultan Atiku, the third Sultan of Sokoto, a grandson of Sheihk Othman Dan Fodio had grave consequences on the Kambari‟s strong political structure(Temple, 1965). The Kambari has no central leader, but rather they operate the “Village Head” system (Mathew, 2008). The head of each household usually represents his family at the village level when critical issues are to be addressed. At another level are the ward-heads known as “mai-anguwa”; who are appointed by the village head who in-turn, is appointed by the District Head. On the other hand, the District Head is appointed by the Local Government Chairman. At the district and village levels they have other office holders such as the “Waziri”, “Magaji”, “Sarikin Hausawa” among others. There are women actors in the political structure of the Kambari known as the “Magajiya” and the “Muskomi” whose assistance are required during organised communal labour and projects where food and drinks are needed for the men at work (Ragada, 1992). 3.7 Religion Traditionally, the Kambari worshipped the “maigiro”, a god who played significant judicial, political and social roles in their social world. Only men and boys as from the age of puberty are initiated into the “maigiro cult” and swear to an “oath of secrecy” which is seen as one of the major qualities of “manhood”. It is an exclusive male affair. The Kambari have a very strong belief in the Supreme Being, who is known as “kashzlya” and is seen as the author of the universe. He is worshipped through deities. The Kambari have a strong belief in “cause and effect” of every phenomenon in life. They also have a strong belief in ancestral spirits who play a very significant role in their lives, and they are usually remembered through a special ceremony known as “kpaalu kaakpissa”, (Yohanna and Zamiyoku, 2001). However, with the advent of Christianity and Islam, there are professing Christians and Moslems among the Kambari. Adherents of traditional religion are also found among them. 45 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.8 Rule of Descent and Rights to Inheritance The Kambari are strongly patrilineal by descent, and the homestead is patriarchal; a son succeeds the father as the head of the family. Inheritance is through the male line. A son could inherit the homestead, land, farmlands, crops as well as political office. Indeed, this is the most common form of descent system among most societies particularly among African societies (Kottak, 2004; Ferraro, 2008). Sometimes, a female could inherit money from any of the parents. Most times a female was at the mercy of her brothers, who determined what she could be given at the death of a father or mother. This underscored the value ascribed to “sons” among the Kambari, he is known as the “magajin gida” or “mai-rikon gida” (meaning head of the household or custodian of the household). 3.9 Marriage and Residence Among the Kambari, marriage is for the most part patrilocal. This means that at marriage, the girl leaves her natal family and takes up residence in the agnatic group of her husband. Thus, the child-bearing rights as well as the sexual rights are vested in the agnatic group of the husband through the payment of bride wealth and rendering of agricultural service (gulmo) to the girl‟s family until she is mature for marriage. Bridal services are an integral part of the marriage pattern among the Kambari. On the other hand, the bride wealth is seen as a “customary gift” which could take various forms given by the family of the groom to the bride‟s family (Kottak, 2004). Ferraro (2008) posits that a number of societies provide bridal services either before or after the marriage in the form of labour to the bride‟s family. This is a very strong cultural practice among the Kambari and the bridal service is rendered before the marriage ceremony proper for a period of years until the girl-child is mature for marriage. The common form of marriage among the Kambari is “child betrothal” and this is arranged during infancy by their parents. It is called “kame” among the Kambari. It is a common practice particularly among the traditionalists, the Aposhi who are considered the “Aboriginal Kambari” because of their strict adherence to the customs and norms of their society. It was a common form of marriage among all the language clusters in the past. 46 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Child betrothal marriage is initiated by the parents of the boy-child at a very tender age ranging from during pregnancy, after the birth of a girl-child or when a girl-child is about 5years old. In some communities immediately the birth of a girl-child is known, families interested in having her betrothed to their son will quickly visit the house and fetch water to fill the water pots of the woman who had just given birth early in the morning. In some cases particularly among the Kambari in Agwara, the mother of the boy-child drops a coin or a token amount of money to indicate their interest. After some few days the mother of the boy-child goes to visit the family of the girl-child, which further indicates their desire and interest to establish a betrothal arrangement for their son. However, seven days after due consultation with family members and elders, the father of the girl-child decides on which of the family to give his daughter‟s hand in marriage to and others are counselled to be patient for God to provide suitable wives for their sons. Once, the parent of the girl-child has consented, the family of the boy-child is expected to bring “kayan-riko” which literally means items for the upbringing of the girl-child. The items are half bag of guinea-corn, one pot of locally brewed beer and a token amount of money. Every year, a pot of locally brewed beer, brooms, mats and bags of guinea-corn are taken to the family of the girl-child. In some communities, it is one pot of locally brewed beer and a hen while among others particularly among the Aposhi it is three pots of locally brewed beer on a yearly basis until she gets matured for marriage. The father of the girl-child receives as gifts, a pot of locally brewed beer and a hen while the mother of the girl-child is given half bag of guinea-corn during the first year. During the second year, the father of the boy-child organizes communal farming which is part of the bridal services “gulmo”. It usually involves between 15-20 people comprising of relations and friends who converge from different communities at the father in-law‟s farm. In the past, the number of people participating could be up to a hundred. The period of the “gulmo” ranges from 15-20 years until the girl-child is fully mature for marriage. “Gulmo” among the Avadi starts when the girl-child is 6years old. On such occasions, the father of the boy-child provides a pot of locally brewed beer and cooked groundnuts. “Gulmo” is usually done twice in a year. 47 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Once the girl is matured for marriage, the father of the boy-child sends a representative to the family of the girl-child that they are ready to receive the bride. However, parental consent on the matter by the family of the girl-child could range between three months to two years. In some cases, the Maigiro cult priest has to be consulted by the father of the girl-child and once consent is granted the marriage ceremony will be conducted. The parents of the boy-child are expected to go along with a number of items which usually vary depending on the language- dialect group. These may include items such as ten pots of locally brewed beer, one ram, one hen and a dog each, if the family is a royalty. Others who are not from a ruling family are expected to bring items such as a goat, one hen and a dog as well. While among some language-dialect groups, they are expected to go along with three pots of locally brewed beer, a bag of roasted groundnuts which would serve as kolanuts for distribution and two thousand naira only (N2, 000.00). This is a common practice among the Aposhi in Agwara Local Government Area. The family of the boy-child takes care of the marriage festivities. The parents of the girl-child provides kitchen utensils and also some food items such as a basket of fish, meat, guinea- corn, palm oil that she is expected to give out some to the relations of her husband‟s family. Her new home is fully decorated with her kitchen utensils, food items and good mats. After a month in the husband‟s house she returns to the house of her father and spends about four weeks with them before she finally settles down with her husband. Another form of marriage is “wife-stealing”. Once a female and a male admire each another; the man may abduct the woman or girl irrespective of the fact that she is already betrothed. Once, that is established, he is expected to pay the former husband or the “husband to be” the bride wealth and the equivalent in monetary terms of all the agricultural services rendered to his in-law. Wife stealing is a demonstration of “manliness” and a man who could not achieve such feat is ridiculed among his peers. Indeed, some are alleged to use love portion to achieve such feat. Currently, this practice is fading away gradually with the advent of Christianity and Islam. However, while on the field, cases of wife stealing were witnessed in different research locations. 48 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.10 Market Days Market days play a central role in the social and economic life among the Kambari. The th th market days are usually either after every 4 or 5 day. Apart from buying and selling of goods, it is an avenue for social interaction among young men and women (See Plate 2). It is a period meant for flirting, as well as opportunity for „wife-stealing”. The markets are usually divided into various sections for the sales of various food items, farming implements and other goods. Usually the outskirts of the markets are the places allocated for the sale of locally brewed beer “burukutu”. It is usually a melting point for the old and young from various neighbouring villages and hamlets. Trade by batter is a common practice in such drinking parlours. Prospective customers could exchange measures of guinea-corn, millet, corn and rice for some cups of the locally brewed beer “burukutu”. 49 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 2: Market Scene 50 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.11 Mode of Transportation The Kambari are found in Niger North Senatorial Zone, a geo-political zone of the Niger State that has not witnessed much development; particularly, the area where the Kambari predominate, are the least developed. There is a network of few major roads and many feeder roads connecting various villages and settlements. The common means of transportation include camels and donkeys, particularly on market days in order to transport goods to markets and from the farms to households (See Plate 3). Also, another popularised means of transportation in this area is “the Okada”, also known as “achaba” among the Hausa and the Kambari. Furthermore, due to nature of the roads, open Nissan Patrol Vans of different categories and lorries are important means of transportation from one community to another. In addition, in riverine areas the locally powered boats move people and goods from one location to another (See Plate 3). The State-owned ferry operates at the river-bank that separates Yauwri in Kebbi State and Agwara in Niger State. 51 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 3: Means of Transportation (Camel) 52 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 4: Means of Transportation (Boat) 53 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.12 Mode of Dressing and Adornment The Kambari female, either married or unmarried, traditionally covers only the lower part of the body, using a loin cloth, locally woven or Nigerian print tied around the waist and down slightly above the knees. Usually the upper parts of the body, including the breasts, usually remain uncovered. Currently, some put on brassieres to cover their breasts while others put on “T” shirts, an indication that some of them have embraced social change with respect to their mode of dressing (See Plate 5 and 6). Traditionally, large wooden ear rings and beads are worn on the ears, neck and the waist, the one worn on the waist is called “Jigida” which are still worn by many today. Body marks are significant aspects of the adornment of the Kambari, particularly for women and girl-children. The ears and the lower lips are pierced by placing a stone on hot fire, and then the numb part is pressed on the hot stone and placed continuously on the desired part of the ears or the lower lips. The principle is that once those parts of the body become hot, the blood vessels cannot flow, at this juncture a needle with thread is pierced at the desired points and the thread is used to tie it. Every two days they move the thread a little to ensure it does not stick permanently in order for the wound to heal. They apply the heat from the stone on the pierced part continuously. Furthermore, in order to enlarge the pierced ear or the lower lips a clean short stick is used until they got bigger after which some leave the short wooden stick or place a white rubber as adornment. The nostril is also pierced and a long object is passed through it. This is a common practise among the Aposhi and the Awunchi. Also, girls have body tattoos on their faces, stomach, both hands. The body tattoos are done artistically and it takes between 2-3 years, with the stomach at age 6, and then followed by the hands after one year interval each when she is seen as almost due for marriage. Some have observed that this form of dressing and adornment is primitive as a result of the fact that half of the entire body is left bare with no form of clothing. One of the major reasons is to present her to suitors that she has reached the marriage age and is now a fully matured girl. 54 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 5a: Mode of Dressing 55 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 5b: Mode of Dressing 56 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.13 Educational Facilities and Enrolment Rates 3.13.1 Educational Facilities Educational institutions exist in the six Local Government Areas. These include public and privately run pre- primary, primary junior and senior secondary schools. However, there are very few privately run schools where the Kambari predominates. A significant player in the provision of educational facilities is the Faith- Based Organizations (FBOs). The Catholic Non-Government Organization known as Justice and Peace Commission for Development and Peace (JCDP) runs dry season schools for adults, boy and girl- children. The dry season schools are similar to literacy classes. They are known as dry season schools because the Kambari are predominantly farmers and are readily available during the dry season period when they have fully harvested their farm produce. Also, the United Missionary Christian Association (UMCA) under its Kambari Language Project known as “KLP” have been involved the development of Hausa - English dictionaries for the major language dialects. In addition, they also run literacy classes for various sub-groups in the communities. 3.13.2 Enrollment Rates in Study Area Furthermore, these Local Governments Areas are among the educational disadvantaged zone in Niger state. The enrolment by gender and Local Government Areas revealed that girl-children are disadvantaged as compared to boy- children in all the various levels of schooling. 3.13.2.1 Distribution of Number of Public and Private Pre-Primary Schools and Enrollment by Gender and Local Government Area. Table 3.1 presents the distribution of number of public and private pre-primary schools and enrollment by gender and Local Government Areas. As regards the number of public pre-primary schools, Borgu Local Government Area has the highest number of public pre-primary schools as compared to other Local Government Areas. On the other hand, Magama Local Government Area has the highest number of private pre- primary schools when compared to other Local Government Areas among the study area. In addition, the percent of girls enrollment in public pre-primary schools ranges from 34.3 percent to 45.9 percent. Mariga Local Government Areas has the least percent of girls enrollment in public pre-primary schools as compared to other Local Government Areas (34.3%). Also, the overall percent of girls enrolment for both public and private pre-primary 57 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY schools indicates a similar trend, Mariga Local Governent Area has the least with 34.7 (Niger State, 2013). Table 3.1 Distribution of Number of Public and Private Pre-Primary Schools and Erolment by Gender and Local Government Areas Public Private Total LGAs No of Pupils Girls % No of Pupils Girls % Pupils % Schools Girls Students Girls Girls Agwara 17 1,230 526 42.8 0 0 0 - 975 42.8 Borgu 71 4,848 2,208 45.5 9 1147 538 46.9 5,995 45.7 Magama 33 1,931 886 45.9 19 1759 846 48.1 3,108 47.1 Mariga 37 2,054 705 34.3 1 32 19 59.4 2,086 34.7 Mashegu 26 800 324 40.5 0 0 0 - 683 40.6 Rijau 34 2,081 928 44.6 17 1048 447 42.7 2,645 43.8 Source: Niger State 2013 Annual School Census Report 3.13.2.2 Distribution of Total Public and Private Primary School Enrolment in Gender and Local Government Areas Table 3.2 presents the distribution of total public and private primary school enrolment by gender and Local Government Areas. Mariga and Mashegu Local Government Areas have the least percent (32.0%) of total girls enrollement in public and private primary school enrollment in the six local Local Government Areas selected for the study (Niger State, 2013). 58 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 3.2 Distribution of Total Public and Private Primary School Enrolment by Gender and Local Government Areas Total LGAs Pupils Girls % Girls Agwara 17,496 6,807 39.0 Borgu 21,515 9,689 45.0 Magama 25,276 9,040 36.0 Mariga 25,744 8,366 32.0 Mashegu 31,467 9,989 32.0 Rijau 29,984 11,739 39.0 Source: Niger State 2013 Annual School Report 3.13.2 Distribution of Public and Private Junior Secondary School Enrolment by Gender and Local Government Areas Table 3.3 presents the distribution of public and private junior secondary school enrolment by gender and Local Government Areas. Table 3.3 revealed that Mariga and Mashegu Local Government Areas have least total percent of girls enrolment of 19.8 percent and 20.6 percent in public and private junior secondary schools. This trend is consistent with the enrolment rates for public and private primary schools in table 3.2 (Niger State, 2013). 59 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 3.3.Distribution of Public and Private Junior Secondary School Enrolment by Gender and Local Government Areas Total LGAs Pupils Girls % Girls Agwara 1,157 429 37.1 Borgu 5,844 2,317 39.6 Magama 6,764 2,287 33.8 Mariga 2,775 535 19.8 Mashegu 6,504 1,342 20.6 Rijau 4,634 1,953 42.1 Source: Niger State 2013 Annual School Report 3.14 Health-Care Facilities and Utilization There are different categories of health facilities located in each of the selected Local Government Area. The State and Local Governments have made provision for Primary Health Care Center (PHCC), Maternal and Child Health Centers (MCH), Basic Health Centre (BHC), Health Centres (HC), Hospital (Hosp) and Rural Hospital (RH). In addition, there are also Clinic and Maternity Clinic (CMC). In addition, there are also health-care facilities that are privately owned or established by Faith – Based Organizations (FBOs). 3.14.1 Ownership of Health Care Facilities by Type and Local Government Area Table 3.4 presents the distribution of ownership of health-care facilities by type and Local Government Area. Table 3.4 indicates that the Local Government were the major player in the provision of modern health-care facilities for the people in the study area and federal government presence is only limited to Borgu Local Government Area. Mashegu has the highest number of health-care facilities with a total of 73 and Agwara the least, with a total of 21 health-care facilities as at 2010. 60 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 3.4 Distribution of Ownership of Health - Care Facilities by Type and Local Government Areas Ownership LGAs Federal State Govt LGA Faith Private Total Govt Agwara - - 17 1 3 21 Borgu 4 1 48 1 7 61 Magama - 1 54 - 7 62 Mariga - 1 52 - 7 60 Mashegu - - 49 1 23 73 Rijau - 1 53 - 3 57 Source: Niger State Bureau of Statistics, 2011 3.14.2 Health-Care Utilization In most Nigerian communities, the pathway to health care utilization is predominantly two, that is, modern and traditional. Traditionally, herbal medicine and the traditional healer play a very significant role in determining the causation and healing processes of illnesses and diseases in various communities among the Kambari. Despite ,social change and the introduction of modern medicine and western styled health-care facilities, people still patronize them depending on the nature of the illness, the individuals, religious affiliation and possibly educational background. Preferably, among the Kambari cases of mental illness, epilepsy, and continuous death of children in the family were usually referred to the traditional healer who is known as “za yindi” which literally means herbalist or “za vo opocino” which means one who heals among the Ashingini language dialect of the Kambari. Within the household setting when a family member is sick, the head of the family determines the appropriate health-care system of use, which is, either the traditional healer to emply modern health-care system. Therefore, as a result of the patriarchal nature of the Kambari Society, women refer cases of illnesses in the family to their husbands who eventually take the final decision on the matter. 3.15 Pattern of Household Decision-Making Men as husbands and relations play vital roles in decision-making among the Kambari. Men take important decisions about health seeking behavior of the family, sending children to school, children‟s involvement learning a trade or going to leave with 61 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY relations, enforcement of traditions, giving consenting when the daughter is mature for marriage among others. Women usually take decisions on matters concerning domestic affairs and usually the husband must be consulted before a final decision is taken. However, where women own poultry, farm produce, she takes decision on such matters. She can decide on when to sell either a hen, duck among others. In most cases, when there is other a cost implication on any issue, the men usually make the final decision. Traditionally, men are seen as the heads of households in patriarchal societies. Also, a women‟s decision making within the household depends on her age, rank among co-wives and household status. 62 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER FOUR RESEARCH METHODOLOGY This chapter presents the research methodology adopted in the course of this study. This includes the research design and methodology, study area, study population, sample size, methods of data collection and analytical techniques. 4.1 Research Design Isiugo-Abanihe (2002) posited that descriptive studies were specifically designed to depict precisely the attributes of a particular situation, community or group. As was the case with this study, the multi-methodological descriptive approach was adopted to explore the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari. The study included both quantitative and qualitative research designs in order to fulfil the objectives of the study. The quantitative method involved survey research while the qualitative methods included Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), In-Depth Interviews (IDIs) and case studies. Walker (1985), cited in Ary, Jacobs and Razavieh (2002:23), had noted that “certain questions could not be answered by quantitative methods, while others could be answered by qualitative ones”. This fact led to the employment of a multi-methodological approach with respect to this study. Also, Hammersley (1996) noted that researches combined the two approaches mostly in three ways. Firstly, was to use one to verify the findings of the other research technique. Secondly, was to employ one as the groundwork for the other, and thirdly, it was usually employed each in a complementary fashion, to explore different aspects of the same research questions. With regard to this study the last two reasons were applicable. The FGDs provided the groundwork and preliminary framework in the development of the structured questionnaires that were used for the research. This was quite significant in view of the dearth of similar studies particularly among the Kambari on the focus of the study. Furthermore, exploring the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child required an in- depth understanding that qualitative methods offered. In addition, Ary, Jacobs and Razavieh (2002) posited that currently there had been a trend towards rapprochement, whereby the same study employed both approaches in data collection based on the nature of the study. Consequently, the methodological debate that one approach was better than the other did not arise; rather the driving force or 63 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY motivation to adopt an approach depends on the nature of the research problem being investigated. In this case, the study of the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child required an in-depth description and understanding as well as the extent of the practice and societal generalisation about it. 4.2 Study Area and Population 4.2.1 Study Area The study was conducted among the Kambari of Niger State. As at 1961, the land area known as Niger State had a population of 1,194,508. Approximately thirty years later, that is, as at 1991, the population stood at 2,421,581. The 2006 population figure was 3,905,249, comprising 2,032,725 males and 1,917,524 females, with a proportional share of 51.5% for males and 48.8% for females respectively. The state population stood at an annual rate of 3.4% (Niger State, 2008; National Population Commission, 2006). Niger State is located at North-Central geo-political zone of Nigeria. The State shares borders with Zamfara State (North), Kebbi (North-West), Republic of Benin (West), Kogi (South), Kwara (South-West), Kaduna (North-West) and Federal Capital Territory, FCT (South-East). The State is administratively divided into 25 Local Government Areas (LGAs); the State has the following ethnic groups, Nupe, Hausa, Gbagyi, Kadara, Koro, Bassa, Pangu, Fulani, Dukawa, Dakkarkari, Kakanda and Kambari among others. Other ethnic groups such as the Igbo, Yoruba, Ijaw, Igala and numerous other smaller ethnic groups are also found in the state (Niger State, 2008). 4.2.2 Study Population This study adopted a unique methodological approach in the selection of the study population. The sample population comprised adult married women and men in their reproductive years, that is, 15-49years for women, and 20-65years for men; also girl and boy-children between 10-17years. The study population was a pair of adult women and the girl-children (daughters) of the specified age randomly selected from the household. Also adult men and their boy-children (sons) were randomly selected from a different household. The rationale for the adoption of the study population was to achieve a comparison among the sub-groups. Were their views, opinions and perceptions about the girl-child phenomenon likely to differ significantly from those of their fathers and mothers? It brought to fore the dynamism of change at the inter-generational level on household discriminatory practices as well as the socio-cultural practices that influenced 64 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY it. The inclusion of men and boy-children was quite significant due to their role in decision-making at the household and communal levels. In addition, exploring their views and perceptions, would make changes less threatening if their views were well articulated. 4.3 Sample Design 4.3.1 Sample Size The sample size was statistically determined. Cochran‟s (1977) sample size formula was adopted to determine the sample size of the social survey as indicated below: 𝑍2𝑃(1−𝑃) Thus: 𝑛 = 𝑑2 Where: n = the sample size Z = Z statistics for level of confidence p = expected proportion or prevalence d = precision 1.96 2 0.05 (1 − 0.05) 𝑛 = = 385 0.05 2 n = 385 The study adopted 385 as the sample size for the pair of father/sons each and since the focus of the study was on the girl –child an additional 7.5% was added to derived sample size of 414. 7.5 Thus: 385 × = 29 100 Where the pair of mother/daughter 385 + 29 = 414 Thus, the pair of mother/daughter sample size was 414 each due to the unique methodology adopted in the selection of the sample population. The sample sizes for each of the Local Government Areas were based on the size of the total population of each. Therefore, a total of 1,598 respondents were interviewed in the course of the study for the household survey. See Table 4.1 65 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 4.1: Proportional Distribution of Sample Size by Sub Groups and Selected Local Government Areas. Local Govt Areas Sample Size by Sub-Groups Adult Male Boy-Child Adult Female Girl-Child Total % Agwara 23 23 25 25 96 6 Borgu 66 66 70 70 272 17 Magama 69 69 75 75 288 18 Mariga 77 77 83 83 320 20 Mashegu 81 81 87 87 360 21 Rijau 69 69 74 74 286 18 385 385 414 414 1598 100 The qualitative methods comprised of Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), In Depth Interviews (IDIs) and case studies. Fifteen FGDs were conducted among adult men and women as well as among boy and girl-children. The size of each FGD was between 10 to 12 participants, with the exception of the FGDs for older women which had 8 participants in each group. Consequently, a total of 164 participants were involved in 15 FGDs. The in-depth interviews were conducted among 14 participants comprising influential men and women, traditional rulers, religious leaders and government officials. Finally, case studies involving 12 girl-children were conducted. 4.3.2 Sampling Technique A multi-stage sampling technique was adopted for the study. Majumdar (1991:67) asserted that in multi-stage sampling, “there is a hierarchy of different types of units, each first stage until being divided or potentially divisible into second units, etc”. Babbie (2005) posited that multi-stage sampling involved two basic steps, which were listing and sampling. It involved listing of primary sampling units and the sampling of units or elements form the secondary sampling units. Firstly, the Local Government Areas were purposively sampled in view of the fact that the focus of the study was on the Kambari who are dominant in 6 of out the 25 LGAs of the Niger State. Among the six LGAs, the Kambari predominate in Agwara, Magama, Rijau, Borgu Mariga and Mashegu Local Government Areas. Secondly, 26 political wards out of a total of 63 listed wards, in the selected six Local Government Areas were purposively selected because these were the wards where the Kambari predominate. Thirdly, a complete list of the enumeration areas (EAs) demarcated for the 2006 Census 66 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY by the National Population Commission was obtained. There were a total of 7,160 EAs out of which 63 EAs were randomly selected using simple random technique and this represented 1.0 percent of the total EAs of the selected LGAs for the study. Fourthly, 63 EAs were further sub-divided into clusters ranging from an average of 2 to 7 clusters. Consequently, a total of 799 Households (HHs) were randomly selected from the six selected LGAs. A sampling frame was created for the randomly selected research locations. Furthermore, as indicated in Table 4.2 the distribution of the sample size for each of the local government areas were proportionally allocated based on the population size of each Local Government Area. Table 4.2: Population Size, Number of Listed and Selected Wards, Enumeration Areas, Clusters, Households and Total Sample Size of Selected Local Government Areas. Local Total Male Female Listed Selected No No of No of No of Total Govt Population Population Population Wards Wards of Selected Clusters Selected Sample Areas Size EAs EAs HHs Size LGAs Agwara 57,413 29,437 27,976 10 3 564 3 2 48 96 Borgu 171,965 88,353 83,612 10 4 1,386 10 5 136 272 Magama 181,653 92,691 88,962 11 5 860 13 7 144 288 Mariga 199,430 101,801 97,620 11 5 1,353 12 6 160 320 Mashegu 215,022 109,530 105,492 10 5 1,601 13 7 168 336 Rijau 176,053 90,214 85,839 11 4 1,396 12 6 143 286 1,001,536 512,035 489,501 63 26 7,160 63 33 799 1,598 Source: National Population Commission, 2006 . With regard to the selection of households, a systematic sampling technique was used in the selection of households. With the aid of the enumeration areas, a sampling frame was created for the randomly selected thirty-three (33) research locations in the six LGAs where the Kambari predominated. In the selection of households, every second household was chosen after the random selection of the first household. For adult males and females, the household schedule provided for the listing of all members of the household as well as their eligibility. An eligible respondent was randomly selected among adults who had either boy- or girl-children between 10-17 years, using a selection grid provided for each of the questionnaire. As regards eligible boy-and girl-children, the eligible children were listed on the questionnaire and respondents were randomly selected with the aid of a selection grid provided for in the questionnaire. A return visit 67 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY was made where the eligible respondent was not available at the period when the interview was conducted with the adult female or male. 4.4 Methods of Data Collection The study adopted the triangulation approach in research design and data collection techniques. Firstly, the adoption of a structured questionnaire was to provide a platform that would measure incidences of the variables under investigation. The Focus Group Discussions (FGDs), in-depth interview (IDIs) and case studies was an attempt to explore the socio-cultural milieus that engender household discriminatory practices against the girl-child which indeed was the central focus of the study. Exploring the socio-cultural milieu that engendered household discriminatory practices required the adoption of such methods in order to provide in-depth understanding of the socio- cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari. Fraenkel and Wallen (2003) opined that the adoption of the triangulation approach in data collection usually enhanced validity of the instruments used, quality of the data collected as well as the accuracy of the researcher‟s interpretations. Babbie (2007) further corroborated this view and also posited that it was a valuable research strategy bearing in mind that each method had its peculiar strengths and weaknesses. 4.4.1 Social Survey In view of the target population adopted for this study, two questionnaires were designed for adult men and women as well as girl-and boy-children. The questionnaire for the adult men and women collected information on socio-demographic characteristics, reproductive and fertility outcomes, nature of household discriminatory practices. It also elicited information on their attitude and those of significant-others to household discriminatory practices, their involvement in traditional practices as child betrothal, restrictive food taboos and beautification marks. The questionnaire also elicited information on familial roles, valuation of the girl-child, conception of cultural construction of girlhood as well as their perception of household discriminatory practices. The questionnaire comprised of structured questions with pre-coded responses as well as few open-ended questions (Appendix 1). On the other hand, the questionnaire for the girl-and boy-children elicited information on their background as well as their experiences on assignment of familial roles, the 68 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY household discriminatory practices as regards schooling, family food distribution pattern, and assignment of domestic work. It also further elicited information on the attitude of significant others to household practices and perception of the girl-child on household discriminatory practices (See Appendix 2). In some cases the interviews were conducted in Hausa or Kambari. Most Kambari were multilingual with varying skills in Hausa, English and other languages which was dependent primarily on their age group and educational attainment. Hausa was a language used for wider communication in most communities. 4.4.2 Focus Group Discussion (FGDs) Isiugo-Abanihe and Obono (2002) asserted that the use of Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) had become popular among Nigerian Social Scientists. It was particularly, useful in providing insights on the “range of opinions and ideas within a community in terms of beliefs, experiences, attitudes, practices, conceptions and misconceptions” (Isiugo- Abanihe and Obono, 2002:75). FGDs were conducted among 8-12 participants in each group among adult men, women, in and out-of-school boy-and girl-children in 6 urban and rural locations. The locations were Salka (urban), Bunsuru (rural), Aza‟voku (rural), Balagu (rural), Mara‟astu (rural) and Papirin Gajera in Agwara and Magama Local Government Area. A total of 15 FGDs were conducted based on the following criteria; age, educational attainment and place of residence (Table 4.3). In each sub-group, that is, adult men and adult women as well as girl and boy-child, 5 FGDs were conducted each. The FGD guides (see Appendix 3-Adult & Appendix 4-Girl/Boy-child) focused on beliefs, attitudes, common practices related to child-care practices, gender relations and roles, discriminating practices, socio-cultural practices associated with household discriminatory practices, cultural construction of girlhood and patterns of socialisation. The FGDs were conducted prior to the survey and played a significant role in providing the preliminary information that informed the construction of the questionnaires for the social survey. 69 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 4. 3: Distribution of FGD Participants by Sub-Groups, Age, Education, Place of Residence, and Research Locations Sub-Groups Age Education Place of Location LGA Total No of No of FGD Residence Participants FGDs per No Sub-Group Girl-Child 10-17years In-School Urban Salka Magama 12 1 Out-of- School Rural Balagu Magama 12 2 Out-of- School Rural Bunsuru Agwara 12 3 Boy-Child 10-17years In-School Urban Salka Magama 12 5 4 Out-of- School Rural Bunsuru Agwara 11 5 Adult Married 20-44years Educated Younger Men Urban Salka Magama 10 6 Men 20-44years Illiterate Younger Men Rural Bunsuru Agwara 11 Educated Older Men Urban Salka Magama 10 5 7 45 +years Illiterate Older Men Rural Balagu Magama 10 45 +years Illiterate Younger Men Rural Azavoku Agwara 12 8 9 10 Adult Married 15-44years Educated Younger Urban Salka Magama 12 11 Women Women Mara‟astu Magama 12 5 Illiterate Younger Women Rural 12 Adult Married 20-44years Illiterate Younger Women Rural Papirin Agwara 12 Women Educated Older Women Urban Gajere 45 +years Illiterate Older Women Rural Salka Magama 08 14 45 +years Papirin Agwara 08 15 Gajere Total 164 15 4.4.3 In-Depth Interviews (IDIs) Fourteen In-depth Interviews (IDIs) were conducted as a part of the study, involving the following sub-groups: traditional rulers and title holders (4), religious leaders (3), male (4) and (3) women community leaders. The in-depth interview respondents were purposively selected based on language dialect groupings, ranking of the traditional leaders as well as religious affiliation. On the other hand, the women were selected on the basis of their influential role in the community, educational background and age (See Table 4.4). The in-depth interviews focused on the harmful socio-cultural practices associated with discriminatory practices, the traditional practises (child betrothal, restrictive food taboos and bodily beautification marks) and on the girl-child vis-à-vis the boy-child. Furthermore, the IDIs explored inter-generational dialogue and how to promote gender equality. The in-depth interviews attempted to relate the past with the future in order to capture the dynamism of the society with respect to discriminatory practices. The In-Depth Interviews (IDIs), as a qualitative instrument of data collection, was significant in many regards. Firstly, the participants in the IDIs were custodians of the culture of the people with in-depth knowledge on the beliefs, values, norms, and traditional practices that engendered discriminatory practices. Interaction with this category of participants provided valuable information that could not be generated in a 70 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY focus group discussion setting or survey. Secondly, they were able to ascertain changes occurring in the society over time on the issues and variables under investigation. Thirdly, as vehicle of change agents within the society and having in-depth knowledge of the people they were in a better placed position to highlight efforts being made to address the problems confronting the girl-child and what kind of strategies could be more effective and practicable in ensuring inter-generational dialogue and gender parity. Finally, it also provided opportunity to probe further to clarify issues raised by the participants in the course of interacting with them (See Appendix 5). Table 4.4: Demographics of IDI Participants S/No LGA Location Category Gender Education Age Religious Affiliation 1 Magama Salka Traditional Ruler Male Educated 55years Muslim 2 Borgu Bakon Traditional Ruler Male Illiterate 60years Muslim Mission 3 Rijau Genu Traditional Ruler Male Illiterate 57years Muslim 4 Agwara Agwara Local Male Educated 45years Christian Government Official 5 Agwara Agwara Community Male Educated 56years Christian Influential 6 Magama Wando Community Male Educated 63years Christian Influential 7 Rijau Mandibu Community Female Illiterate 54years Traditional Influential Religion 8 Magama Wando Community Female Educated 50years Christian Influential 9 Magama Salka Community Female Educated 46years Muslim Influential 10 Borgu Bakon Religious Cleric Male Illiterate 57years Christian Mission 11 Borgu Utula Religious Cleric Male Illiterate 60years Traditional Religion 12 Magama Auna Religious Cleric Male Illiterate 56years Muslim 13. Magama Auna Traditional Ruler Male Educated 55years Muslim 14. Borgu Bakon Community Male Educated 35years Muslim Mission Youth Leader 4.4.4 Case Studies Rubin and Babbie (2001:390) noted that “case study is an idiographic examination of a single individual, family, group, organisation, community, or society”. The case studies conducted in this study were a configuration of series of events or actions of the actors in order to present different profiles of girl-children and how socio-practices affected them. The particularity of each case study had to be located within a specific context (Ellen, 1984). The case-studies were of significant value because they provided the opportunity to highlight unique experiences of the girl-child from varied religions, family 71 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY backgrounds, language dialects, age-groups and birth-order. Furthermore, the details and particularity of each account provided more in-depth understanding of discriminatory practices against the girl-child among the Kambari. In addition, due to the descriptive nature of the presentation of the case studies, it offered an “apt illustration” of her gender roles, attitude to discriminatory practices and other related traditional practices. Case study guides were developed which facilitated the collection of data (See appendix 6). During the course of the survey a total of 20 case studies were identified after interaction with the female interviewers in the five Local Government Areas based on their unique peculiarities or challenges confronting them. Some of the challenges confronting the girl- children identified for the case studies were unintended pregnancy, failed betrothal arrangement, drop-out cases from school due to various reasons. Others were restricted from eating certain kinds of meat and fish in their respective household. Some were never sent to school for diverse reasons. In addition, on a positive note some in- school girl- children were selected because of their academic performance and future ambition A total of 12 case studies were randomly selected for the purpose of this study (See Table4. 5). The female interviewers were given specific guidelines in determining who were to be selected. These included drop-outs and never attended school cases, cases of failed child betrothal arrangement and the practice of restrictive taboos in their respective households. Parents as well as the girl-child‟s comments in the course of the interview served as a cue to probe further and interrogate such cases. A detailed account of each study was undertaken by interviewing the girl-child and her parents or guardians. Both in-school and out- of-school girl-children in urban and rural areas were interviewed. Adopting this approach encapsulated the significant feature of the socio-cultural environment that surrounded the girl-child. 72 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table4. 5: Demographics of Girl –Children involved in the Case Study Case LGA Location Schooling Age Birth Language Religious Study No Status Order Dialect Affiliation th 1 Agwara Gallah In-School 11years 4 Ashingini Christian st 2 Agwara Gallah Out-of-School 11years 1 Aposhi Muslim th 3 Agwara Gallah Out-of--School 15years 5 Ashingini Muslim th 4 Agwara Gallah In-School 10years 5 Ashingini Muslim th 5 Rijau Genu Out-of--School 11years 5 Ashingini Muslim nd 6 Borgu Bakon Out-of-School 17years 2 Aposhi Christian Mission th 7 Mariga Dusten Magaji Out-of-School 11years 5 Avadi Muslim nd 8 Magama Salka In-School 15years 2 Ashingini Christian st 9 Rijau Warari Out-of-School 17years 1 Akimba Muslim Out-of-School th 10 Magama Salka In-School 15years 6 Akimba Christian rd 11 Mariga Bariki Out-of-School 10years 3 Aposhi Traditionalist rd 12 Mariga Kabogo Out-of-School 15years 3 Aposhi Traditionalist 4.5 Validity and Reliability of the Study Instruments There are two criteria for measuring the quality of the instrument used in quantitative studies, these are mainly validity and reliability (Ary, Jacobs and Razavieh, 2002; Babbie, 2005). Validity is a “term used in describing a measure that accurately reflects the concept it is intended to measure” (Babbie, 2007: 146). Also, it has been conceptualised as “the appropriateness, meaningfulness and usefulness of the influences made by a researcher” (Fraenkel and Wallen, 2003). On the other hand, reliability refers to “the quality of measurement method that suggested that the same data would have been collected each time in repeated observations” (Babbie, 2007:143). Similarly, it refers to “the consistency of scores or answers from one administration of an instrument to another and from one set of items to another” (Fraenkel and Wallen, 2003: 119). 4.5.1 Validity and Reliability of Quantitative Instruments Two structured questionnaires with few open-ended questions were designed for married adult men and women and for boy and girl-children. The validity of the questionnaires was assessed on the basis of content-related evidence of validity. The key issues of content validity were: How appropriate was the content and format of the instruments? How comprehensive, does it logically get at the intended variables or how adequate does the sample of items or questions represent the content to be assessed? Was the format appropriate? (Fraenkel and Wallen, 2003). 73 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The following concerns were taken into consideration in constructing the instruments. Firstly, each of the questionnaires was detailed with relevant sample items on each of the variables to be investigated. Secondly, there were adequate sample items on each of the variables under investigations: sex preference, discriminatory practices, cultural construction of boyhood and girlhood, familial role, household power dynamics traditional practices and the status of the girl-child. Thirdly, each of the sample items listed represented the content to be assessed for each of the variables to be investigated. A number of measures were adopted in order to ensure the reliability of the study instruments. Firstly, the interviewers were properly trained in a 2-day workshop before undertaking the fieldwork. Secondly, the questionnaires were pre-tested in order to ensure constituency of responses to items on the questionnaires. Thirdly, key concepts and variables were clearly defined and translated into the Kambari language dialect in order to ensure uniformity in the way and manner interviewers asked the respondents questions. Fourthly, questionnaires guides were developed for each of the key study instruments such that the interviewers had a clear understanding of each question. Fifthly, questionnaires were edited while on the field to ensure that ambiguous cases were ratified through revisits. Sixthly, apart from the interviewers, there were supervisors who closely monitored the interviewers. 4.5.2 Validity and Reliability of Qualitative Data As regards the qualitative data collected, there was structural collaboration that supported the interpretation of data running through the Focus Group Discussion (FGDs), In-depth Interview (IDIs) and Case Studies (CSs). The responses of respondents were similar on issues raised during the course of the study. These were issues raised on sex preference, cultural construction of girlhood, assignment of familial role, discriminatory practices, traditional practices and the status of the girl-child vis-à-vis the boy-child. Secondly, there was consensus between qualitative and quantitative data on the key issues raised in this study. 4.6 Administration of Data Collection Instruments and Organisation of Field Work The administration of data collected was critical to the quality of data collected. The following procedures were adopted. 74 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4.6.1 Procurement of Enumeration Areas The National Population Commission (NPC) was approached for the Enumeration Area (EAs) of the selected Local Government Areas where the Kambari predominated which were mainly rural, with the exception of Salka and Agwara. Consequently, out of thirty- three research locations only two, Salka and Agwara qualified to be categorized as urban centres. A total of 63 Enumerated Areas (EAs) were employed in the selection of the research locations. Furthermore, for each of the research location a sampling frame was developed for the selection of households. 4.6.2 Recruitment of Field Workers Prior to the commencement of the fieldwork, one Research Assistant, two supervisors and eight interviewers comprising males and females were recruited. The minimum educational attainment among the interviewers was the Nigeria Certificate of Education (NCE). They were also fluent in Hausa and the Kambari language-dialects. Also in each of the research location at least two or three guides were employed to follow each research team so that the local residents could feel comfortable to interact with the teams. 4.6.3 Training of Fieldworkers A 3-day training programme was organised for fieldworkers. The training programme covered the following issues: The ABC of social science research, sampling techniques for selection of respondents, handling difficult situations and tips for conducting interviews. Furthermore, the training programme also considered issues relating to the data collection work plan. The training employed interactive methodology such as discussions, role plays and exercises and it greatly enhanced the skills of the fieldworkers in administering the questionnaires. 4.6.4 Data Collection Schedule The data collection for the FGDs was for duration of two weeks in the selected locations in Agwara and Magama LGAs which was the first phase of the data collection schedule. On the other hand, the household survey, In-depth Interviews and Case studies were spread over the selected research locations for duration of six weeks. 75 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4.7 Data Management and Analytical Techniques The study adopted series of procedures in managing the data collected during the fieldwork and post-fieldwork period for both the qualitative and quantitative data. 4.7.1 Qualitative Data The FGDs and the IDIs were recorded on cassettes and later transcribed. Guided by the research questions, hypotheses, key issues and concepts raised in the study, the transcribed data were coded into various categories and themes with value labels. Drawing insight from Bogdan and Bilklen (2002) cited in Ary, Jacobs & Razavieh (2002) on how to organise qualitative data, the following codes were adopted: context codes (household discriminatory practices, socio-cultural practices), definition of the situation codes (socio-cultural practices, status of the girl-child) perspectives held by participants (cultural construction of girlhood, household discriminatory practices, socio- cultural practices etc). Other codes were participants‟ ways of thinking about certain categories of people (the girl-child, the boy-child,) process codes (bodily beautification marks, child betrothal) events and activity codes such as (familial roles of the boy and the girl-child, betrothal and farming services). Furthermore, patterns and explanations were drawn through constant comparative methods, concept mapping of the transcribed data (Babbie, 2007). In addition, with regard to the case studies, the cross-case oriented analysis was adopted to tease out patterns and causal factors associated with household discriminatory practices as presented in the idiographic explanations of each of the case studies (Babbie, 2005). 4.7.2 Quantitative Data The structured quantitative questionnaires for both adults and the girl/boy-child were pre-coded with a few opened-ended questions. During the fieldwork the questionnaires were edited immediately they were submitted to the supervisors. In addition, codes were developed for open-ended questionnaires at the end of the fieldwork. Also, the codes for each of the responses were entered in the space provided for it in each of the questionnaires. Thus, a code book was developed for each of the questionnaires and value labels for each of the variables. Data entry was carried out using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences for Windows (SPSS) version 17.0 (SPSS, 2008). In 76 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY order to enhance the quality of the data, data cleaning was done in order to eliminate inappropriate codes by cross-checking each of the categories entered for both questionnaires. Three levels of analysis were conducted in the course of this study. Firstly, was the univariate analysis which provided descriptive data on personal characteristics, fertility, and reproductive preferences, assignment of familial roles, household practices, attitude to discriminatory practices, others were cultural construction of girlhood and boyhood, perception of girl and boy-children on discriminatory practices and the status of the girl-child. Secondly, bivariate analysis were undertaken in order to determine the effects of explanatory variables that sought to explain discriminatory practices. Thirdly, multivariate analysis using logistic regression identified the predictive factors that engendered discriminatory behaviour towards the girl-child. Finally, analyses were undertaken separately for adult males, females and also for girl/boy children. This was quite significant in view of the fact that they were paired, that is, adult female/girl-child and adult male/boy-child. A comparison of their views provided insight on the dynamism of the society with respect to the subject matter. 4.7.3 Bivariate Data Analysis The bivariate analysis employed chi-square tests in an attempt to explore the association between the study variables. Cross-tabulation of data adopted Pearson chi-square; values were obtained to determine the relationship between variables. A total of three cross – tabulations were presented in the course of this study. 4.7.4 Multivariate Data Analysis The study adopted the binomial logistic regression analysis for the following reasons. Firstly the survey data of this study was moderately large enough to generate reliable results. Secondly, the outcome measure was a dichotomous variable which was one of the underlying assumptions for employing binomial logistic regression. Thirdly, the logistic regression models were able to determine the effect(s) of the explanatory variables on the outcome variable. The models developed explored the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices by adult respondents and also boy and girl-children. It further explored approval of 77 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY discriminatory practices by boy and girl-children in their future households. Logistic regression models were used to know the exact effect(s) of the independent variables on the dependent variable(s). Based on the logistic models probability indices, it was possible to predict the likelihood effect of exhibiting discriminatory attitude towards the girl-child and also the predictors that determined her exposure to discrimination. A total of 15 models had been generated from the dependent variable(s) under-study. In each model, one of the categories listed under the variable heading was a reference category against which all other values were compared by default values; the reference categories were assigned a regression estimate of 1.00. Regression estimates greater 1.00 indicated that the odd for the “outcome variable” for the category in question were greater than for the reference category. Conversely, regression estimates of less than 1.00 indicated that odds for the outcome variable for the category in question are less than that for the reference category. The dependent variable, EDB, was Exhibiting Discriminatory Behaviour(EDB) on girl – child, which measured discriminatory behaviour was treated as categorical variables, taking the value of 1 if exposed and 0 if not . The logistic regression gave each regressor a value b, which measured the regressor‟s independent contribution to the dependent variable (EDB). Another dependent variable was Approval of Discriminatory Practice (ADP), which was treated as categorical variables, also taking the value of 1 if approved and 0 if not. Lastly, another dependent variable was Children Discriminatory Behaviour (CDB), which measured the likelihood of children discriminatory behaviour in the near future, it was also treated as categorical variable, taking the value of 1 if would discriminate and 0 if not. The logistic regression can be expressed as the log of the odds or logit model: (Peng, Lee and Ingersoll, 2002:50) 𝜋 Logit (𝛾) = In log = 𝛼 + 𝛽1𝑥1 + 𝛽2𝑥2 + ⋯+ 𝛽𝑘𝑥𝑘 1−𝜋 Therefore, π= Probability (𝛾)= outcome of interest 𝑥1 = 𝑥1, 𝑥2 = 𝑥2 𝑒𝛼+𝛽1𝑥1+𝛽2𝑥2 1 + 𝑒𝛼+𝛽1𝑥1+𝛽2𝑥2 78 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Where π was the probability of the outcome of interest or the probability of an “event” occurring 𝛼 was the γ interest. 𝛽𝑠 Were regression coefficients estimated from the data. 𝑥𝑠 Were a set of predictors (independent variables) and 𝑒 is the base of the natural logarithm = 2.71828 In logistic regression, the parameters of the model, that is, 𝛼 and βs, were estimated using the maximum likelihood (ML) method, that is the coefficients that made the observed results most “likely” were selected (Peng, Lee and Ingersoll, 2002). The study reported four tests to determine the fitness of each model, namely: Likelihood ratio test, Wald test, Hosmer and Lemeshow Goodness-of-fit test and the correctly classified table. 1. Likelihood Ratio Test It was also called the log-likelihood test, which was based on - 2LL (deviance). It was a measure of how well the estimated model fitted the likelihood. It tested the null hypothesis that all population logistics coefficients except the constant were zero. The model chi-square measured the improvement in fit that the explanatory variable made compared to the null model. A good model was one that resulted in a high likelihood of the observed results, which by interpretation would result to a small number for -2LL (Peng, Lee and Ingresoll, 2002). 2. Wald’s Test The Wald test was commonly used to test the significance of individual logistic regression coefficients for each independent variable, that is, to test the null hypothesis in the logistic regression that a particular logit (effect) coefficient was zero. The Wald test was the squared ratio of the unstandardized logistic coefficient to its standard error. (Peng, Lee, and Ingersoll, 2002; Nwokocha, 2004) 3. Hosmer-Lemeshow Goodness-of-Fit-Test It was the recommended test for the overall fit of a binary regression model, that is, whether the predicted probabilities for a covariate match the observed probabilities. A large P-value indicated a good match, likewise a small P-value indicated a poor match. If the H-l goodness –of-fit test statistics was greater than 05, which was the case for well- fitting models, the null hypothesis was not rejected that there was no difference between 79 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY observed and model-predicted values. The interpretation was that the model estimates fit the data at an acceptable level (Peng, Lee and Ingersoll, 2002; Nwokocha, 2004). 4. Classification Table It was a 2 x 2 table which tallied correct and incorrect estimates for the full model with the independents as well as the constant. It indicated how many of the observations had been predicted correctly the higher the overall percentage of correct predictions, the better the model (Peng, Lee and Ingresoll, 2002; Nwokocha, 2004). 4.7.5 Transformation of Variables. A critical area that has suffered neglect in methodological publications in social survey research was the issue of data management and its preparation. This is particularly significant for further research and replication by researchers (Gayle and Lambert, 2009).The quality of any statistical analysis or modelling procedure adopted for any study depended firstly on the quality of the data to be analysed or modelled. Secondly, the extent to which the procedure was consistent with underlying substantive research questions (Rowe, 2006). In order to avoid problems associated with composite variables, such as the possibility of an indicator contributing more to the measurement of the composite than others, the development of a composite variable on discriminatory behaviour was avoided (Rowe, 2006; Babbie, 2007). Rather each discriminatory practice had to be considered individually in view of the fact that opinions on each were likely to vary. Therefore, it was important to capture the proper feeling and ideas about each of them. In testing of the hypotheses, discriminatory practice in educational opportunities towards the girl- child was employed due to the importance in determining the life chances and status of the girl-child. However, with respect to the independent variables, more specifically the ideational variables were transformed to be able to develop the model that is being presented in the study. Firstly, on the conception of gender roles, was a predictor in the model. Relevant research question in the survey instrument (Q 407) item 2 which stated that “A boy should share in the domestic work at home” was employed. The item had a dichotomous response “yes”=1 and “No=2”. A „a yes” responses was transformed to “rigid 80 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY conception” and recoded 1, while the “no” response was transformed to “liberal conception” and recorded 0. Secondly, on childhood experiences, which was another predictor and appropriate research question employed from the survey instrument (Q601) item 1 was on domestic work assignment which stated “girls were assigned most of the domestic work” .A “yes” response was transformed to “negative” and recoded 1. On the other hand, a “no” response was transformed to “positive” and recoded 0. Thirdly, the ideational variable on pattern of decision-making did not require any form of transformation likewise the coding which was retained in the model for the purpose of testing the hypothesis. In addition, another research question on the survey item (Q 803) was employed to determine the pattern of decision making. It stated “Do you think non- participation by women in decision-making is likely to affect the girl-child negatively? A “yes” response indicated “non participation of women” which was coded 1 and the “no” response was coded 0, which was the reference category. 4.7.6 Model Specifications The following equations were estimated and employed in the regression models to predict the likelihood of exhibiting household discriminatory practices as well as the likelihood of approval of household discriminatory practices by a set of explanatory variables as follows: 𝐸𝐷𝑃 = 𝛽0 + 𝛽1𝐺𝐸𝑁 + 𝛽2𝐿𝐼𝑆 + 𝛽3𝑅𝐿𝑅 + 𝛽4𝑇𝑀𝑈 + 𝛽5𝑅𝐸𝐿 + 𝛽6𝐷𝐶𝑈......... (1) 𝐸𝐼𝐷𝑃 = 𝛽0 + 𝛽1𝐶𝐺𝑅 + 𝛽2𝐶𝐻𝐸 + 𝛽3𝑃𝐷𝑀 + 𝛽4𝑉𝑊𝑃....... (2) 𝐹𝐷𝑃 = 𝛽0 + 𝛽1𝑅𝐿𝑅 + 𝛽2𝑆𝐶𝑆 + 𝛽3𝑅𝐸𝐿 ......... (3) 𝐴𝐷𝑃 = 𝛽0 + 𝛽1𝐺𝐸𝑁 + 𝛽2𝑅𝐿𝑅 + 𝛽3𝐿𝐼𝑆 + 𝛽4𝑅𝐸𝐿........ (4) 𝐴𝐷𝑃 = 𝛽0 + 𝛽1𝐺𝐸𝑁 + 𝛽2𝑅𝐿𝑅 + 𝛽3𝑆𝐶𝑆 + 𝛽4𝑅𝐸𝐿......... (5) 𝐶𝐷𝐵 = 𝛽0 + 𝛽1𝑅𝐿𝑅 + 𝛽2𝑆𝐶𝑆 + 𝛽3𝑅𝐸𝐿......... (6) Equation 1 The basic assumption underlying the specification of the logit regression is that the probability of exhibiting household discriminatory behaviour (EDB) by adults depends on a set of explanatory variables. Where 81 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY EDP= Exhibiting Discriminatory Practice (dependent variable) GEN= Gender of Respondent LIS= Literacy Status RLR= Residential Location of Respondent TMU= Type of Marital Union REL= Religious Affiliation OCU= Occupation of Respondent β0= Intercept/constant β1 to β6= Regression coefficients that show the impact of the explanatory variables on the dependent Equation 2: The basic assumption underlying the specification of logit regression is that the probability of exhibiting household discriminatory behavior towards the girl-child depends on a set of ideational explanatory variables held/practiced by adult respondents, where: EDP= Exhibiting Household Discriminatory Practice (dependent variable) CGR= Conception of Gender Roles CHE= Childhood Experiences of Adult PDM = Pattern of Decision Making VWP = Valuation of Women‟s Participation in Decision Making β0= Intercept/constant β1 to β4= Regression coefficients that show the impact of the explanatory variables on the dependent variable. Equation 3: The basic assumption underlying the logit regression is that the probability of Facing Household Discriminatory Practice (FDP) by the girl-child depends on a set of explanatory variables. Where FDP =Facing Discriminatory Practice (dependent variable) RLR= Residential Location of Respondent SCS= Schooling Status of Respondent REL= Religious Affiliation 82 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY β0= Intercept/constant β1 to β3= Regression coefficients that show the impact of the explanatory variables on the dependent. Equation 4 The basic assumption of the logit regression is that the probability of approval of household discriminatory practice (ADP) by adults depends on a set of explanatory variables. Where ADP= Approval of Discriminatory Practice (dependent variable) GEN= Gender of Respondent RLR= Residential Location of Respondent LIS= Literacy Status REL= Religious Affiliation β0= Intercept/constant β1 to β3= Regression coefficients that show the impact of the explanatory variables on the dependent variable With regards to this equation three models were developed in order to achieve comparisons between firstly combined adult respondents and combined children respondents. Secondly, between fathers (adult male) and sons (boy-child) and thirdly between mothers (adult female) and daughters (girl-child). Equation 5 The basic assumption of the logit regression is that the probability of approval of discriminatory practices by children depends on a set of explanatory variables. Where ADP= Approval of Discriminatory Practice (dependent variable) GEN= Gender of Respondent RLR= Residential Location of Respondent SCS= Schooling Status of Respondent REL= Religious Affiliation β0= Intercept/constant β1 to β3 = Regression coefficients that show the impact of the explanatory variables on the dependent variable. 83 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Equation 6 The basic assumption of the logit regression is that the probability of children exhibiting discriminatory behaviour in the future depends on a set of explanatory variables. Where CDB= Children Discriminatory Behaviour (dependent variable) RLR= Residential Location of Respondent SCS= Schooling Status of Respondent REL= Religious Affiliation β0= Intercept/constant β1 to β3= Regression coefficients that show the impact of the explanatory variables on the dependent variable. 4.7.7 Testing of Hypotheses Hypotheses were drawn in order to provide further insights into the phenomenon under investigation. A total of five (5) hypotheses were tested employing logistic regression coefficients. Also, in order to arrive at far-reaching conclusions on each of the hypotheses, this study employed the following statistical tests: Likelihood ratio (LR) test, Wald test and Hosmer and Lemeshow (H-L) test of goodness of fit and the classification table. 4.8 Ethical Considerations Social Science has sets of principles and standards that usually guide the conduct of research in each discipline. Despite the fact that there is no consensus on the number of issues critical in determining the ethical validity of any research, some commonalities however exist. These include the following: informed consent process, voluntary participation, and respect for research participants, risk-benefit ratio, socio-cultural value and contributions to science (Rubin and Babie, 2005; Obono et al., 2006; Adejumo, 2008). Likewise, the British Sociological Association (BSA) and the America Sociological Association (ASA) reiterated the need for professional integrity and competence, privacy and confidentiality, respect for the rights, dignity and diversity of research participants (BSA, 2002; ASA, 2008). 84 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4.8.1 Informed Consent Process of the Study An institutional letter of consent was obtained from the Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs, Niger State. Also each of the six Local Government Council Chairmen, the district heads, village and wards heads were notified of the nature and purpose of the study. In addition, local guides were provided by the respective district, village and ward heads which facilitated data collection. 4.8.2 Voluntary Participation of Research Participants Adequate information on the purpose, benefits and the process of selection of respondents, for the study were provided to the study population. The research assistants took time to explain fully all about the research to boy and girl-children in order to ascertain their participation in the study. As regards both the quantitative and qualitative studies, respondents participated voluntarily; none were compelled to participate in the study. 4.8.3 Respect for the Rights, Dignity and Diversity of Research Participants. The study had respect for the diversity of the research participants. Male research assistants interviewed adult male and boy-children, whereas the female research assistants interviewed and interacted with the adult females and girl-children. Also, the research teams avoided intrusion of third parties. Finally, the identity of the research participants who took part in the study were not exposed in whatsoever manner during the course of this study. 4.8.4 Non-Malfeasance of Research Participants The study did not in any way expose any of the research participants to undue harm. Also, the study did not take undue advantage of the girl and boy-children who participated in the study. In addition adult women who were involved in the study participated with the fore knowledge and consent of their spouses. 4.9 Problems Encountered In the course of the study, some problems were encountered. A major problem encountered was inaccessible roads, which necessitated the use of alternative transportation means such as “Okada” (motorcycles) or open air Nissan Patrol Vans to get to the research locations. Sometimes, in most of the predominantly rural areas, the settlements were dispersed, and each of the team had to trek long distances before getting household units. Besides, the cost of transportation was relatively high due to the terrain 85 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY and lack of good access roads. In addition, there were few cases of difficulty of understanding the questions due to variation in the language-dialect groups. This problem was addressed by using the Hausa language which was also a medium of communication among the Kambari. Also, there were few cases whereby some of the respondents were suspicious of the intentions of the interviewers. The local guides‟ provided by the traditional rulers and Local Government officials assisted immensely in building the necessary confidence required for the research teams to engage the respondents. 86 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER FIVE PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION This chapter presents data generated during the fieldwork with the view of determining the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child. A combination of tabular and graphic format was employed in presenting the data generated from the study. The analysis centred on frequency distribution, descriptive statistics, cross-tabulations and multivariate analysis using binary logistic regression in testing the hypotheses of the study. Also, where appropriate the qualitative and quantitative results were presented and discussed together. 5.1 Respondents’ Background Characteristics 5.1.1 Background Characteristics of Respondents Table 5.1 presents respondents‟ characteristics by gender, language-dialect, religious affiliation and residence. The gender grouping of the respondents indicate that adult males and their boy-children represent 24.0 percent each, respectively, while adult females and their girl-children represent 26.0 percent of the total sample. By design, the data comprised pairs of fathers/boy-children and mothers/girl-children, hence the equality of the pairs of data. The sample indicated that the four major language dialect groups from which respondents were drawn are: Ashingini (49.9%) Avadi (17.3%), Aposhi (11.3%) and Agadi (10.8%). About 46 percent of the respondents were Muslims; while 30.6 percent were Protestant Christians and 16.9 percent practised traditional religion and only 5.5 percent were Roman Catholics. As regards the residence of the respondents, 8 out of every 10 were rural dwellers, while nearly 2 out of every 10 respondents were urban dwellers. 87 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.1 Percentage Distribution of Respondents by Gender, Language-Dialect, Religious Affiliation and Residence Variable Men Boy Women Girl All Respondents Gender Sub-group 24.0 (385) 24.0 (385) 26.0 (414) 26.0 (414) 100.0 (1598) Language Dialect Ashingini 52.5 (202) 55.1 (212) 46.9 (194) 45.9 (190) 49.9 (798) Agadi 6.2 (24) 6.2 (24) 15.5 (64) 14.5 (60) 10.8 (172) Avadi 17.1 (66) 16.1 (62) 18.8 (78) 17.1 (71) 17.3 (277) Akimba 2.3 (9) 2.3 (9) 4.3 (18) 5.1 (21) 3.6 (57) Asawuni 7.0 (27) 6.0 (23) 6.5 (27) 7.0 (29) 6.6 (106) Aposhi 14.0 (54) 13.8 (53) 8.0 (33) 9.9 (41) 11.3 (181) Others 0.8 (3) 0.5 (2) _ 0.5 (2) 0.4 (7) Total 100.0 (385) 100.0 (385) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (1598) Religious Affiliation Protestant 34.8 (134) 36.4 (140) 24.4 (101) 27.5 (114) 30.6 (489) Catholic 1.0 (4) 3.1 (12) 10.1 (42) 7.2 (30) 5.5 (88) Muslim 46.0 (177) 45.5 (175) 47.1 (195) 45.7 (189) 46.1 (736) Traditional 15.8 (61) 14.5 (56) 17.9 (74) 19.1 (79) 16.9 (270) No Religion 2.3 (9) 0.5 (2) 0.5 (2) 0.5 (2) 0.9 (15) Total 100.0 (385) 100.0 (385) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (1598) Residence Rural 81.0 (312) 81.0 (312) 82.9 (343) 82.9 (343) 82.0 (1310) Urban 19.0 (73) 19.0 (73) 17.1 (71) 17.1 (71) 18.0 (288) Total 100.0 (385) 100.0 (385) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (1598) 5.1.2 Specific Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Adult Respondents Adult Respondents’ Characteristics by Age and Occupation Table 5.2 presents the percentage distribution of adults by age and occupation. Among the male population, the age groups 30-39, 40-49 and 50+ were the most prevalent with 37.1%, 28.3% and 31.2%, respectively. The majority of the women were in the 30-39 and 40-49 years age groups. The mean age of adult male was 43 years as against 38 years for adult women. The overall mean age of the adult respondents was 40.3 years. Table 4.2 also indicates an overwhelming majority of the respondents were farmers, 85.5 percent of the males and 78.3 percent of females in the overall sample. This implied that more than 8 out of 10 males and more than 7 out of every 10 females were farmers. This confirms the findings of other studies (Stark, 2000a; Stark, 2000b). However, more adult females were into trading than men (14.5% Vs 3.4%) whereas more males were civil servants relative to women (8.1% and 3.4%). 88 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.2: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents by Age and Occupation. Variable Men Women All Respondents Age 20 0.8 (3) 0.4 (3) 20-29 2.1 (8) 20.3 (84) 11.5 (92) 30-39 37.1 (143) 36.2 (150) 36.7 (293) 40-49 28.3 (111) 43.5 (180) 36.4 (291) + 50 31.2 (120) - 15.0(120) Total 100.0 (385) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (799) Mean Age 42.7 37.9 40.3 Mode 40 Median 40 Std. Distribution 10.925 8.609 10 Occupation Farming 85.5 (329) 78.3 (324) 81.7 (653) Trading 3.4 (13) 14.5 (60) 9.1 (73) Civil Servant 8.1 (31) 3.4 (14) 3.6 (45) Mechanic/Artisan 0.8 (3) 0.2 (1) 0.5 (4) Others 2.3 (9) 3.6 (15) 3.0 (24) Total 100.0 (385) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (799) Educational Attainment of Adult Respondents and their Spouses Table 5.3 presents the percentage distribution of adult respondents and their spouses by educational attainment. The respondents were asked whether they had “ever been to school?” In that vein, 20.5 percent of adult males against 5.8 percent of adult females had ever been to school. On the whole, only about 12.9 percent of respondents had ever been to school. The wide educational disparity between male and female Kambari is evident from this results. Furthermore, when asked if their spouse have ever been to school; only 9.6 percent of male respondents said their wives have ever been to school. On the other hand, 11.8 percent of the adult females responded in the affirmative. An overwhelming majority of both adult males and females have never attended any form of formal schooling which gave an indication of low literacy rate among the Kambari, more especially among females. Respondents, who have ever attended any form of formal schooling, were further requested to state the highest level of schooling. Table 5.3 indicates that about 45.0 percent of adult males only attained adult literacy classes as against 25.0 percent of adult females. Also, 19.2 percent apiece of adult males attended primary and tertiary institution, respectively. In addition, 1 out of 10 adult males attended schools in session during dry season, which were mostly initiated by religious organizations like the Catholic Church. Such trainings thus provided opportunity for farmers to have some form of literacy. On the other hand, among the adult females who have attended any 89 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY form of formal schooling, about 33.3 percent attended tertiary institutions and 29.2 percent said their highest level of schooling was primary school. About one-third of the adult population predominantly attended literacy classes and had low enrolment rates particularly in primary and secondary levels. The Kambari prefer farming to schooling; as those who attend any form of formal schooling are labelled as being “lazy”. Table 5.3 Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents and their Spouses by their Educational Attainment Variable Men Women All Respondents Ever Schooled Yes 20.5 (79) 5.8 (24) 12.9 (103) No 79.5 (306) 94.2 (390) 87.1 (696) Total 100.0 (385) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (799) Spouse Ever Schooled? Yes 9.6 (37) 11.8 (49) 10.8 (88) No 90.4 (348) 88.2 (365) 89.2 (713) Total 100.0 (385) 100.0 (414) 100.0 (799) Highest level of schooling attained Adult Literacy 44.9 (35) 25.0 (6) 40.2 (41) Primary 19.2 (15) 29.2 (7) 21.6 (22) Secondary 15.4 (12) 12.5 (3) 14.7 (15) Tertiary 19.2 (15) 33.3 (8) 22.5 (23) Don‟t Know 1.3 (1) - 1.0 (1) Total 100.0 (78) 100.0 (24) 100.0 (102) Distribution of Adult Respondent’s by Household Characteristics Table 5.4 presents the percentage distribution of adult respondents by household characteristics. Respondents were asked about the total number of persons in their household. The table indicates that 2.5 percent of the respondents reported a total of 3 persons in their household and 12.0 percent reported over 11 persons in their household, with mean household size of 7.5 persons. About 16.4 percent of adult males reported a total of 6 persons in their household as against 21.0 percent of adult female respondents. Also, 16.3 percent of adult males reported a total of 8 persons in their household as against 13.8 percent for adult females. When asked of the total number of sleeping rooms in their household, 45.8 percent of all respondents reported they had that less than 3 as compared to 7.0 percent who had 7 or more sleeping rooms. The overall mean number of 90 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY rooms is 3.5. More than half of the adult males (57.7%) reported less than 3 rooms as against 34.8 percent of adult females. The respondents were also asked if their houses were connected to electricity to which about 39.5 percent of adult males responded “yes” as compared to 33.3 percent of adult females. That implied that one-third of adult females had electricity connected to their houses. It is a reflection of the paucity in the provision of infrastructural facilities that could have enhanced the standard of living of rural dwellers. Table 5.4: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents by Some Selected Household Characteristics Variable Men Women All Respondents No in Household 3 0.8 (3) 4.1 (17) 2.5 (20) 4 6.0 (23) 6.8 (28) 6.4 (51) 5 13.2 (51) 14.5 (60) 13.9 (111) 6 16.4 (63) 21.0 (87) 18.8 (150) 7 13.0 (50) 19.3 (80) 16.3 (130) 8 15.3 (59) 13.8 (57) 14.5 (116) 9 9.6 (37) 6.0 (25) 7.6 (62) 10 8.6 (33) 7.2 (30) 7.9 (63) + 11 17.1 (66) 7.2 (30) 12.0 (96) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0 (799) Mean 8 7 7.6 No of Sleeping rooms 3 57.7(222) 34.8(144) 45.8(366) 3-4 17.9 (69) 45.7(189) 32.3(258) 5-6 15.1 (58) 14.7 (61) 14.9(119) + 7 9.4 (36) 4.8 (20) 7.0 (56) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Mean 4.0 3.0 3.6 Mean no of Persons per Room 2.1 House Connected to Electricity Yes 39.5(152) 33.3(138) 36.3(290) No 60.5(233) 66.7(276) 63.7(509) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Distribution of Adult Respondent’s by their Marital Status, Type of Marital Union and Age at First Marriage Table 5.5 presents the percentage of distribution of adult respondents by their marital status, type of marital union and age of first marriage. The table indicates that an overwhelming majority of the respondents were married. Interestingly, 98.2 percent of adult males and also 98.1 percent of adult females, respectively, claimed they are married. It is an indication of marriage stability among the Kambari. Less than 1 percent claimed that they are either separated or divorced. Similarly, only a relatively small percentage of adult males and females were widowed. 91 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY More adult males were in monogamous unions compared to adult females (71.7 % Vs 66.7%). Although 46.1 percent of the total respondents were Muslims, not all of them had embraced polygamous unions. For instance, only 28.3 percent of adult men were in polygamous unions as compared to 33.3% of adult women. The table reveals that 80.5 percent of adult men had entered their first marriage at 19 years and over, whereas 54 percent of adult females married at 15-18 years, an indication of early marriage among females. In contrast to adult men, only 33.0 percent of women got married at 19 years and above. Less than 13.3 percent of adult women claimed earlier age at first marriage ranging from 10 to 14 years. The mean age at first marriage for adult men is 21 years as against 17 years for adult women. Despite the practice of child betrothal among the Kambari, marriage was fully contracted after the “bridal farming services” known as “gulmo” rendered by the family of the suitor for over a number of years until the girl- child is mature for marriage. “Gulmo” played an integral role in the economy of the predominantly farming Kambari communities. Apart from providing the needed farm labour, it is also an opportunity to cultivate more farmlands and generate more revenue for the family of the girl-child. Furthermore, it is also an avenue to consolidate relationships across families and communities. Table 5.5.Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents by their Marital Status, Type of Marital Union and Mean Age at First Marriage Variable Men Women Marital Status Married 98.2(378) 98.1(406) Separated/Divorced 0.3 (1) 0.7 (3) Widowed 1.6 (6) 1.2 (5) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) Type of Marital Union Monogamous 71.7(276) 66.7(276) Polygamous 28.3(109) 33.3(138) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) Age at first Marriage 10-14 1.0 (4) 13.3 (55) 15-18 18.4 (71) 53.9(223) + 19 80.5(310) 32.9(136) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) Mean Age at first Marriage 21yrs 17yrs 5.1.3 Distribution of Adult Respondents by their Reproductive Outcomes Table 5.6 presents the percentage distribution of adult respondents‟ reproductive outcome. Respondents were asked if they “had ever given birth”. All male and female respondents responded that in the affirmative. The average mean number of children ever born by adult males was 7.0 children compared with 6.1 children for adult females. 92 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Furthermore, the average number of dead children was 1.4 children for male and 1.2 children for female respondents, respectively. On the other hand, the average mean numbers of children living with adult male and female respondents were 5.3 and 4.5 children, respectively. Table 5.6: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents’ Reproductive Outcomes Variable Men Women All Respondents Ever Given Birth Yes 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0 (799) No - - - Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Mean Number of Children Ever Born 7.0 6.1 7.0 Mean Number of Children 1.4 1.0 1.2 Died Mean Number of Children 5.3 4.5 5.0 Living with Respondent Intend to have more Children Yes 50.4 (194) 41.8(173) 45.9(367) No 49.6 (191) 58.2(241) 54.1(432) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Desired Mean Number of Boys 5.0(194) 3.0(173) 4.0(364) Desired Mean Number of Girls 4.0(194) 3.0(173) 3.0(364) Respondents were further asked “whether they intend to have more children?” About half of the adult males affirmed that they intend to have more children as compared to 41.8 percent of adult females. Surprisingly, more than half of the adult women nursed no intention of having more children. In addition, a higher proportion of men desired to have more children relative to women. This implies that there was a gender difference in the intended number of children desired by respondents. Men desired a mean of 5 more sons as compared to 3 sons by adult women. Also, men desired more girls than women. Men desired a mean number of 4 girls as compared to 3 more girls as desired by adult females. The desire by adult men to have more children and particularly boys is not far- fetched. Male children were regarded as “heads of the household” when they grow up. Also, a male child could provide the much needed farm labour in a typical farming community. 5.1.4 Specific Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Girl and Boy-Children Girl and Boy Children by their Ranked Position in the Family and Age Table 5.7 presents the percentage distribution of girl and boy children by their ranked position in the family or birth order and age. The respondents were asked “what is your ranked position in your family?” About 28 percent of girl-children were first-born in 93 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY their families as compared to over one-third of boy-children (36.6%). Generally, 31.8 percent of the respondents are first-born in their families. Also, 22.2 percent of girl- rd children were ranked 3 in their families as compared with 19.0 percent of boy-children rd in families. The overall percentage distribution of girl and boy-children in the 3 rank nd th position is 20.7 percent. About 17.0 percent of boy-children were ranked 2 , 5 and nd th above, respectively. More girl-children were ranked 2 , 5 and above relative to boy- children. This provides diverse insights on the profile of girl-children. It was been observed that the first-born girl-children were more likely to be over-burdened with domestic work. Table 5.7 indicates that 22.9 percent of girl-children were aged 10 compared to 18.2 percent of boy-children. More boy-children (24.7%) were aged 17 as compared to girl- children in similar age group (17.4%). The mean age for girl-children was 13 years compared to 14 years for boy-children. The overall mean age was 13.5 years and the median age for all respondents was 13 years. Table 5.7 Percentage Distribution of Girl and Boy Children by their Ranked Position in the Family and Age Variable Girl-Children Boy-Children All Respondents Rank of Child st 1 27.3(113) 36.6(141) 31.8(254) nd 2 18.4 (76) 16.6 (64) 17.5(140) rd 3 22.2 (92) 19.0 (73) 20.7(165) th 4 11.1 (46) 11.2 (43) 11.1 (89) + 5 20.0 (87) 16.6 (64) 18.9(151) Total 100.0(414) 100.0(385) 100.0(799) Age 10 22.9 (95) 18.2 (70) 20.7(165) 11 10.6 (44) 11.2 (43) 10.9 (87) 12 17.6 (73) 10.4 (40) 14.1(113) 13 6.0 (25) 8.8 (34) 7.4 (59) 14 9.2 (38) 7.0 (27) 8.1 (65) 15 9.2 (38) 9.4 (36) 9.3 (74) 16 7.0 (29) 10.4 (40) 8.6 (69) 17 5.3 (22) 5.5 (21) 5.4 (43) 18 12.1 (50) 19.2 (74) 15.5 (124) Total 100.0 (414) 100.0 (385) 100.0 (799) Mean Age 13.0 14.0 13.5 Mode 10 Median 13 94 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.2 The Profile of the Kambari Girl-Child This section employed both qualitative and quantitative data to present a profile of the Kambari girl-child. 5.2.1 Educational Outcomes of the Girl-Child and the Boy-Child Fig 5.1 shows the percentage distribution of girl-children and boy-children by their educational background. The schooling status of respondents has indicated that more girl-children were out of school than boy-children. About 67 percent of boy-children were in school compared to only 44 percent of girl-children in school. This result reveals a preference to boys‟ education over girls, which has been established by other studies in North-Central Nigeria (Ogidi 1997; Rufai and Ogidi, 2006). Girls‟ participation in basic education in Nigeria, particularly for the Northern states is below the national average. The data for Niger State is 35.9 percent as compared to the national average of 43.9 percent in 2001. This is consistent with other findings, particularly for Northern States, which shows that girls are more likely than boys to drop-out of school or never have the opportunity to attend school (Indabawa 2004; 1999; Obanya, 2003; Rufai and Ogidi 2006). This signifies that girl-children face discriminatory practices with respect to access to education. Where parents had to make a choice on who should have access to education, boy-children are more favoured than girl-children. The status of girl-children would continue to be low, unless the issue of unequal access to education is addressed. Access to education provides the window of opportunity for enhancing the status of girl-children. Education can empower economically and socially marginalized groups, of which the girl-children are the most predominant. Also, access to education would ensure their full participation in their respective communities and eventually safeguard them from discrimination and exploitative child labour. 95 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 80 70 66.8% 60 50 54.9% 56.0% 40 45.1% 44.0% 30 33.2% In-School 20 Out-School 10 0 Overall Boy-Children Girl-Children Fig. 4.1: Schooling Status of Girl and Boy-Children in the Study Area 96 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Distribution of Associated Reasons for not Attending or Dropping out of School Table 5.8 presents percentage distribution of associated reasons provided by those who never attended or dropped out of school. The three main reasons mentioned by girl- children for dropping out of school are as follows: dislike schooling (28.0%); poor performance (16.0%); prefer farming (16.0%). On the other hand, the three main reasons mentioned by boy-children are in this order: prefer farming (50.0%), dislike schooling (40.0%), and financial burden (10.0%). As regards girl-children, the first critical reason for dropping out of school is that they “dislike schooling”. Similarly, boy-children gave nd that reason as the 2 most critical reason. This further emphasized the need to encourage child-friendly schools such that the desire for schooling would be a thing of joy and should not be seen as a burden. There could be a number of reasons why children dislike schooling. These factors include the attitude of teachers, absenteeism by teachers, and unavailability of basic infrastructural facilities and lack of instructional materials, among others. nd Preference for farming was the 2 most critical reason mentioned by boy-children, and also the second reason for girl-children. This is not surprising because the Kambari are predominantly farmers. In the words of an elder who was interviewed at Utula, “A Kambari boy or man who cannot farm is seen as a lazy, useless and a worthless man who doesn‟t deserve to have a wife because he cannot feed a family.” Other reasons for dropping out of school mentioned by girl-children include: pregnancy, domestic assistance and preparing for marriage. The three most significant reasons for not attending school among girl-children are: parents don‟t have value for education (32.4%), preference for farming (25.5%) and no interest in schooling (21.1%). The most significant reasons for boy-children are preference for farming (69.6%) and parents don‟t value education (14.4%).It is rather disheartening to note that in contemporary Nigeria, there are parents who do not value western education, and therefore, do not see the need to send their children to school. The future of girl-children, and even boy-children, would be jeopardized if parents have such negative mind-sets. Breaking the vicious cycle of poverty would be achieved if parents embrace education of their children as a means of advancement. 97 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.8.Percentage Distribution of Girl-and Boy-Children who dropped out of School and Never Attended School by Associated Reasons Variable Girl-Children Boy-Children All Respondents Reasons for Dropping out of School Dislike Schooling 28.0 (7) 40.0 (4) 31.4(11) Poor Performance 16.0 (4) - 11.4 (4) Prefer-Farming 16.0 (4) 50.0 (5) 25.7 (9) Got Pregnant 12.0 (3) - 8.0 (3) Rendering Domestic Assistance 12.0 (3) - 8.6 (3) Preparing for Marriage 8.0 (2) - 5.7 (2) Financial Burden 8.0 (2) 10.0 (1) 8.6 (3) Total 100.0(25) 100.0(10) 100.0(35) Reasons Never Attend School Financial Burden 9.8 (20) 5.6 (7) 8.2 (27) Prefer Farming 25.5 (52) 69.6 (87) 42.2(139) No interest in Schooling 21.1 (43) 5.6 (7) 15.2 (50) Parents don‟t value Education 32.4 (66) 14.4 (18) 25.5 (84) School Distant from Home 8.8 (18) 4.8 (6) 7.3 (24) Others 2.5 (5) - 1.5 (5) Total 100.0(204) 100.0(125) 100.0(329) The Case Studies further corroborated the findings of the household survey. Out of 12 Case Studies of girl-children undertaken, they were at various levels of schooling (Case Studies 1, 4 and 10). Also, four had dropped-out of school (Case Studies 2, 3, 8, 9,) and those who never went to school were (Case Studies 5, 6, 7, 11, and 12). The girl-children advanced different reasons as follows: Burden of Domestic Work “Hauwa”, case study 2 who has only just 2 more years to complete her primary education could not realize her personal ambition because of the burden of domestic work at home. Being a girl, the first daughter and the first child, her responsibilities with respect to assisting the mother on a daily basis with household chores made her to drop out of school despite the fact that she enrolled on her own. Corroborating these views, a younger adult male FGD participant from age group 20-44 years noted: It is girls not boys that should assist their mothers during meals wash the plates, fetch water, firewood and any other work at home. It is unheard for boys to help out with domestic work. Boys are expected to follow their fathers to the farm (FGD 10/ Res 7/ Younger Rural Adult Male/Azavoku). Similarly, a younger female FGD participant further confirmed earlier expressed views with respect to the burden of domestic work on first- born daughters in this manner: 98 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Traditionally, a first-born daughter is like the “second mother” in the family. She is expected to be actively involved in every aspect of household chores. Mothers rely on them so much even when they are not around to take care of members of the household food, entertaining guests and caring for her younger ones in the family (FGD 13/Res 10/ Illiterate Younger Rural Woman/ Papirin-Gajere) Case Study 2 – Hauwa: An Unrealized Personal Ambition “Hauwa” who was11 years, was an out-of-school girl-child. She was the first of 5 children in a family comprising 3 females and 2 males. She was the first daughter and first child of her parents. She belonged to the “Aposhi” dialect, one of the most conservative language dialect groups among the Kambari. Her parents were both famers and Muslims by religious affiliation. She hailed from Gallah, a fairly big village with a primary school established by the Local Government Council. “Hauwa” had keen interest to acquire formal education; as she always admired other girls dressed in their uniforms going to school in her neighbourhood and desired to be like them. Eventually, on her own she enrolled in the primary school. Unfortunately, when she had just 2 more years to the completion of her primary education (Class IV), she narrated her experience with deep sadness in her own words, viz: I dropped-out of school because of the burden of domestic work, farm work and petty–trading. More so, I am the first daughter and first child in the family. My father had interest in formal education but my mother disapproved of it. Eventually, I dropped out of school, with the consent of my father. I am now engaged in petty trading and farming. I am attending Koranic school but I would want to complete my primary education (Case Study2/Girl- Child/Gallah). Her younger brother was enrolled into the primary school. As a male child, while the other brother had not yet reached the school age for enrolment. This is also indicative of preference for boy-child education among the Kambari. Rather, she was told to attend Koranic school but still expressed her desire to complete her primary education. She had been following the mother on market days to sell food items when she was just 4 years old. Usually, she spent an average of 6 hours daily on domestic chores. Despite the fact that her father gave tacit approval of her enrolment at the primary school, the burden of domestic chores and other familial roles she played as the eldest child and first daughter in the family contributed to her dropping out of school. Apart from being a drop-out, she was betrothed right from childhood and she disapproved of the practice. However, she was compelled to continue with the relationship. This represents a peculiar situation that girl-children face with specific reference to those residing in rural areas. 99 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Poor Academic Performance The burden of domestic work has also negative effects on academic performance of girls as is the case with Mairo aged 15 years. She dropped out of Class IV in the primary school. This implied that she never had enough time to study after school and she was more likely to be late to school most times. Poor academic performance is among one of the major contributing factors why girls drop-out of school. An educated community youth leader noted: Girls in our community, who are given the rare opportunity of going to school, sometimes drop-out of school due to poor academic performance which could be attributed to late coming, burden of domestic work or continuous absence from school. Girls faced with such problems cannot do well in school (IDI, 14, 35 years/ Community Youth Leader/Bakon Mission) Indeed, this is a major set-back for girls education, their future aspirations and ultimate empowerment. Mairo got frustrated and felt the best option was to drop- out of school and rather got involved in petty-trading which is familiar terrain for women and girls. A female community influential also noted: Most girls who drop-out of school due to poor academic performance does not necessarily mean that they are not intelligent but rather it is due to the situation they find themselves. It is unheard for boys to be involved in domestic work (IDI 8, 50 years/ Female Community Influential/Wando) This underscores the need to develop programmes that would ensure the retention of the girl child in schools and there is the need to lessen the burden of domestic work on girls by encouraging parents to also engage boy-children in domestic work.. Case Study 3 – Mairo: Frustrated out of School “Mairo” aged 15 years belonged to a polygamous family. Her mother was the first wife of the father. Both parents were Muslims and belonged to the language dialect group known as “Cshingini” or “Ashingini”. The parents had no formal education. Her father engaged in faming while the mother was a petty-trader. Mairo was the fifth of 8 children of her mother, comprising 3 boys and 5 girls. She dropped out of Class IV in the primary school due to poor performance and took to petty-trading like the mother. Her parents encouraged her to continue but she refused and felt that petty-trading was the best option 100 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY for her. Coupled with that, on the average she usually spent 7 hours daily on domestic chores at home. She narrated as follows: In our household, boys are not allowed to engage in any assignment that is meant for girls. My father has other wives. However, only girls are allowed to do most of the domestic work. It was not easy for me. I wasn’t doing well in school and I also had household chores to be carried out even when it was not my mother’s turn to cook for the household. I dropped out of school while in Class IV. I was not doing well in school. Some of the subjects are difficult to understand. (Case Study3 / Girl-Child / Gallah). In Mairo‟s view, her perpetual poor performance in subjects such as Mathematics, Primary Science, and Quantitative Reasoning dampened her morale whenever she was handed her homework or report card by her class teacher. She said sometimes she used to cry and her parents would encourage her. Poor academic performance was one of the major reasons why girl children drop-out of school. In addition, she was betrothed from childhood and would likely get married to her betrothed partner. She disapproved of the practice noting that children should be allowed to make their choices of whom to get married to. This implies that she was being compelled to get married to her betrothed partner. If given the opportunity she would have made another choice. These challenges have negative impact on the empowerment of the girl-child, with regard to having a fulfilled life, breaking the cycle of poverty and her lower status. The next case studies dropped out school or were never enrolled for entirely different reasons. Unintended Teenage Pregnancy One of the major fears of parents particularly in Northern Nigeria is unintended teenage pregnancy. This is in view of the fact that chastity is a virtue that must be protected until the girl-child is mature for marriage. Traditionally, among the Kambari a girl-child who is not chaste brings reproach and shame to her family after the marriage is consummated. Beatrice, Case Study 8 truncated her future aspirations and the hope of completing secondary education, a rare opportunity for a girl- child who is from one of the educationally disadvantaged zone in Niger State. She also dashed the hopes of her parents who felt it was worth it to send a girl-child to school. She became a reference point in the community particularly for parents who are not literate that girls should not be sent to school because of the fear of unintended pregnancy and the shame it brings. An FGD older adult female participant from a rural community known as Papirin-Gajere noted. 101 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY When a girl-child lost her chastity before marriage and gets pregnant, it brings shame to her entire family and the mother is seen as not been able to give her proper training. She cannot have a say among women in her community (FGD 15/ Res 3/ Older Illiterate Rural Woman/Papirin Garere) A Local Government Official further commented on this disturbing trend of unintended teenage pregnancy in this manner: We are concerned about girls who drop- out of school as a result of unintended teenage pregnancy. It is even difficult for us to convince parents particularly those who are not literate to send their daughters to school. It is a problem that we need to address in our communities (IDI 4, 45 years/Local Government Official/Agwara) Case Study 8 – Beatrice: A Truncated Hopeful Future “Beatrice” was 15 years old and the second child of a family of 5 children comprising 3 girls and 2 boys. She belonged to the “Cshingini” also known as the “Ashingini” language dialect group. The parents were Christians of the Protestant denomination .They were farmers. Her mother sold farm products such as bambara nuts, groundnuts and millet on market days. Beatrice was in Class II in Senior Secondary School (SSS) at Salka. She also had two sisters, aged 12 and 10 years, who were, in JSS 1 and Class V in the primary school, respectively. The first child in the family, a boy, was in SSS 3. The last son in their family was about 4 years old and therefore had not been enrolled in the primary school yet. She noted with regret: I was in SS 2, when I had to drop out of school because I got pregnant when I was 14 years old. That was as a result of my first sexual experience with my boyfriend. I had a son and whenever he is old enough I would allow my mother take care of him, so that I can go back and complete secondary school (Case study 10 /Girl-Child /Salka). Thus, her parents valued western education and had given each child, irrespective of his or her gender, an opportunity to be educated. The parents‟ aspiration for all their children is that they acquire higher education in any field of their choice. Unfortunately, she dropped out of school while she was in SSS II because she got pregnant. At the time of the study, her son was 4 months old. She got pregnant by her boy-friend and had her first sexual experience when she was 14 years old. She was willing to go back and complete her schooling when the baby was old enough to be left with the grandmother. 102 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Dislike for Schooling Dislike for schooling has been attributed to reasons why girl-children drop-out of school. Some associated reasons could be difficult teachers, difficult subjects, long-distance from home among others (Rufai and Ogidi, 2006, Indabawa, 2004; Obanya 2004).With respect to Case Study 9, Halima disliked schooling because of the long distance she has to trek to in order to get to school. It was an ordeal for her in the morning while going to school and after closing from school. In fact, making her way home was not an easy journey for a 7 year old girl and she eventually dropped out of school while in Class II in the primary school. According to a traditional ruler, an IDI participant noted the following similar issue raised in Case Study 9 and the household survey:- When schools are to be built by the Local Government we encourage them to built such schools closer to communities. Parents are usually concerned about the safety of their children and girls in particular. In some cases parents get discouraged when their daughters have to trek long distance to get school. They would be afraid to send them to school (IDI 1, 55 years/ Traditional Ruler/Salka). Case Study 9 – Halima: I Dislike Schooling “Halima” was 7 years old and was the first child out of a family of 2. They were all girls in their household. She belonged to the “Akimba” dialect group of the Kambari. The parents were Muslims and farmers. She dropped out of school because, according to her, “I disliked schooling, so I dropped out when I was in Class II at the primary school”. Her dislike for schooling was associated with the long distance from her home to school and the attitude of some teachers who felt that girls could not perform as much as than boys. She further noted “I prefer hawking”. At least I would make some money to purchase items that are necessary when I eventually get married”. “Halima‟s” mindset on the matter must have been shaped by her socio-cultural environment whereby girl-children save money from whatsoever items they hawk to buy basic things needed when they get married. She also usually hawked at least 4 times in a week which started when she was 7 years old. She usually spent roughly 2 hours each time she went to hawk her wares within the neighbourhood or market. Level of Schooling among In-School Girl and Boy Children Fig 5.2 shows the level of schooling among girl and boy-children. About 2.3 percent of girl and boy-children attended dry season schools which was organised by church 103 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY organisations such as the Justice and Peace Commission of the Catholic Church. More girl-children attended dry season schools than boy-children. However, there were more boy-children in primary, secondary and tertiary institutions than girl-children. This is consistent with other findings of the study. 104 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 60 50 52.1% 53.1% 54.4% 40 43.2% 41.7% Overall 30 39.6% Boy-Children Girl-Children 20 10 1.9% 0.8% 1.9 2.3% 2.7% 1.4% 2.2% 1.1 1.1 0 Dry Season Literacy Class Primary School Secondary Tertiary Fig. 4.2: Level of Schooling among In-school Girl and Boy-Children 105 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.2.2 Problems Confronting the Girl-Child Fig 5.3 presents a pie chart for respondents‟ views of major problems confronting girl- children. Respondents identified the problems confronting girl-children in their respective communities in descending order as follows: lack of access to education (45.5%), teenage pregnancy (38.2%) and subjection to child betrothal/failed betrothal arrangement (12.8%). 106 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Failed Betrothal Others Arrangement 4% 13% Lack of Access to Education 45% Teenage Pregnancy 38% Fig. 4.3: Major Problems confronting Girl-Children in the Study Area 107 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY These problems negatively impacted on the well-being of girl-children and further exacerbate the girl-child phenomenon. The problems posed serious threats to the future aspirations of girl-children and are likely to create a repeated circle of discriminatory practices against the girl-child and would eventually further lower the status of the girl- child. Regarding lack of access to education as one of the major problems confronting the girl- child, a participant of the in-depth interview noted: Generally, the Kambari are located in zone C, which has been educationally disadvantaged. Girl-children are at the receiving end, and some parents out rightly deny their girls access to education for so many wrong reasons such as the need to help their mothers with housework, petty-trading, maturity for marriage and the need for labour in the farm. Others don’t even have value for formal education, particularly when it is for girls. These are some of our challenges in the local government (IDI 4, 45 years /Local Government Official /Agwara). Apart from teenage pregnancy and inaccessibility of education encountered by girl- children the other problem was child betrothal and failed betrothal / betrothal rejection by girl-children Also, out of the 12 Case Studies of girl-children, 2 had such challenges. Failed Betrothal Arrangement Most communities among the Kambari has been faced with the problem failed betrothal arrangement by parents. This usually occur when the gin –child get older and eventually fall in love with another male. On sometimes fate and unforeseen circumstances could lead to failed betrothal arrangement as in the case of Grace, Case Study 6. A religious cleric, an IDI participant noted: The following on the matter: We are not happy about the cases of failed betrothal arrangements in our communities. It creates conflict and enmity between families. Most times, it is the girl that rejects her betrothed partner because she has found another lover. It is the tradition of our fore fathers who in their wisdom practiced this form of marriage arrangement that the younger generation are rejecting because of their new found faith, education and their desire to have their way as regards the choice of their life partner (IDI 3, 57 years/Traditional Ruler/Genu) 108 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY On the other hand, in-school boy and girl- child expressed different opinions about the issue of child betrothal and failed betrothal arrangement. An in-school boy-child FGD participant noted: I would prefer to marry the girl I love when I am ready to get married. As an educated person I would prefer to marry someone like me. Times are changing, parents should not be making such arrangements any longer for their children (FGD 4/Res5/In-school Boy-Child/ Salka). Corroborating this view an in- school girl-child noted: Marriage should be a personal choice. Child betrothal worked for our parents but nowadays a lot of girls are rejecting their betrothed partner because they would prefer to marry someone they love (FGD Res 2/In-School Girl- child/Salka) Interestingly, a rural out-of –school boy-child expressed a differing opinion in this manner: Child betrothal arrangement is a practice of our forefathers. As a farming community the yearly “gulmo” as part of the bridal services rendered over time is very important. Most girls in towns do not want to practice this form of marriage because their eyes are now open to the while man’s education and they are forsaking the traditions of their forefathers, that is why there are now cases of failed betrothal arrangement (FGD/ Res 6/ Out-of- School/Boy-Child/Bunsuru). This demonstrates urban/rural difference with respect to the views of boy and girl- children on child betrothal and failed betrothal arrangement. In addition, in-school boy- and girl-children would prefer personal choice in marriage when compared to out-of- school boy-children. Notwithstanding, failed betrothal arrangement brings to fore the consequences of harmful socio-cultural practices affecting the Kambari girl-child. It limits her personal choice in marriage, future aspirations and her capacity for future development. Case Study 6 – Grace: A Failed Betrothal Arrangement “Grace”, aged 17 years was the second child of 7 children comprising 5 boys and 2 females. Her parents were Christians of the protestant background. She belonged to the “Asawani” also known as “Aposhi” among the dialect group of the Kambari. She had 109 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY never attended any formal school. According to her, “my father never sent me to school”. Grace was betrothed during her early childhood, but her betrothed partner died at the age of 9 years. During the period of her betrothal to the late partner, his family engaged in the communal bridal farming service known as “gulmo” to her family only once. After his death, his family wanted her to be betrothed to the late partner‟s younger brother whom she did not love. She said in her own words, “I have someone else I would want to marry and I love him, although he is from another dialect of the Kambari and a Christian as well” (Case Study/Girl-Child/Bakon Mission, 2008). Also, he was willing to pay back in monetary terms all that the deceased partner‟s family had rendered in communal bridal farming services. The deceased partner‟s family were not happy about the situation because they would prefer her to be betrothed to the younger brother of the deceased, not wanting to start the process of looking for a bride for their surviving son. Therefore, they eventually reported the case to the police. Her father was arrested and they in turn reported the case to the “Justice Commission for Development and Peace” (JCDP) of the Catholic Church who intervened in the matter and was interested that the matter be resolved amicably. Grace noted that her own children in the nearest future would not be subjected to child betrothal The younger generation had rejected the practice of child betrothal and would rather prefer choosing their partners without parental interference. Failed betrothal arrangements have been on the increase among the Kambari which was previously a taboo among the older generation. Furthermore, on other issues she noted, her boy- children would receive more education over girl-children because in her own words “they are potentially heads of households who have greater responsibilities”. Finally, she observed that her daughters would do most of the domestic work at home. 5.2.3 Familial Roles of the Girl-Child Fig 5.4 presents a bar chart on the mean distributions of familial roles undertaken by girl- children among the Kambari. These include: household work (97.1%), care of children (89.3%), cleaning (76.3%), and running errands (68.2%) are well known familial roles that girl-children are involved in at the household level. Significantly, girl-children perform more roles than they are given credit for such as farming (12.4%). 110 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 120 100 97.11 80 89.32 76.34 60 26.30% 68.27 24.19% 40 20.68% 18.49% 6.97% 3.37% 20 25.75 12.43 0 Fig. 4.4: Mean Bar Chart Percentage Distribution of Familial Roles undertaken by Girl-Children 111 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.2.4 Roles of the Boy-Child in the Family Fig 5.5 presents a bar chart on the mean distributions of familial roles undertaken by boy-children among the Kambari. Housework (0.34%) and care for children (0.88%) are the least familial roles that the boy-children are involved in at the household level. These are usually seen as “girl‟s work” or “women‟s work”. Rather, boy-children are more involved in maintenance related activities such as mending walls, floors or thatching roofs and farming. The result shows a marked gender difference on the type of familial roles assigned to children at the household level, with the girl-child predominantly in the “domestic sphere” and boy-children in the “public sphere”. 112 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 80 70 72.2 60 67 50 41.51% 40 38.52% 30 20 10 16.9 16 1.5 0.34 9.72% 9.20% 0 0.86% 0.20% Fig. 4.5: Mean Percentage Distribution of Familial Roles undertaken by Boy-Children 113 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.3 Cultural Construction of Girlhood 5.3.1 Definitive Features of Girlhood The study explored the cultural construction of girlhood and the respondents were asked the following question, “how does your culture identify a girl or “what does it mean to be a girl? Table 5.9 Percentage Distribution of Respondents’ Conception of the Definitive Features of Girlhood Variable Men Boys Women Girl All Respondents Physiological features define girlhood 98.7 (380) 99.7(384) 99.0 (410) 99.5(410) 99.2(586) Good skills in housework is a mark of girlhood 99.0(381) 99.7(384) 98.3(407) 91.5(379) 97.1(1551) Table 5.9 presents the percentage distribution of respondents‟ conception of the defining features of girlhood. There was a consensus among all of the sub-groups in the sample that girlhood was defined by physical and physiological feature of the “female” gender. In addition, the acquisition of good skills in housework was considered as the hallmark of girlhood. Corroborating these views, a girl-child FGD participant from age group 10- 17 years stated: A girl is usually known by her physical features which are quite different from that of a boy. A girl would one day become a mother by giving birth to children; no boy could do that because God have not made it so (FGD 1/Res 3/Urban in- School Girl-Child/Salka). An adult male FGD participant from age group 20-44years highlighted another aspect of the cultural construction of girlhood when he stated: A girl is incomplete without good skills in domestic work because she would eventually marry and become a wife and a mother. A girl who doesn’t know how to cook and do other related housework is seen as a shame to her mother (FGD10 Younger Rural Adult Male /Res 7/Azavoku). In addition, a girl–child FGD participant from Balugu added another dimension to the cultural construction of girlhood when she noted: A girl is known by her dressing, the way she beautifies her body with the traditional marks, ear-rings, bangles, headtie, “gele” and sometimes “hijab” or clothes (FGD 2/Res8/Rural Out-of-School Girl –Child/Balugu) 114 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The foregoing cultural construction of girlhood by the respondents indicated that their conceptions are shaped by socio-cultural ideas on the notion of femininity as well as the biological classification of features of the female gender with respect to the physiological and the aesthetic presentation of girlhood. The body is central to gender identity construction; it is seen as a type of cultural text whereby the girl-child usually expresses her identity. Thus, social-cultural ideas about the notions of “femininity” and “masculinity” take tangible form on the physical locale of the body (Bordo 1993; Willis, 2008). 5.3.2 Prescribed Roles of the Girl-Child The respondents expressed their views about the prescribed roles of girl-children in Kambari society. An overwhelming majority of the respondents in the sample supported five prescribed roles of girl-children, namely:  To undertake all domestic work (99.3%)  Acquire skills in buying and selling (99.6%)  Assist mother in her trade (99.2%)  Care for younger ones (99.2%)  Expected to assume the role of wife and mother (98.9%) The prescribed roles of the girl-child identified by the respondents conform to the traditionally ascribed roles of the female gender which are mainly in the “domestic domain”. The cultural construction of girlhood provided insights on the societal representation of her roles” and responsibilities that would later transform her into a “woman” This implies that the socio-cultural construction of girlhood have impact on the roles that the girl-child would eventually play later in life as a woman. Willis (2008:9) stated that the categorization of bodies as either “female” or “male” transmitted “culturally symbolic gendered meanings that translate into social expectations for behaviours and social roles in the material world”. In sum, the girl–child‟s experience of discriminatory practices is closely linked to the socio-cultural construction of girlhood, which cannot be divorced from the material and structural systems that shaped their daily lives. Also, socio-cultural ideas, gender stereotypes about femininity shape their conception of the prescribed roles of the girl- child, her value and character index. 115 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.3.3 Perceived Appropriate Qualities of a Girl-Child Table 5.10 presents the percentage distribution of respondents‟ perceived appropriate qualities a girl-child should possess. In order to explore the cultural construction of girlhood among the Kambari, the respondents were asked the following question, “What kind of qualities are considered appropriate for a Kambari girl to possess”. Five specific qualities identified as the most important appropriate qualities for a girl-child to possess in the following descending order are: patience (96.4%), kindness (94.2), and good skills in domestic work (88.2%), obedience (87.4%) and respect for elders (57.6%). Among the Kambari “respect for elders” would enable the girl-child to have a good suitor, and she was taught early in life to imbibe this quality. Women and girl-children are expected to show deference to men and elders of the household and community. Thus, it is a quality that defines girlhood among the Kambari. In most African societies, as is the case with the Kambari, obedience is a virtue that should be demonstrated, particularly by the younger generation to older persons at the household and community levels. Also, patience is seen as a virtue appropriate for a girl-child to possess. Kindness is another virtue identified by the respondents as appropriate for a girl-child to possess. The sums of these qualities are closely associated with social expectations on the notions of femininity in respect to her future as a wife and mother. Table 5.10 Percentage Distribution of Respondents’ Perceived Appropriate Qualities of a Kambari Girl-Child Variable Men Boys Women Girls Overall Perceived qualities for a girl-child Respect for elders Yes 50.1(193) 55.8(215) 57.2(237) 66.7(276) 57.6(921) No 49.9(192) 44.2(177) 42.8(177) 33.3(138) 42.4(677) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Obedience Yes 90.6(349) 80.0(308) 90.6(375) 88.2 (365) 87.4(1397) No 9.4 (36) 20.0 (77) 9.4 (39) 11.8 (49) 12.6 (201) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Patience Yes 98.7(380) 96.6(372) 96.4(399) 94.0(389) 96.4(1540) No 1.3 (5) 3.4 (13) 3.6 (15) 6.0 (25) 3.6 (58) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Kindness Yes 99.2(382) 94.5(364) 94.0(389) 89.6(371) 94.2(1506) No 0.8 (3) 5.5 (21) 6.0 (26) 10.4 (43) 5.8 (93) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Good skills in domestic work Yes 99.2(382) 74.5(287) 99.8(413) 79.2(328) 88.2(1410) No 0.8 (3) 25.5 (98) 0.2 (1) 20.8 (86) 11.8 (188) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) 116 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.3.4 Respondents’ Cultural Conception of the Valuation of Girl-Children Table 5.11 presents the percentage distribution of respondents‟ cultural conception of valuation of girl-children. The study also focused on cultural construction of girlhood by asking series of questions on how the culture perceived the value, status and their membership of the household. As regards the cultural conception of the value of girl- children, an overwhelming majority of the respondents agreed that girls were of less value than boys because they had no inheritance rights. Moreover, descent was traced through the male, being a patrilineal society. It is on this basis that her value was considered lower than that of the boy-child. An overwhelming majority of respondents affirmed that the position of girls was traditionally lower than that of boys. Following from the earlier discussion, the right to inheritance by the boy-child and his likelihood of assuming the headship of the household placed him at a relatively higher position than the girl-child. In most agrarian communities girls work in the family farm in addition to the domestic work, but there is under-reporting of the extent of her participation (Ajani, 2008). Traditionally, among the Kambari the girl-child is involved in farm-work related activities such as clearing of the farmland in preparation for farming, harrowing, planting and harvesting of crops. Also, the preservation of the crops after harvesting was the responsibilities of women and girls in the household. Despite, the low value ascribe to the girl-child, she is known to contribute directly to the livelihood of the household through her farming related activities that she is not usually given credit for. Also, through the child betrothal bridal farming services known as “gulmo”, she contributes indirectly when her betrothed partner‟s family (in-law to-be) engage on a yearly basis in cultivating the farmland of her father with between 10-20 people depending on their capabilities. Besides, the farm labour was free and it would also increase the yields of variety of grains and crops grown and harvested by her family. Also, the girl-child was culturally defined as a temporary member of the household, which implied by right that she belonged to the household of the husband by marriage. It was significant that there was a consensus as regards the value, status and membership of the household by the girl-child among all the sub groups represented in the sample. 117 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.11: Percentage Distribution of Respondents’ Cultural Conception of the Valuation of Girl-Children Variable Men Boys Women Girls All Respondents Girls are of less valued than boys because boys have rights to inheritance Yes 99.2(382) 97.4(375) 97.8(405) 94.9(393) 97.3(1555) No 0.8 (3) 2.6 (10) 2.2 (9) 5.1 (21) 2.7 (43) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Girls’ position is traditionally lower than that of boys Yes 100.0(385) 98.2(385) 99.3(414) 98.7(414) 98.7 (1598) No - 1.8 (7) 0.7 (3) 2.7 (11) 1.3 (21) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Girls seen as temporary members of the household Yes 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) No - - - - - Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) In sum, the qualities or virtues identified by the respondents could be classified as “feminine qualities‟ which clearly defines girlhood. These include “respect for elders”, „obedience”, “patience”, “kindness” and “good skills in domestic work”. Furthermore, she was less valued than the boy-child because of the patriarchal nature of the society 5.4 Status and Valuation of the Girl-Child 5.4.1 Respondents’ Rating of the Status of Girl-Children Fig 5.6 shows respondents‟ rating of the status of the girl-child in their respective communities. An overwhelming majority, that is, 97.1 percent affirmed that the status of the girl-child was relatively low. Also, when asked whose status was relatively higher in their respective communities, 98.6 percent of the overall respondents in the sample said the status of the boy-child was higher compared to that of the girl-child (See Fig5.7). 118 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY High Status 3% Low Status 97% Low Status High Status Fig. 4.6: Pie Chart showing Ratings of the Status of the Girl- Child in the Study Area 119 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1.4 Boy-Child Girl-Child 98.6 Fig. 4.7: Pie Chart Showing Overall Respondents' View on whose Status is higher in the Study Area 120 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.12 shows similar results with regard to the rating of the status of the girl-child among the Kambari which was relatively low and was attributed to socio-culturally related factors. Three major reasons given for the low rating of her status were: boys were seen as potential heads of households (68.3%); role of the boy-child in ensuring continuity of the family name and lineage (17.5%) and that the boy-child had greater responsibilities (8.7%). Table 5.12 Percentage Distribution of Respondents’ Perception and Rating of the Status of Girl-Children and Associated Reasons for the Rating Variable Men Boys Women Girls All espondents Rating the status of girl-children Low 98.4(379) 96.1(370) 96.1(398) 100.0(404) 97.1(1551) High 1.5 (6) 3.9 (15) 3.9 (16) 2.4 (10) 2.9 (47) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Whose status is relatively higher in the community? Boy-child 98.2(378) 99.7(384) 99.8(413) 96.9(401) 98.6(1576) Girl-child 1.8 (7) 0.3 (1) 0.2 (1) 3.1 (13) 1.4 (22) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100..0(1598) Reasons why boy’s status is higher Seen as head of households 64.7(249) 62.3(240) 67.9(281) 77.5(321) 68.3(1091) Ensure continuity of family name 21.6 (83) 7.5 (29) 24.9(103) 15.5 (64) 17.5 (279) Have greater responsibilities 10.1 (39) 21.1 (81) 2.1 (9) 2.2 (9) 8.7 (138) Bring more honour 3.6 (14) 9.1 (35) 5.1 (21) 4.8 (20) 5.5 (90) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100..0(1598) Re-affirming this position one of the male FGD participants in age-group 45+ noted: Men and boys are the foundation of every community. The male child is seen as the owner of the household. He represents the family in the absence of his father in the community and inheritance of land, farm lands, properties and offices are for the male child not and the female. The boy-child has been given more honour and privileges, because he is seen as a “male” whom authority has been given to by the society. (FGD 9/Res 6/Older Illiterate Male/Azavoku) An educated older female FGD participant in age group 45+ at Salka empathically supported and corroborated the position of the older illiterate male in this manner: In our tradition, you don’t even contest it; the boy-child like his father has a higher status over and above the girl- child. We honour them; they are served food before any other person in the family. A girl is seen as a stranger who would eventually leave and the boy-child would be left to take charge of the household (FGD14/Res8/Older Educated Woman/Salka). 121 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In addition, a girl-child FGD participant from Bunsuru further reiterated this position as follows: The status of the boy-child is higher than that of girl-child. What we know is; once he gets married the lineage of that family would continue to increase through him (FGD 3/Res 5/Out-of-School Rural Girl-Child/Bunsuru) This implies that the boy-child is highly valued and ascribed a higher status than the girl- child. All the reasons proffered to justify the privileged and dominant position and status of the boy-child are a reflection of the patriarchal nature of the Kambari. Like in most patrilineal societies, the role of the male child cannot be overemphasized. The boy-child is seen as the representative of the family in the community and inheritance of land, farm lands, properties and political offices are through the male child as identified by the FGD participants. Ferraro (2008: 234) referred to it as the “vertical function” of the kinship system. 5.4.2 Respondents Valuation of the Girl-Child 5.4.2.1 Sex Preference among Adult Respondents Son preference plays a critical role in the valuation of the girl-child at the household and community levels. These are reiterated by a number of participants from the qualitative and quantitative data collected during the fieldwork. An FGD participant from a rural community known as Bunsuru noted: It is important to have male children; it is the prayer of every family. When the strength of the father has gone, he would become the caretaker of that household. A female child cannot perform that role in our community; she would always occupy a second place after the male child in the family (FGD 3/ Res 5/Out-of-School Rural Boy- Child/Bunsuru). The girl-child traditionally is ascribed a second place after the boy-child. Lending support to this view, an educated younger female FGD participant in age-sub-group 20- 44years stated: When a male child is in a family, it is seen as having a complete house. When he eventually gets married the household would continually increase. However, when the girls in that household get married, they would rather help to increase the household of the husband not their fathers’. This accounts for why we value male children more (FGD 11/Res 7/Educated Younger Urban Female/Salka) 122 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The following remarks from an FGD participant affirms the fact that the boy-child is highly valued; a household is seen as “incomplete” without him. In addition, respondents interviewed in the household survey expressed similar opinions with regard to the valuation of the girl-child. Also, the value of a girl-child has been aptly described by the following Case Study. Case Study 11 – Nabila: The Worth of a Girl-Child “Nabila” aged 10 years old is the third child of a family comprising 4 boys and 4 girls. The father had two wives and her mother was the first wife. She belonged to the Aposhi language dialect group of the Kambari. The father was a farmer and the mother sold locally brewed beer known as “burukutu” every market day. They were traditional religious adherents. Nabila and her sisters had never attended any formal school. She was betrothed from an early age and she said she would eventually marry her betrothed partner. She did not have bodily tattoos. In her view, “her parents dislike it”. Nabila observed that right from an early age our parents treated us differently. In terms of the work, we were assigned and the privileges given to each one had been based on their gender. The boys usually seat with other men in the household. They were allowed to eat all kinds of meat. Girls got married and left the household and the boys would eventually head the household. She further explains: The boys are seen as the pillars of every household, without them that family would be forgotten in the community. Therefore, it is important to send them to school. Girls are only second to the boy-child in everything. 5.4.2.2 Adult Respondents’ Most Prefferred Sex of Children and Associated Reasons Table 5.13 presents the sex preference of respondents in the study area. The respondents were asked the following question: “what sex of children would you prefer to have most”? A total of 23 percent of adult females prefer more male children, and only 16 percent females said they prefer to have more daughters. The corresponding figures for adult males are 61.6 percent and 3.6 percent, respectively. More adult females (61.4 percent) indicated that they have no preference as compared to 34.8 percent of adult males. Adult males are more forthcoming in indicating their preference for male children than adult females. Conversely, more adult females indicated they have no preference as compared to adult males. In most African societies the preference for male children is not far-fetched. Earlier studies have confirmed male sex preference by parents 123 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY (Orubuloye, 1987; Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994; Ogidi, 1997). This study found that the reasons associated with male sex preference differ by gender. More adult females (57.9%) indicated that they would render assistance in old age as compared to 40.1 percent of adult males who responded in the same manner. In contrast, about 48 percent of males and 21% of females prefer male children because they provided labour in the farm. This is particularly crucial for the Kambari where farming is the mainstay of the economy. In general, about 42% of all the respondents‟ preferred males over females, only 10 percent preferred female children among the Kambari. Inheritance is mainly through the male line, and therefore preference for male children becomes quite imperative among them. The boy-child is seen eventually as the “head of the household”. On the other hand, those who indicated preference for female children provided reasons for their decisions. It is important to note that about half of adult males felt daughters have more concerns for their parents than male children as against 36.9 percent who felt the same way. Also, about 43 percent of adult males and 48% of women mentioned that they preferred females because they would render domestic assistance at home. Table 5.13 Percentage Distribution Respondents by their Most Preferred Sex of Children and the Associated Reasons Variable Men Women All Respondents Sex of Children Preferred to have most Male 61.6(237) 22.9 (95) 41.6(332) Female 3.6 (14) 15.7 (65) 9.9 (79) No Preference 34.8(134) 61.4(254) 48.6(388) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Reasons for Male Preference More Labour for farm work 48.1(114) 21.1(20) 40.4(134) Assist Parents in Old Age 40.1 (95) 57.9(55) 45.2(150) Continuity of Family Name 11.8 (28) 15.8(15) 13.0 (43) Brings More Recognition - 15.8(15) 4.5 (15) Total 100.0(237) 100.0(95) 100.0(332) Reasons for more Females More Concern for Parents 50.5 (7) 36.9(24) 39.2(31) Assistance in Domestic Work 42.9 (6) 47.7(31) 46.8(37) Give Practical Assistance if mother Absent 7.1 (1) 15.4(10) 13.9(11) Total 100.0(14) 100.0(65) 100.0(79) 5.4.2.3 Perceived Feelings towards the Sex Composition of their Children Table 5.14 presents the percentage distribution of adult respondents by their perceived feelings towards the sex composition of their children. The respondents were asked the following questions “how would you feel if you have the following sex composition among your children‟? In the first instance, the respondents were asked what their 124 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY feelings would be if they had no male child among their children. Only 14.5 percent of adult males said they would be happy as compared to 5.8 percent adult females. It is quite interesting to note that over half of the adult males and females (52% and 51%, respectively) affirmed that they would be very unhappy of they had no male child among their children. This together with, 24.2 percent of adult women and 11.2 percent of men who would be unhappy if they had no sons indicating that an overwhelming majority of the Kambari exhibited male preference among their children. Furthermore, respondents were asked “what if you have only one male child how would you feel?” Table 4.10 reveals that 67 percent of adult males said they would be happy as compared to 45.5 percent of adult females. It is significant to note that people who would be very unhappy is drastically reduced compared to having no male children. In addition, they were also asked “How would you feel if all your children are males?” An overwhelming majority of adult men (82 percent) said they would be very happy as compared to close to one- third of adult women. Clearly, none of the respondents would be unhappy if all children are males. These responses revealed the position accorded a male child among the Kambari. Most of the respondents would be unhappy and very unhappy without a male child. Table 5.14: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents’ Perceived Feelings towards the Sex Composition of their Children Variable Men Women All Respondents Feeling if no male Child Very Happy 6.0 (23) 3.4 (13) 4.5 (36) Happy 14.5 (56) 5.8 (24) 10.0 (80) Partially Happy 6.0 (23) 12.1 (50) 9.1 (73) Indifferent 10.4 (40) 4.3 (18) 7.3 (58) Unhappy 11.2 (43) 24.2(100) 11.4(143) Very Unhappy 51.9(200) 50.5(209) 51.2(409) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Feeling if only one male Child Very Happy 13.2 (51) 9.2 (38) 11.1 (89) Happy 67.0 (258) 45.5 (188) 55.8(446) Partially Happy 13.8 (53) 32.4 (134) 23.4(187) Indifferent 2.9 (11) 9.4 (39) 6.3 (50) Unhappy 3.1 (12) 3.6 (15) 3.4 (27) Very Unhappy 3.1 (12) 3.6 (15) 3.4 (27) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Feeling if all male Children Happy 7.3 (28) 30.7(127) 19.4(155) Very Happy 81.8 (315) 31.4(130) 55.7(445) Partially Happy 6.8 (26) 21.7 (90) 14.5(166) Indifferent 1.8 (7) 9.7 (40) 5.9 (47) Unhappy 2.3 (9) 6.5 (27) 4.5 (36) Very Unhappy _ _ _ Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) 125 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.4.2.4 Variation in Privileges and Opportunities Table 5.15 shows that 98.9 percent of all the respondents stated that girl- children were given second place in opportunities at the household level after the boy-child. Also, 99.1 percent of all the respondents noted that boy-children were more valuable and productive than girl-children. There was a consensus also among the entire respondents that boy- children were given more opportunities and preferences at the household level. That implied that in the distribution of household resources, the boy-child was usually considered first. Such action placed the girl-child at a disadvantaged position and further engendered discriminatory practice against the girl-child. The boy-child is accorded the following priviledges and opportunities: firstly, initiation into the maigiro cult was the exclusive right of male children. The boy-child is initiated at a very tender age of between 7-12 years. Women and girls are not allowed to participate in the initiation ceremony nor be anywhere near where the initiation ceremony is being conducted. The mai-giro cult had both religious and judicial functions in the community particularly among the traditional religious adherents. Secondly, the culturally acceptable practice during the serving of meals at the household level and during festivities in the community was that adult males and boy-children were usually served first. Rather, women and girls ate whatever is left after serving. Thirdly, preference is given to boy-child education. Parents would prefer to send their male children to school particularly among the non-literate parents. The educational outcome of boy-children in the study attested to this practice. About 67.0 percent of boy-children were in school compared to only 44.0 percent of girl-children. Fourthly, boy-children were allowed like the adult-male to eat all kinds of meat while restrictive food taboos were placed on women and girls. The girl-child was not allowed to eat dog and goat meat, chicken, eggs and certain kinds of fish among others depending on the language dialect group the girl-child belonged to. Fifthly, boy-children were given the right to inherit, political offices, properties and farmlands from his father. 126 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.15: Respondents’ Valuation of Girl-Children based on Opportunities and Privileges Variable Men Boys Women Girls All Respondents Girls given second place in opportunities and privileges 98.7 (380) 99.7 (384) 98.3 (407) 98.1 (410) 98.9 (1581) Boys are more valuable and Productive than girls 99.5 (383) 99.7 (384) 99.0 (410) 98.1 (410) 99.1 (1583) Boys are given more Opportunities and preferences 99.5 (383) 99.7 (384) 99.8 (413) 99.5 (412) 99.7 (1593) Boys are seen as wealth and Strength of households 99.7 (384) 99.5 (383) 99.8 (413) 99.8 (413) 99.7 (1593) Similarly, 99.7 percent of all the respondents stated that boy-children remained the “wealth” and “strength” of every household. The FGD participants also underscored the high premium ascribed to a boy-child among the Kambari. A household with no boy- child or boy-children was usually seen as “worthless” and “powerless” in the community. Based on the foregoing, it can be inferred that the girl-child is seen as of less value than the boy-child at the household and community levels in spite of her contributions to the sustenance of the household. 5.5 The Socio-Cultural Practices Associated with Discrimination against the Kambari Girl-Child A number of deep-rooted socio-cultural practices were found to engender discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. It is imperative therefore to have an in-depth understanding of the practices that influence individual behaviour towards the girl-child. 5.5.1 Household Decision- Making and Power Dynamics Household power dynamics refers to the pattern of decision-making at the household level with specific reference to household discriminatory practices. Were decisions taken jointly or was the husband mainly responsible for taking most of the decisions at the household level? Furthermore, was there areas in which, the wife took the initiative of deciding what to do? This was quite pertinent; it provided insight on the critical stakeholders at the household level that could negatively impact on girl-children through their decisions. In addition, it also provided insight on who should be the focus of interventions that aim to address gender inequality at the household level. 127 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.5.1.1 Adult Respondents on Decision Making Pattern on Critical Issues Table 5.16 indicates that 83 percent of the adult respondents opined that men as husbands always decided on major decisions of the family. Only 1.3 percent indicates that women were the major decision makers, and 16 percent thought that major family decisions were made jointly between the man and his wife. With regard to providing household needs, interestingly, about 43.5 percent of adult women said it was a joint responsibility. Some opined that mostly men provided the basic food items but other items for making soup among others were provided by women. On the issue of sending children to school, an overwhelming majority of the adult respondents in the sample opined that it was the responsibility of the husband. About 86.5 percent of adult men and 72.5 percent of adult women said it was the responsibility of the husband. In addition, on the assignment of domestic work at the household level, an overwhelming majority of the overall sample said it was the responsibility of the “wife”. In sum, decision making at the household levels were as defined by societal expectations. Husbands played a very key role on critical issues that affect the well-being of the household such as providing household needs, which child should be sent to school and under what conditions. On the other hand, assigning of domestic work which was seen as activities within the realm of the household level was confirmed as the responsibility of the “wife”. She did most of the domestic work at home with the assistance of her daughters. Therefore, she assigned various types of domestic work to her daughters each time the need arose. 128 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.16: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents on Decision-Making Pattern on Critical Household Issues Variable Men Women Overall Who decides on major issues? Husband 81.6 (314) 84.5(350) 83.1(664) Wife 0.3 (1) 2.2 (9) 1.3 (10) Jointly 18.2 (70) 13.3 (55) 15.6(125) Total 100.0 (385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Decides on providing household needs Husband 86.5(336) 54.8 (227) 70.5(125) Wife 0.8 (3) 1.7 (7) 1.3 (10) Jointly 11.9 (46) 43.5(180) 28.3(226) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Decides on sending children to school Husband 86.5(333) 72.5(300) 79.2(633) Wife 1.8 (7) 3.4 (14) 2.6 (21) Jointly 11.7 (45) 24.1(100) 18.1(145) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Assigning Domestic work Husband 11.9 (46) 0.7 (3) 6.0 (48) Wife 87.3(336) 85.0(352) 86.1(688) Jointly 0.8 (3) 14.3 (59) 7.8 (62) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Quantity of food given to each child Husband 18.2 (70) _ 8.7 (70) Wife 62.3(240) 85.7(355) 74.5(595) Jointly 19.5 (75) 14.3 (59) 16.8(134) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Enforcing food taboos on girls Husband 4.2 (16) 8.2 (34) 6.3 (50) Wife 17.9 (69) 18.4 (76) 14.4(115) Jointly 77.9(300) 73.4(304) 75.6(604) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) On the issue of quantity of food given to each child, more than 7 out of every 10 respondents in the overall sample opined that it was the responsibility of the wife. There was a large gap between the figures for men and women on this matter. Whereas only 62 percent of men thought they decided on the quantity of food given to children, about 86 percent of women thought it was their responsibility. Furthermore, on the issue of enforcing food taboos at the household level, about 75.6 percent of the sample claimed it was a joint responsibility. Based on the foregoing, quantity of food given was considered as the responsibility of the wife in view of the fact that she dished out the food to family members with the assistance of girl-children in the household. Therefore, the wife determined the quantity of food given to each child. Consequently, based on the peculiarities of each child she attended to the needs of each child. Furthermore, in as much as the husband remained the custodian of the cultural practices of his community or ethnic group, the study found that enforcing restrictive food taboos was a joint responsibility. On the one hand, the husband 129 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY used his authority to clearly spell out to his family members‟ food that could or could not be eaten. On the other, the wife who cooked the food always must ensure that “food” restricted for girls were not given to them when sharing meals. 5.5.1.2 Non-Participation of Women in Decision-Making and Its Effects on Girl- Children’s Aspirations Table 5.17 shows the percentage distribution of adults by their views on non- participation of women in decision-making and its effects on girl-child‟s aspirations. The study was also interested in finding out if non-participation of women in the decision- making process at the household level could negatively impact on the well-being of girl- children. Consequently, respondents were asked the following questions: “Do you think non participation by women in decision-making is likely to affect the girl-child negatively?” There were marked gender differences on the responses elicited from adult men and women in the sample with women being more supportive of a positive attitude towards the girl-child. For instance, more women felt that non-participation of women in the decision-making process negatively impacted on girl-children. Only 47 percent of men felt so. Furthermore, respondents were asked if “non consultation of women negatively affected the girl-child‟s schooling aspirations”. An overwhelming majority of women (88%) in the sample said “yes” while more than half of the men answered that non consultation could not negatively impact on the girl-child‟s schooling aspirations. In addition, when asked if “non consultation of women can negatively affect the overall girl-child‟s future aspirations,” a similar trend emerged from the responses of men and women in the sample. About 50.9 percent of the men felt it would not, relative to 85.5 percent of adult women who opined that non-consultation of women would negatively affect the girl- child‟s future aspirations. 130 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.17: Percentage Distribution of Adult Respondents’ View on Non- Participation of Women in Decision-Making and Its Effects Variable Men Women Overall Non-Participation of women in decision making affect girls negatively Yes 47.3(182) 88.4(366) 68.6(548) No 52.7(203) 11.6 (48) 31.4(251) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Non-consultation negatively affects girls schooling aspirations Yes 49.1(189) 87.9(364) 69.2(553) No 52.7(196) 12.1 (50) 30.8(246) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Non-consultation can negatively affect girl-children’s future aspirations Yes 49.1(189) 85.5(354) 68.0(543) No 50.9(196) 14.5 (60) 32.0(256) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(799) Lending support to the findings of the quantitative data, an older illiterate rural male FGD participant from age sub-group 45 + years stated: Men as heads of the family took most of the decisions even in small and big matters. The wife is expected to support and carry out those decisions without questioning the authority of her husband. (FGD 9/Res 8/Older Illiterate Rural/ Male /Balugu) Speaking in the same view, a younger urban educated male from FGD age sub group 44 + years opined: We know the best for our respective families; a wife ought to agree with decisions taken. Yes! If anything happens, it is the husband that would take the responsibility. (FGD 6/Res 3/ Educated Urban Male/Salka) On the other hand, women expressed divergent views as noted in the following statement of an educated younger female FGD participant from age sub-group 15-44 years. Really, most times decisions are taken by the men by virtue of their role as head of their families. However, the problem with uneducated men is that western education is seen as bad and therefore it is not important to send girls to school. Rather, they would prefer she gets married due to the value of bridal services rendered by the in-laws which we call “gulmo” in our native tongue. (FGD11/Res7/Educated Younger Urban Female/Salka) Similarly, an older illiterate rural female FGD participant noted: If a husband decides that he would not send his female children to school because he feels that it would corrupt them, what can the wife do? She would not be able to force him to change his mind. He is expected to know what is best for his family. (FGD 15/Res 6/Older Illiterate Rural Women/Papirin Gajere) 131 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In sum, decision-making at the household level could negatively impact on the aspirations of girl-child particularly when parents do not value western education or when women are not involved in the decision-making process at the household level. 5.5.2 Gender Stereotyping Gender stereotyping largely influenced the mindsets and individual actions of the respondents towards exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. A number of gender stereotypes, with respect to the notions of femininity, prescribed roles of the girl-child, valuation of the girl-child among some of the sub-groups of the sample were identified as follows: “A girl is like a stranger in her fathers’ household”. (FGD 10/Res6 /Illiterate Rural Man/Azavoku) “A household is empty if they have only female children”. (FGD 6/Res 5/ Younger Educated Urban Man/Salka) “A man with only female children has no say in the community”. (FGD7/Res8 /Illiterate Rural Man/Bunsuru) “Boys are more superior to girls”. (FGD 4/Res 5/ In- School/Boy-Child/Salka) “A girl is of less value when compared to a boy”. (FGD 7/Res 4/Younger Illiterate Rural Male/Bunsuru) “Domestic chore is seen as girls’ work” (FGD 5/Res 3/Out- of- School Boy –Child/Bunsuru). These gender stereotypes influenced the actions of adult men and women towards their children. The resultant effect was that privileges and a higher status were accorded the boy-child over the girl-child such as providing more access to educational opportunities to them. On the other hand, girl-children were burdened with domestic chores and denied access to education because they were seen as strangers who would eventually leave the household. Moreover, domestic chore was seen as girls‟ work. Therefore, parents rationalised on the value of spending so much to educate a girl-child who would one day get married. This affirms the patriarchal nature of the Kambari society whereby gender stereotypes were further employed to perpetuate discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. Corroborating these views, a male community influential noted: 132 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The underlying motives that influenced the actions of parents towards the girl-child are linked to deep-rooted beliefs, stereotypes about girls which may not necessarily be true. For instance, there is this belief that boys are more intelligent than girls as a result of this, some parents may not see the need to educate girls. (IDI 8, 50 years /Male Community Influential 50 years/Wando) Case Study 4, as well as others, debunked such gender stereotypes about the inability of girl-children to excel in their studies when given the opportunity or progress beyond primary school as was the case of Abigail who wanted to train as a nurse. Case Study 4 – Hadiza: Breaking Stereotyped Expectations “Hadiza” aged 10 years, was the last child in a family of 5 children, comprising 2 boys and 3 girls. Her parents were Muslims, the father, a primary school teacher and the mother, a petty-trader. She belonged to the language-dialect group known as “Cishingin” or “Ashingini”. Hadiza had a good enabling environment. She was a Class II pupil at the primary school. She attended extra lessons at the headmasters‟ house once a week for a fee of N20 per week with her other siblings. Her performance in school was st nd excellent as she either took 1 or 2 position in her class. She did not hawk, but before going to school in the morning she used to help her mother with some domestic chores such as sweeping the surroundings, fetching water and washing of plates. Her father, who was enlightened, disapproved of child betrothal and none of his children either female or male was betrothed from childhood. This implied that the education of parents could significantly improve the well-being of the girl-child due the opportunities that were likely to be provided at the household level. More so, when provided with an enabling environment the girl-child was likely to do well academically. That should be seen as gateway towards the upliftment of her status. Case Study 10 – Abigail: I want to Train as a Nurse “Abigail” was the sixth child in her family of 6 children, 2 boys and 4 girls. She was 15 years old. However, the mother later lost a daughter as at the time of the study, so had 3 girls left. The parents were Christians of the protestant denomination. They were farmers but the father was also a petrol dealer and a politician. She was an SS II student of a secondary school at Kara-Bangi. She belonged to the Akimba language-dialect among the Kambari. She noted with great enthusiasm that her desire after completion of her 133 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY secondary education was to train as a nurse. When asked why not other professions, she responded with a smile that she enjoyed caring for the sick. Furthermore, she observed that her desire for all children irrespective of their gender would be that they be given opportunity to acquire higher education. She further noted that “girls especially could do well as boys in their studies” On child betrothal, she observed that her children would not be subjected to it in her view “it was an old tradition”, the younger generation would prefer personal choice over parental choice”. There were many such Kambari girls like Hadiza who were denied access to education because of such stereotypes. 5.5.3 Conception of Gender Roles Every community usually assigned distinct gender roles to its members. Similarly, among the Kambari, distinct roles existed for each of the gender. The Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) held among the various groups revealed their respective views on conception of traditional gender roles among the Kambari. There was a consensus among the various sub-groups on the specific roles assigned to either boy-children or girl- children, as stated below: Boys get involved in farming, rearing of cattle, thatching the roof of a house and other activities related to building (FGD 10/Res 9/ Illiterate Younger Rural Man/Azavoku). In a similar view, older men irrespective of their literacy status or place of residence either rural or urban expressed similar views as follows: We don’t have any other occupation besides what our forefathers were involved in which is farming. Therefore, all our male children must do likewise.(FGD9/Res4/Illiterate Older Rural Man/Balugu) Honestly speaking, boys have less to do at home. Kambari boys are considered as the wealth and strength of the household. Therefore boys are more involved in farming than in any other activity, and various crops are produced either for consumption or sales. (FGD 8/Res 5/Educated Older Urban Man/Salka) There was also a consensus on the roles assigned to girl-children by the various sub- groups represented in the FGDs. An urban in-school girl-child aged 12 years noted: Girls usually cook meals, fetch water and firewood, clean the surroundings and also care for their younger ones. (FGD 1/Res 5/In-School Urban Girl-Child/Salka) 134 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Corroborating this view, a rural out-of-school boy-child stated: Girls’ sweep ,washes plates, run errands particularly to the market and also cooks the meals. (FGD 5/Res 8/Out-of- School Rural Boy-Child/Bunsuru) Adult men and women in the FGDs further affirmed the views expressed by both girl- and boy-children in the FGDs conducted: When girls are 5-6 or even 7 years, they can run errands, sweep the surroundings, wash plates, fetch water and even care for their younger ones also. Meanwhile, the older ones from 8 years and above wash plates, fetch water, fetch firewood, set fire, pound soup ingredients and also cook the meals. (FGD 13/Res 10/Illiterate Younger Rural Woman/Papirin-Gajere) Indeed, the listed activities imply that roles assigned to girl-children were associated with the “domestic sphere” which had been closely linked to their future roles as “wives” and “mothers”. Thus, the role assigned to each child was clearly distinct based on their gender. Consequently, parents assigned domestic chores to girl-children because traditionally it was seen as prescribed role assigned to them by the community. On the other hand, boy-children were assigned roles that were in the “public domain”, mainly masculine activities as exemplified by farming, hunting, building and other related activities. A religious cleric noted some significant issues on conception of gender roles as follows: The male and the female have been made distinct by Allah and their roles are also quite different. When a girl is assigned domestic work or is over-burdened with it, she is seen as performing her role as a girl and that of a mother and a wife in the nearest future. It is not seen as discrimination but a training ground for her future roles. (IDI 12, 56 years/Religious Muslim Cleric/Auna) Another religious cleric stated his views in this manner: In as much as God made the female and the male distinct with differing roles, nothing stops a boy-child from assisting to carry-out domestic chores when the need arises at the household level. (IDI 10, 57 years/Religious Christain Cleric/Bakon Mission ) The dilemma with regard to discriminatory practices was that parents did not really view assigning domestic work to girls, or their being over-burdened with domestic work, as “discriminatory”. Rather it was seen as a required “training” that would assist her to assume her future roles effectively. In addition, the distinctiveness of each gender as well 135 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY as tradition-bound beliefs influenced the mind-sets of individual actors towards the girl- child with regard to discriminatory practices. However, there were varying opinions among religious clerics that were interviewed. The Christian religious cleric felt that boy-children could help in household chores when the need arose within a household. Unlike, the Muslim religious cleric who felt it was training ground for girl-children who will eventually become mothers. 5.5.4 Gender Socialization Hartley (1959) posits that gender socialization occurs through four processes namely: manipulation, channelization, different verbal appellations and also by different activity exposure. Firstly, manipulation involves the way a child is handled by the parents and significant others. For instance, boy-children are treated as strong “autonomous beings” whereas girl-children are treated as “fragile pretty being” that require the “protection‟ of a male. These are based on the notions of femininity and masculinity. These early childhood experiences shaped the self-perception of both the girl-and the boy-child. Secondly, through channelization the social constructions of girlhood and boyhood are achieved by directing the attention of the girl-child and the boy-child to different objects, interests and also those they closely relate to. A girl-child relates more with the mother and is associated with objects such as “brooms”, “pots” buckets”, “firewood” and her interests are channelled into feminine roles and interests as defined by the society. On the other hand, the boy-child‟s attention is directed to objects such as “hoe”, “bow” “arrow”, “cutlass” “guns”, “canoe”, “bicycles” and interests such as “farming”, “hunting”, “cattle-rearing” “building”, “warfare” among others which are seen as appropriate masculine roles. These differential treatments make them develop different capabilities, attitudes, aspirations and dreams. Thirdly, verbal appellations employ on a regular basis during the course of social interaction with parents and significant others help to construct and reinforce their self- identity. For instance, the following statements are often made: “You look strong‟; “Don‟t behave like a woman or girl”; “Boys don‟t cry”; whereas to a girl-child the comments usually made are: “You look pretty”; “You are not behaving like a girl”; “A girl is not suppose to act in this manner”, et cetera. 136 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Lastly, different activity exposure of the girl-and boy-child to the traditionally feminine and masculine activities reinforce the learning of masculine and feminine behaviour that are often internalized unconsciously. All these four processes come to bear in the ways girl-and boy-children are socialized into their respective roles among the Kambari. Gender socialization plays a critical role in ensuring that the individual internalized the roles, norms and values ascribed to their specific roles. Generally, children learn by observation and imitation at the household level. As pointed out during the FGDs and in- depth interviews (IDIs) gender socialization accounts for one of the reasons why boy- children and girl-children are treated differently. Parents play clearly defined roles during the process of socialization among the Kambari; usually boy-children are closer and are brought up by their fathers, whereas girl-children are closer to their mothers for effective instruction and impartation of skills necessary in fulfilling their ascribed roles. Gender socialization is initiated at an early age. An elder and a religious cleric among the Aposhi noted that: When a boy-child is about 4 years old, he is usually taken to the farm of the father and given a very small hoe to play with. By the very act of observing others work in the farm and hitting the hoe on the ground, he has started learning the act of farming. Consequently at age 5, he should start harrowing and as he grows up he learns how to plant and grow various crops such as millet and guinea corn, among others. (IDI 11, 60 years/ Traditional Religious Cleric/ Utula) Besides, the art of farming was further perfected during “gulmo” which was the bridal communal farming services rendered as part of the dowry obligations to the family of boy‟s betrothed partner. His ability to participate actively in such situation among relations, peers and the community would further determine people‟s response to his need when he would be expected to provide such services later in life. In the past, as the boy-child grew he was initiated into the mai-giro cult where he was taught the art of secrecy, courage and the value of hard work. Furthermore, as he interacts with other males at the family or communal level, he was taught about the role and position accorded males at the family and community levels. In addition, he learnt how to care for his younger siblings, parents and his future family in the nearest future. On the other hand, a girl-child was taught her ascribed roles and the necessary skills and values by her mother, other female members of her immediate and extended family kins and other women in wider community. The girl-child remained in the company of her 137 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY mother and other female relations most times whether within the household or during market days. The wife of a community elder at Madinbu in Genu district of Rijau Local Government Area observed that: When a girl-child is about age 4 the mother, other female relations and her elder sisters could send her to fetch water from the pot, carry plates or spoons during meal-time when the food is being served. She learns how to sweep the surroundings at least by age 6, she can also be sent to pound soup ingredients at age 7. Also, she could follow her elder sisters to the stream at age 7 and 8 years and remain in the kitchen area to run other errands. At that age, as well, she could be allowed to pound grains. (IDI 7, 54 years/Female Community Influential/Madinbu) Affirming this view, the District head of Genu noted: The strength of the girl-child is in the mother and no one else. The girl receives instructions from the mother on how to carry out domestic chores such as sweeping, pounding, cooking and washing of plates and also practically carryout these activities when the need arises in the household.(IDI 3, 57 years/Traditional Ruler/Genu) This implies that all she needed to learn about womanhood and motherhood emanated from the mother. Thus, when a girl-child was assigned any form of domestic chores, it was done within the context of her prescribed role and she was taught on how to carry out each of these activities. Besides, engaging in domestic chores was not seen as a “burden” but as part of “training” to fulfill her prescribed roles as a “mother” and “wife” in the near future. The exhibitions of discriminatory practices against the girl-child were what have been internalized unconsciously during gender socialization by individual actors. 5.5.5 Cultural Construction of Girlhood Societies differ cross-culturally on how girlhood is constructed. During the FGD with younger and older illiterate rural women, they noted the following with regard to cultural construction of girlhood which further buttressed the findings of the quantitative data generated in this regard as follows: No matter how small a girl is, she is rather seen in the light of her role as a woman (FGD 15, Res 6/Older Illiterate Rural Woman/Papirin-Gajere) 138 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Arguing along the same vein, a younger illiterate rural woman noted: A girl would grow up to be a woman and would eventually become a wife and a mother of children (FGD 13, Res 7/Younger Illiterate Rural Woman/Papirin-Gajere). This is a clear indication that the notions about femininity shaped the cultural construction of girlhood. Consequently, the prescribed roles of the girl-child, her subordinate and secondary position accorded, as well as the gender stereotypes about the notions of femininity eventually influenced individual actors‟ behaviour towards the girl- child. An educated community male influential noted: In our community more value is placed on boys than girls, because they are our “eyes and “ears” within the community. Therefore, more privileges and preferences are given to them early in life. However, for a girl most parents would prefer to invest more on their male children with regards to education. Girls would eventually leave, only the boys would remain. (IDI 5, 56 years/Community Male Influential /Agwara) Another educated female community influential also observed: Girls are denied certain rights, privileges and opportunities because they are “girls” who the community only “see” as “women” in the making. Most time, what is done for her is usually an after-thought when the boys in the family have been dully considered. We have negative images about girls and these are what account for the kind of treatment and discrimination faced by her in most households in our community. (IDI 8, 50 years/Female Community Influential/Wando) These accounted for boy-children receiving more education over girl-children, girl- children being overburdened with domestic work and also why males and boy-children are served meals first in most households. In a nutshell, the cultural construction of girlhood among the Kambari was closely associated with her prescribed role in the community. Likewise, the expected behaviour pattern was an expression of the secondary role she would eventually occupy at the household and community levels. Consequently, qualities such as “submissiveness”, “obedience” found common expression among the various sub-groups. Besides, other qualities associated with “motherhood” such as “kindness”, “caring” and “hard-work” were seen as attributes that girl-children were expected to imbibe in order to fulfill the roles ascribed to them by their forefathers. The cultural construction of 139 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY girlhood underscores the patriarchal nature of the society. Thus, a girl-child was assigned most of the domestic work at home and it was also seen as the work of girls rather than boys. 5.5.6 Valuation of the Girl Child. The roles ascribed to each of the gender within the household or at the community levels had different values. In the FGDs and IDIs conducted these opinions were expressed by the different sub-groups involved in the study. The role of the boy-child had been described in this manner: “heads of households”, “owners of households” and having “greater responsibilities” which were also associated with the role of “a husband” and “father”. In one of the FGDs with older educated men at Salka in Magama Local Government Area, they observed that “boys are the strength of every household”, which encapsulates the value attached to the roles of boy-children. Furthermore, out-of-school girl-children at Balagu in Magama Local Government Area also noted “A boy-child‟s position is more superior to that of a girl-child”. This clearly provides insight on the high premium attached to the roles of the boy-child who would eventually remain in the household when his own sisters would have been married into different households within or outside the community. A female community influential noted the value of the boy-child in this manner; You cannot compare the boy-child who would eventually head the family and a girl-child who would only spend half of her life time in her fathers’ household. This is one of the reasons why we value male children most. (IDI 9, 46 years/Female Community Influential/Salka) Another male community influential who affirmed this view noted: The roles of girls are secondary to those played by the boy. It is unheard of, even a taboo for a female to head a family. Girls would always come after boys in any communal activity; they would be where the men are. However, the girls would usually be with their mothers inside the compound (IDI 2, 60 years/ Male Community Influential/Bakon Mission) These corroborate the fact that the roles of the girl-child were within the “domestic domain” and within the household, where she should only to be “seen” not “heard”; her 140 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY future role as a “wife” and “mother” limited her participation in communal activities that are male-dominated. At the household and community levels, the girl-children were aware of the value and preferential treatment given to the boy-child. An in-school girl- child in an FGD, stated: We are taught to show respect for the males in our families and our parents. From their day-to-day actions and activities we know that boys are more valued; they are given more respect and preferences in so many ways. A boy would follow the father for festivities or meeting in the community when they are of age. They eat different kinds of meats or fish which girls are not allowed to eat because of our traditions… Boys are considered first with regard to schooling. (FGD 1/Res 3/In-School Girl-Child/Salka) Consequently, the devaluing of the girl-child was due to her secondary and subordinate position vis-à-vis the position accorded the boy-child. Thus, discriminatory practices against the girl-child were based on the value of her roles, worth and contributions to the household in terms of its continuity as an entity within the community. These further underscored the patriarchal nature of the Kambari society whereby male dominance permeated every aspect of societal life. Notwithstanding, despite the low value ascribed to the girl-child, she is known to contribute to the livelihood of the household directly through her farming related activities that she is not usually given credit for. Also, through the child betrothal bridal farming services known as “gulmo”, her betrothed partner‟s family on a yearly basis assisted in cultivating the farmland of her father. The girl-child therefore, contributed indirectly to the livelihood of the household. Rather, her valuation was based on the gender hierarchy among the Kambari that has placed women and girls in a lower position relative to men and boys. 5.5.7 Traditional Practices There were two main traditional practices among the Kambari that had placed limitations on the girl-child which could have significant impact on her well-being and the opportunities available to her later in life. Firstly, the enforcement of restrictive food taboos denied the right to certain nutritious food that would have enhanced her growth and health. Food taboos included the traditional practices that engendered discriminatory practices towards the girl-child particularly among the Kambari. The prevalence of food 141 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY taboos cut across the various language-dialect groups among the Kambari. However, due to superstitious beliefs and the desire by parents to instil discipline, self-control and restraint on the girl-child who would eventually be a wife and a mother, restrictive food taboos were enforced early in life.A community influential and traditional ruler stated: Girls and women are not allowed to eat chicken or any form of meat and even eggs, particularly among the Aposhi. In the past it was a very common practice among the Kambari. (IDI 1, 55years/Male community Influential/Salka ) Similarly, another traditional ruler also affirmed this fact: Girls are not allowed to eat duck, chicken, and goat as well as sheep meat. It is the tradition passed down by our forefathers. (IDI 3, 57 years/Male Community Influential/Genu) In some language dialect groups it varied, this was pointed out by the wife of a ward head. She observed that: A girl-child and even women cannot eat chicken until after the delivery of 5 children. However, they can eat certain type of fish or cow meat. (IDI 7, 54 years/Female Community Influential/Madinbu) On the other hand, a retired pastor and a community leader noted: It is a common practice that was strictly adhered to. However, those who have been converted to Christianity no longer uphold such restrictive food taboos in their respective homes. (IDI 10, 57 years/Christian Religious Cleric/Bakon Mission) Therefore, it is significant to note that among those who practiced food taboos, particularly restricting girl-children from eating certain types of meat should rather be seen as discriminatory. Unfortunately, this has been not regarded as such because these are traditional practices that have been transmitted from one generation to another among the Kambari. Secondly, the practice of child betrothal by certain language dialect groups of the Kambari placed serious constraints and limitations that could negatively impact on her well-being, future aspirations and choice of a marriage partner in the nearest future. Child betrothal played a critical role in the economic life of households and the community. The bridal farming services known as “gulmo” ensured the continual supply 142 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY of farm labour through the in-laws for a predominantly farming community. In recent times, however some girls‟ betrothal arrangements have failed. A community influential noted: I have received series of complaints on failed betrothal mostly on the part of the girls. The consequences have the capacity to destroy years of long-standing relationships between families. Where such cases are common among girls in a family they are not likely to find families coming to ask for their hand in marriage. (IDI 2, 60 years/Male Community Influential/Bakon Misson) Another community influential also observed: Parents don’t like to send their female children to school because when their “eyes” get opened they would reject their betrothed partners and some might bring shame by getting pregnant. (IDI 12, 56 years/Muslim Religious Cleric/Auna) These practices limit the opportunities for capacity development and empowerment of the girl-child whose future has been pre-determined early in life by parents who do not place premium on girls‟ education. 5.5.8 Son Preference Son preference is a critical factor engendering household discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. It has been closely associated with the patriarchal nature of most societies particularly where inheritance is through the male line, as is the case with the Kambari. An older illiterate rural male in an FGD stated: A boy-child as a male would eventually head the family. Therefore, he has to be treated like the head of the family so that he can appreciate the depth of his responsibilities. Preferences have to be given to him in all matters. (FGD 9/Res 4/Older Illiterate Rural Man/Balugu) Another older illiterate female in age sub-group 45 years also stated the reasons as follows: We would like to have one or two female children to assist us with domestic work and other related female activities. However, you need to have male children to earn respect of your husband’s family and to ensure stability and continuity of the family within the community. So preferences are accorded to boys within the household and in the community as well. (FGD 15/Res6/Older Illiterate Rural Women /Papirin –Gajere) 143 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The girl-child usually faced discriminatory practices at the household level because of her disadvantaged position vis-a-vis the boy-child. Educating a boy-child was seen as a priority. A girl-child would eventually bear the name of someone else and would eventually leave the household. Girls did most of the domestic work because a boy was regarded as a potential head of household who should not be involved in girls‟ work. 5.5.9 Kinship Pattern and Rule of Inheritance Traditionally, the Kambari were patrilineal in descent. In order words, “a man, his own children, his brothers‟ children (not his sister‟s children), and his son‟s children (but not his daughter‟s children), were all members of the same descent group” (Ferraro, 2008:238).Girl-children when they are grown and mature for marriage are expected to marry outside their own patrilineages .Also, the children she would eventually bear belonged to the lineage of the husband rather than to her own. Therefore, inheritance is through the male line, only boy-children were entitled to inherit land, properties and political offices in the family and community at large. A traditional ruler succinctly explained it in this manner: Our tradition does not permit a girl-child to inherit to anything. It is the boy-child, who is a male that inherits farmland, land, properties and traditional titles within the family or community. (IDI 1, 55 years/Traditional Ruler/Salka) Also, a community youth leader corroborating this view noted: Boy-children were seen as potential householders and the backbone of their families, respectively. A household and its lineage would continue to exist if there were males in the family line. The boy-child inherits and decides what to give his sisters if he so wishes. (IDI 14, 35 years/Community Youth Leader/Bakon Mission) Furthermore, an FGD participant also expressed similar views. An older illiterate woman observed that: Support in our old age mostly is from boy-children who would eventually head the households. Girl-children would eventually marry and leave the household. The help they would be able to render cannot be equated with a male child who you see every other day. The boy-child inherits and a woman without a male child would not be happy. So, boy-children are treated differently and special preference and attention 144 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY is given to their needs (FGD 15/Res 4/ Older Illiterate Rural Woman/Papirin-Gajere) This further buttressed the prevalence of strong son preference among the Kambari and the privileged position of boy-children in traditional Kambari society. The boy-child as a result of his right to inheritance was accorded privileges and opportunities that the girl- child is not given because she would eventually belong to another family by marriage. Land, properties of the household must remain in the lineage for members of the same kinship group which is passed from one generation to another. Therefore, parents justify their actions towards the girl-child by providing more access to household resources to the boy-child thereby discriminating against the girl-child. 5.5.10 Religious Beliefs and Practices Religious practices have been associated with household discriminatory practices against the girl-child in Asia (Nilsson, 200; Sultana, 2010). In Nigeria; the misinterpretation of religious injunctions has been closely linked to low enrolment and retention of girls in schools with specific reference to states in Northern Nigeria (Indabawa, 2004; Rufai and Ogidi, 2006). Similarly, with regard to the current study, case studies 5 and 2 had brought to fore the effects of religious beliefs and practices on girl-children‟s aspiration to acquire formal education. Hauwa: Case Study 5. She was the eldest child and the first daughter who dropped-out of school in Class IV due to the burden of domestic work. She would have preferred to her complete primary education. Rather, her father enrolled her in a Quranic school close to their house. Although, her parent had no formal education, her younger brothers were enrolled in the primary school. This was an indication of preference for boy-education. A Muslim religious cleric noted: Koranic education is very important for all our children. Even when a girl-child does not attend formal schooling, she must acquire Koranic education. What she in the Koranic school would help in her future role as a wife and mother (IDI12, 56years/Muslim Religious Cleric /Auna) 145 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY On the other hand a Christian religious cleric noted: Most times our people feel that western education corrupt the morals of our children. Parents are more concerned about their girl children so as not to bring disgrace and shame to the family. However, early missionaries and churches today in Kambari land are encouraging parents to send their girl-children to school (IDI 10, 57years/Christian Religious Cleric /Bakon Mission) In fact, this was the case of “Hauwa” aged 11 years as noted below: Hauwa: Case Study 2. Hauwa‟s father was a farmer and at the same time a herbalist, she was never enrolled in any formal schooling. She noted in her own words “my father told me that going to the white man‟s school would make me loose our traditions” when further asked to explain further she said “some of these traditions included chastity, child betrothal, restrictive food taboos and religious beliefs.” A traditional religious cleric further provided insight on some of these practices in the following manner: Our actions and conduct are guided by the religious beliefs and practices of our forefathers. For instance, the restrictive food taboos on girls are for their protection and brighter future as a wife and mother. Once, she abides by the taboos child delivery will not be a problem. Also a girl who does not preserve her chastity will incur the wrath of our ancestral spirits (IDI 11, 60 years/TraditionalReligious Cleric/Utula) An older illiterate male FGD participant reiterated the following views on religious beliefs and practices and its effect on the girl-child in this manner: Our religious beliefs have established male superiority and authority over women and girls. The boy-child since is a male child is superior over the girl. This is demonstrated on how the preferences accorded him. A girl would always come after a boy that is the way God ordained it (FGD 10/Res 5/Older illiterate Rural Man/Balagu) Besides, among the Kambari only the boy-child is initiated into the Mai-giro cult. It was one of the privileges enjoyed by the boy-child. A traditional religious cleric noted as follows: Boy-children are initiated at age 5 by the Mai-giro. Cult priest known as “Magajin Mai-giro” it was a 146 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY demonstration of manliness and he is sworn to an oath of secrecy. Any boy-child who is not initiated is ridiculed by both his age group, men and women. In fact, he is seen as a “woman’, fearful, weak and powerless. A boy-child must be strong, aggressive, courageous and fearless (IDI, 11, 60 Years/Traditional Religious Cleric/Utula) Religious beliefs and practices further reinforced the value system that engenders household discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The preferences, privileges and opportunities accorded the boy-child were seen as “acceptable norm” ordained by God and the imposition of restrictive food taboos were rather seen as in the “best interest” of the girl-child. She is being protected from the woes of bareness in the nearest future. Restrictive food taboos are steeped in superstitious beliefs as earlier shown by respondents in the study. In sum, the study found that conception of gender roles, gender socialization, gender stereotypes, cultural construction of girlhood, low valuation of the girl-child, traditional practices, household decision-making, son preference, kinship pattern and rule of inheritance and religious beliefs and practices engender household discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. These have been closely associated with the patriarchal nature of the Kambari society. Thus, deep-rooted socio-cultural practices influenced and shaped the mind-sets of individual towards exhibiting discriminatory practices against the girl-child. 5.6 Dynamics of Discriminatory Practices This sub-section examined discriminatory practices at the household level. How were boy and girl-children treated with regard to domestic work assignment, family food distribution and educational aspirations? Studies, particularly in South Asia and the Middle-East, have shown that parents demonstrate preferential practices that favour boy- children which in turn lead to discriminatory practices against girl-children (UNICEF 1993; Sharma, 1995; El Kholy, 1997). In addition, it explored the childhood experiences of adult men and women as regards household practices. Was there preferential treatment that favoured boys? In what areas were boy and girl children treated differently? This study highlighted the pattern of discriminatory practices in the households of at least three generations of the Kambari by virtue of its large sample population. The households of adult men and women when they were younger represented the past. Households of adult men and women represented the present and households of boy-and girl children represented the future. 147 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY This is achieved through a recollection of the childhood experiences of adult men and women which represented the past in the study and examination of the present situation in the household of adult men and women represented the present. An interrogation of boy and girl-children in the sample was conducted with respect to their own future households, this represented the future. This provided insight on the dynamism of change at the inter-generational level on discriminatory practices. 5.6.1 Childhood Experiences of Adult Men and Women Table 5.18 presents the percentage distribution of the childhood experiences of discriminatory practices by adult men and women and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices against the girl-child. There was a consensus among adult men and women that when they were younger in their respective households that girl-children were assigned more domestic work than boy-children and boy-children had more access to education than girl-children. Also, the quantity of food given to boy-children was usually bigger and there was the enforcement of restrictive food taboos against the girl- child in the past. Similarly, despite their childhood experiences adult men and women were more likely to assign most domestic work in their households to their girl-children and would prefer to provide more access to boy-children over girl children with regard to education. On the other hand, they were less likely to give boy-children more food and only 37.9 percent of adult men and 30.0 percent of adult women were likely to enforce restrictive food taboos against the girl-child in their respective households. Table 5.18 Percentage Distribution of Childhood Experience of Discrimination by Adult Respondents and the Likelihood of Engaging in Discriminatory Practices in their Households Variable Childhood Experiences Contemporary Practices Men Women Men Women Girls assigned more domestic work 96.1 97.1 79.0 80.0 Boys receive more education 77.4 63.5 80.0 69.8 Girls get less food than boys 75.3 59.7 15.3 10.6 Girls restricted from eating certain 77.7 61.4 37.9 30.0 foods An influential male community leader noted the following with regard to areas girl- children faced discriminatory practices in the past: It is unheard of that girls are sent to school, her greatest aspiration is to become a good wife and mother. Therefore, she is assigned most of the domestic work at 148 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY home. Also, there are a lot of restrictive food taboos against women and girls due to the superstitious nature of our society before the advent of Christianity, Islam and modern ways of doing things (IDI 6, 63 years/Community Influential/Wando). Similarly, an older female FGD participant from 45 year age subgroup noted: When we were younger our parents ensured that girls did most of the domestic work. It was seen that the boys were never allowed to do those things that girls ought to do. We were never sent to school, what did a girl need it for? We were told education made a girl corrupt. Also, by an early age a girl had a betrothed partner that she would eventually marry. Everything was done to protect the agreement between the parents (FGD15/Res4/Illiterate Older Rural Women/Paprin-Gajere). 5.6.2 Discriminatory Practices against the Kambari Girl-Child A combination of qualitative and quantitative data indicates that girl-children faced discriminatory practices on access to education, domestic work assignment and in the enforcement of restrictive food taboos. 5.6.2.1 Access to Education. The girl-child faced discriminatory practices with regard to access to educational opportunities. Case studies 5, 6, 7, 11 and 12 were girl-children who never attended any form of formal education, while on the other hand, Case Studies 2, 3, 8 and 9 dropped- out of school for varied reasons as presented below for Case Studies 5 and 8 (see Appendix7). Case Study 5 – Asabe: A Victim of Parental Ignorance “Asabe” aged 11 years, belonged to the language dialect group known as “Ashingini”. She was the fifth child in a family of 7 comprising 4 girls and 3 boys. Her father was a traditional herbalist and also a farmer while the mother was a farm labourer who assisted others in their farms in exchange for money. Although, she had interest in formal education, her parents had no value for western education which they feel would corrupt their daughter. Rather, she was enrolled in a Koranic school. She said “my father told me that going to the white man‟s school would make me to loose our traditions”. Coupled with that, most times the burden of domestic work was on Asabe and her other sisters, who usually spent an average of 5 hours daily on household chores. On other 149 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY issues, she disapproved of child betrothal and restrictive food taboos against girl- children. She approved of girl-children doing most of the domestic chores at home noting that “it is the role assigned to girls by the community”. Despite the fact that she was never sent to school by her parents, she noted that whenever she eventually got married her sons would receive more education over her daughters. Asabe‟s willingness to send her boy-children to school in the nearest future was based on her socialization which placed high premium on boy‟s education due to the patriarchal nature of the society Parents who had low value for western education were less likely to send their girl- children to school. The situation of Asabe exemplified the plight of a proportion of girl- children in the Northern part of the country who were out of school for similar reasons. Her desire to allow boy-children in her future home receive more education than her girls was due to cultural inclination. Case Study 8 – Beatrice: A Truncated Hopeful Future “Beatrice” was 15 years old and the second child of a family of 5 children comprising 3 girls and 2 boys. She belonged to the “Cshingini” also known as the “Ashingini” language dialect group. The parents were Christians of the Protestant denomination and her parents were farmers. Her mother also sold farm products such as bambara nuts, groundnuts and millet during market days. Beatrice was in Class II in Senior Secondary School (SSS) at Salka. She also had two sisters, aged 12 and 10 years, who were in JSS 1 and Class V in the primary school, respectively. The first child in the family, a boy, was in SSS 3 and the last son in their family was about 4 years old and therefore had not been enrolled in the primary school yet. She noted with regret: I was in SS 2, when I dropped-out of school because I got pregnant when I was 14 years of age, after my first sexual experience with my boyfriend. I never knew it would result into pregnancy. I had a son and when he grows old enough I would allow my mother take care of him, so that I can go back and complete secondary school. (Case Study 10/Girl- Child /Salka). Thus, her parents had value for western education and were keen that each child, irrespective of his or her gender, an opportunity to be educated. The parents‟ aspiration for all their children was that they acquire higher education in any field of their choice. Unfortunately, she dropped out of school when she was in SSS II because she got pregnant. At the time of the study, her son was just 4 months old. She was willing to go 150 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY back and complete her schooling when the baby was old enough to be left with his grandmother. Her future aspiration was truncated and her desire to return to school was fraught with series of problems as a teenage mother. These girl-children were denied the right to education due to wrong misconceptions about western education, ignorance and lack of value for the significance of western education and unwanted pregnancy. A community influential from Auna stated: Our people have no value for western education. We are predominantly farmers and some are afraid that their children would forsake farming. Also, a female child does not need western education to know how to cook, wash plates and carry out other responsibilities expected of a woman (IDI 13, 55 years/Traditional Ruler/Auna) Also, a female community influential highlighted other reasons as follows: I was lucky my parents embraced Christianity through the missionaries who came to our village. A girl must maintain her chastity before marriage and many believed that western education corrupts the morals of a girl and she would eventually abandon the customs and traditions of her people (IDI 8, 50 years/female Community Influential /Wando). Lending support on the issue, a traditional religious cleric from Utula stated: A girl’s major responsibility is to learn how to be a good wife and mother. What does she need education for? Once her eyes are open, she would reject the traditions of our fathers, the practice of child betrothal and the bridal service of “gulmo” which we rely on as farmers would fail. (IDI 11, 60 years/ Traditional Religious Cleric/Utula). The quantitative data also indicated that girl-children faced household discriminatory practices in education and parental educational aspirations for the girl-and boy-child showed marked significant differences. The table 5.19 indicates percentage of the respondents reporting desired level of education for boy-children and girl-children. More adult males than females reported that boy-children should have more access to education than girl-children. For instance, 80 percent of adult males and 70 percent of adult females desired that male-children should have tertiary education. The corresponding figures for girl-children are 27 percent and 24 percent, respectively. The desired educational aspirations for boy-children are relatively higher when compared to that of girl-children. This implied that the girl-child faced household discriminatory practices with regard to education as earlier confirmed 151 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY by the qualitative data. It is important to note that there seemed to be a generational shift, as younger generation of boys and girls favour higher education for girl-children (63% and 70.8%, respectively). Table 5.19.Percentage Distribution of Respondents’ Desired Educational Aspirations for the Boy- and Girl-Children in their Households Variable Men Boys Women Girls All Respondents Desired level of educational attainment for Boys Koranic 4.7 (18) 7.5 (29) 12.3 (51) 7.4 (31) 8.1 (129) Primary 2.9 (11) 11.3 (5) 5.1 (21) 2.4 (10) 2.9 (47) Secondary 12.5 (11) 11.2 (43) 12.8 (53) 7.5 (31) 11.0 (175) Tertiary 80.0(308) 80.0(308) 69.8(289) 82.6(342) 78.0(1247) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Desired level for educational attainment for girls. Koranic 15.3(59) 15.8 (61) 26.7(110) 15.7(65) 18.5 (295) Primary 15.8(61) 5.7 (22) 16.4 (68) 4.8 (20) 10.7 (171) Secondary 42.0(162) 15.1 (58) 32.9(136) 8.7 (36) 24.5 (392) Tertiary 26.8(103) 63.4(244) 24.2(100) 70.8(293) 46.3 (740) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Boys receive more education than 80.0 69.8 girls 5.6.2.2 Domestic Work Assignment Data derived from both the qualitative and quantitative sources indicates that the girl- child faced household discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment. An in- school girl child from Salka, who participated in the FGD noted: If a girl-child shows interest in schooling, particularly formal education, the father would complain and would say if you go to school who would be doing the housework? Certainly, not your brothers (FGD 1/Res 5/In-School Urban Girl-Child/Salka) Similarly, a rural out-of-school boy-child FGD participant stated: It is the responsibilities of girls to do the domestic work at home. Cooking, fetching water, firewood, washing plates, sweeping are girls’ work .That has been the tradition of our people. (FGD2/Res 4/ Out-of-School Rural Boy-Child/Balugu) 152 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.20: Percentage Distribution of Respondents by their views on Domestic Work Variable Men Boys Women Girls Overall Who is assigned domestic work Boys 10.6 (41) 3.4 (13) 7.7 (32) 23.7 (98) 11.5 (184) Girls 79.0(304) 88.1(339) 80.0(331) 66.2(274) 78.1(1248) Joint 10.4 (40) 8.6 (33) 12.3 (51) 10.1 (42) 10.4 (166) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Boys assigned Domestic work at home Yes 16.9 (65) 29.1(112) 25.9(106) 21.3(88) 23.2 (371) No 83.1(320) 70.9(273) 74.4(308) 78.7(326) 76.8(1227) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) 153 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.20 shows percentage distribution of respondents by their views on domestic work. There was a consensus among all the sub-groups in the study that girl-children did most of the domestic work in their household. It confirms earlier findings of the FGDs. Similarly, all the girl-children involved in the case studies whose age ranged from 10 to 17 years, both in-school and not-in-school girl-children reported that they were responsible for doing most of the domestic work. Some of them noted as follows: Case Study 1-Joy: The Realities of a Girl-Child’s Work. “Joy” aged 11 years was an in-school girl-child and the fourth child in the family of 3 females and 5 males. She belonged to the language-dialect group of the Kambari known as “Ashingini”. She was the oldest girl in the family and her younger sisters were aged 4 and 2 years respectively. She was a Class VI pupil at the primary school not too far from their house. Her parents were Christians of the Protestant denomination. The father was a farmer and the mother was a petty trader who sold food items on market days in either Gallah or Bakon Mission. She hailed from Gallah in Agwara Local Government Area. Both parents were not literate. “Joy” as the eldest daughter in the family was over- burdened with domestic work. She spent an average of 5 hours on domestic chores alone apart from other familial roles assigned to her by her parents. She noted in her own words: Since, I am schooling, I usually fetch water, wash the plates and also light the fire for my mother to boil water and prepare the meals in the mornings. However, when I return from school I also cook what we would eat later in the afternoon and evening. During weekends, particularly on Saturdays, I also assist my mother to sell food items such as rice at Gallah or Bokon Mission (Case Study1/In- School Rural Girl-Child/Gallah). Her brothers usually weed the surrounding of their compound and she noted that domestic work is “girls‟ work” and even when she eventually got married her girl-child would do most of the domestic work at home. The strict gender division of labour in their household and her upbringing had shaped her views on who should be assigned domestic work in the family. The rank order of the girl-child was significant in determining the number of hours spent on domestic chores. She was over-burdened with domestic chores in view of the fact that her other two sisters were quite younger. 154 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Case Study 2-Hauwa: An Unrealised Personal Ambition On the other hand, the burden of domestic work and being the first daughter made “Hauwa” to drop-out of school when she was in class IV. Her situation was quite disheartening; she enrolled at the primary school due to her keen interest in formal education. However, both parents had no value for western education. “Hauwa” aged 11 years was from a family comprising 3 other sisters and 2 brothers and both parents were farmers. She noted: I had to drop-out of school because of the burden of domestic work, farm work and petty-trading because I am the first daughter and child in the family (Case Study 2/Out- of- School Rural Girl-Child/Sallah) Case Study 3 “Mairo” aged 15 years, belonged to a polygamous family. Her mother was the first wife in their household and was engaged in petty trading. She was the fifth child of her mother and had other 7 siblings comprising 3 boys and 7 girls. She spent an average of on domestic work is 7 hours daily domestic chores and she also spent another average of 5 hours on market days to sell a delicacy known as “moi-moi‟. In my family, there is strict assignment of domestic chores; boys are not allowed to carry out in any assignment meant for girls. Domestic work is meant for girls not boys (Case Study 3/Out- of-School Rural Girl-Child/Gallah/2008) Clearly, the girl-child faced discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment. That was associated with the cultural construction of girl-hood and conception of gender roles. Also, another associated reason was reiterated by an older rural female FGD participant who noted: It would be shameful and the talk of the community that a girl child cannot cook and carry out other domestic work that her future role as a wife and mother would demand. Therefore, most times girls have to do the work; it is training for the future. (FGD 15/Res6/Older illiterate Rural Woman/Papirin-Gajere) The girl-child was also burdened with domestic work because it was seen as a preparation for her future role as a wife and mother and also to avoid ridicule from prospective in-laws and community members of her inability to carry out domestic work. 155 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.6.2.3 Restrictive Food Taboos The study found that restrictive food taboos were being enforced in some households against the girl-child. A female illiterate FGD participant in age sub-group 15-44 years stated: There are certain kinds of meat the women and girls don’t eat in our community because of the negative effects it could have on a woman during delivery. We don’t eat “Mamastu”. It is a type of fish. When eaten by a woman during delivery, water could enter the nose of the child and suffocate the child. The other type of fish is known as “godam”. It is a fish with six fingers. If a woman eats it the child delivered would also have six fingers. (FGD 12/Res 8/Illiterate Rural Younger Woman/ Mara’astu) Lending support on the enforcement of restrictive food taboos against the girl-child, a younger illiterate female FGD participant in age sub-group 15-44 years noted: Women and girls are not allowed to eat a type of fish known in Hausa language as “giwan ruwa”and zomo” (rabbit).This is because women and girls would develop problem during menstruation that would make it difficult to have children. Also, during delivery water would be coming out and the baby would die in the process because the baby would not be able to come out. Children would also get sick such as having convulsion that could also lead to death. (FGD13/Res3/ Illiterate Rural Woman/Papirin Gajere ) In addition, an older illiterate female FGD participant in age –group 45 years stated: Women and girls in our tradition are not allowed to eat eggs. Only men and boys are allowed to eat eggs. It would make a girl to steal and this would bring shame and ridicule to the family. She might be rejected by her prospective suitor and in-laws (FGD 15/Res 4/Older Illiterate Rural Woman/Papirin-Gajere). The study found that even among younger men the enforcement of restrictive food taboos persist against the girl-child for similar reasons as stated by an FGD participant in age sub-group 20-44 + years. In his own words: Women and girls are not allowed to eat any cow, sheep or goat meat that has delivery problems. They are likely to have serious problems during pregnancy or delivery (FGD 9/Res 5/Illiterate Younger Rural Man/Balugu). Girl-children involved in the case studies reported the enforcement of restrictive food taboos in their respective households as indicated below: 156 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Case Study 7 – Maimuna: A Life of Cultural Restrictions “Maimuna was the fifth child in a family of 5 comprising of all females. One of them passed on and 4 remained at the time of the study. Therefore, she was the last child of her mother and was11 years old. She belonged to the Avadi one of the dialect group of the Kambari. Maimuna had never seen the four walls of a school. In fact, her parents never thought of sending her to school because they had no interest in western education. The parents were traditional religious adherents and both parents were farmers. She had been betrothed from childhood but would not want to marry him. She said “I would prefer to marry someone else” and she had gotten somebody who was willing to pay all the bridal farming services and other attendant costs. Her sisters also have been betrothed to partners while they were in their early childhood. Also, in their household there was the enforcement of restrictive food taboos against women and girls. They were not allowed to eat goat meat, dog meat and ram meat and yet they were allowed to prepare it for their father and other male members of the family. She did not have bodily tattoos because she disapproved of the practice. Maimuna‟s world view was shaped by her socio-cultural environment. That accounted for her willingness to enforce restrictive food taboos on her own daughters and also to allow them to do most of the domestic chores. The quantitative data also indicates that restrictive food taboos were enforced against the girl-child in many households and communities. Table 4.21 presents the percentage distribution of respondents reporting the practice of restrictive food taboos in their respective households and approval of its enforcement against girl-children. About one- third, of the overall respondents affirmed that respective food taboos are being enforced in their respective households against the girl child. 37.9 percent of adult men as compared to 30.0 percent of adult women confirmed that the practice of restrictive food taboos against the girl-child existed in their households. On the other hand, girl-children reported most about the enforcement of restrictive food taboos in their households than boy-children (32.6% vs. 28.6%). Adult men and boy-children had the highest approval rate of restrictive food taboos (37.9 percent and 27.3 percent respectively). Based on the foregoing, superstitious beliefs on the fear of abnormalities in pregnancy and safe motherhood were closely linked to the practice of restrictive food taboos being enforced on the girl-child. Also, the food taboos are associated with the expected behaviour pattern of a “wife” and “mother” which the girl child would later assume. She was 157 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY therefore expected to demonstrate self-restraint in her actions. Thus, the food taboos centred on the societal notions about the role, appropriate character index of femininity and superstitious beliefs among the Kambari. Table 5.21: Percentage Distribution of Respondents Reporting Incidence of Restrictive Food Taboos and Approval of Restrictive Food Taboos against Girl- Children Variable Men Boy Women Girls All Respondents Are there foods girls don’t eat in your household Yes 37.9(146) 28.6(110) 30.0(124) 32.6(135) 32.2 (515) No 62.1(239) 71.4(275) 70.0(290) 67.4(279) 67.8(1083) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Approve of restrictive food taboos Yes 37.9(146) 41.6(160) 30.0(124) 38.4(159) 36.9 (589) No 62.1(239) 58.4(225) 70.0(290) 61.6(255) 63.1(1009) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) 5.6.2.4 Family food Distribution With regard to family food distribution, the study found that girl-children were less likely to face discriminatory practices at the household level although the men and boys are usually served first. An older rural male FGD participant in age sub-group 45 + years noted: Women and girls usually served the men and boys in the household first and then later served themselves…Every child eats to his or her satisfaction. We are well known farmers and there is usually enough food for everybody in the family. It is our tradition that strangers are not denied food how much more our own children (FGD9/Res7/OlderRural Illiterate Male/Balugu). Similarly, a younger female FGD participant from 15 -44 years sub-group opined: We usually serve food to the children based on their gender and age group. So younger boys eat together and the younger girls also eat together. The older ones usually eat together and whoever is not satisfied is given more food, either boys or girls. (FGD12/Res6/Younger Illiterate Rural zoman/Mara’atsu). With regard to girl-children‟s view on the matter an in- school girl-child from age-group 10-17 years stated: We are made to serve the meals to all the male members of the family first. No matter what, everybody eats to his or her satisfaction. The quantity of food given depends on the number of boys or girls eating from the same plate (FGD 1/ Res 5/In-school-Girl-Child/Salka). 158 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Likewise, girl-children involved in the case studies expressed similar opinions about family food distribution (see Appendix 7). Pattern of Family Food Distribution and Quantity of Food Given to Boy and Girl Children Table 5.22 presents the percentage distribution of pattern of family food distribution and quantity of food given to boy and girl-children. The table shows that 62.5 percent of all the respondents opined that food was shared equally at the household level. However, while 31 percent of the respondents thought that boys were served bigger food only 7 percent believed girls got more food. It was also instructive that food distribution was on the basis of gendered groupings and that the groups generally ate to their satisfaction. Table 5.22: Percentage Distribution of Respondents by Pattern of Family Food Distribution. Variable Men Boy Women Girl All Respondents Pattern of food distribution Eat individually 28.8(111) 21.6(83) 36.0(149) 21.7(90) 27.1 (433) Eat in groups Grouped by gender 71.2(274) 78.4(302) 64.0(265) 78.3(324) 72.9(1165) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) Whose quantity Is bigger among children? Girls 6.2 (24) 11.9 (46) 4.7 (17) 6.0 (25) 7.0(112) Boys 15.3 (59) 57.9(223) 10.6 (44) 39.1(162) 30.5(488) Equally shared 78.4(302) 30.1(116) 85.3(353) 54.8(227) 62.5(998) Total 100.0(414) 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) How is quantity determined Based on number 26.2(101) 44.7(172) 14.0 (58) 19.6 (81) 25.8 (412) Based on their age 13.2 (51) 14.8 (57) 15.0 (62) 16.4 (68) 14.9 (238) Eat to satisfaction 60.5(233) 40.5(156) 71.0(294) 64.0(265) 59.3 (948) Total 100.0(385) 100.0(385) 100.0(414) 100.0(414) 100.0(1598) 159 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 79.0% 80.0% 80 80.0% 69.8% 70 60 50 37.9% 40 30.0% 30 20 15.3% Men 10.6% 10 Women 0 Domestic Access to Restrictive Intra-Family Work Education Food Food Taboos Distribution Fig. 4.8: Respondents Reporting Discriminatory Practices against Girl-Children in Study Area 160 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.7 Attitude and Perception towards Discriminatory Practices 5.7.1 Approval of Discriminatory Practices by Respondents Fig 5.9 shows the percentage distribution of approval of discriminatory practices in domestic work, education, family food distribution and restrictive food taboos. With regard to domestic work assignment, 83.2 percent of the overall respondents approved of girl-children doing most of the domestic work. There was a consensus among all the sub-groups in the study that girl-children should do most of the domestic work at the household level. Boy-children had the highest approval rate of 90.9 percent relative to other sub-groups in the sample. On education, 65.2 percent of the overall respondents approved of boy-children receiving more education over girl-children. Adult men and women had the highest approval rate among all the sub-groups with 78.4 percent and 69.6 percent, respectively. Even girl-children approved of more boy-child education (50.2 percent). As regards girls getting less food than boys, only 30.9 percent, that is, about one third of the overall respondent approved of the practice. Boy-children had the highest approval rate of 60.0 percent and in contrast adult women had the least approval rate of 10.9 percent. 161 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 100 90.9 90 83.1 79 80 78.4 80 69.6 70 63.4 60 60 50.2 50 37.9 38.2 Men 40 32.6 30 28.6 30 Women 20 15.6 Boy-Child10.9 10 Girl-Child 0 Domestic Work Access to Restrictive Food Intra-Family Education Taboos Food Distribution Fig 4.9: Approval of Discriminatory Practices by Respondents in Study Area 162 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.7.2 Approval of Preferences for Boy-Children’s Education over Girl-Children by Selected Characteristics of Adult Respondents Table 5.23 presents the relationship between the approval of preference for boy- children‟s education over girl children by selected characteristics of adult respondents. The result indicated that respondents‟ occupation, residence, educational qualification and religious affiliations were statistically significant. On occupational groups, the result 2 indicated an X value 20.520; df = 4; P<.05, respondents who are farmers and traders had the highest approval of 62.3 percent and 52.8 percent, respectively when compared with other occupational groups. It was indicative of a strong association between occupational groups of respondents and their approval of preferences for boy-children‟s education over girl-children. Similarly, the relationship between residence and approval of preferences for boy- children‟s education over girl-children were evidently strong and in the expected direction. Adult rural respondents had the highest approval when compared to urban 2 adult respondents. Also, gender was statistically significant (X 64.018; df 1; P<. 05) with adult males having the highest approval in comparison to adult females. With regard to educational qualifications, a strong and positive relationship was evident from the results. Respondents with no schooling had the highest approval in comparison to respondents with some form of educational qualifications. Also, the results on religious affiliation indicated a strong relationship, whereby respondents who were traditional religious adherents had the highest approval when compared with those from other religious affiliations. 163 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.23 Distribution of Adult Respondents’ Reporting Approval of Preferences for Boy-Children’s Education over Girl-Children by Some Selected Characteristics Characteristics Approve Preference for Boy’s Education χ2 df p Yes No Total Occupation Percent N Percent N Percent N Farming 62.3 407 37.7 246 100 653 20.520 4 .000 Trading 52.8 38 47.2 34 100 72 Civil Servant 31.4 11 68.6 24 100 35 Un-employed 44.4 8 55.6 10 100 18 Others 38.1 8 61.9 10 100 18 Total 59.1 472 40.9 327 100 799 Residence Rural 64.1 420 35.9 235 100 655 38.311 1 .000 Urban 36.1 52 63.9 92 100 144 Total 59.1 472 40.9 327 100 799 Gender Male 73.5 283 26.5 102 100 385 64.018 1 .000 Female 45.7 189 53.7 225 100 414 Total 59.1 472 40.9 327 100 799 Educational Qualification Primary 41.3 26 58.7 37 100 63 35.413 3 .000 Secondary 26.7 4 73.3 11 100 15 Tertiary 17.4 4 82.6 19 100 23 No Schooling 62.8 438 37.2 259 100 697 Total 59.1 472 40.9 326 100 798 Religious Affiliation Protestant 39.6 93 60.4 142 100 235 73.816 4 .000 Catholic 39.1 18 60.9 28 100 46 Islam 66.9 249 33.1 123 100 372 T/Religion 76.7 112 23.3 33 100 146 Total 59.1 472 40.9 327 100 799 5.7.3 Adult Respondents’ Perception of Significant Others’ Approval of Discriminatory Practices and Likelihood of Accepting their Advice Table 5.24 presents the percentage distribution of adult respondents‟ perception of significant others approval of discriminatory practices against the girl-child and their likelihood of accepting their advice. With regard to domestic work, there was a consensus among adult respondents that their close relations/friends (87.0%), religious clerics (86.4%) and community leaders (86.0%) would approve of girl children doing most of the domestic work at the household level and they were also likely to accept their advice to assign most of the domestic work in their household to girl-children. On education, the majority of the respondents also indicated that their close relations and friends (66.3 %), religious clerics (65.7 %) and community leaders (66.2 %) would approve of girl-children receiving fewer opportunities in education over boys. When asked if they were likely to accept their advice 58.7 percent of the overall respondents said they would accept the advice of their close relations /friends, religious clerics and community leaders on the matter. With regard to restrictive food taboos, it had the least approval rate of significant others as perceived by the overall respondents of the study as 164 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY well as in terms of accepting their advice to enforce restrictive food taboos at the household levels against the girl-children. However, closed relations/friends (54.4%) and community leaders (54.6%) had the highest approval rate as perceived by the overall respondents of the study. In contrast, religious clerics had the lowest perceived approval rate on enforcement of restrictive food taboos on the girl-child. Similarly, the willingness of adult respondents to accept their advice was relatively low in comparison to domestic work assignment, education and family food distribution. On family food distribution, only 32.2 percent and 10.6 percent of the overall respondents perceived that close relations friends, religious clerics and community leaders were likely to approve of girl-children getting less food than boy-children at the household level. With regard to accepting their advice on the issue, only about tenth of the overall respondents said they would be willing to accept the advice of their religious clerics and community leaders to give girl children less food than boy-children in their respective households. Table 5.24 Percentage Distribution of Adult’s Perception of Significant Others Approval and their Likelihood of Accepting their Advice on Discriminatory Practices. Perception of Significant Others Accepting Significant others Advice Approval Variable Men Women Overall Men Women Overall Girls Doing most of the Domestic Work Parents/close relations/ friends 87.8(338) 86.2(357) 87.0(695) 87.0(335) 81.6(338) 84.2(673) Religious Clerics 86.8(333) 86.2(357) 86.4(690) 83.1(320) 81.9(339) 82.5(659) Community Leaders 86.8(334) 85.3(353) 86.0(687) 85.7(330) 80.7(334) 83.1(664) Girl-Children Receiving less Food than Boys Parents /close relations/ friends 33.0(127) 31.4(130) 32.2(257) 14.3(55) 10.4(43) 12.3(98) Religious Clerics 11.6(45) 9.7(40) 10.6(85) 11.4(44) 9.4(39) 10.4(83) Community Leaders 11.2(43) 10.1(42) 10.6(85) 10.9(42) 9.9(41) 10.4(83) Boys Receiving more Education than Girl-Children Parents /close relations/ friends 75.1(289) 58.2(241) 66.3(530) 74.8(288) 43.7(181) 58.7(469) Religious Clerics 74.0(285) 58.0(240) 65.7(525) 79.0(304) 44.2(183) 61.0(487) Community Leaders 75.1(289) 58.0(240) 66.2(529) 74.8(288) 45.7(189) 59.7(477) Enforcing Restrictive Food Taboos on Girl- Children Parents /close relations/ friends 54.5(210) 54.3(225) 54.4(435) 37.4(144) 34.5(143) 35.9(287) Religious Clerics 11.7(45) 12.1(50) 11.9(95) 10.4(40) 11.1(46) 10.8(86) Community Leaders 55.3(213) 53.9(223) 54.6(436) 37.7(145) 34.1(141) 35.8(286) 165 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.8 Perception of the Girl-Child towards Discriminatory Practices This section focussed on the girl-child‟s response to discriminatory practices. How does she feel when boy-children are considered first with regard to allocation of household resources or discriminated against with regard to access to education, domestic work assignment and restrictive food taboos? Is she happy about is? Is she likely to discriminate against girl-children in her future household when she is grown and married? 5.8.1 Girl-Child’s Perception of Her Disadvantaged Position Table 5.25 presents the percentage distribution of the girl-child‟s perception of her disadvantaged position. When asked if parents were right to accord more privileges and preferences to boy-children over girl children about 67 percent said “yes”. When further asked about the reasons why it was right to give more privileges and opportunities to boy-children 58.3 percent said it was an acceptable tradition and 41.7 percent it was ordained by God. With regard to how they feel when parents accorded preferential treatment and privileges to the boy-child 86.2 percent said they did not feel threatened or unhappy and only 13.8 percent said they felt neglected or unwanted. Table 5.25: Percentage Distribution of Girl-Children’s Perception of Her Disadvantaged Position Variable Girl-Children Parents are right for giving boys more privileges and preferences than girls Yes 66.7(276) No 33.3(138) Total 100.0(414) Reasons why parents are right to accord more privileges to boys Acceptable Tradition 58.3(161) Ordained by God 41.7(115) Total 100.0(276) Feelings when parents show preferences to boys Don‟t feel threatened/Unhappy 86.2(357) Feel neglected/unwanted 13.8 (57) Total 100.0(414) Case study 12 is reflection of household discriminatory practices is perceived by the girl- child. Case Study 12- Talatu : A Tradition Not Discrimination “Talatu”, an out-of -school 15 year old girl-child was the third child in a family of 8, comprising 2 boys and 6 girls. Eventually, the mother lost a girl leaving the number of 5 girls and a boy as at the time of the study. She belonged to the Aposhi dialect group of the Kambari. They were traditional religious adherents. The parents were both farmers 166 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY and she was involved in hawking at least once a week. She started hawking when she was aged 7. She had been betrothed from childhood and would marry her betrothed partner. Furthermore, she had bodily tattoos and she approved of it. She had never attended any formal schooling. In her view, she preferred farming. She spent an average of 5 hours daily carrying out domestic chores. Also, in their household, food was shared equally and everyone ate to his or her satisfaction. There were restrictive food taboos against women and girls in their household. They were not allowed to eat dog, cat or snake meat. She said, during festivals or gulmo, my sisters, mother and I took time to prepare all the meat we were given but we were not part of those who enjoyed such delicacies. It was the same practice even whenever we visited other neighbouring villages during festivities. She said restrictive food taboos had been a practice that had been enforced by various sanctions and the fear of those sanctions made us never to have a taste of the meat even while cooking it for the family or during festivities. Over the years, we are told it was the tradition of our forefathers. Nobody in our community saw it as a discriminatory practice against the girl-child. 5.8.2 Discriminatory Practice in Educational Opportunities by Boy-and Girl- Children Table 5.26 presents the relationship between discriminatory practices in educational opportunities and some selected characteristics of girl and boy-children in the study from the views of girl- and boy-children themselves. Evident from the results was that gender, residence and religious affiliations were statistically significant indicating a strong association with discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The results were in the expected direction indicative of the influence of gender, residence and religious affiliation on discriminatory practices towards the girl-child, even among children. This was a strong indication that the negative perception of the girl-child is not about to change among the Kambari. If children reported they would continue with these discriminatory practices to their own children. There was the need for a strong intervention programme to change the psyche of future Kambari parents. 167 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.26 Girl and Boy-Children Reporting Discriminatory Practice in Educational Opportunities towards the Girl-Child by Some Selected Characteristics Characteristics Will give boys more education than girls χ2 df p Yes No Total Gender Percent N Percent N Percent N Girl-children 50.2 208 49.8 206 100 414 14.009 1 .000 Boy-children 63.4 244 36.6 141 100 385 Total 56.6 452 43.4 347 100 799 Residence Rural 63.4 415 36.6 240 100 655 68.162 1 .000 Urban 25.7 37 74.3 107 100 144 Total 56.6 452 43.4 347 100 799 Religious Affiliation Protestant 35.8 91 64.2 163 100 254 96.241 4 .000 Catholic 35.7 15 64.3 27 100 42 Islam 63.7 232 36.3 132 100 364 T/Religion 82.0 114 18.0 25 100 139 Total 56.6 452 43.4 347 100 799 5.8. 3 Practice of Restrictive Food Taboos towards the Girl-Child by Boy-and Girl-Children Table 5.27 presents the relationship between discriminatory practices in restrictive food taboos towards the girl-child by some selected characteristics of girl and boy-children. The results indicate that most of the categories of gender, residence and religious affiliations were less supportive of food taboo against the girl-child. This indicated that of all the discriminatory practices against the girl-child, food taboo might be the one to attenuate sooner; to be specific, the more modern the variable, the more disposition to a positive change toward the girl-child. Table 5.27 Girl and Boy-Children Reporting Would Practice Restrictive Food Taboos towards the Girl-Child Characteristics Will Restrict girls form foods forbidden χ2 df p Yes No Total Gender Percent N Percent N Percent N Girl-children 38.4 159 61.6 255 100 414 0.827 1 0.201 Boy-children 41.6 160 58.4 225 100 385 Total 39.9 319 60.1 480 100 799 Residence Rural 44.3 290 55.7 365 100 655 28.671 1 0.000 Urban 20.1 29 79.9 115 100 144 Total 39.9 319 60.1 480 100 799 Religious Affiliation Protestant 23.2 59 76.8 195 100 254 131.121 4 0.000 Catholic 35.7 15 64.3 27 100 42 Islam 36.3 132 63.7 232 100 364 T/Religion 81.3 113 18.7 26 100 139 Total 39.9 319 60.1 480 100 799 168 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.9 Multivariate Analysis and Hypothesis Testing This section presents the multivariate analysis of the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices against the girl-child in three critical areas: education, domestic work assignment and in restrictive food taboos. Also, the attitude towards exhibiting discrimination against the girl-child was considered and the study hypotheses were tested using binary logistic regression. The multivariate analysis employed the logistic regression analysis (LRA). Sociological studies employ logistic regression models with the view of interrogating the effects of multiple explanatory variables on an outcome variable of interest (Gayle and Lambert, 2009). The binomial logistic regression otherwise known as binary logistic regression was adopted for the fitted models presented in this study using SPSS 17 for Windows. The study adopted the binomial logistic regression analysis for the following reasons. Firstly, the survey data of this study was moderately large enough to generate reliable results. Secondly, the outcome measure was a dichotomous variable which was one of the underlying assumptions for employing binomial logistic regression. Thirdly, the logistic regression models determined the effect(s) of the explanatory variables on the outcome variable. Logistic regression models were used to know the net effect (s) of the independent variables on the dependent variable (s). Based on the logistic models probability indices, it was possible to predict the likelihood effect of exhibiting discriminatory attitude towards the girl-child and also the predictors that determined her exposure to discrimination. A total of 14 models have been generated from the dependent variable (s) under-study. In each model, one of the categories listed under the variable heading was a reference category against which all other values were compared by default values; the reference categories were given a regression estimate of 1.00. Regression estimates greater than 1.00 indicated that the odd for the “outcome variable” for the category in question was greater than for the reference category. Conversely, regression estimates of less than 1.00 indicated that odds for the outcome variable for the category in question are less than that for the reference category. 5.9.1 Exploring the Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices Hypothesis 1: There is an association between the incidence of discriminatory practices towards the girl-child and the parent‟s gender, level of education, socio-economic status, and place of residence, religious affiliation and socio-economic status. 169 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Logistic Regression of Adult Respondents’ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices towards the Girl-Child in Educational Opportunities by their Selected Background Characteristics Table 5.28 presents the fitted model which regressed the outcome binary measure (dependent variable) whether or not adult respondents are likely to exhibit discriminatory practices in educational opportunities towards the girl-child with 6 explanatory measures (independent variables) also known as predictors. These are gender, residence and education, type of marital union, religious affiliation and occupation. Four of the explanatory variables namely gender, residence, education and religious affiliation are statistically significant in predicting discriminatory practices. However, type of marital union and occupation when controlling for other variables is not statistically significant. Consequently, these variables have not contributed in explaining the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child once the other variables are accounted for as indicated by the p-values. 170 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.28: Logistic Regression Coefficients of Adult Respondents’ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discrimination towards the Girl-Child in Educational Opportunities by their Selected Background Characteristics B Odds p-value Gender 0.000 M ale 1.691 5.426*** Female (ref) 0.000 1.000 Literacy Status Non-literate 1.422 4.156*** 0.000 Literate (ref) 0.000 1.000 Residence Rural 0.549 1.732* 0.000 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 Type of Marital Union Polygamous 0.090 1.095 0.017 Monogamous (ref) 0.000 1.000 Religious Affiliation Traditional 1.358 3.888*** 0.000 Islam 0.004 2.703 *** 0.000 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 Occupation Farming 0.004 1.004 0.991 Others 0.052 1.054 0.907 Civil Servant (ref) 0.000 0.062 0.000 Overall Model Evaluation Likelihood ratio 191.263 (0.000) Wald test 26.021(0.000) Goodness of Fit Hosmer & Lemeshow 18.208 % classified correctly 70.6% N=799, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, *** p<0.001; ref = reference category The logistic model fitted to the data tested the research hypothesis regarding the relationship between the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices (EDB) towards the girl-child by adult respondents depends on a set of explanatory variables (Adults‟ socio-demographic characteristics). According to the model in Table 5.28 after controlling for other variables, gender has the highest odds ratio (5.426). This implies that the odds of exhibiting discriminatory practice towards the girl-child in educational opportunities are 6 times higher among adult males compared to the females. Consequently, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected and the alternate hypothesis (H1) which states that men are more likely to exhibit discriminatory practice in educational opportunities towards the girl-child than women is accepted. 171 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Furthermore, non literate respondents, after controlling for other variables in the model, are 4.2 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child compared with literate respondents. Therefore, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected and the alternate hypothesis (H1) which states that “non-literate respondents are more likely to exhibit discriminatory practice towards the girl-child in educational opportunities towards the girl-child than literate respondents” is accepted. With regard to religious affiliation, the logistic model indicated that adherents of traditional religion are 4 times more likely and adherents of Islam are 3 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices in educational opportunities towards the girl-child relative to Christians. Drawing inference from the results of the logistic model, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected and the alternate hypothesis (H1) is accepted which stated that adherents of traditional and adherents of Islam are more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child in educational opportunities than Christians. In addition, with regards to the residence of respondents, respondents from rural settings are about 2 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child in educational opportunities when compared with those from urban settings. Consequently, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected and the alternate hypothesis (H1) which states that “Respondents from rural settings are more likely to exhibit discriminatory practice towards the girl-child in educational opportunities than respondents from urban settings” is accepted. In sum, the null hypothesis (H0) of the study is rejected and the alternate hypothesis (H1) is accepted which states that the incidence of discriminatory practices is a function of the gender, level of education, religious affiliation and place of residence of adult respondents (parents). The males play dominant role in decision-making at the household and community levels due to the patriarchal nature of the Kambari society. The issue of who should be sent to school is largely determined by men, which is indicative of the result of the logistic model presented. Also, non-literate parents and those in rural settings are less likely to value formal education and are therefore more likely to exhibit household discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. Similarly, with regard to religious affiliation, adherents of the traditional religion are very conservative. Also, the 172 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY characteristic apprehension of adherents of Islam particularly with respect to girl‟s education is that formal education is more likely to corrupt the morals of the girls and therefore would prefer to send boy-children than girl-child to school. Finally, on the overall, evaluation of the model in Table 5.28 reveals that the Wald test = 0.000 and the likelihood ratio (LR) test = 0.000 yield similar conclusion of being statistically significant. Similarly, the goodness-of-fit statistics, the Hosmer & 2 Lemeshow (H-L) test that yielded an (X (8) of 18.203 and is insignificant (p<0.05), suggesting that the model fit to the data well, implying that the null hypothesis of a good model fit to data is tenable. Also, with regard to the correctly predicted cases, it increased from the null model from 59.1% to 70.6% for the full model, that is, about an increase of 11.5%. Logistic Regression of Adult Respondents’ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices towards the Girl-Child in Educational Opportunities by Ideational variables According to Table 5.29, the outcome binary measure (dependent variable) whether or not adult respondents are likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child with “Yes” coded as 1 and “No” coded 0, with 4 explanatory measures which are ideational variables. These are conceptions of gender roles, patterns of decision-making and non participation of women in decision-making. The logistic coefficients of the ideational variables indicate that all are statistically significant. These are namely: conception of gender roles, childhood experiences, pattern of decision-making and valuation of women‟s participation in decision- making. This second model is premised on the fact that deep-rooted socio-cultural values, beliefs and practices tend to engender discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. The model presented in table 5.2 is fitted to the data to test the research hypotheses with regard to the relationship between the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices (EDB) towards the girl-child in educational opportunities by adult respondents is a function of the conception of gender roles, childhood experiences, pattern of decision making and the non-participation of women in decision-making at the household levels. 173 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Hypothesis 2 There is an association between rigid conception of gender roles by parents and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. The second hypothesis which is on conception of gender role when controlled for other variables is statistically significant as indicated by its p value (0.000). Therefore, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected and the alternate hypothesis accepted (H1) which states that parents who are culturally disposed to a rigid conception of gender roles are more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child when compared with those who are culturally disposed to a liberal conception of gender roles. The result is in the expected direction; those with rigid conception of gender roles are 1.4 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child when compared with those with liberal conception of gender roles. Table 5.29: Logistic Regression Coefficients of Adult Respondents’ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discrimination towards the Girl-Child by Ideational Characteristics B Odds p-value Conception of Gender Roles Rigid 0.276 1.317*** 0.000 Liberal (ref) 0.000 1.000 Childhood Experience Negative 1.481 4.395** 0.004 Positive (ref) 0.000 1.000 Pattern of Decision Making Jointly (ref) 0.000 1.000 Wife 1.106 3.023 0.094 Husband 1.742 5.707*** 0.000 Valuation of Women’s Participation in Decision-making Non-valuation 0.429 1.535* 0.032 Valuation (ref) 0.000 1.000 Constant -0.409 0.664 0.000 Overall Model Evaluation Likelihood ratio 177.862 (0.000) Wald test 26.021 (0.000) Goodness of Fit Hosmer & Lemeshow 5.532 % classified correctly 73.5% N=799, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, *** p<0.001; ref = reference category 174 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Hypothesis 3 There is an association between parents‟ childhood experiences of discrimination and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The model indicates that parents with negative child experiences on discriminatory practices are 4.5 times (4.395) more likely to exhibit discrimination towards the girl- child when compared with those with positive childhood experiences. Consequently, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected and the alternate hypothesis (H1) accepted because childhood experience is statistically significant. The third hypothesis of the study which states that parents who are subjected to discriminatory practice in their childhood are more likely to discriminate against the girl-child than those who have positive childhood experiences is accepted. Hypothesis 4 There is an association between the pattern of decision making by parents and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. The third panel of Table 5.29 shows the logistic regression result with respect to pattern of decision making. Households where most of the decisions are taken by husbands at the household levels are 6.1 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child when compared with those who jointly take decisions. This ideational variable is statistically significant. Drawing inference from the statistical test of significance, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected and the alternate hypothesis (H1) is accepted. It states that households whose patterns of decision-making are predominantly taken by husbands are more likely to discriminate against the girl-child when compared with households where decisions are jointly taken by couples. Hypothesis 5 There is an association between non participation of women in decision-making and the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. Also, another ideational predictor that is part of the study hypothesis is valuation of women‟s participation in decision-making. The fitted model indicates that those that do not value women‟s participation in decision making at the household are 2.1 times (1.535) more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child when 175 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY compared with those who value women‟s participation after controlling for other 2 variables. It is statistically significant (Wald: X (1) = 4.587. p<0.05). Therefore, the null hypothesis (H0) is rejected and the alternate hypothesis (H1) is accepted. The study hypothesis states that families who do not value women‟s participation in decision- making are more likely to engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child than those who value women‟s participation. In sum, parental childhood experiences, pattern of decision-making and valuation of women‟s participation in decision-making are statistically significant in explaining the outcome variable, which is the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. The two statistical tests of the overall evaluation of the model in Table 37 have similar conclusions of being statistically significant. These are namely: Likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test. In addition, the Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test, which is the 2 goodness-of-fit statistics yielded a (X (8) of 5.532) which is insignificant significance at p<0.05. This suggests the fitted model match the data well. This invariably implies that the null hypothesis of a good model fit to data is tenable. Furthermore, the overall correctly predicted cases improved from 59.1% to 81% from the null model to the full model. It has an increase of 21%, which is relatively significant. Logistic Regression of Girl-Children’s Exposure to Discrimination in Domestic Work Assignment and Restrictive Food Taboos by their Selected Background Characteristics Table 5.30 presents fitted models of logistic coefficients of girl-children reporting of discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment (Model 1) and restrictive food taboos (Model 2). Model 1 presents logistic coefficients of the outcome binary measure of likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment at the household level while model 2 deals with the binary measure of the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices or not in restrictive food taboos. The explanatory variables for the fitted models 1 and 2 are residence, schooling status and religious affiliation. Table 5.30 reveals that for Model 1 residence is statistically significant after controlling for other variables in the model. The likelihood of exposure to discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment by girl-children from rural settings is (2.467) 3.1 times higher when compared with those from urban settings. 176 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Also, the odds ratio for out of school is 2 times higher when compared with in-school girl-children. This implies that out-of-school girl-children are more likely than in-school girl-children to face discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment. Furthermore, religious affiliation shows that, the odds ratio for adherents of Islam decreased by 0.353 when compared to the reference category (Christians). This implies that being a Muslim decreased and has a significant reducing effect on the likelihood of being discriminated against with specific reference to domestic work assignment when compared with the reference category. On the other hand, Model 2 reveals that residence; religious affiliation and schooling status are statistically significant after controlling for other variables with regards to explaining discriminatory practices towards the girl-child in food taboos. According to fitted model 2, the odds ratio of discriminating against the girl-child (6.896) which is 7.2 times higher for those in rural areas when compared with those from urban areas. The odds ratio is 2.4 times higher for out-of-school girl-children when compared with in-school girl-children. According to model 2, odds ratio of the likelihood of being discriminated against on restrictive food taboos is 28.1 times higher for girl- children who are adherents of traditional religion when compared to girl-children who are Christians after controlling for other variables. The odds ratios of girl-children who are Muslim are 2.2 times higher than odds ratio of girl-children who are Christians when controlled for other variables. This implies that girl-children from Muslim households are 2.2 times more likely to face discriminatory practices on food taboos when compared with girl-children from Christian households when controlled for other variables. According to model 1, the three statistical tests on the overall evaluation of the model yielded a far-reaching conclusion of being statistical significant. These are the likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test. Similarly, the goodness-of-fit statistics, the Hosmer- Lemeshow (H-L) test yielded 12.326 is statistically insignificant at p<0.05. This is indicative of the fact that the model is fit to the data and correctly classified cases are 86.0%. For model 2 also, the overall model evaluation is indicative of model as fit for the data. The two statistical tests also yielded similar conclusions namely: Likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test. The goodness-of-fit statistical test which is, Hosmer-Lemeshow 177 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 (H-L) test yielded an X of 1.676 is insignificant at p<0.05. In addition, the correctly classified cases improved from the null model from 67.4% to 82.1%. Table 5.30: Logistic Regression Coefficients of Girl-Children’s Exposure to Discrimination in Domestic Work Assignment and Restrictive Food Taboos by their Selected Characteristics Model 1 Model 2 Discrimin atory Domestic Work Restrictive Food Taboos B Odds p-value B Odds p-value jssgkskgskgzgs Residence fhgggg Rural 0.903 2.467* 0.013 1.931 6.896* 0.010 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Schooling Status Out-of-school 0.370 1.448 0.262 0.901 2.403** 0.006 In-of-school (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Religious Affiliation Traditional 1.747 5.738 0.108 3.337 28.143*** 0.000 Islam -1.042 0.353** 0.005 0.781 2.184* 0.038 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Constant 1.367 3.925 0.000 -4.194 0.015 0.000 Overall Model Evaluation Likelihood Ratio 31.343 (0.000) 177.981 (0.000) Wald test 163.631 (0.000) 65.968 (0.000) Goodness of Fit Hosmer & Lemeshow 12.326 1.676 % classified correctly 86.0% 82.1% N=799, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, *** p<0.001; ref = reference category Logistic Regression Coefficients of Adult Respondents’ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discrimination in Domestic Work Assignment and Food Taboos towards the Girl- Child by some Selected Characteristics Table 5.31 presents the logistic coefficients of adult respondents‟ likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment and food taboos towards the girl- child. Two models are presented in table 5.4, Model 1 deals with domestic work assignment with its log odds and odds ratios reported in column 1 and 2, respectively. On the other hand, model 2 on food taboos has its log-odds and odds ratios reported in column 3 and 4 also. The outcome binary measure which is the dependent variable is the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices. The two models are registered with 4 sets of explanatory variables namely: gender, residence, literacy status and religious affiliation. 178 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY According to the fitted model 1, only religious affiliation and residence are statistically significant. On the other hand, for model 2 gender, literacy status and religious affiliation are statistically significant. The regressed model 1 on domestic work assignment indicates that when compared with reference category, the log odds for males‟ decreases, an indication that being male has a significant reducing effect on the likelihood of intra- household practices. However, the odds ratio for an adult respondent from a rural area is 4 times higher when compared to the reference category who is respondent from urban area. Also, the odds ratio of non-literate respondents is 2.1 times (1.777) higher when compared with literate respondents when controlling for other independent variables. Furthermore, religious affiliation, after controlling for other explanatory variables, has a significant effect on likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices on domestic work assignment towards the girl-child. Muslim adult respondents were 5.1 times more likely to discriminate against the girl-child on domestic work assignment when compared with adult respondents who are Christians. According to fitted data in model 2, gender, literacy status and religious affiliation, the second category (Islam) are statistically significant in explaining the likelihood explaining discriminatory practices towards the girl-child on food taboos. The fitted model 2, in table indicates that the odds ratio (4.982) for males is 5.1 times higher when compared with females holding other explanatory variables constant. This implies that male respondents are 5.1 times more likely to enforce food taboos on girl-children at the household level when compared with female respondents. Also, with respect to education, the odds ratio is 3 times higher for non-literate respondents who invariably are more likely to enforce food taboos on girl-children in their households when compared with literate respondents. Interestingly, adherents of traditional religion have the overall highest odds ratio (8.895), which implies that adherents of traditional religion are 9.2 times more likely to enforce food taboos on the girl-child when other explanatory variables are held constant when compared with Christians. This is expected in view of the fact that they are very conservative and would want to adhere strictly to the tradition relating to enforcement of food taboos. On the other hand, Muslims are 1.2 times more likely to enforce food taboos on the girl-child when compared with Christians. 179 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Finally, the overall model evaluation the three statistical tests namely likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test for model 1 has similar conclusions of being statistically significant. The goodness-of-fit statistics, the Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test yielded an 2 X of 4.233 which is insignificant at p<0.05. This implied that the model is a good match fit for the data presented. In addition, the correctly predicted case is 93.0%. Model 2 also indicates that the two statistical tests for the overall model evaluation are statistically significant. These are: likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test. Similarly, the 2 Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test also yielded an X of 24.515 of insignificant at p>0.05, which implies that the data matched the model. Finally, the correctly predicted cases improved from 62% to 71.2%, which is an increase of about 9.2% from the null model to the fitted model. Table 5.31: Logistic Regression Coefficients of Adult Respondents’ Likelihood of Exhibiting Discrimination in Domestic Work Assignment and Food Taboos against the Girl-Child by some Selected Characteristics Model 1 Model 2 Domestic Work Restrictive Food Taboos B Odds p-value B Odds p-value Gender Male -0.542 0.581 0.085 1.606 4.982*** 0.000 Female (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Residence Rural 1.261 3.530*** 0.000 0.386 1.471 0.078 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Literacy Status Non-literate 0.577 1.777 0.097 0.929 2.531*** 0.000 Literate (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Religious Affiliation Traditional 1.431 4.184* 0.025 2.185 8.895*** 0.000 Islam 1.593 4.918*** 0.000 0.169 1.184 0.350 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Constant -1.694 0.184 0.000 Overall Model Evaluation Likelihood ratio 77.693 (0.000) 178.035 (0.000) Wald test 348.615 (0.000) 44.765 (0.000) Goodness of Fit Hosmer & Lemeshow 4.233 24.515 % classified correctly 93.0% 71.2 N=799, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, *** p<0.001; ref = reference category 180 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.9.2 Approval of Discriminatory Practices A Comparison of Logistic Regression of Combined Adult Respondents and Combined Girl and Boy Children on Approval of Higher Education for the Boy- Child than for the Girl-Child by some Selected Background Characteristics Table 5.32 presents the logistic coefficients of all adult respondents and combined girl and boy-children‟s approval of higher education for boy-children than girl-children. The outcome binary measure is the approval or not of boy-children receiving more education than girl-children. A total of 4 sets of explanatory variables are fitted into data to provide insights on discriminatory practices on approval of higher education for boy-children than girl-children. According to the model 1, the following explanatory variables namely gender, residence, literacy status and religious affiliation are statistically significant. A closer examination of the individual explanatory variables indicates that gender has the highest odds ratio of 5.371. Adult males are 5.4 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy- children than girl-children when compared with adult females when other predictors are held constant. Rural adult respondents are 2.1 times more likely to approve of preference for higher education for boy children than girl-children when compared with adult respondents from urban areas. Non literate adult respondents are 4.2 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children when compared with literate adult respondents when controlled for other variables. Also, religious affiliation indicates that adherents of traditional religion are 6.4 times, whereas Muslims are 2 times, more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children when compared with Christians if other explanatory variables are held constant. According to Model 2, the fitted data for girl and boy children indicates that all the 4 sets of explanatory variables are statistically significant. These are gender, residence, schooling status and religious affiliation. A closer examination of the odds ratio for model 2 indicates that schooling status has the highest odds ratio of 4.753, that is, out-of- school girl and boy-children after controlling for other variables. On the other hand, boy- children are 3.3 times more likely to approve of higher education for boys than girl- children when compared with the reference category. This is indicative of the role of gender in contributing to providing explanation on the likelihood of approval or not of boy-children receiving more education than girl-children. Boy and girl-children from 181 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY rural areas are 3.1 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children when compared with those from urban areas particularly when other explanatory variables are held constant. Furthermore, adherent of traditional religion are 2 times and Muslim boy and girl children are 1.5 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children when compared with boy and girl children who are Christians after controlling for other explanatory variables. In sum, gender, residence, schooling status and religious affiliations are significant in explaining the likelihood of approval or non approval of higher education for boy- children than girl-children. Finally, the overall model evaluation for model 1 indicates that the two statistical tests are significant, these are namely: likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test. This implies that the data match the fitted model well. In addition the goodness-of-fit statistics, the 2 Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test yielded an X of 18.240 with a p>0.05 is statistically insignificant. This further corroborates the earlier conclusion of a well matched data to the model. Furthermore, the correctly predicted case improved from 59.1% to 71%. With regard to overall model evaluation for model 2, the 2 critical statistical tests are also significant and also yielded similar conclusions. The score, likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test are statistically significant. Furthermore, the Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test 2 yield an X of 17.766 with a p>0.05. This implies that the data matched the model and is consistent with earlier results. Finally, the correctly predicted cases improved from 59.4% to 69.1%, with regard to the null model to the fitted model. 182 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.32: A Comparison of Logistic Coefficients of Combined Adult Respondents and Combined Girl and Boy Children on Approval of Higher Education for the Boy-Child than for the Girl-Child by Some Selected Characteristics Model 1: Adult Model 2: Children B Odds p-value B Odds p-value Gender Gender Male 1.681 5.371*** 0.000 Boy-child 1.201 3.325*** 0.000 Female (ref) 0.000 1.000 Girl-child (ref) 0.000 1.000 Residence Residence Rural 0.551 1.735* 0.016 Rural 1.067 2.908*** 0.000 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 Literacy Status Schooling Status Non-literate 1.423 4.150*** 0.000 Out-of-school 1.559 4.753*** 0.000 Literate (ref) 0.000 1.000 In-school (ref) 0.000 1.000 Religious Affiliation Religious Traditional 1.374 3.951*** 0.000 AfTfirlaiadtiitoionn al 0.643 1.903* 0.041 Islam 1.024 2.785*** 0.000 Islam 0.384 1.468* 0.041 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 Constant -2.764 0.063 0.000 -1.963 0.140 0.000 Overall Model Evaluation Likelihood ratio 190.988 (0.000) 196.095 (0.000) Wald test 26.021 (0.000) 28.191 (0.000) Goodness of Fit Hosmer & Lemeshow 18.240 17.766 % classified correctly 71.6% 74.0% N=799, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, *** p<0.001; ref = reference category A Comparison of the Logistic Coefficients on Approval of Higher Education for Boy-Children by Fathers and Sons by some Selected Background Characteristics Table 5.33 presents a comparison of the logistic coefficients on approval of higher education for boy-children by fathers and sons. This is quite significant in order to tease out the inter-generation differences between “fathers” and “sons” with a view to providing insight on the interplay of explanatory variables that differentiates between the older and the younger generation on the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices at the household level. Model 1 represents logistic coefficients of fathers with their log odds and odds ratios presented in columns 1 and 2 respectively. On the other hand, model 2 represents the coefficients of the sons with their log odds and odds ratios presented in columns 3 and 4, respectively as well. The models are fitted with 3 sets of explanatory variables namely: residence, literacy status and religious affiliation. It is interesting to note that drawing inference from the regressed model for fathers. Religious affiliation and literacy status 183 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY are statistically significant as explanatory variables that are associated with the likelihood of approval or non approval of higher education for boy-children than girl children. Non literate fathers are 6.2 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl children when compared with literate fathers after controlled for other variables. Also, fathers who are adherents of traditional religion are 6.4 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children in their households when compared with fathers who are Christians if other variables were held constant. Also, on the other hand, fathers who are Muslims are 2 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children when compared with fathers (adult males) who are Christians. On the other hand, unlike their fathers, for sons, residence and schooling status is statistically significant in explaining the likelihood of approval or non approval of higher education for boy-children than girl-children. It is interesting to note that sons (boy- children) from rural areas are 3 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy- children than girl-children when compared with those from urban areas if other variables are held constant. Similarly, boy-children who are out-of-school are 3 times and those of them who are traditional adherents are more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children when compared with in-school boy children and those who are Christians. According to Table 5.6, the overall model evaluation based on the related statistical tests yielded similar conclusions of being significant for model 1. These include the following: likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test. In addition, the Hosmer- 2 Lemeshow (H-L) test yielded an X of 4.984 with a p>0.05 which implies that data match the model as presented in table. Furthermore, the correctly predicted case improved from 74.0% to 79%. On the other hand, for model 2, the related statistical tests to evaluate the overall model also yielded the same conclusion of being statistically significant. These are namely: likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test. Also the Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test yielded 2 an X of 5.059 with an insignificant p>0.05. This implies that the data fitted in the model matched well. In addition, the correctly predicted cases improved from 66.8% to 71.4%. 184 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.33: A Comparison of the Logistics Coefficients on Approval of Higher Education for Boy- Children by Fathers and Sons by Some Selected Characteristics Father Model 1 Sons Model 2 B Odds p-value B Odds p-value Residence Residence Rural 0.268 1.307 0.409 Rural 1.040 2.828*** 0.000 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 Literacy Status Schooling Status Non-literate 1.721 5.589*** 0.000 Out-of-school 1.003 2.727** 0.002 Literate (ref) 0.000 1.000 In-school (ref) 0.000 1.000 Religious Affiliation Religious Affiliation Traditional 1.861 6.433** 0.001 Traditional 0.938 2.555 0.096 Islam 0.700 2.013* 0.013 Islam 0.027 1.028 0.913 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 Constant -0.995 0.370 0.001 Constant -0.495 0.609 0.048 Overall Model Evaluation Likelihood ratio 81.034 (0.000) 53.107 (0.000) Wald test 78.078(0.000) 41.515 (0.000) Goodness of Fit Hosmer & Lemeshow 4.984 5.059 % Classified correctly 79.0 71.4 N=385, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, *** p<0.001; ref = reference category A Comparison of Logistics Coefficients on Approval of Higher Education for Boy- Children by Mothers and Daughters by some selected Characteristics Table 5.34 presents a comparison of logistic coefficients on approval of higher education for boy-children than girl-children. The binary measure is the likelihood of approval or non approval of higher education for boy-children than girl-children. The regressed explanatory variables are residence, literacy/schooling status and religious affiliation. The individual explanatory variables in Models 1 & 2 revealed that each of them is statistically significant in explaining the likelihood of approval or non approval of higher education for boy-children than girl-children. The fitted data for model 1 indicates the adult mothers from rural areas are 2.2 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl children when compared with adult mothers from urban areas if other variables are held constant. Similarly, non literate adult mothers are 2.3 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children in their households when compared with literate mothers when controlled for other variables. On the other hand, adult mothers who are adherents of traditional religion and Islam are 4.1 times more likely to approve 185 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY of higher education for boy-children than girl-children when compared with adult mothers who are Christians if other explanatory variables are held constant. However, with respect to their daughters (girl-children) as indicated in Table 5.34, those from rural areas are 3.5 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy- children than girl-children when compared with those from urban areas. This also implies that residence is statistically significant. Also, out of girl-children are 6 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than in school girl-children when controlled for other explanatory variables. It is statistically significant. Adherents of traditional religion and Islam are 2 times and 2.2 times more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children than girl-children when compared with girl-children who are Christians when controlled for other explanatory variables. The second category 2 of religious affiliation adherents of Islam is statistically significant (Wald: X (1) = 7.573. p<0.001). In sum, the residence, literacy/schooling status and religious affiliations of respondents, irrespective of whether they are adult mothers or girl-children are significant explanatory variables that would determine the likelihood of approval of household discriminatory practices towards the girl-children with regard to educational opportunities. The overall model evaluation of Model 1 indicates that the likelihood ratio (LR) test and Wald test are statistically significant. Furthermore, the Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test also yielded 2 an X of 8.337 with a p>0.05 which is consistent with earlier results, the fitted data match Model 1 as presented in table 41. In addition, correctly predicted case improved from the null model from 54.3% to 64.0% in fitted model. Finally, with respect to the overall evaluation of model 2, the statistical tests yield similar conclusions of being statistically significant. These are namely: likelihood ratio (LR) test 2 and Wald test. In addition, the Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test also yielded an X of 6.516 with a p>0.05. The fitted data match Model 2 as presented in table 41 in the model matched well. In addition, the correctly predicted cases improved from 66.8% to 71.4%. 186 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.34: A Comparison of Logistics Coefficients on Approval of Higher Education for Boy- Children by Mothers and Daughters by some Selected Characteristics Model 1 Model 2 B Odds p-value B Odds p-value Residence Residence Rural 0.807 2.242* 0.021 Rural 1.243 3.464** 0.001 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 Literacy Status Schooling Status Non-literate 0.805 2.236*** 0.184 Out-of-school 1.792 6.000*** 0.000 Literate (ref) 0.000 1.000 In-school (ref) 0.000 1.000 Religious Affiliation Religious Affiliation Traditional 1.325 3.762*** 0.000 Traditional 0.707 2.027 0.078 Islam 1.266 3.548*** 0.000 Islam 0.783 2.189** 0.006 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 Constant -2.510 0.081 0.000 Constant -2.459 0.086 0.000 Overall Model Evaluation Likelihood ratio 56.932 (0.000) 124.636 (0.000) Wald test 52.584 (0.000) 6.516 (0.000) Goodness of Fit Homer & Lemeshow 8.337 5.516 % classified correctly 64.0% 76.0 N=414, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, *** p<0.001; ref = reference category 5.9.3 Exploring the Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices by Girl and Boy Children Table 5.35 presents comparison of logistic coefficients of girl and boy-children‟s likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices in educational opportunities towards the girl-child in their own future households. The binary outcome measure is the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices or not towards the girl-child in educational opportunities. The explanatory variables fitted in the two models are residence, schooling status and religious affiliation. According to the models presented in Table 5.35 with regard to residence, girl-children and boy-children from rural areas are 3.1 times and 3 times, respectively, more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child in educational opportunities when compared with those from urban areas if other explanatory variables are held constant. There was not an appreciable difference in their odd ratios and residence as an explanatory variable is statistically significant. Also, with regard to education, out-of- school girl-children and boy-children are 4 times and also 3 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child in educational opportunities when compared with in-school girl and boy-children after controlling for other explanatory 187 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY variables in the models. This implies girl-children are more likely than boy-children to allow their boy-children receive more education than their daughters in their own family in the near future. The plausible explanation for this was that sending a male child to school is critical in establishing the family within a community setting. The expectation of most parents is that “boys” are the future “heads of households”; therefore, they should be seen as “doing well”. Schooling status of respondents is statistically significant in explaining the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices. With regard to religious affiliation girl and boy children who are adherents of traditional religion are respectively 4 times and 2 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices towards the girl-child in educational opportunities when compared with girl and boy-children who are Christians when other explanatory variables were held constant. On the other hand, girl and boy-children who were Muslims are 3.4 times and 1.2 times respectively likely to exhibit discriminatory practices when compared with those who are Christians after controlling for other variables. Religious affiliation is statistically significant in respect of girl-children for both adherents of traditional religion and Islam. However, it is not statistically significant for boy children. In summary, for girl-children, all the three explanatory variables namely: residence, schooling status and religious affiliations are statistically significant in explaining the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices. On the other hand, for the boy-children, only, residence and schooling status are statistically significant. The overall model evaluation for model 1 reveals that the statistical tests yielded similar conclusions of being statistically significant. These are namely, likelihood ratio (LR). Also, the 2 goodness-of-fit statistics, which is, the Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test yielded an X of 8.889 with a p>0.05 indicative of the good match of the data to the fitted model. On the other hand, the correctly predicted cases improved from 50.2% of the null model to 73.2%, a significant increase of 20%. With respect to model 2, the overall evaluation indicates that the statistical tests are significant and has similar conclusions. These tests include the following: likelihood 2 ratio (LR) test and Wald test. Also, the Hosmer-Lemeshow (H-L) test yielded an X of 4.358 with a p>0.05 indicative that the data fitted matched model 2 presented in table 43. In addition, the correctly predicted cases improved from 63.4% to 70.1%, from the null model to the fitted model. 188 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Model 3 indicates that boy-children are 0.335 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices in giving more education to the boy-child than the girl-child. When controlled for other variables children from rural areas are 0.347 times and out of school children are 0.270 times more likely to exhibit discriminatory practices when controlled for other variables. With regard to religious affiliation, traditional adherents are 0.379 times and adherents of Islam are 0.528 times when controlled for other variables to exhibit household discriminatory practices in education towards the girl-child. The overall model evaluation for model 3 reveals that the statistical tests yielded similar conclusions of being statistically significant. Table 5.35: Comparison of Logistics Coefficients of Girl and Boy-Children’s Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices in Educational Opportunities towards the Girl-Child in their Future Households by Selected Characteristics Model 1 Girl-Children Model 2 Boy-Children Model 3 Combined B Odds p- B Odds p-value B Odds p-value Gender v alue Boy-Child 1.092 0.335*** 0.000 Girl-Child (ref) 0.000 1.000 Residence Rural 1.093 2.983** 0.004 1.109 3.030** 0.000 -1.058 0.347*** 0.000 Urban (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Schooling Status Out-of-school 1.409 4.091*** 0.000 1.003 2.726** 0.001 1.308 0.270*** 0.000 In-school (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Religious Affiliation Traditional 1.369 3.930** 0.001 0.765 2.150 0.131 -0.970 0.379** 0.001 Islam 1.227 3.411*** 0.000 0.160 1.173 0.523 -0.639 0.528** 0.001 Christian (ref) 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 0.000 1.000 Constant -2.595 0.075 0.000 -0.771 0.462 0.003 2.123 8.353 0.000 Overall Model Evaluation Likelihood ratio 134.384 (0.000) 56.973 (0.000) 194.178 (0.000) Wald test 121.359 (0.000) 26.875 (0.000) 13.718 (0.000) Goodness of Fit Hosmer & Lemeshow 8.889 4.358 % classified correctly 73.2 70.1 72.1 N=414, * p<0.05, ** p<0.01, *** p<0.001; ref = reference category 5.9.4 Synopsis of Logistic Regression Results In sum, the logistic regression results reveal that girl-children are more likely to face discrimination in education, domestic work assignment and restrictive food taboos. Among adult respondents, literacy status (education), gender, residence, religious affiliation, pattern of decision-making, their childhood experiences, valuation of women‟s participation in decision-making are statistically significant in explaining the 189 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY likelihood of exhibiting discrimination against the girl-child in respect of access to education. Adult-males, residents in rural areas, non-literate adults, traditional and Muslims adherents are more likely to have strong preference for boy-child education over girl-child. The plausible reasons are not far-fetched. They include male dominance in decision making as a result of the patriarchal nature of the Kambari; less value for girl-child education; domestic burden in the household; protecting the girl from unwanted pregnancies which are seen as a taboo among the Kambari as well as apparent misinterpretation of religious injunctions on girl-child education by certain sects in Islam. In addition, the influence of ideational factors further reinforce the findings of earlier studies in Asia (Sultana, 2010; Das Gupta et al, 2009; Plan, 2007; Bacellos et al, 2011) and other reports on Africa and Nigeria (Jutting and Morrison, 2005a;2005b; UNECA, 2010; FGN, 2008; FMJ, 2008) that deep-rooted socio-cultural values, beliefs, norms and practices engender discrimination against the girl-child. The logistic regression results among adult respondents on the likelihood of assigning more domestic work to the girl-child reveal that the place of residence and religious affiliation are statistically significant. With respect to enforcing restrictive food taboos against the girl-child, the regression analysis showed that gender, literacy status (education) and religious affiliation are statistically significant. Adults who are traditional adherents are more likely to assign the girl-child more domestic work because it is seen as a God-given role and girls‟ work. On the other hand, adult males, non- literate adults and traditional religious adherents and Muslims are more likely to enforce restrictive food taboos on the girl-child. This could be associated with the fact that males are regarded as custodians of the culture of the people and non-literate adults are more likely to be conservatives. Likewise, traditional adherents would ensure the enforcements of restrictive food taboos in their households as an indication of maintaining the culture. Also, on exposure to discriminatory practices against the girl-child on domestic work assignment, girl-children in rural area, those out-of-school and traditional adherents are more likely to spend more time fetching water, firewood, cooking, caring for siblings or selling market produce than girl-children who are in school and are residing in urban areas. Likewise, girl-children who are out-of-school and those from rural households and 190 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY those whose parents are traditional adherents are more likely to be denied certain foods and meats due to the practice of restrictive food taboos. On approval of boy-child education over the girl-child, the results of the regression analysis showed that gender, religious affiliation, residence and education are statistically significant. Irrespective of the groups examined, residents in rural areas are more likely to approve higher education for boy-children over girl-children. Also, in all the sub-groups, non-literate adults, traditional adherents and Muslims as well as out-of - school children, are more likely to approve of higher education for boy-children over the girl-children. These findings are similar to the earlier results with respect to the likelihood of exhibiting discrimination against the girl-child in the area of education. Inter-generational differences on the approval of boy-child education over the girl-child showed significant differences between fathers and sons. As regards the older generation (fathers), religion and literacy status were significant explanatory variables. On the other hand, for the younger generation (sons), only schooling status and residence are significant explanatory variables. In contrast, for mothers and daughters, residence, religious affiliation and education are significant explanatory variables. These further affirmed the interplay of social and cultural factors in influencing individual actors towards exhibiting household discrimination against the girl-child or approval of discrimination against the girl-child. 5.9.5 Validation of Theoretical Framework The study employed the basic underlying assumptions of Weber‟s Social action theory, feminist theory on patriarchy and social role theory to establish the links between the dependent and the independent variables as well as other findings from the qualitative data to highlight the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari. A combination of these theoretical perspectives and the conceptual framework validated the findings and emphasised that the actions, perceptions and attitudes of individuals in relation to discriminatory practices, are largely determined within the context of the socio-cultural norms and values of the society. In essence, the society provided the context within which the actions, attitudes and behaviours of individual actors towards the girl-child are shaped. This is based on the fact that individual actors attached subjective meanings towards exhibiting discriminatory practices in areas of education, 191 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY domestic work assignment and restrictive food taboos that are to a great extent defined by the norms, values, beliefs and practices of the society. The society is essentially traditional, rural, agrarian and largely illiterate. Therefore, adherence to the cultural norms on the girl-child is the order of the day. The study has demonstrated that exhibiting discriminatory behaviour towards the girl- child is, therefore, a function of significant and complex underlying interaction of socio- cultural and individual factors, namely the conception of gender roles, gender socialization, cultural construction of girlhood, the status and valuation of the girl-child, decision-making pattern of households, value of women‟s role in decision-making, traditional practices such as restrictive food taboos. With the aid of the theoretical perspectives, the study has defined practices that engender and reinforce household discrimination towards the girl-child. Her disadvantaged and subordinate position within the gender hierarchy of the Kambari ethnic group and the privileged position of the boy- child, a male who is seen as the potential head of the household perpetuate discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The study showed that the status of the girl-child is relatively very low and the boy child is accorded more privileges and opportunities at the household level when compared to the girl-child. The boy-child is also accorded more access to education, is not assigned domestic work, with few exceptions, and is allowed to eat foods and meats that are considered as taboos for the girl-child. The rationalization of individual actors‟ actions towards the girl-child which engender discriminatory practices towards the girl-child is through the prismatic lens of patriarchal institutions, beliefs, values, genders stereotypes of femininity and masculinity within the Kambari ethnic group. Consequently, the gender roles of the girl and boy-child have led to a gendered division of labour that have classified the “public domain” as the exclusive preserve of the boy-child and the “domestic sphere” which has been undervalued as the main domain of the girl-child. This has been substantiated by the findings of the study. The familial roles of the girl-child is closely associated with the “domestic sphere”, activities such as cooking, fetching water and firewood, sweeping, cleaning, mending floors and care of siblings, among others, are seen as “girls‟ work”. Whereas, the familial roles of the boy-child such as farming, rearing animals, maintenance and building activities among others are seen as “boy‟s work”. 192 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The triangulation of Weber‟s social action theory, feminist theory on patriarchy and also the social role theory have provided deep insights on the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria. Most importantly, the findings of the study validated the theoretical assumptions of the three theories employed. The silver lining is that the more enlightened urban residents, mainly Christians, have started to deviate from strict cultural discrimination against the girl- child. If the society should continue moving forward in this direction, perhaps the story of the Kambari girl-child would soon change. 5.9.6 Discussion of Findings It has been established that the girl-child faces a “double disadvantage” (UNICEF, 1993). Firstly, as a female and secondly, she faces discriminatory practices at the household level vis-à-vis the boy-child for being a girl. She faces discriminatory practices particularly in Asia in the following areas: obtaining medical services, domestic work assignment, educational opportunities and also in family food distribution. This has been confirmed by a number of studies in Asia (Agrawal and Unisa, 2007; Asfaw, Klaseen and Lamanna, 2007; Chitrakar, 2009; Zimmermann, 2011). Most of these studies employed series of measures to explore discriminatory practices against the girl- child. With specific reference to Asia sex ratio at birth, mortality rates of male and female children, health-seeking behaviour of parents on male and female children are some of the measures employed (Asfaw, Klassen and Lamannna, 2007; Shuzhuo et al., 2007; Das Gupta et al., 2009). Others are anthropometric measures and the incidence of some childhood diseases (Pandey et al., 2002; Pande and Malhotra, 2006). Other studies also focused on the reasons associated with discriminatory practice against the girl-child. Generally, studies have identified two major motives associated with discriminatory practices: economic and socio-cultural. It has also been established that deep-rooted socio-cultural practices, beliefs and values engender discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. Socio-cultural practices such as son-preference, decision-making power which has been male-dominated and gender division of labour place more burden on the girl- child. Also, the pattern of dowry payment whereby having so many girl-children in a family created an economic burden on parents and also engendered discrimination against the girl-child (Lungberg, 2005; Diamond-Smith, Luck and McGarvey, 2008; Jones, Harper and Watson et al., 2010; Sultana, 2010). 193 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The findings of the current study indicate that girl-children have poor educational outcomes. It is glaring that they are less likely to be in school and also more likely to drop-out of school as a result of poor academic performance, heavy domestic burden, premarital pregnancy, and low value for formal education as well as the desire to get their girl-child married off by parents. This has been confirmed by other findings (Ogidi, 1997; Aderinto, 1999; Chitrakar, 2009; ILO, 2009; Lamanna, 2012). Also, girl-children from rural areas whose parents are non literate, traditional adherents or Muslims are more vulnerable to discriminatory practices. They are more likely to do most of the domestic work and also take on additional farming related activities which are usually seen as the exclusive preserve of males than they are usually given credit for. This is a departure from other studies that tend to obfuscate and under-value the roles of the girl- child that are not associated to her societal defined roles. Ajani (2008) posited that the contribution of women and by extension girls in agriculture is poorly documented in Nigeria. This is largely because women and girls carry out activities that are unpaid which include domestic work, care-giving, working on the husband‟s farm and family farm apart from their own. Also, it has been attributed to the social constructs and cultural inclination of the Nigerian society and by virtue of the fact that they are females. Coupled with these, the girl-child is more likely to marry early. In some cases due to the practice of child betrothal among certain language-dialect groups of the Kambari, she is more likely to be subjected to marry an individual she does not love. More so, the incidence of failed child betrothal arrangements negatively impact on her well-being and social relations within the community. These are context-specific findings closely associated with the cultural practices of the Kambari. The Kambari girl-child therefore faces a “double-jeopardy” imposed and reinforced by societal structures. All these should be seen as hindrances to capacity development and female empowerment. Consequently, these would result in the perpetuation of poverty, and enhancement of female subjugation through a vicious cycle of mother-daughter inter- generational discriminatory practices (Jones, Harper and Watson et al., 2010). Furthermore, the relatively low status of women and the patriarchal nature of the society limit their role and power at the household level towards enhancing the well-being of the girl-child. Achieving gender parity particularly in education, a key indicator for social development, should be seen as one of the gateway to empowering the girl-child for life. 194 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The findings also show that the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child is a function of complex individual-parental factors such as gender, residence, literacy status and religious affiliation. These findings support earlier studies (Ogidi, 1997; Pandey et al., 2002; Koohi- Kamali, 2008). On the other hand, at the societal level, socio-cultural practices such as conception of girlhood, gender socialization, status and valuation of the girl-child, patterns of decision making, traditional practices also endanger discriminatory practices against the Kambari girl- child. This validates the significant role that socio-cultural values, norms, beliefs and practices play in engendering discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. It should be seen as a serious challenge and dilemma in view of the fact that individuals view discriminatory practices as “acceptable”, “a cultural given” and as “natural”. Also, even the girl-child, the boy-child, significant others and parents do not see anything wrong in giving boy- children privileges and opportunities that the girl-child does not enjoy at the household level. Further, religious beliefs reinforce the low status ascribed to the girl-child and account for the reasons why household discriminatory practices against girl-child in education, domestic work assignment and enforcing restrictive food taboos still persist. The study also found that, parents are also likely to be influenced by significant others to exhibit household discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The cultural construction of girlhood is based on the notions of femininity and gender stereotypes which are internalized during socialization. These internalized world-views further reinforce household discriminatory practices against the girl-child. This accounts for the perpetuation of household discriminatory practices against the girl-child by individual actors at the household level. Finally, the efforts of government and other relevant stakeholders towards enhancing the wellbeing of the girl-child and empowering her for active participation on issues that affect her and the community would be unsuccessful and ineffective if the deep-rooted socio-cultural practices are not addressed. Also, changing attitudinal behaviour towards the girl-child would require changing the mind-sets and negative images about her. More so, uprooting patriarchal values, beliefs and practices against the girl-child would involve 195 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY a concerted, multi-sectored and holistic approach in dealing with the critical issues that has limited her capacity development and empowerment. 5.10 Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation This final sub-section presents a synopsis of the work. This encompasses major findings, conclusions and recommendations for government actions and suggested areas for further research. 5.10.1 Summary of the Work The situation of the girl-child gained global attention at the Fourth World Women Conference held in Beijing, China in 1995. The Beijing Platform of Action identified the th girl-child as the 12 critical area of concern. This led to an increased interest by social scientists in interrogating the girl-child situation in different countries. Furthermore, earlier studies on gender marginalization usually subsumed the issues relating to girl- children on women. Consequently, their issues, circumstances and problems are equated as the same as those of women, hence masking the peculiar problems confronting girl- children. Given this scenario, a paradigm shift is imperative whereby the girl-child becomes a focus for social research. Furthermore, the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) held in Cairo gave rise to another fundamental paradigm shift in thinking with respect to how population and development issues should be studied. It emphasized the fact that population and development issues cannot be divorced from the broader social and cultural contexts under which they occur (Pradhan, 2001).These underscores the significance of the interrogation of the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child. The current study focused on the Kambari, an ethnic minority group found in Niger State, Nigeria. A multi-methodological approach was adopted. Both qualitative and quantitative data were generated during the course of this study. As regards the quantitative data, two structured questionnaires were employed for the household survey to the target population which were married adult male (20-65years) and female (15- 49years), and boy and girl-children (10-17 years). The qualitative data included 12 case- studies of girl-children, 14 in-depth interviews conducted among various categories of leaders at the community level, and 15 FGDs among different socio-demographic groups. 196 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The sample population for the study was drawn from 4 sub-groups: adult men, adult women, girl-children, and boy-children. A total of 1,598 respondents comprising a mother/daughter and a father/son pairs formed sample population for the study. The study focused on the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child and the perspectives of each of the sub-groups provided deeper insights on the subject matter than previous studies revealed. The objectives of the study are: describe the cultural constructions of girlhood among the Kambari; examine the socio-cultural practices that engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child; to investigate the nature of discriminatory practices among the Kambari; investigate the attitude of the significant others towards discriminatory practices; highlight the perception of the girl-child towards discriminatory practices and determine the combined effects of individual and ideational factors on the likelihood of exhibiting or not exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. The theoretical premises of this study are drawn from the main postulations of Weber‟s social action theory, feminist theory on patriarchy as well as the social role theory. Any form of practice, custom, belief or the behaviour of an individual in a given culture is interrelated to other institutional patterns within that social group. Consequently, the social action towards the girl-child which gave rise to discriminatory practices exhibited at the household level cannot be divorced from the socio-cultural practices of the Kambari. The conceptual framework provides insights on the inter-play of factors that operated at the societal and household levels to engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The summary of major findings is presented based on the study objectives as follows: Cultural Construction of the Girl-Child  The cultural construction of girlhood is largely defined by societal notions on femininity with respect to her future role as a wife , mother and by reason of her gender as a “female” and a “girl”  Physical, physiological, aesthetic features of the female gender shaped the cultural construction of girlhood among the Kambari.  The appropriate perceived qualities of the girl-child which are identified such as patience, kindness, obedience, good skills in domestic works are closely linked 197 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY with societal expectations on the notions of femininity as well as gender stereotypes on her perceived character trait. Valuation of the Girl-child  She is seen as a temporary member of the household who would eventually get married and leave the household. A household without a boy-child is considered as “powerless” and “worthless” within the community.  An overwhelming majority of all the respondents (98.7%) affirmed that the status of the girl-child was relatively low in their respective communities.  Similarly, 98.6 percent opined that the boy-child was accorded a relatively higher status and this was attributed to the fact that they were seen as “potential heads of households”  The study affirmed that the girl-child occupied a second place after the boy-child with regard to opportunities and privileges at the household level.  Despite, the low value ascribed to the girl-child, she contributed to the livelihood of the household through farming related activities she was not usually given credit for. Moreover, the bridal farming services known as “gulmo” which was rendered by the family of her betrothed partner family for years until the marriage is contracted was a significant contribution that cannot be ignored.  The girl-child also affirmed that parents were not wrong in according the boy- child higher opportunities and privileges because it was ordained of God and it was the accepted tradition. Socio-Cultural Practices Engendering Discrimination  The study reveals that deep rooted socio-cultural practices engendered and supported discrimination against the girl-child. These are the conception of gender roles, gender socialization, cultural construction of girlhood, valuation of the girl-child, traditional practices, gender stereotypes and the male dominated pattern of decision-making among the Kambari. Profile of the Girl-Child  The three major problems confronting her in most communities are lack of access to education, teenage pregnancy and subjection to child betrothal.  Educational outcomes of the girl-child reveals that high levels of school drop- outs are due to poor academic performance, heavy domestic burden, dislike for 198 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY schooling and unwanted pregnancy. Whereas cases of never-in-school girl- children are due to lack of value for formal education by parents, preference for marriage, preference for farming and lack of interest in schooling.  There are significantly marked gender differences on familial roles assigned to the girl-child and boy-child at the household level. The familial roles of the girl- child are predominantly in the domestic sphere and she is assigned additional roles such as weeding, harvesting, harrowing and ploughing than they are usually given credit for. Pattern of Discriminatory Practices  The girl-child faced discriminatory practices with regard to access to education, domestic work assignment and restrictive food taboos.  An overwhelming majority of the respondents in the sample (78.1%) affirmed that girl-children did most of the domestic work at home.  There were marked differences between adult respondents, the girl- and boy- children, as well as gender differences on educational aspirations for both the girl-child and the boy-child. There were also marked gender differences on the educational aspirations that parents desired for the girl-and boy-child. While, only 26.8% adult men and 24.2% of women felt that girl-children should acquire tertiary education, 63.4% of boy-children and 70.8% of girl-children opined that girl-children should acquire tertiary education. This obvious generational shift is beneficial for the girl-child.  Girl-children from rural areas, those out-of-school, and those who were adherent of traditional religion were more likely to face discrimination in education, food taboos and domestic work assignment.  The girl-child was less likely to face discriminatory practices with regard to intra- family food allocation during meals; only 15.3% of men and 10.6% women engaged in such practice Likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices  The regression analysis found that the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child by adult respondents was a function of gender, residence, education and religious affiliation. Also, the following ideational variables were significant in explaining the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child: conception of gender roles, 199 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY childhood experiences, pattern of decision-making and valuation of women‟s participation in decision-making.  Girl -and Boy-Children’s likelihood of Exhibiting Discriminatory Practices  On what they would do in their future homes, about 91.7 percent of boy- children and 84.0 percent of girl-children affirmed that they were more likely to assign their girl-children most of the domestic work. Also, as regards educational aspirations of their children, 63.4 percent of girl- children and 50.2 percent of boy-children affirmed boys would receive more education than girls in their respective future households.  With respect to family food distribution, more boy- children (63.4%) than girl-children (36.6%) affirmed that girl-children would get less food than boy-children. However, in their future homes, more girl-children (61.6%) than boy-children (58.4%) affirmed they would enforce restrictive food taboos.  Girl and boy-children from rural areas, out-of-school and adherents of traditional religion and Islam were more likely to exhibit household discriminatory practices towards the girl-child in their future households.  The study found that residence, education and religious affiliations were significant explanatory variables of the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices in the future homes of Kambari youths.  Approval of Discriminatory Practices  An overwhelming majority of the respondents approved of girl-children doing most of the domestic work; and approval rate for girls getting less food was significantly lower. Approval of household practices against girl-children was generally higher among males and boy-children relative to women and girl-children.  The study found that residence, education and religious affiliation are significant explanatory variables that determined the likelihood of approval of discriminatory practices.  Respondents from rural areas, non-literate and adherent of traditional religion and Islam are more likely to approve of discriminatory practices towards the girl child. 200 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.10.2 Conclusion and Programmatic Recommendations This study investigated the socio-cultural context of the girl-child among the Kambari. Through a multi-methodological descriptive approach of data collection, it identified links between socio-cultural variables and discriminatory practices among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria. It brought to fore the societal and individual values, attitudes, behaviours and mindsets that engender discriminatory practices. This study has contributed significantly to the methodological and theoretical relevance of gender issues in population and demographic studies. Also, from a methodological stand point. It has underscored the fact that households are not homogeneous units with similar problems or needs. It drew attention on the need for a holistic approach in exploring the lives of male and female members of the household. The study was a departure from previous studies on gender issues that usually homogenized women which led to the masking of the life experiences and true reality of individual members of the household such as the girl- child. The quest for a comprehensive analysis of the dependent and independent variables due to the complexity of interrogating discriminatory practices necessitated the need to employ a triangulation of feminist standpoint on patriarchy, Weber‟s Social Action theory and Sex-Role theory to examine the social phenomena. This study, by examining individual level events and practices which were engendered by macro-level and individual factors has reiterated the need for contextual analysis of the interaction of the individual and the demographic environment in which individuals are situated. The role of socio-cultural practices on individual behaviour has been accepted in sociology. In congruence with the foregoing, it has been identified by Hirschman and Tolnay (2005) as one out of three distinct areas within the current trends in Social Demography alongside data collection and descriptive interpretation, theory development and model testing. This study has affirmed the fact that discriminatory behaviour towards the girl-child was embedded within specific social relations and cultural contexts. Thus, discriminatory behaviour were shaped by social and power relations at the household level, conception of gender roles, gender socialization, cultural construction of girlhood ,traditional practices, gender stereotypes, son preference, household decision -making and individual characteristics such as place of residence, education and religious affiliations. 201 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY An issue of serious concern that would have severe consequences on the well-being and empowerment of Kambari girl-children is that discriminatory practices are not seen as a “problem” due to entrenched deep rooted socio-cultural beliefs, values and practices. Attitudinal change would require the transformation of the mindsets of individuals towards the girl-child. This would require the concerted efforts of relevant stakeholders at various levels in order to address gender discrimination against the girl child. Also, the patriarchal nature of the Kambari society underscores the need to engage men and boys in developing positive images for girls and supporting gender equity at the household and societal levels. This study also provided insight into how feminist epistemological thoughts can contribute to population and demographic studies. The problematization of gender inequality at the household levels can be useful in interrogating other demographic phenomenon and outcomes. The study revealed the likelihood of perpetuation of discriminatory practices from fathers to boy-children and mothers to girl-children. This has the tendency to breed a vicious cycle from one generation to another. The study found that boy- and girl-children still approved of discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment, preference for boy education over girl-child and in the enforcement of restrictive food taboos even though at a slightly lower level than their parents. Thus, breaking the vicious cycle of discriminatory practices would require the need to encourage an inter-generational dialogue in communities, families on the value of gender equality and the negative consequences of discriminatory practices on the well being of the girl-child and the overall development of the entire community. In as much as the non-participation of women in decision making can negatively impact on the well-being of the girl-child, the study found that women were also “active agents” in enforcing discriminatory practices against the girl-child. In the same view, the girl- child does not perceive ascribing boy-children more privileges and opportunities as “discriminatory” rather it was seen as “cultural given” that cannot be questioned because it was the accepted tradition and it was seen as being ordained by God. This raised the need for inter-generational dialogue among women, mothers and girls with the aid of religious clerics and traditional leaders to promote positive images of girl-children and ensure the abolishing of harmful traditional practices, beliefs and value systems that engendered discriminatory practices against the girl-child. In sum, the socio-cultural 202 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY milieu in which the individual actors are situated was predominantly patriarchal in nature. Patriarchal values, beliefs and practices strongly reinforced the perpetuation of discriminatory practices against the girl-child. This study has reiterated the need for a holistic, comprehensive and multi-pronged approach in addressing the problems confronting the empowerment of the girl-child. Achieving gender parity and equality for women in national development by 2015 as conceptualized by the MDGs would be unrealizable if the problems and discriminatory practices confronting the girl-child, who is seen as the “mother of tomorrow”, were not adequately addressed. The following recommendations and programmatic implications were pertinent based on the major findings of the study:  Mass-Media campaigns, community mobilization and sensitization should be embarked upon by the State, LGAS, and NGOs with the support of traditional and religious leaders to address the socio-cultural barriers and harmful traditional practices that limit the empowerment of the girl-child.  The need for national and state data bank on various aspects of the girl-child‟s development with the view of strategically addressing and mainstreaming her needs in development plans.  A holistic approach should be adopted at all levels of government to address the problems of accessing education by providing girl-friendly schools and ensuring that pregnant adolescent girl-children and adolescent mothers continue and complete their education.  Specific media and advocacy programmes should promote inter-generational dialogue, particularly between mothers and girl-children, on the other hand, and fathers and boy-children on the other, with the view of breaking the vicious cycle of discriminatory practices by developing positive images of girl-children and encouraging gender equality at the household levels.  The State should pass the Child Right Act of 2003 in order to ensure the protection of the girl-child from all forms of discriminatory practices. Enforcement of the Act once passed should be seen as a priority in the State, such as enforcing the female age at marriage to 18 years.  The private sector through its social responsibility agenda should be actively involved in partnership with the states and LGAs in improving the well-being of 203 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the girl-child. This may include award of scholarship and free tuition to girl- children to alleviate the financial burden borne by parents in providing education.  Government should see the opening up of the hinterland and cultural enclaves as a priority by providing roads, schools, microcredit etc all of which are agents of modernization. The sighting of firms and medium scale industries in such places by government and private investors would serve to create formal employment and modern lifestyles that would constitute an assault to traditional practices, and ultimately lead to the demise of discrimination against the girl-child.  Female role models could be employed in a programme targeted at women and girls boost the positive image of girls and provide them with the needed self esteem to desire to complete school and actively participate in family,community and national life. 5.10.3 Contributions to Knowledge This study has bridged the existing lacuna on a topic that had been extensively well researched and documented in Asia, but had received little research attention in Africa, and Nigeria in particular. The study, therefore, has contributed to cross-cultural understanding of socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari and thus debunked earlier consideration of discriminatory practices as an Asian phenomenon. The study has further re-affirmed the need for context-specific studies with a view to avoiding over-generalization of issues with regard to gender discrimination in developing countries as enunciated by earlier studies. It has contributed to the growing literature on girlhood studies an emergent field that has witnessed a growing interest in sociological inquiry. It has also contributed to girlhood studies which had been a nascent development in African Social Demography. How girlhood was socially constructed among the Kambari, an ethnic group that has also received little research attention was brought to fore by this study. Of sociological interest was the practice of child betrothal among the Kambari which this study has brought to limelight, and which requires further interrogation by demographers and other social scientists in order to tease out the pattern and consequences of the practices on social relations, political economy of the Kambari as well as the impact of social change on the practice. The triangulation of feminist stand point on patriarchy, Weber‟s Social Action theory and Sex -Role theoretical perspectives to explain the data generated in the course of the 204 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY study revealed how the persistence of patriarchal institutions, values, beliefs and traditional practices were interwoven with the personal characteristics of individual actors combined to engender discriminatory practices in domestic work assignment, education and restrictive food taboos against the girl-child. This study also provided insight on the attitudes of individual actors such as parents, significant others and girl-children and boy-children on approval of specific discriminatory practices against the girl-child. This was illustrative of how the attitudes of individual actors, which are shaped by the cultural beliefs and values of the society, further perpetuated discriminatory practices against the girl-child. The low status of the girl-child has been attributed to three main factors: tradition, greater boy-child preference, and divine order of the home. This informed the subordinate position accorded the girl-child vis-à-vis the boy-child. Consequently, the privileging of the boy- child led to the under privileging and undervaluing of the girl-child with regard to her status and, allocation of resources and opportunities at the household level ,which indeed should be seen as the genesis of exhibiting discriminatory practices against the girl-child. Unfortunately the patriarchal milieu which engendered discriminatory practices against the girl-child has made it difficult for the girl-child to see anything wrong in the over-privileging of the boy-child in the allocation of opportunities and resources at the household level. This study, therefore, highlighted why the girl-child is accorded a relatively low status vis-à-vis the boy-child among the Kambari and how the valuation of the girl-child is closely associated with the likelihood of exhibiting discriminatory practices towards the girl-child. This study demonstrated the value of giving a voice to girl-children as well as boy- children, to express their views on discriminatory practices which provided robust and balanced findings that unveiled the life experiences of the girl-child with regard to the focus of this study. It debunked the notion by some social scientists that children lack understanding of critical issues that affect their well-being. In addition, their perspectives on the issues would provide policy makers nuanced understanding of the matter and also a robust and holistic approach in addressing the socio-cultural practices affecting the girl- child in view of the fact that they are the “future mothers” and “fathers” of tomorrow. 205 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Finally, this study brought to fore how gender relations at the household level, particularly with regard to household power dynamics and decision making which were strengthened by the patriarchal nature of the Kambari society and most traditional societies, engender discriminatory practices against the girl-child. This study has provoked new thoughts on the girl-child that would require further research contributions by social scientists on a number of issues; the situation of girl-children in special conditions such as girl-child domestics, displaced girl-children, and girl-child with disabilities, girl-children who served as aids to beggars, traditional practices and problems confronting girl-children. This study also contributed to knowledge by raising crucial programmatic issues from its findings to provoke the thoughts and actions of policy makers as follows:  What specific methods or approaches could be developed at the state and national level to further understand the situation of the girl-child?  How can censuses and surveys be used to build a data bank on girl-children?  What should be the best strategies and options for men and boys to become advocators of gender equity at the household and community levels?  How best can the needs and concerns of girl-children be mainstreamed in the state and local governments‟ developmental plans?  How can girls be sensitized to actively participate in discussions and programming on issues that would enhance their well-being?  What form of sensitization and mobilization of the populace would lead to attitudinal change of their mind- sets toward the girl-child? 5.10.4 Areas for Further Research The girl-child has increasingly become the focus of social scientists. Series of studies had highlighted different aspects with specific reference to discriminatory practices confronting in the girl-child. Drawing insight from the current study, there is the need for studies to explore areas at the household level where the girl-child faces egalitarian practices as well. Secondly, there is the need to further explore child betrothal among the Kambari in as much as the practice is more prevalent among certain language dialects, such as the Aposhi, Avadi, Akimba and Agadi. This would further provide insights into the girl- 206 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY child phenomenon and the problems associated with rejection of betrothal arrangements by girl-children, which is now prevalent in some areas. 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It‟s a boy! women and non-monetary benefits from a son in India. Retrieved from http://www.casi.ssc.upenn.edu/system/files/it‟s+a+Boy+-+ Zimmermann.pdf 222 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 1 Adult Questionnaire: Household Survey SOCIO-CULTURAL PRACTICES AFFECTING THE GIRL-CHILD AMONG THE KAMBARI OF NIGER STATE, NIGERIA QUESTIONNAIRE (FOR ADULTS) My name is _______________________ I am an investigator for a study on socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria. This study is in partial fulfilment of a Ph.D. programme at the Sociology Department, University of Ibadan. This research will assist us to know the situation of girl-children here, and will be of help to our female children. It has nothing to do with census, politics or tax evaluation. Therefore, I would appreciate your honest answers to the questions I will ask you. I assure you that all the information you give will be completely confidential. Thank you for your time and co-operation RESPONDENT ID NUMBER HOUSEHOLD IDENTIFICATION: Name of Town/village _____________________ Ward __________________________ Rural _____________________________________ 1 Urban ______________________ 2 Name of LGA ___________________________ House number ___________________ INTERVIEWER’S VISITS 1 2 3 Final visit Date _______________________ ___ ___ ____ _________ Interviewer‟s name: ____________________________________________________________ Result: _______________________________________________________________________ Result codes: 1= Completed; 2= Not at home; 3= Postponed; 4= Refused; 5= Partial completion Language interview: _____________________________ Date _______________________ Field Editor: ___________________________________ Date ________________________ General Comments: __________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________ 223 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY HOUSEHOLD SCHEDULE I would like to know more about the people who usually live in your household at least for the past 6 months? S/ PERMANENT RELATIONSH RESIDEN OCCUPATI SEX AGE EDUCATION PARENTAL SURVIVORSHIP AND ELIGIBILITY No RESIDENCE IP TO HEAD CE ON IF AGED 5 YRS OR OLDER RESIDENCE FOR PERSONS LESS OF THAN 18 YEARS OLD HOUSEHOLD Please can you What is the Does ____ What does Is How Has IF ATTENDED IF AGED 5 Is ___ IF ALIVE Is __‟s IF Circle serial give me the relationship of usually live ___ do for a ___ old is ever SCHOOL YRS-18 YRS natural Does __‟s natural ALIVE number of names of those _______ to the here living? (if mal ____? bee mother natural father Does those What is IF Why did Why is who usually head of the aged above e or n to alive? mother alive __‟s eligible highest AGED ___ not __ not live in this household? 18 yrs) fem sch? live in this natural level of LESS complet schoolin household ale household live in schoolin THAN e g starting from . this g ___ 15 schoolin currentl the head of IF YES: househo attended YRS g at that y? household What is ld? IF ? How level her name? YES: many RECORD What is years did MOTHER his ___ ‟S name? spent in SERIAL RECOR school? NO D FATHE R‟S SERIA L NO 1 9 10 11 12 224 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/ PERMANENT RELATIONSH RESIDEN OCCUPATI SEX AGE EDUCATION PARENTAL SURVIVORSHIP AND ELIGIBILITY No RESIDENCE IP TO HEAD CE ON IF AGED 5 YRS OR OLDER RESIDENCE FOR PERSONS LESS OF THAN 18 YEARS OLD HOUSEHOLD 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 13 15 16 17 14 01 Yes No M IN Yes LEVEL Yes Yes No Yes No 01 1 2 F YRS No YRS No Dk Dk 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 2 2 02 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 02 2 2 03 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 03 2 2 04 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 04 2 2 05 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 05 2 2 06 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 06 2 2 07 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 07 2 2 08 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 08 2 2 09 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 09 225 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/ PERMANENT RELATIONSH RESIDEN OCCUPATI SEX AGE EDUCATION PARENTAL SURVIVORSHIP AND ELIGIBILITY No RESIDENCE IP TO HEAD CE ON IF AGED 5 YRS OR OLDER RESIDENCE FOR PERSONS LESS OF THAN 18 YEARS OLD HOUSEHOLD 2 2 10 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 10 2 2 11 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 11 2 2 12 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 12 2 2 13 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 13 2 2 14 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 14 2 2 15 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 15 2 2 16 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 16 2 2 17 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 17 2 2 18 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 18 2 2 19 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 19 2 2 20 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 20 226 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/ PERMANENT RELATIONSH RESIDEN OCCUPATI SEX AGE EDUCATION PARENTAL SURVIVORSHIP AND ELIGIBILITY No RESIDENCE IP TO HEAD CE ON IF AGED 5 YRS OR OLDER RESIDENCE FOR PERSONS LESS OF THAN 18 YEARS OLD HOUSEHOLD 2 2 21 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 21 2 2 22 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 22 2 2 23 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 23 2 2 24 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 24 2 2 25 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 25 2 2 26 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 1 2 8 26 2 2 227 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHECK: Make sure the list of the household members is complete: 1. Is there any other person such as small children or infants that we have not list? Yes enter each in table No 2. Are there any other person/people who may not be members of your family such as domestic servants, friends who usually live here? Yes enter in Table no 3. How about any guest or visit who slept re last night CODES FOR Q12 CODES FOR Q9 LEVEL CODES FOR Q11 1. Completed schooling CODE FOR Q3 CODES FOR Q5 2. Prolong illness RELATIONSHIP TO HEAD OF 1. Dry season 1. Dislike schooling 3. Too much financial burden HOUSEHOLD 1. Farming 2. Literacy 2. Prefer farming 4. Don’t value education 2. Trading 3. Primary 3. Poor academic 5. Not interested in 01 Head 3. Civil servant 4. Secondary performance schooling 02 = Wife 4. Artisan/Mechanic 5. Tertiary 4. Got pregnant 6. Mature for marriage 03 = Son 5. Medical Personnel *** 5. Prolonged illness 7. School distant from home. 04 = Daughter 6. Business Contractor 6. School distant from 05 =Son-in-law 7. Transport/Driver YEARS (Q9) home 06 = Daughter in-law 8. Unemployed 7. Rendering domestic If years less than 1 year record 07 = Grand child assistance 00 and 98 for (Don’t know) DK 08 = Parent 98DK 8. Too much financial 09 =Parent in law burden 10 = Brother 9. Mature for marriage 11 = Sister 12 = Other relative 13 Adopted child 14 = Domestic servant 15 = Not related 228 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Name of Household Head ______________________________________________________ Total in household Total eligible men/women Serial number of respondent in the mother‟s household schedule (If a female respondent) serial number of respondent eligible B Boy or girl in the household schedule G SELECTION GRID ELIGIBLE RESPONDENTS SELECTION GRID INSTRUCTION: List all eligible respondents that are married women (15-49 years) and men (20-65 years) in the household, and randomly select one using the selection grid. Circle the respondents to be interviewed. ELIGIBLE RESPONDENTS SELECTION GRID 1. ________________________________ 8 6 0 2 7 0 6 5 9 9 0 2. ________________________________ 6 5 5 1 5 0 5 3 2 1 9 3. ________________________________ 1 0 6 8 2 4 4 3 9 7 1 4. ________________________________ 4 4 2 8 8 0 9 9 5 6 2 5. ________________________________ 7 2 9 0 5 5 6 0 4 3 0 6. ________________________________ 1 2 2 3 4 9 0 5 1 1 3 7. ________________________________ 3 7 0 3 9 8 2 2 0 9 6 8. ________________________________ 9 4 2 9 9 3 8 6 5 1 0 9. ________________________________ 7 4 3 3 1 0 8 3 4 3 2 10. ________________________________ 8 8 1 0 2 4 1 6 7 8 0 229 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY NOS QUESTIONS AND FILTERS YES NO CODES SECTION 1: HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS 101 INSTRUCTIONS: Circle the right responses for each question asked. Does any member of your household own: Yes No A car ___________________________________ 1 2 A canoe ________________________________ 1 2 A bicycle _______________________________ 1 2 A motorcycle ____________________________ 1 2 A horse/donkey/camel _____________________ 1 2 A flying boat ___________________________ 1 2 A bus __________________________________ 1 2 Does any member of your household own: A radio ________________________________ 1 2 102 A television set _________________________ 1 2 A refrigerator ___________________________ 1 2 A video set _____________________________ 1 2 An electric fan ___________________________ 1 2 An air-conditioner ________________________ 1 2 How many rooms in your household are used for sleeping _________ Is the current house you are living connected with electricity (1) Yes (2) No 103 What kind of toilet facility does your household have? 104 Flush toilet _____________________________ 1 Traditional pit toilet ______________________ 2 105 Ventilated improved pit latrine _____________ 3 No facility/bush/field _____________________ 4 SECTION 2: SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENT Sex of respondent Male __________________________________ 1 Female ________________________________ 2 201 What ethnic group do you belong to? Kambari _______________________________ 1 Others ______________________ (specify) ___ 2 What language dialect do you speak? Ashingini ___________________________ 1 202 Agadi _______________________________ 2 Avadi _______________________________ 3 Akimba ______________________________ 4 Asawuni ______________________________ 5 203 Aposhi _______________________________ 6 230 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY NOS QUESTIONS AND FILTERS YES NO CODES Makatenge _____________________________ 7 What religion do you belong? Protestant ___________________________ 1 Catholic _____________________________ 2 Islam ________________________________ 3 Traditional religion _____________________ 4 No religion ____________________________ 5 What is your marital status? 204 Married ______________________________ 1 Separated ____________________________ 2 Divorced ____________________________ 3 Widowed ____________________________ 4 Just living together _____________________ 5 How old were you when you first got married? _________________ What type of marriage are you currently in? 205 Monogamy __________________________ 1 Polygynous ____________________________ 2 Are you living together? Yes _____________________________ 1 No _____________________________ 2 206 207 208 QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED Please cross check the household schedule and be sure the following are correct 1. Occupation 2. Spouse occupation 3. Age 4. Education *** Remember to circle the serial number of the eligible respondent 301 been interviewed SECTION 3: REPRODUCTIVE BEHAVIOUR, FERTILITY 302 INTENTION AND SEX PREFERENCE Have you ever given birth? Yes ____________________________________ 1 231 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED 303 No ____________________________________ 2 If yes, how many have you ever born? Skip to B G T 306 Boys ______________ Girls _____________ Total ______ 304 (Record 00 if none for any group) B G T How many of your sons and daughters live with you? Boys ______________ Girls _____________ Total ______ 305 (Record 00 if none for any group) How many of your sons and daughters live elsewhere? Boys ______________ Girls _____________ Total ______ (Record 00 if none for any group) Have you ever given birth to a boy or a girl who later died few hours or 306 days after birth? Boys ______________ Girls _____________ Total ______ (Record 00 if none for any group) 307 Sum up 303. 304, 305 and enter total Do you intend to have more children? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 308 If Yes, how many? Boys ______________ Girls _____________ Total ______ (Record 00 if none for any group) Don‟t know ___________________________ 8 309 What sex of children would you prefer to have most? Male _________________________________ 1 Female _________________________________ 2 Skip to No preference ____________________________ 3 311 If female, why would you prefer to have more female(s)? Have more concern for parents _______________ 1 Assistance for domestic work ________________ 2 310 Render practical help if mother absent _________ 3 Meet the needs of the household ______________ 4 Have more suitors to work on my farm _________ 5 Others ________________ (specify) ___________ 6 If male, why would you prefer to have more male(s)? More labour for farm work __________________ 1 Assist parent in old age _____________________ 2 Have more strength for demanding task ________ 3 311 Continuity of family name ___________________ 4 Brings more recognition _____________________ 5 Assist younger siblings ______________________ 6 Others ________________ (specify) ___________ 7 (Tick the appropriate response) How would you feel if you have the following sex composition among your children? Sex Very Partially 232 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED Composition Happy Happy Happy Neutral Unhappy V/unhappy 1. How would you feel if you have No male children? 1 2 3 4 5 6 2. How would you feel if you have only one male child among your children? 1 2 3 4 5 6 3. How would you 401 feel if all your children are males? 1 2 3 4 5 6 SECTION 4: CULTURAL CONSTRUCTION OF GIRLHOOD AND BOYHOOD (Read and indicate Yes and No in the following statements) How does your culture view girls? Yes No 1. Girls are of less value than boys because they have no rights to inheritance ____ ___ 2. The birth of a girl does not bring much joy as the birth of a boy ____ ___ 3. A girls position is traditionally lower than that of a boy ___ ___ 4. A girl is seen as a temporary member of the 402 household because she will eventually marry ___ ___ 5. A girl‟s physical and physiological features must be fully developed and seen by all. ____ ___ 6. A girl will always take the second place in opportunities after boys have been considered ___ ___ 7. A girl who cannot demonstrate good skills in housework cannot be considered as a girl ____ ___ What are the prescribed roles of girls? 1. She undertake all forms of domestic work ____ ___ 2. She is expected to acquire skill in buying 403 and selling ____ ___ 3. A girl is expected to help the mother in her trade ____ ___ 4. She must learn how to care for her younger ones ____ ___ 5. She will eventually assume the role of a wife and mother ____ ___ What kinds of qualities are considered appropriate for a Kambari girl to 404 poses? __________________________________________ __________________________________________ 233 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ How does your culture view boys? Yes No 1. A boy is the head of the house in the absence of the father ____ ___ 2. Boys are more valuable and productive 405 than girls ____ ___ 3. Boys occupy a higher position than girls traditionally ____ ___ 4. Boys are given more opportunities and preferences than girls because of their position___ ___ 5. A boy is considered as the wealth and the strength of the household ____ ___ 6. Boys have greater responsibilities 406 than girls ____ ___ What are the prescribed roles of boy? 1. A boys is not expected to be involved in any task done by girl ____ ___ 2. A boy must have mastery of all masculine ask particularly farming ____ ___ 3. A boy will eventually head the household ____ ___ 4. A boy must acquire skills that enable him perform his role as a husband and father ____ ___ 407 What kinds of qualities are considered appropriate for a Kambari boy to posses? __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ (Read out and indicate, Yes or No in the appropriate column) 501 Yes No 1. A boy is not expected to do any form of female work at home ____ ___ 2. A boy should share in the domestic work at home ____ ___ 3. A girl should not be allowed to pursue professions dominated by men ____ ___ 4. A girl should be given assistance in carrying out domestic work at home _____ ____ 234 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED SECTION 5: FAMILIAL ROLES (Read out and indicate, Yes or No in the appropriate column) In your household/family which of the following works are assigned to girl or boys? 1. Housework Both Boys Girls Only Only Food preparation ____ ____ _____ Grinding/pounding ____ ____ _____ Washing/Peeling food items ____ ____ _____ Cooking ____ ____ _____ Serve meals ____ ____ _____ 2. Cleaning Wash dishes ____ ____ _____ Sweep veranda ____ ____ _____ Sweep surroundings ____ ____ _____ Weed surroundings ____ ____ _____ 3. Running Errands Fetch firewood ____ ____ _____ Fetch water ____ ____ _____ Carry messages ____ ____ _____ 4. Marketing Purchase food items ____ ____ _____ Carry goods for sale ____ ____ _____ Hawking ____ ____ _____ 5. Care for children Carry child ____ ____ _____ Caring for siblings ____ ____ _____ 6. Maintenance Repairs Mending of floors ____ ____ _____ Mending walls/fences ____ ____ _____ Thatching roofs ____ ____ _____ 502 Moulding blocks ____ ____ _____ 7. Farming Harrowing/ploughing ____ ____ _____ Weeding ____ ____ _____ 503 Sowing ____ ____ _____ Harvesting ____ ____ _____ 8. Animal Husbandry 504 Cattle grazing ____ ____ _____ Tend fowls ____ ____ _____ 505 Tend goats/sheep ____ ____ _____ Who do you think should be assigned domestic work at home? 601 Boys ____________________________________ 1 235 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED Girls ____________________________________ 2 Jointly done ______________________________ 3 1 Are the boys assigned any domestic work in your household? 2 Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Skip to 3 How many hours in a day do boys spent in domestic work in your 505 4 household? ___________________ hrs How many hours in a day do girls spent in domestic work in your 5 household? ___________________ hrs 6 SECTION 6: DISCRIMINATORY PRACTICES Childhood Experience 602 (Read out and indicate Yes or No) Yes No Girls were assigned most of the domestic work ____ ___ Boys received more education than girls in your family ____ ___ Girls were given less food than boys? ____ ___ Girls were restricted from eating certain foods 603 Based on tradition ___ ___ 1 Girls were more involved in hawking than boys ___ ___ Boys are more involved in farming than girls ___ ___ 2 Access to education (Read out the following levels of educational attainment and ask for boys followed by girls) What is the highest level of education should the following attain? 3 None Koranic Primary Secondary Tertiary 1. Boy child 1 2 3 4 5 2. Girl child 1 2 3 4 5 Intra family food distribution 604 What is the pattern of food distribution in your household? 1 Eat individually ________________________ 1 Eat in groups based on their gender _________ 2 Skip to 3 Whose quantity is bigger among the children in your household? Boys __________________________________ 1 of 603 2 Girls ___________________________________ 2 Shared equally ___________________________ 3 How is quantity for food determined for each group? Based on their number _____________________ 1 Based on their age ________________________ 2 Eat to their satisfaction _____________________ 3 Child Labour Activity 3 Are children in your household participating in any form of economic activity that generates income? Yes ____________________________________ 1 Skip to 236 701 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED No ____________________________________ 2 What kind of activity do girls in your household engage in? Hawking ________________________________ 1 4 Selling food items ________________________ 2 Selling locally brewed beer _________________ 3 5 Selling pottery products ____________________ 4 Buying & Re-selling of food items ___________ 5 6 Others _________________________ specify 6 What kind of economic activity do boys in your household engage in? Barrow pushing __________________________ 1 Moulding and selling local blocks ____________ 2 7 Farm labour _____________________________ 4 Hawking ________________________________ 5 Others _________________________ specify 6 At what age do boys start getting involved? ___________________________________ 701 At what age do girls start getting involved? ___________________________________ Who owns the proceeds of the sales? 1 Self __________________________________ 1 Spouse/partner ___________________________ 2 2 Each child ____________________________ 3 In the past 6 months how many of your children are involved in 3 economic- generating activity? B G T 4 Boys ______________ Girls _____________ Total ______ 5 SECTION 7: ATTITUDE TO DISCRIMINATORY PRACTICES (Read out and indicate, Yes or No) What do you feel about the 6 following? Yes No 7 I would prefer boys to be more educated than Girls ____ ___ 702 I would prefer girls to be more involved in domestic work than boys. ____ ___ 1 I prefer boys to be given more food than girls ____ ___ Food taboos should be strictly observed by Women/girls ____ ____ Girls should be more engage in hawking than boys ____ ____ I would prefer girls to be more involved In farming than boys ____ _____ 2 I would prefer getting a marriage partner for Children while they are still young ____ ___ (Read out and indicate Yes or No) Would these people approve of the 237 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED following discriminatory practices? Giving girls less food than boys Yes No 1. Partner ____ ___ 2. Mother-in-law ____ ___ 3 3. Father-in-law ____ ___ 4. Closest relations/friends ____ ___ 5. Religious clerics ____ ___ 6. Community leader ____ ___ Girls doing most of the domestic work. 1. Partner ____ ___ 2. Mother-in-law ____ ___ 4 3. Father-in-law ____ ___ 4. Closest relations/friends ____ ___ 5. Religious clerics ____ ___ 6. Community leader ____ ___ Boys getting more educated than girls 1. Partner ____ ___ 2. Mother-in-law ____ ___ 3. Father-in-law ____ ___ 4. Closest relations/friends ____ ___ 801 5. Religious clerics ____ ___ 6. Community leader ____ ___ Restricting girls from foods that should not be eaten by her traditionally 1. Partner ____ ___ 802 2. Mother-in-law ____ ___ 3. Father-in-law ____ ___ 4. Closest relations/friends ____ ___ 5. Religious clerics ____ ___ 6. Community leader ____ ___ SECTION 8: HOUSEHOLD POWER DYNAMICS Who decides on most issues that affect your household? Husband_________________________________ 1 Wife ____________________________________ 2 Jointly done ______________________________ 3 (Indicate Husb 1, Wife 2, Joint 3) In your household who decides on the following Hus Wife Joint 803 1. Providing household needs ____ ____ _____ 2. Sending/not sending children to school ____ ____ _____ 3. Assigning domestic work ____ ____ _____ 804 4. Involvement of children income generating activity ____ ____ _____ 238 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED 5. Ensuring food restricted to girls and women are obeyed to ____ ____ _____ 6. Pattern of food distribution ____ ____ _____ 805 7. Quantity of food given to each 1 child ____ ____ _____ Do you think non-participation by women in decision-making is likely to affect the girl child negatively? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 (Indicate, Yes or No) Can non-consultation in decision making negatively affect the girl in the following areas? 2 Yes No 1. Schooling aspirations ____ ___ 2. Future aspirations ____ ___ (Indicate Yes or No) Would you accept the advise by these significant others to do the following? Yes No Giving girls less food than boys 1. Partner ____ ___ 3 2. Mother-in-law ____ ___ 3. Father-in-law ____ ___ 4. Closest relations/friends ____ ___ 5. Religious clerics ____ ___ 6. Community leader ____ ___ Restricting girls from eating food/meats prohibited by tradition? 1. Partner ____ ___ 4 2. Mother-in-law ____ ___ 3. Father-in-law ____ ___ 4. Closest relations/friends ____ ___ 5. Religious clerics ____ ___ 6. Community leader ____ ___ Boys receiving more education than girls 1. Partner ____ ___ 2. Mother-in-law ____ ___ 3. Father-in-law ____ ___ 901 4. Closest relations/friends ____ ___ 1 5. Religious clerics ____ ___ 6. Community leader ____ ___ Girls doing most of the domestic work. 1. Partner ____ ___ 2 2. Mother-in-law ____ ___ 3. Father-in-law ____ ___ 3 4. Closest relations/friends ____ ___ 5. Religious clerics ____ ___ 6. Community leader ____ ___ 239 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED 4 SECTION 9: TRADITIONAL PRACTICES Child betrothal 5 Are there girls in your household who have gotten a betrothed partner from childhood? Yes ____________________________________ 1 902 No ____________________________________ 2 Skip to 1 If yes, How many 902 ________________________________________ In the past 12 months has any one of them rejected their betrothed partner? 2 Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 903 If yes, How many 1 ________________________________________ Did her action make you unhappy? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 2 Beautification marks Have any of your daughters been subjected to beautification marks in the past 12 months? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 If yes, How many ________________________________________ Food Taboos Are there certain kinds of food/meat based on your tradition that girls don‟t eat in your household? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Skip to 904 Can you mention them? 904 ________________________________________ 1 ________________________________________ 2 ________________________________________ 3 905 ________________________________________ 4 ________________________________________ 5 ________________________________________ 6 ________________________________________ 7 ________________________________________ 8 ________________________________________ 9 ________________________________________ 10 ________________________________________ 11 ________________________________________ 12 906 Whose status is relatively higher in your community? (Boys/Girls) 240 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODES ENTERED Boy-child _______________________________ 1 Girl-child _______________________________ 2 Why is the status of the boy-child relatively higher? Seen as heads of household ________________ 1 Ensure continuity of family line ____________ 2 Stronger than girls ______________________ 3 Likely to acquire more wealth ______________ 4 907 Can engage in strenuous activities _____________ 5 Care for parents/siblings ____________________ 6 Bring honour and glory to family ______________ 7 Have exclusive right to establish household ______ 8 Girls will marry and leave the household _________ 9 How would you rate the status of the girl-child in this community? Low ____________________________________ 1 Very low _______________________________ 2 Moderately low ___________________________ 3 908 High ____________________________________ 4 Very high ________________________________ 5 Moderately high __________________________ 6 What are the major problems confronting girls in this community? Teenage pregnancy ______________________ 1 Lack of access to education _______________ 2 Subjection to child betrothal _________________ 3 Betrothal rejection _________________________ 4 Sickness ________________________________ 5 Others _________________________ specify 6 Do you think the situation of girls can be improved Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Thank you for answering these questions 241 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 2 Girl/Boy-Child Questionnaire: Household Survey Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl- Child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria Questionnaire (Girl-Children/Boy-Children) My name is _______________________ I am an investigator of a study on the situation of girl- children in this community. The purpose of this study is to assist the government plan better programmes that will improve the well-being and welfare of girl-children. Therefore, I would want you to feel free and provide us with answers to the questions we will ask you. I assure you that all the information you give will be completely confidentially. Thank you for your time and co-operation MOTHER’S ID NUMBER RESPONDENT ID NUMBER HOUSEHOLD IDENTIFICATION: Name of Town/village _____________________ Ward __________________________ Name of LGA ___________________________ House number ___________________ Rural _____________________________________ 1 Urban ______________________ 2 INTERVIEWER’S VISITS 1 2 3 Final visit Date _______________________ ___ ___ ____ _________ Interviewer‟s name: Result: Result codes: 1= Completed; 2= Not at home; 3= Postponed; 4= Refused; 5= Partial completion Language interview: ____________________________________________________ Field Supervisor: _________________________ Date ___________________ Field Editor: _____________________________ Date ___________________ General Comments: _____________________________________________ 242 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY You are expected to derive this information from the mother’s household schedule Name of Household Head ______________________________________________________ Total in household Total eligible girls/boys Serial number of respondent in the mother‟s household schedule SELECTION GRID INSTRUCTION: List all eligible girl-children/boy-children that are in-and-out of school between (10-18) years in the household, and randomly select one using the selection grid, circle the respondents to be interviewed. ELIGIBLE RESPONDENTS SELECTION GRID 1. ________________________________ 8 6 0 2 7 0 6 5 9 9 0 2. ________________________________ 6 5 5 1 4 5 3 2 1 9 8 3. ________________________________ 1 6 8 1 8 2 5 7 4 3 2 4. ________________________________ 4 4 2 8 8 0 9 1 2 4 5 5. ________________________________ 7 2 9 0 5 5 6 0 4 4 3 6. ________________________________ 1 2 3 4 9 6 7 1 5 7 7 7. ________________________________ 3 7 0 3 9 0 8 1 2 2 0 8. ________________________________ 9 3 2 4 5 1 6 7 1 8 8 9. ________________________________ 3 4 4 2 2 1 8 9 6 5 9 10. ________________________________ 1 0 4 1 0 3 3 7 8 9 7 243 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY SECTION 1: PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED 1a Circle the schooling status of the girl-child/boy child In-school ___________________________ 1 Out-of school ________________________ 2 1b Sub-group Boy child ___________________________ 1 Girl child___________________________ 2 2a What ethnic group do you belong? Kambari ___________________________ 1 Others __________________Specify ______ 2 2b What language dialect do you speak? Ashingini ___________________________ 1 Agadi _______________________________ 2 Avadi _______________________________ 3 Akimba ______________________________ 4 Asawuni ______________________________ 5 Aposhi _______________________________ 6 Makatenge _____________________________ 7 3 What religion do you belong to? Protestant ___________________________ 1 Catholic _____________________________ 2 Islam ________________________________ 3 Traditional religion _____________________ 4 Others__________ Specify _______________ 5 4 How old were you at your last birthday? _____________________________________ 5 What is your ranked position in your family? First child ___________________________ 1 Second child ________________________ 2 Third child __________________________ 3 Fourth child __________________________ 4 Fifth child____________________________ 5 Above fifth __________________________ 6 6a What is your current schooling status? Still schooling ___________________________ 1 Dropped out of school _____________________ 2 244 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED Never attended school _____________________ 3 Completed school _________________________ 4 6b If schooling at what level? Dry season _______________________________ 1 Literacy class _____________________________ 2 Primary school ____________________________ 3 Secondary school __________________________ 4 Tertiary _________________________________ 5 6c If dropped out of school, why? Dislike schooling _________________________ 1 Poor academic performance _________________ 2 Prefer farming _____________________________ 3 Preparing for marriage _____________________ 4 Got pregnant _____________________________ 5 Prolong illness ____________________________ 6 School distant from home ____________________ 7 Rendering domestic assistance _________________ 8 Too much financial burden ___________________ 9 No assistance _____________________________ 10 Others ____________ Specify ________________ 11 6d If never attended school why? Too much financial burden ___________________ 1 Prefer farming _____________________________ 2 No interest in schooling ______________________ 3 Parent‟s don‟t value education _________________ 4 School distant from home _____________________ 5 Parents prefer educating boys __________________ 6 Fear of moral laxity __________________________ 7 Others _________________________ Specify 8 6e If completed school at what level? Literacy class ____________________________ 1 Dry season school _________________________ 2 Junior secondary school _____________________ 3 Senior secondary school ___________________ 4 Beyond secondary _________________________ 5 245 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED 7a What does your father do for a living? Civil servant _____________________________ 1 Artisan/mechanic _________________________ 2 Farming ________________________________ 3 Transporter/Driver _________________________ 4 Medical personnel _________________________ 5 Trading _________________________________ 6 Business contractor _________________________ 7 Others _________________________ specify 8 7b What does your mother do for a living? Trading _________________________________ 1 Farming ________________________________ 2 Medical personnel _________________________ 3 Civil Servant ______________________________ 4 Others _________________________ specify 5 8a Are your parents alive? Both are alive ____________________________ 1 None is alive _____________________________ 2 Mother only ______________________________ 3 Skip to Father only ______________________________ 4 9a 8b If your parents are alive, are they living together? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No _____________________________________ 2 8c If no, why are they not living together? Separated _______________________________ 1 Divorced ________________________________ 2 Living apart because of job/transfer ___________ 3 Dead ___________________________________ 4 Parent were never married __________________ 5 9a Are you living with your parents/any of your parents? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No _____________________________________ 2 9b If no, whom are you currently living with? Senior brother ____________________________ 1 Senior sister ______________________________ 2 Aunt ____________________________________ 3 246 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED Uncle ___________________________________ 4 Grandparent _____________________________ 5 Mistress/master ___________________________ 6 Father‟s other wife _________________________ 7 Others _________________________ specify 8 9c Why are you not living with your parents/any of your parents? Both parent dead _________________________ 1 Father not living _________________________ 2 Mother not living _________________________ 3 An house help ___________________________ 4 Caring for children _________________________ 5 Learning a trade __________________________ 6 Others _________________________ specify 7 9d How long have you been living in this household? _______________________ mths/yrs SECTION 2: FAMILIAL ROLES 10 (Read out and indicate, yes or No in the appropriate column) In your household/family which of the following works are assigned to girls or boys? 1. Housework Both Boys Girls Only Only Food preparation ____ ____ _____ Grinding/pounding ____ ____ _____ Washing/Peeling food items ____ ____ _____ Cooking ____ ____ _____ Serve meals ____ ____ _____ 2. Cleaning Wash dishes ____ ____ _____ Sweep veranda ____ ____ _____ Sweep surroundings ____ ____ _____ Weed surroundings ____ ____ _____ 3. Running Errands Fetch firewood ____ ____ _____ 247 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED Fetch water ____ ____ _____ Carry messages ____ ____ _____ 4. Marketing Purchase food items ____ ____ _____ Carry goods for sale ____ ____ _____ Hawking ____ ____ _____ 5. Care for children Carry child ____ ____ _____ Caring for siblings ____ ____ _____ 6. Maintenance Repairs Mending of floors ____ ____ _____ Mending walls/fences ____ ____ _____ Thatching roofs ____ ____ _____ Moulding blocks ____ ____ _____ 7. Farming Harrowing/ploughing ____ ____ _____ Weeding ____ ____ _____ Sowing ____ ____ _____ Harvesting ____ ____ _____ 8. Animal Husbandry Cattle grazing ____ ____ _____ 11a Tend fowls ____ ____ _____ Tend goats/sheep ____ ____ _____ Who do you think should be assigned domestic work at home? Boys ____________________________________ 1 11b Girls ____________________________________ 2 Jointly done ______________________________ 3 Are the boys assigned any domestic work in your household? Skip to 11c Yes ____________________________________ 1 11d No ____________________________________ 2 11d How many hours in a day do boys spent in domestic work in your household? ___________________ hrs 12a How many hours in a day do girls spent in domestic work in your household? ___________________ hrs 248 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED Find out which of the following activities are done daily or weekly and indicate Yes or No. Activities Daily Weekly Household _____ ______ Cleaning _____ ______ Running Errands _____ ______ Care of children _____ ______ Farming _____ ______ Maintenance work _____ ______ 12b Animal Husbandry _____ ______ Marketing _____ ______ For each of the activities can you estimate number of minutes/hours spent either daily or weekly? Activities Mins Hrs Household _____ ______ Cleaning _____ ______ Running Errands _____ ______ Care of children _____ ______ Farming _____ ______ Maintenance work _____ ______ Animal Husbandry _____ ______ 13a Marketing _____ ______ SECTION 3: CHILD LABOUR ACTIVITY Are you engaged in any form of economic activity that generates income? 13b Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Skip to 16a What kind of activity are you engaged in? Housemaid/House help _____________________ 1 Hawking ________________________________ 2 Selling goods at market ____________________ 3 Farm labour _____________________________ 4 Moulding blocks _________________________ 5 Barrow pushing __________________________ 6 Buying & Re-selling of food items ___________ 7 Selling pottery products ____________________ 8 249 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED 13c Selling locally brewed beer _________________ 9 Others _________________________ specify 10 How often do you engage in this activity in a week? Everyday ________________________________ 1 Once a week _____________________________ 2 2 times in a week __________________________ 3 3 times in a week __________________________ 4 4 times in a week __________________________ 5 5 times in a week __________________________ 6 14a 6 times in a week __________________________ 7 Only on holidays __________________________ 8 14b At what age did you start engaging in this economic activity? ________________________ yrs How many hours do you spend any day you engage in this economic activity? 1 hr ____________________________________ 1 2 hrs ____________________________________ 2 3 hrs ___________________________________ 3 4 hrs___________________________________ 4 5 hrs ____________________________________ 5 6 hrs ____________________________________ 6 14c 7 hrs____________________________________ 7 8 + hrs__________________________________ 8 (If still a pupil/student ask this question) Does your engaging in this economic activity give you enough time to study? 15a Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Who keep the proceeds of your earnings? Father __________________________________ 1 Mother __________________________________ 2 Step Mother _____________________________ 3 Master/Mistress __________________________ 4 15b Self __________________________________ 5 Others _________________________ specify 6 Do you know what the money is used for? 250 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED 15c Yes ____________________________________ 1 Skip to No ____________________________________ 2 16a If yes, what t is used for? Supplement family income _________________ 1 Pay my brother‟s fees______________________ 2 Buy things I need _________________________ 3 16a Pay my school fees _______________________ 4 Others _________________________ specify 5 Do you approve of participating in any income yielding economic activity? 16b Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 (If respondent is a boy) Do you approve of your sisters or girls participating in any income yielding economic activity? Yes ____________________________________ 1 17 No ____________________________________ 2 SECTION 4:DISCRIMINATORY PRACTICES Education (Read out the following levels of educational attainment and ask for boys followed by girls) What is the highest level of education should the following attain? None Koranic Primary Secondary Tertiary 18a 1. Boy child 1 2 3 4 5 2. Girl child 1 2 3 4 5 Intra family food distribution How is food shared in your household? 18b Eat individually ________________________ 1 Eat in groups based on their gender _________ 2 Whose quantity is bigger among the children in your household? Boys __________________________________ 1 18c Girls ___________________________________ 2 Shared equally ___________________________ 3 How is quantity for food determined for each group? Based on their number _____________________ 1 251 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED 19 Based on their age ________________________ 2 Eat to their satisfaction _____________________ 3 (Read out the following statements and indicate Yes and No) Yes No 1. Do your parents assign more domestic work to girls than boys? ____ ___ 2. Are boys given more food than girls? ____ ___ 3. Are girls more involved in farming than boys ___ ___ 4. Are boys more involved in farming than girls ___ ___ 5. Are girls sent to school? ____ ___ 6. Do boys receive more education than girls ____ ___ 20a SECTION 5: ATTITUDE OF SIGNIFICANT OTHERS TO DISCRIMINATORY PRACTICES (Read out and indicate Yes or No) Would these people approve of the following discriminatory practices? Giving girls less food than boys Yes No 1. Father ____ ___ 2. Mother ____ ___ 3.Grand Father ____ ___ 4. Grand Mother ____ ___ 5. Parents close relations/friends ____ ___ 20b 6. Religious clerics ____ ___ 7. Community leader ____ ___ Girls doing most of the domestic work. 1. Father ____ ___ 2. Mother ____ ___ 3.Grand Father ____ ___ 4. Grand Mother ____ ___ 5. Parents close relations/friends ____ ___ 20c 6. Religious clerics ____ ___ 7. Community leader ____ ___ Boys getting more educated than girls 1. Father ____ ___ 2. Mother ____ ___ 3.Grand Father ____ ___ 252 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED 4. Grand Mother ____ ___ 5. Parents close relations/friends ____ ___ 20d 6. Religious clerics ____ ___ 7. Community leader ____ ___ Restricting girls from foods that should not be eaten by her traditionally Yes No 1. Father ____ ___ 2. Mother ____ ___ 3.Grand Father ____ ___ 4. Grand Mother ____ ___ 5. Parents close relations/friends ____ ___ 20e 6. Religious clerics ____ ___ 7. Community leader ____ ___ Getting a marriage partner by parents when still a child (“Kame”) 1. Father ____ ___ 2. Mother ____ ___ 3.Grand Father ____ ___ 4. Grand Mother ____ ___ 5. Parents close relations/friends ____ ___ 6. Religious clerics ____ ___ 7. Community leader ____ ___ 21 SECTION 6: ATTITUDE TO DISCRIMINATORY PRACTICES AND ITS EFFECTS (Read out and indicate, Yes or No) Would you approve of the following discriminatory practices? Yes No a. Giving girls less food than boys ____ ___ b. Boys getting more educated than girls ____ ___ c. Girls doing most of the domestic work. ____ ___ d. Restricting girls from foods traditionally forbidden? ____ ___ 22 e. Getting a marriage partner while still a child or children? ____ ___ (Read out and indicate, Yes or No) When you are grown up and you have your own family, are you going to do the 253 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED following? Yes No a. Allow girls do most of the domestic work. ____ ___ b. Get girls less food than boys ____ ___ c. Restrict girls from eating foods that are forbidden? ____ ___ d. Give boys more education than girls ____ ___ 23 e. Choose marriage partner for your children? While they are still young ___ ___ (Read out and indicate, Yes or No) What do you think about the following discriminatory practices? Yes No a. If a girl is over burdened with domestic work, she is likely to fall sick ____ ___ b. Getting less food can make her unhealthy ____ ___ c. Getting less education or none is likely to affect her status ____ ___ d. A girl may feel dejected if parents give 24a less care and attention to her ____ ___ SECTION 7: TRADITIONAL PRACTICES Child betrothal Do you have a betrothed marriage partner choose for you from childhood? 24b Yes ____________________________________ 1 Skip to No ____________________________________ 2 24e If yes, are you likely to get married to him/her 24c Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 If No, why have you not accepted him/her as your future partner? I don‟t love him/her _______________________ 1 I have someone I would prefer to marry _______ 2 We had conflict __________________________ 3 24d Ran away with another person _______________ 4 Others _________________________ specify 5 If yes, do you prefer approve of your new partner? Yes ____________________________________ 1 254 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED 24e No ____________________________________ 2 Would you prefer that your parents make a choice of marriage 24f Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Are there cases of your sisters rejecting their betrothed partner in the past 1 year? 25a Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Beautification marks Have you been subjected to beautification marks? Yes ____________________________________ 1 25b No ____________________________________ 2 If no, why? I am not yet of age ________________________ 1 25c Parents dislike it __________________________ 2 I don‟t like it _____________________________ 3 Do you approve of beautification marks for girls? Yes ____________________________________ 1 26a No ____________________________________ 2 Food Taboos Are there certain kinds of food/meat that girls don‟t eat by tradition in your household? 26b Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Can you mention them? ________________________________________ 1 ________________________________________ 2 ________________________________________ 3 ________________________________________ 4 ________________________________________ 5 ________________________________________ 6 ________________________________________ 7 ________________________________________ 8 ________________________________________ 9 255 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED ________________________________________ 10 ________________________________________ 11 ________________________________________ 12 27a SECTION 8: CULTURAL CONSTRUCTION OF GIRLHOOD AND BOYHOOD (Read and indicate Yes or No in the following statements) How does your culture view girls? Yes No 1. Girls are of less value than boys because they have no rights to inheritance ____ ___ 2. The birth of a girl does not bring much joy as the birth of a boy ____ ___ 3. A girls position is traditionally lower than that of a boy ___ ___ 4. A girl is seen as a temporary member of the household because she will eventually marry ___ ___ 5. A girl‟s physical and physiological features must be fully developed and seen by all. ____ ___ 6. A girl will always take the second place in opportunities after boys have been considered ___ ___ 27b 7. A girl who cannot demonstrate good skills in housework cannot be considered as a girl ____ ___ What are the prescribed roles of girls? 1. She undertake all form of domestic work ____ ___ 2. She is expected to acquire skill in buying and selling ____ ___ 3. A girl is expected to help the mother in her trade ____ ___ 4. She must learn how to care for her younger ones ____ ___ 27c 5. She will eventually assume the role of a wife and mother ____ ___ What kinds of qualities are considered appropriate for a Kambari girl to poses? __________________________________________ __________________________________________ 256 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ 28a __________________________________________ __________________________________________ How does your culture view boys? Yes No 1. A boy is the head of the house in the absence of the father ____ ___ 2. Boys are more valuable and productive than girls ____ ___ 3. Boys occupy a higher position than girls traditionally ____ ___ 4. Boys are given more opportunities and preferences than girls because of their position___ ___ 5. A boy is considered as the wealth and the strength of the household ____ ___ 28b 6. Boys have greater responsibilities than girls ____ ___ What are the prescribed roles of boy? 1. A boys is not expected to be involved in any task done by girl ____ ___ 2. A boy must have mastery of all masculine ask particularly farming ____ ___ 3. A boy will eventually head the household ____ ___ 4. A boy must acquire skills that enable him perform his role as a husband and father ____ ___ 28c What kinds of qualities are considered appropriate for a Kambari boy to possess? __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ __________________________________________ 257 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED __________________________________________ 29a __________________________________________ SECTION 9:1 STATUS OF THE GIRL-CHILD Whose status is relatively higher in your community? (Boys/Girls) 29b Boy-child _______________________________ 1 Girl-child _______________________________ 2 Why is the status of the boy-child relatively higher? Seen as heads of household ________________ 1 Ensure continuity of family line ____________ 2 Boys are stronger than girls _______________ 3 Likely to acquire more wealth than girls ______ 4 Can engage strenuous activities _____________ 5 Bring honour and glory to family ______________ 6 29c Care for parents/younger ones _________________ 7 How would you rate the status of the girl-child in this community? Low ____________________________________ 1 Very low _______________________________ 2 Moderately low ___________________________ 3 High ____________________________________ 4 Very high ________________________________ 5 Moderately high __________________________ 6 *** ASK Q30A-30E to boy-child only 30a Do you think that the position accorded boys in your community should be higher than girls? Yes ____________________________________ 1 30b No ____________________________________ 2 If yes, why? It has been ordained by God __________________ 1 It is the tradition ___________________________ 2 A male is supposed to be superior than a female __ 3 30c Boys have greater responsibilities than girls _____ 4 Do you think boys should be given more privileges and preferences than girls? 258 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED Yes ____________________________________ 1 30d No ____________________________________ 2 How do you feel about the disadvantaged position (situation) of girls in your community? I feel sad and unhappy _____________________ 1 I don‟t see anything wrong __________________ 2 I feel she is cheated ________________________ 3 30e It is the tradition __________________________ 4 Do you think her situation can be improved? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 *** ASK Q31a-31e to girl-child only 31a Do you think parents are right for giving more privileges and preference to boys? Yes ____________________________________ 1 31b No ____________________________________ 2 If yes, why: It has been ordained by God __________________ 1 Boys have greater responsibilities ______________ 2 It is not wrong _____________________________ 3 31c We cannot be treated equally _________________ 4 If no, why? Girls should be treated equally _________________ 1 Girls are also useful _______________________ 2 You cannot be sure of what they can become in future ________________________________ 3 it is wrong to discriminate/show preference 31d to boys ________________________________ 4 How do you feel when parents who preference to boys? Feel sad and unhappy ______________________ 1 Feel unwanted and neglected _______________ 2 I don‟t feel anything _______________________ 3 I don‟t see it as bad ________________________ 4 31e Do you think her situation can be improved? Yes ____________________________________ 1 259 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY QUESTIONS AND FILTERS SKIP TO CODE ENTERED No ____________________________________ 2 *** ASK ALL*** Q32a-32f 32 What are the major problems confronting girls in this community? Teenage pregnancy ______________________ 1 Lack of access to education _______________ 2 Subjection to child betrothal _________________ 3 Betrothal rejection by girl ___________________ 4 Sickness ________________________________ 5 Others _________________________ specify 6 (Ask those who are betrothed this question) Do you have a boy friend/girl friend apart from your betrothed partner? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Skip to (Ask only who are not betrothed this question) 32c Do you have a boy friend/girl friend? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Do you have sex before marriage? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Have had sex before? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 If yes, at what age? _____________ yrs In the past 12 month have you heard of any girl getting pregnant before marriage? Yes ____________________________________ 1 No ____________________________________ 2 Thank you for answering these questions 260 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 3 FGD Guide (Adult) The Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl-Child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria Focus Group Discussion Topic Guide Sub-Groups: Adult Married Men and Women Introduction: A. Conception of Gender Roles 1. What are the traditional roles of the following children in your community? i. Boy-child ii. Girl-child b. Why? 2a At household level what roles do they play? i. Boy-child ii. Girl-child b. Why? B. Cultural Conception of Girlhood 3i. Who is a girl-child? ii. How does your culture describe/view the girl-child? iii. What are the cultural values, belief that shapes your views about the girl-child? 4i. In your community what sex of children are the most preferred/valued and why? ii. If a man/woman has all male children, how is it viewed and why? ii. If a man/woman has all female children, how is it viewed and why? 5 How will you feel if all your children were to be? i. All male and why? ii. All female and why? 6. a How will you describe the position/status of the following in your community? (i) Boy-child (ii) Girl-child b. Why? C. Problems Confronting the Girl-Child 7a. Generally, what are the problems confronting children in the community? b. What are the specific problems confronting the boy-child? c. What are the specific problems confronting the girl-child? d. What do you think are likely reasons why these problems persist? 8a. What are the harmful traditional practices that affect the well-being of the girl-child? 261 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY e. Why do these practices persist? f. Why are the cultural norms, beliefs superstitions, traditions that encourage these practices? g. What are the cultural taboos that affect the well being of the girl-child? D. Socialization Patterns 9. a. Can you describe your childhood experience on how you were reared on your prescribed role? b. Can you recollect if there were noticeable differences between how a boy-child and a girl-child is brought up. c. In what areas are their differences and why? 10a. Now as a married adult can you describe the way you bring up. i. Boy-child ii. Girl –child b. What are the cultural values, tradition and beliefs that influences the pattern you have adopted? E. Discriminatory Practices 11 a. Looking at the past, did your own parents exhibit discrimination between the boys and the girls? b. If yes, in what areas and why? 12. a Currently in what areas are the girl children likely to face discrimination? (i) Household (ii) Community b. Why? c. What are the cultural beliefs and traditions that justify parental attitude of discriminations towards the girl-child? 13 a. Do parents show discrimination against the girl-child is the following areas. i. Access to education ii. Future aspirations iii. Domestic work assignment iv. Child-labour v. Quantity and quality of food vi. Health-care utilization b. Why do these practices persist? c. Under what other conditions is the girl-child likely to face discrimination at the household level? 14. Do you think the following factors influences discrimination against the girl-child in your community? 262 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY i. Marriage pattern ii. Gender hierarchy iii. Inheritance rights iv. Value attached to her role v. Son preference vi. Parental socialization experience 15 a. What role can these categories of people play in influencing parental discrimination against girl-child? i. Closest friend ii. Mother-in –law iii. Close relations iv. Close relations v. Religious clerics b. Under what condition can they strongly influence parents to take action or exhibit discrimination that can affect the well-being of the girl-child? F. Household Decision-Making 16 a. In your household who decides on most issues that affects the family? b. On what issues are you likely to consult your spouse/or be consulted on before a decision is taken? c. In what ways can decision making at the household level negatively affect the well being of the girl-child? 17a. Who controls the family income? b. In what ways can the control of the income by only one partner affect the well being of the girl-child? G.Feelings /Views about Discrimination a. What are your views/feelings about discrimination against the girl-child? H. Promoting Gender Equality 18. What can parents do in order to promote gender equality at the household level? 19. What can the following bodies do to support and promote gender equality between boys and girls? i. Community ii. LGA iii. State Government iv. Federal government v. NGO‟s 263 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 4 FGD Guide (Girl/Boy Child) Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl- Child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria Focus Group Discussion Topic Guide Sub-Groups: The Girl-Child/The Boy-Child Introduction We highly appreciate your presence here; the purpose of this group discussion is to seek your opinions, ideas comments, and suggestions on the issues that affect girl-children in this community. I would want it to be a discussion with each person contributing on an issue one at a time so that the tape recorder can pick up every person‟s contribution clearly. No comment is right or wrong. We welcome both positive and negative comments. Feel free to agree or disagree with one another. We shall treat all your responses as confidential and your contributions enrich and improve the status of the girl-child in this community. B. Conception of Gender Roles 1. What are the traditional roles of the following children in this community? i. Boy-child ii. Girl-child 2. What roles do you play at: i. Home ii. Community C. Cultural Conception of Girlhood 3. How are girls “seen” in your community? i .Expectations about their behaviour ii. Expectations about their aspirations iiiWhy? 4. How are boys “seen” in your community? a. Expectations about their behaviour b. Expectations about their aspirations c. Why? 5. In your community what sex of children are preferred and valued most? Why? 6. How would you describe the status/position of: a (i) Boy-child (ii) Girl-child b. Why? 264 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY D. Discriminatory Practices 7. (a) Have you noticed that boys and girls are treated differently? (b) Why? 8. In what areas are they treated differently? i. Socialization ii. Inheritance iii. Marriage 9. In your household have you been differently as compared to your brothers/sisters in these areas? i. Access to education ii. Future aspirations iii. Quantity and quality of food given iv. Domestic work assignment v. Access to health-care utilization 10. What do, you think are the reasons for this? E. Attitude of Significant Others 11. a. Who is more likely to show discrimination against girl-child in the household i. Mother ii. Father b. Why? 12. Who is more likely to encourage discrimination against the girl-child in your community? 2. Closest friends of parent 3. Closest relations (give examples) 4. Religious clerics F. Perception of the Girl-Child 13. How can discrimination against the girl-child affect her? ii. Self-worth, self-esteem iii. Status 14. How do you feel when parents discriminate against the girl-child? Why? 15. When you have your own family will you discriminate against the girl-child? Why? G. Problems Confronting Girls 16. What are the major problems confronting girls in this community? 17. What are the harmful traditional practices against the girl-child? 18. What can be done to solve the problems confronting girls? 2. Parents 265 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3. Community 4. LGA 5. NGO 6. State H. Home Environment 19. a. In what kind of home is the girl-child likely to face discrimination? 2. Separated couples/Living apart 3. Monogamous home 4. Polygamous home 5. Male-children dominated home 6. Female-children dominated home b. Why? 20. In what kind of home is the girl-child likely to be treated equally as the boy-child? Why? 266 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 5 In-Depth Interview Guide Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria In-depth interview The purpose of the interview is to enrich our study of household discriminatory practices against the girl-child in Nigeria; particularly among the Kambari. Therefore, your opinions, ideas, comments and suggestions on the socio-cultural practices associated with discrimination at the household level will be highly appreciated.  Gender Discrimination against the Girl-Child 1. In the Past, with specific reference the Kambari in which areas did the girl-child face persistent discrimination –vis-à-vis the boy-child? 2. Currently, in what areas is the girl-child likely to face discriminatory practices at the household level? 3. Highlight the socio-cultural practices responsible for persistent discrimination against the girl-child  Traditional Practices 4. What is the significance of the traditional mode of dressing among Kambari girls (Whereby the chest upwards is left bare)? 5. What are the factors responsible for changes in the mode of dressing among some of the Kambari girls? 6. Which are the Kambari sub-groups who prefer to “stick” to the traditional mode of dressing and why? 7. What is the cultural significance of child betrothal, which is a common practice among the Kambari 8. What is responsible for the current trend of rejection of betrothal? Partner by girls/boys? 9. What is the cultural significance of food taboos, that is, restricting women & girls in particular from heating certain foods & meats? 10. What is the cultural significance of beautification marks over the body of girls before marriage?  Inter-Generational Dialogue/Communication 11. How can we promote and encourage the girl-child to take part in discussions on issues of interest in her 267 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 12. How do we promote inter-generational dialogue/communications especially among the Kambari between this groups:- i. Mother‟s & girl-children ii. Father‟s & boy-children iii. Father‟s & girl-children iv. Mother & boy-children  Promoting Gender Equality 13. What can be done by the community for parents to support the following: i. Attitudinal change in behavior towards the girl-child (in relation to discriminatory and harmful traditional practices) ii. Egalitarian treatment in family allocation of resources iii. Boys helping to ease the domestic burden to girls at the household level. 14. What do you think the following bodies can do to promote gender equality between boys and girls? i. Local Government ii. State Government iii. Federal Government iv. NGOs v. Communities 268 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 6 Case Study Guide The Socio-Cultural Practices Affecting the Girl-Child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria CASE STUDY GUIDE NO__________________ FORM A A. Personal Characteristics 1. LGA ___________________ TOWN ____________ VILLAGE ________ 2. Language cluster _______________________________ Age ______________ 3. Religion ______________________ Rank order __________________________ 4. Schooling status _______________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ 5. Sub-group ____________________________________________________________ Indicate which of the following activities is done on a daily or weekly basis and the number of hours spent. ***Record for only activities carried by the respondent. Note indicate Yes=1, No=2 on daily or weekly. This recording of activities should be repeated for each respondent at least three times B. ACTIVITY DAILY WEEKLY MIN HRS 1. Housework Food preparation _________ _________ _________ _________ Grind/pound _________ _________ _________ _________ Wash/peel food items _________ _________ _________ _________ Cooking _________ _________ _________ _________ Serve meals _________ _________ _________ _________ Record Total 2. Cleaning Wash dishes _________ _________ _________ _________ Wash clothes _________ _________ _________ _________ Sweep surroundings _________ _________ _________ _________ Weed surroundings _________ _________ _________ _________ Record Total 3. Running Errands Fetch firewood _________ _________ _________ _________ Fetch water _________ _________ _________ _________ Carry messages _________ _________ _________ _________ Record Total 269 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4. Marketing Purchase food items _________ _________ _________ _________ Carry goods for sale _________ _________ _________ _________ Record Total 5. Care of children Carry child _________ _________ _________ _________ Bath child/children _________ _________ _________ _________ Care of Siblings _________ _________ _________ _________ Record Total 6. Farming _________ _________ _________ _________ Record Total 7. Care of animals _________ _________ _________ _________ Record Total GENERAL COMMENTS ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ CASE STUDY GUIDE NO__________________ FORM B A. Personal Characteristics 1. LGA ___________________ TOWN ____________ VILLAGE ________ 2. Language cluster _______________________________ Age ____________________ 3. Religion ______________________ Rank order __________________________ 4. Schooling status ________________________________________________________ _____________________________________________________________________ 5. Sub-group _____________________________________________________________ 6. Marriage status _________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ B. Father’s Background 1. Occupation ___________________________________________________________ 2. Source of income ______________________________________________________ 3. Educational Attainment _________________________________________________ 4. Number of wives ______________________________________________________ 5. Number of children B__________________ G__________________ Total ________ C. Mother’s Background 2. Occupation ___________________________________________________________ 3. Source of income ______________________________________________________ 270 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4. Educational Attainment _________________________________________________ 5. Rank among wives (if applicable) _________________________________________ 6. Number of children B__________________ G__________________ Total ________ D. Family Situation/Home Environment 1. Living apart/Divorced 2. Monogamous 3. Polygamous E. Involvement in Child Labour Activities: Yes/No 1. Type of child labour activity i. Hawking ii. “Sari” of food items iii. Selling food items iv. Selling firewood v. Selling Brewed Beer vi. Selling pottery products Record if weekly/daily and hours spent ACTIVITY DAILY WEEKLY MIN HRS _________ _________ _________ _________ ____________ _________ _________ _________ _________ ____________ _________ _________ _________ _________ ____________ _________ _________ _________ _________ ____________ _________ _________ _________ _________ ____________ _________ _________ _________ _________ ____________ _________ _________ _________ _________ ____________ Record Total 2. Average Earnings _________________________________________________ Total F. FOOD TABOOS Is there any restrictive food/meat that girls don't eat? Yes/No (Mention with reason) Foods Reasons ___________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________ ___________________________________ 271 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ___________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________ ___________________________________ G. SUBJECTION TO BEAUTIFICATION MARKS 1. Any involvement? Yes/No 2. Approves Yes/No RESPONDENT’S COMMENTS 1. Schooling Status _____________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 2. Future Aspirations _____________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 3. Domestic work involvement _____________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 4. Involvement in child labour activity _______________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 5. Food taboos __________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 6. Marriage Status _______________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 272 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 7. Subjection to Beautification marks ________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ FATHER’S COMMENTS/VIEWS 1. Schooling Status _____________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 2. Future Aspirations __________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 3. Domestic work involvement __________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 4. Involvement in child labour activity ____________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 5. Food taboos _______________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 6. Marriage Status ____________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 273 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 7. Subjection to Beautification marks _____________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ MOTHER’S COMMENT/VIEWS 1. Schooling Status _____________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 2. Future Aspirations __________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 3. Domestic work involvement __________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 4. Involvement in child labour activity ____________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 5. Food taboos _______________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 6. Marriage Status ____________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 274 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 7. Subjection to Beautification marks _____________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ GENERAL REMARKS/COMMENTS ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 275 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Appendix 7 Presentation of Case Studies The case studies of girl-children were conducted during the household survey. The essence was to provide different or diverse profile of the girl-child phenomenon with the view to teasing out underlying socio-cultural factors as well as the inter-play of socio-cultural practices affecting the girl-child among the Kambari of Niger State, Nigeria. A total of about 12 case-studies were presented. The identities of each of the girl-children, in terms of the real names are not disclosed; rather pseudonyms were used. Case Study 1-Joy: The Realities of a Girl-Child’s Work. “Joy” aged 11 years was an in-school girl-child and the fourth child in family of 3 females and 5 boys. She belonged to the language dialect group of the Kambari known as “Ashingini”. She was the oldest girl in the family and her younger sisters were aged 4 and 2 years respectively. She was in Class VI at the primary school not too far from their house. Her parents were Christians of the Protestant denomination. The father was a farmer and the mother was a petty trader who sold food items on market days in either Gallah or Bakon Mission. She hailed from Gallah in Agwara Local Government Area. Both parents were not literate. “Joy” as the eldest daughter in the family was over-burdened with domestic work. She spent an average of 5 hours on domestic chores alone apart from other familial roles assigned to her by her parents. She noted in her own words: Since am schooling, I usually fetched water, washed the plates and also lit the fire for my mother to boil water and prepare the meals in the mornings. However, when I returned from school, I also cook what we would eat later in the afternoon and evening. During weekends, particularly on Saturdays I also assist my mother to sell food items such as rice at Gallah or Bokon Mission. Her brothers usually weed the surrounding of their compound and she noted that domestic work was “girls‟ work” and even when she eventually get married her girl-child would do most of the domestic work at home. The strict gender division of labour in their household and her upbringing had shaped her views on who should be assigned domestic work in the family. The rank order of the girl-child was significant in determining the number of hours spent on domestic chores. She was over-burdened with domestic chores in view of the fact that her other two sisters were quite younger. 276 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Case Study 2 – Hauwa : An Unrealized Personal Ambition “Hauwa” who was11 years, was an out-of-school girl-child. She was the first of 5 children in a family comprising 3 females and 2 males. She was the first daughter and first child of her parents. She belonged to the “Aposhi” dialect, one of the most conservative language dialect groups among the Kambari. Her parents were both famers and Muslims by religious affiliation. She hailed from Gallah, a fairly big village with a primary school established by the Local Government Council. “Hauwa” had keen interest to acquire formal education. She always admired other girls dressed in their uniforms going to school in her neighbourhood and desired to be like them. Eventually, on her own she enrolled in the primary school. Unfortunately, when she had just 2 more years to the completion of her primary education (Class IV), she narrated her experience with deep sadness in her own words, viz: I dropped-out of school because of the burden of domestic work, farm work and petty–trading. More so, I am the first daughter and first child in the family. My father had interest in formal education but my mother disapproved of it. Eventually, I dropped out of school, with the consent of my father. I am now engaged in petty trading and farming. I am attending Koranic school but I would want to complete my primary education (Case Study2/Girl-Child/Gallah). Her younger brother was enrolled into the primary school; as a male child. The other brother had not yet reached the school age for enrolment. This is also indicative of preference for boy-child education among the Kambari. Rather, she was told to attend Koranic school but still expressed her desire to complete her primary education. She had been following the mother on market days to sell food items when she was just 4 years old. Usually, she spent an average of 6 hours daily on domestic chores. Despite the fact that her father gave tacit approval of her enrolment at the primary school, the burden of domestic chores and other familial roles she played as the eldest child and first daughter in the family contributed to her dropping out of school. Apart from being a drop-out, she was betrothed right from childhood and she disapproved of the practice .However, she was compelled to continue with the relationship. This represents a peculiar situation that girl-children face with specific reference to those residing in rural areas. Case Study 3 – Mairo: Frustrated out of School “Mairo” aged 15 years was from a polygamous family and her mother was the first wife of the father. Both parents were Muslims and belonged to the language dialect group known as “Cshingini” or “Ashingini”. The parents have no formal education. Her father engaged in 277 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY farming while the mother was a petty-trader. Mairo was the fifth of 8 children of her mother‟s, comprising 3 boys and 5 girls. She dropped out of Class IV in the primary school due to poor performance and took to petty- trading like the mother. Her parents encouraged her to continue but she refused and felt that petty-trading was the best option for her .Coupled with that, on the average she usually spent 7 hours daily on domestic chores at home. She noted in her own words: In our household, boys were not allowed to engage in any assignment that is meant for girls. My father had other wives, however only girls were allowed to do most of the domestic work. It was not easy for me I wasn’t doing well in school and I also had household chores to be carried out even when it was not my mother’s turn to cook for the household. In Mairo‟s view her constant poor performance in subjects such as Mathematics, Primary Science, Quantitative Reasoning made her to be sad and discouraged whenever she was handed her homework or report card by her class teacher. She said sometimes I used to cry and my parents would encourage me. Poor academic performance was one of the major reasons why girl children drop-out of school. In addition, she had been betrothed from childhood and would likely get married to her betrothed partner. She disapproved of the practice noting that children should be allowed to make their choices of whom to get married to. This implied that she was being compelled to get married to her betrothed partner. If given the opportunity she would have made another choice. These challenges have negative impact on the empowerment of the girl-child, with regard to having a fulfilled life, breaking the cycle of poverty and lower status. Case Study 4 – Hadiza: Breaking Stereotyped Expectations “Hadiza” aged 10 years, was the last child in a family of 5 children, comprising 2 boys and 3 girls. Her parents were Muslims, the father a primary school teacher and the mother a petty- trader. She belonged to the language-dialect group known as “Cishingin” or “Ashingini”. Hadiza had a good enabling environment. She was a Class II pupil at the primary school. She attended extra lessons at the headmasters‟ house one a week for a fee of N20 per week with her other siblings. st nd Her performance in school was excellent as she took 1 or 2 position in her class. She was not engaged in hawking, but before going to school she usually helped the mother with some domestic chores such as sweeping the surroundings, fetching water and washing of plates. Her father, who was enlightened, disapproved of child betrothal and none of his children either female or male were betrothed from childhood. This implied that the education of parents can significantly improve the well-being of the girl-child due the opportunities that were likely to be 278 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY provided at the household level. More so, when provided with an enabling environment the girl- child could do well academically a gateway towards the upliftment of her status. Case Study 5 – Asabe: A Victim of Parental Ignorance “Asabe” aged 11 years belonged to the language dialect group known as “Ashingini”. She was the fifth child in a family of 7 comprising 4 girls and 3 boys. Her father was a traditional herbalist and also a farmer while the mother was a farm labourer who assisted others in their farms in exchange for money. Although, she had interest in formal education, but her parents had no value for western education which they felt would corrupt their daughter. Rather, she was enrolled in a Koranic school. She said “my father told me that going to the white man‟s school would make me to lose our traditions”. Parents who have low value for western education were less likely to send their girl-children to school. The situation of Asabe exemplified the plight of a proportion of girl-children in the Northern part of the country who are out of school for similar reasons. Coupled with that, most times the burden of domestic work was on Asabe and her other sisters. They usually spent an average of 5 hours daily on household chores. On other issues, she disapproved of child betrothal and restrictive food taboos against girl-children. She approved of girl-children doing most of the domestic chores at home noting that “it was the role assigned to girls by the community”. Despite the fact that she was never sent to school by her parents, she noted that when she eventually got married her sons would received more education over her daughters. Asabe‟s willingness to send her boy-children to school in the nearest future should be based on her socialization which placed high premium on boy‟s education due the patriarchal nature of the society. Case Study 6 – Grace: A Failed Betrothal Arrangement “Grace”, aged 17 years old. She was the second child of 7 children comprising 5 boys and 2 females. Her parents were Christians of the protestant background. She belonged to the “Asawani” also known as “Aposhi” among the dialect group of the Kambari. She had never attended any formal school. According to her, “my father never sent me to school”. Grace was betrothed during her early childhood, but her betrothed partner died at the age of 9 years. During the period she was betrothed to her late partner, his family only engaged in communal bridal farming service known as “gulmo” to her family only once. After the death of their son they wanted her to be betrothed to his younger brother whom she did not love. She said in her own words, “I have someone else I would want to marry and I love him, although he was from another dialect of the Kambari and a Christian as well”. Also, he was willing to pay in monetary terms all that the deceased partner‟s family had rendered in communal bridal farming services back to them. The deceased partner‟s families were not happy about the situation because they would prefer her to be betrothed to the junior brother of the deceased, not wanting to start the process of looking 279 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY for a bride for the surviving son. Therefore, they eventually reported the case to the police, her father was arrested and they reported the case to the “Justice Commission for Development and Peace” (JCDP) of the Catholic Church who intervened in the matter and was interested that the matter be resolved amicably. Grace noted that her own children in the nearest future would not be subjected to child betrothal The younger generation has rejected the practice of child betrothal and would rather prefer choosing their partners without parental interference. Failed betrothal arrangements have been on the increase among the Kambari which was previously a taboo among the older generation. Furthermore, on other issues she noted, her boy-children will receive more education over girl- children because; in her own words “they were potentially heads of households who had greater responsibilities”. Finally, her daughters would do most of the domestic work at home. Case Study 7 – Maimuna: A Life of Cultural Restrictions “Maimuna was the fifth child in a family 5 comprising of all girls. Sadly, the mother lost one of the girls. Therefore, she was the last child of her mother and 11 years old. She belonged to the Avadi one of the dialect group of the Kambari. Maimuna was never sent to school parents had no interest in western education. The parents were traditional religious adherents and both parents were farmers. She had been betrothed form childhood but would not want to marry him. She said “I would prefer to marry someone else” and she had gotten somebody who was willing to pay all the bridal farming services and other attendant costs. Her sisters also had been betrothed to partners while they were in their early childhood. Also, in their household there was the enforcement of restrictive food taboos against women and girls. As such they were not allowed to eat goat meat, dog meat and ram meat. Yet they were allowed to prepare such meat for their father and other male members of the family. She had bodily tattoos, because she disapproved of the practice. Maimuna‟s world view had been shaped by her socio-cultural environment. This accounted for her willingness to enforce restrictive food taboos on her own daughters and also allow them to do most of the domestic chores. Case Study 8 – Beatrice: A Truncated Hopeful Future “Beatrice” was 15 years old and the second child of a family of 5 children comprising 3 girls and 2 boys. She belonged to the “Cshingini” also known as the “Ashingini” language dialect group. The parents were Christians of the Protestant denomination and her parents were farmers. Her mother also sold farm products such as bambara nuts, groundnuts and millet during market days. Beatrice was in Class II in Senior Secondary School (SSS) at Salka. She also had two sisters, aged 12 and 10 years, who were in JSS 1 and Class V in the primary school, respectively. The 280 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY first child in the family, a boy, was in SSS 3 and the last son in their family was about 4 years old and therefore had not been enrolled in the primary school yet. She noted with regret: I was in SS 2, when I dropped-out of school because I got pregnant when I was 14 years of age, after my first sexual experience with my boyfriend. I never knew it would result into pregnancy. I had a son and when he grows old enough I would allow my mother to take care of him, so that I can go back and complete secondary school. (Case Study 10 /Girl- Child / Salka) Thus, her parents had value for western education and were keen that each child, irrespective of his or her gender, an opportunity to be educated. The parents‟ aspiration for all their children was that they acquire higher education in any field of their choice. Unfortunately, she dropped out of school when she was in SSS II because she got pregnant. At the time of the study, her son was just 4 months old. She was willing to go back and complete her schooling when the baby was old enough to be left with his grandmother. Her future aspiration was truncated and her desire to return to school was fraught with series of problems as a teenage mother. Case Study 9 – Halima: I Disliked Schooling “Halima” was 7 years old and was the first child out a family of 2. They were all girls in their household. She belonged to the “Akimba” dialect group of the Kambari. The parents were Muslims, and farmers. She dropped out of school because according to her “I disliked like schooling, so I dropped out when I was in Class II at the primary school”. Her dislike for schooling was associated with the distance from her home and the attitude of some teachers who felt that girls cannot perform better than boys. She further noted “I preferred hawking. At least, I would make some money to purchase items that are necessary when you eventually get married”. The mindset of “Halima” on the matter must have been shaped by her socio-cultural environment whereby girl-children save money from whatsoever items they hawk to buy basic things needed when they get married. She also usually hawked at least 4 times in a week and started that when she was 7 years old. She usually spent roughly 2 hours each time she went to hawk her wares within the neighbourhood or market. Case Study 10 – Abigail: I want to Train as a Nurse “Abigail” was sixth child in her family 6 children, 2 boys and 4 girls. She was 15 years old. However, the mother later lost a daughter, leaving behind 3 girls. The parents were Christians of the protestant denomination. They were farmers but the father was also a petrol dealer and a politician. She was currently attending a secondary school at Kara-Bangi was an SS II. She belonged to the Akimba language-dialect among the Kambari. She noted with great enthusiasm that her desire after completion of her secondary education was to train as a nurse. When asked 281 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY why not other professions? She responded with a smile and said that she enjoyed caring for the sick. Furthermore, she observed that her desire for all children irrespective of their gender would be given opportunity to acquire higher education. She further noted that “girls especially can do as well do well as boys in their studies” On child betrothal, she observed that her children would not be subjected to it in her view “it was an old tradition, the younger generation would prefer personal choice over parental choice”. Case Study 11 – Nabila: The Worth of a Girl-Child “Nabila” aged 10 years old was the third child of a family comprising 4 boys and 4 girls. The father had two wives and her mother was the first wife. She belonged to the Aposhi language dialect group of the Kambari. The father was a farmer and the mother sold locally brewed beer known as “burukutu” every market day. They were traditional religious adherents. Nabila had never attended any formal school and that also was applicable to all her other sisters. She had been betrothed from an early age and she said she would eventually marry her betrothed partner. She did not have bodily tattoos in her view “her parents disliked it”. Nabila observed that right from an early age our parents treated us differently. In terms of the work they were assigned and the privileges given to each one was based on their gender. They usually sat with other men in the household. They were allowed to eat all kinds of meat. Girls would marry and leave the household and the boys would eventually head the household. She further noted: The boys were seen as the pillars of every household, without who the family would be forgotten in the community. Therefore, it is important to send them to school. Girls are only second to the boy-child in everything. .Case Study 12- Talatu : A Tradition Not Discrimination “Talatu”, an out-of -school 15 years old girl-child was the third child in a family 8 comprising 2 boys and 6 girls. Eventually, the mother lost a girl leaving 5 girls and a boy. She belonged to the Aposhi dialect group of the Kambari. They were traditional religious adherents. The parents were both farmers and she was involved in hawking at least once a week. She started hawking she was aged 7. She had been betrothed from childhood and would marry her betrothed partners. Furthermore, she has bodily tattoos and she approved of it. She had never attended any formal schooling. In her view, she preferred farming. She spent an average of 5 hours daily carrying out domestic chores. Also in their household food was shared equally and everyone ate to his or her satisfaction. There were restrictive food taboos against women and girls in their household. They were not allowed to eat dog, cat or snake meat. She said during festivals or “gulmo” my sisters, mother 282 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY and I took time to prepare all the meats we were given. However, we were not part of those who enjoyed such delicacies. It was the same practice even when we visit other neighbouring villages during festivities. She said restrictive food taboos had been a practice enforced by various sanctions. The fear of those sanctions made us never to have a taste of the meat even while cooking it for the family or during festivities. Over the years were told it was the tradition of our forefathers. To that effect, nobody in our community saw it as a discriminatory practice against the girl-child. The case studies were drawn from girl-children of diverse dialect groups and religious affiliation and their age ranged from 10 to 17 years. As regards their schooling status 5 were in school and 10 out of school girl-children. In summary, the case studies have presented a descriptive overview of diverse profiles of the girl-child. They further provided insight into the girl-child phenomenon among the Kambari. 283 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY