FERTILITY DIFFERENTIALS AMONG ETHNIC GROUPS IN KOGI 

STATE, NIGERIA 

 

 

 

BY 

 

 

Aboluwaji Daniel AYINMORO 

B.Sc. (Hons) Sociology (NDU), M.Sc. (Hons) Sociology/Demography (Ibadan) 

Matric. No.: 173704 

 

 

 

 

 
A THESIS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY 

SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES IN PARTIAL 

FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF  

 

 

 

 

 

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

of the  

UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN, IBADAN 

 

 

 

 

MARCH 2021 

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CERTIFICATION 

I certify that this thesis was written by Aboluwaji Daniel AYINMORO, with 

Matriculation Number 173704, in the Department of Sociology, Faculty of the Social 

Sciences, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. 

 

 

 

 

................................................     ……………………… 

Supervisor        Date 

Dr. Olufunke A. FAYEHUN 

B.Sc., M.Sc., PhD. (Ibadan) 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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DEDICATION  

This thesis is dedicated to God the Father, the Son, and the Holyghost, the Author and the 

Finisher of my Faith, who endowed me with divine wisdom to accomplish this research 

and to all the family of Ayinmoro.   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS  

It is with utmost heart of gratitude that I acknowledge Dr. Olufunke A. Fayehun for her 

thorough supervision of my thesis. Indeed, her constant and painstaking constructive 

criticisms including her encouragement and support during the writing of my proposal and 

the final thesis enabled me to complete my Doctor of Philosophy Degree (PhD) in due 

time. You are highly appreciated. I also remain grateful to Professor U. C. Isiugo-Abanihe 

and Professor O. O. Omololu for their excellent contributions in shaping the title of my 

thesis to a unique and record-breaking topic. I sincerely remain grateful for your pieces of 

advice on the title of my study - Professor Eze E. Nwokocha and Professor Oka M. 

Obono, who pushed me to reconsider the topic during the process of writing my thesis. 

Not all my efforts to actualize my academic pursuit may have come through without your 

valuable contributions.  

I am equally indebted to all members of staff in the Department of Sociology. I specially 

acknowledge the various suggestions gave to me by Professor R. A. Okunola, Professor A. 

S. Jegede, Professor O. A. Olutayo, Professor A. A. Aderinto (HOD), Dr. O. Akanle, Dr 

‘Kunle Ojedokun, Dr A. A. Obiemeta, and Dr K. K. Salami during my pre-field and post-

field seminar presentations. I appreciate Professor I. P. Onyeonoru (former HOD), 

Professor E. E. Okafor, Professor B. Owumi, Dr Bimpe Adenugba, Dr. O. A. Omobowale, 

Dr. S. A. Omolawal, Dr. D. Busari, Dr. P. A. Taiwo, Dr. O. Adegoke, Dr. Ademuson, Dr. 

Kudus Adebayo and Dr. S. O. Chukwudeh for your contributions in the writing of my 

abstract. I really appreciate all your efforts in helping me to shape my thoughts towards 

the actualization of this great achievement.  

I will also not be in a hurry to forget Dr. O. J. Taiwo of the Department of Geography, 

who was my external/internal examiner during my proposal defence. Your invaluable 

contributions and pieces of advice are well appreciated. To Mr Joseph Olumoyegun of the 

same Department, I am grateful for all the map works of the study you did. The pictorial 

presentations of the results on the migration trajectories of all ethnic groups this study 

attempted to present in a simple, comprehensible and diagrammatic manner wouldn’t have 

been a success without your intellectual contributions in that aspect. Thank you very 

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much. To all CARTA Staff, Prof. A. Omigbodun, Mrs Funke Fowler and Mr Abiodun 

Aliu, I am grateful for all your supports and encouragements especially during my periods 

of stay with you as an ad-hoc staff for JAS 3 between 2016 and 2019. 

To Professor Joshua Eniojukan and the wife, I acknowledge your supports throughout my 

academic programme. Your enormous contributions to my education remain an indelible 

mark in the record book of my success. To my parents, Elder Joshua Ayinmoro and 

Deaconess Deborah Ayinmoro, I appreciate you for instilling in me the ethics of hard 

work during the process of your primary roles of socializing me. Certainly, your supports 

throughout my academic life and encouragements make me more optimistic about the 

purpose of my existence. I appreciate you. I am grateful Mr Sunday Ayinmoro for all his 

contribution. I appreciate Mrs Modupe N. Adesina for her encourament during my 

fieldwork. To my darling, Yetunde M. Ayinmoro and children, I appreciate for all the 

supports and encouragements you gave to me.   

To all my colleagues, Dr. Turnwait Michael, Olubusayo Ogunsemoyin, Dr. Endurance 

Uzobo, Chinedu and others, I appreciate you for your supports and encouragements. You 

really motivated me towards the actualization of this programme. Judith Ani, my friend, 

thank you for your advice. I remain grateful. Chinedu Earnest, I thank you for your 

supports and encouragements particularly in connecting me with the person that translated 

my questionnaire into Igbo language. Dr. Tunrayo Ayobola and Tari Ankpadara, my 

senior colleagues, I appreciate you. I also appreciate Dr. Elliot A. Sibiri of the Niger Delta 

University for his contributions.   

I also express my gratitude to Mr and Mrs Sunday Osoebaiyegbe, Mr and Mrs Owolohun 

Gbenga, Mr Kunle Dare, Mr and Mrs Sunday Alehile, Mrs Abejirin, Mr Rufus Olubiyo, 

Mrs Adebayo, Mrs Nwago, Mrs Bayeri, Mrs Isaiah, Timothy among others who all served 

as my Research Assistants (RAs).  

 

 

 

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ABSTRACT 

Fertility differentials, which are variations in birth rates among population sub-groups, have 

largely accounted for the difficulty in formulating a workable population policy in Nigeria. 

Previous studies on fertility differentials in Nigeria focused mainly on three major ethnic groups – 

Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba. However, little attention has been given to minority ethnic groups, 

especially in Kogi State which has more than eight ethnic groups. This study was, therefore, 

designed to examine fertility levels, contraceptive knowledge and use, and male roles in fertility 

(contraceptive, sex preference, and family size decisions) among ethnic groups in Kogi State.  

 

Preference Theory served as framework, while comparative cross-sectional survey design was 

employed. Kogi was clustered into East, Central, and West senatorial districts, while Dekina, 

Adavi and Kabba/Bunu Local Government Areas (LGAs) were purposively selected due to high 

concentration of ethnic groups in the LGAs. Four ethnic groups (Ebira, Igala, Okun and migrant 

Igbo) were purposively selected due to their high population density, and a total of 1,314 

respondents were selected based on Cochran’s (1977) sample size determination formula. 

Respondent-driven sampling was used to proportionately administer a structured questionnaire to 

ever-married women (aged 15-49) among the Ebira (353), Igala (358), Okun (361), and migrant 

Igbo (242) as a reference group through their respective hometown associations (HTAs). The first 

sets of eligible respondents were selected from LGAs. Eight key informant interviews and 14 

focus group discussions were conducted with HTAs leaders, ever-married women and men. 

Quantitative data were analysed using descriptive statistics and logistic regressions at p≤0.05, 

while the qualitative data were content-analysed.  

 

The respondents’ age was 34.4±6.2 years; the Ebira (45.9%) and Igala (51.6%) were 

predominantly Muslims, while the Okun (82.9%) and migrant Igbo (65.3%) were Christians. 

Fertility levels were 4.5 (Igala), 4.0 (migrant Igbo), 3.6 (Ebira) and 3.4 (Okun) per woman. 

Fertility levels were significantly higher among the Igala (OR=2.46) and Ebira (OR=1.47), but 

lower among the Okun (OR=0.66) than the migrant Igbo. Contraceptive knowledge was high 

among the migrant Igbo (76.9%), Ebira (73.5%), Okun (70.5%) and Igala (63.5%); and 

significantly associated with secondary (OR=1.32), tertiary (OR=1.23) education and urban 

residence (OR=3.95). Twenty-four per cent of Igala, 25.7% (Ebira), 64.0% (Okun) and 67.0% 

(migrant Igbo) used modern contraceptives; and significantly lower among the Igala (OR=0.08), 

Ebira (OR=0.12), and Okun (OR=0.31) than the migrant Igbo. Thirty-five per cent of the Igala 

men, 27.4% (Ebira), 23.5% (Okun), and 23.1% (migrant Igbo) played dominant roles in fertility 

decisions. Male’s dominant roles were significantly associated with women age 20-24 (OR=3.39), 

spouse with agricultural occupation (OR=2.75), average (OR=11.22) and high (OR=7.11) monthly 

income. Cultural values that only male children confer respect on women, assure family headship 

succession and grant inheritance rights increased fertility levels. Religious beliefs, husbands’ 

disapproval and perceived side effects of contraceptives influenced low contraceptive uptake.    

 

Low usage of modern contraceptives and cultural values for male children influence fertility 

differentials among ethnic groups in Kogi State. There is need for context-specific sensitisation on 

contraceptive use among ethnic groups in Kogi State.  

 

Keywords: Contraceptive use, Male child preference, Ethnic groups in Kogi State  

 

Word counts:  493 

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 

Title Page           i 

Certification           ii 

Dedication           iii 

Acknowledgements          iv 

Abstract           vi 

Table of Contents          vii 

List of Tables          x 

List of Figures          xii 

List of Boxes           xiii 

Acronyms and Abbreviations        xiv 

 

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 

1.1 Background to the Study        1  

1.2 Statement of the Problem       4  

1.3 Research Questions         6 

1.4 Objectives of the Study        6 

1.5 Justification/Significance of the Study     6  

1.6 Scope of the Study         8 

1.7 Conceptual Clarifications        8 

1.8 Summary of Chapters        9  

 

CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK  

2.0 Introduction          11 

2.1 Conceptual Review         11 

2.1.1 Fertility and Migration as Concepts      11 

2.1.2 Family Planning and Contraceptive Methods  

 (Birth Control Methods)       14 

2.1.2.1 Modern Methods of Contraception     14 

2.1.2.2 Traditional/Natural Methods of Contraception   19 

2.2 Ethnicity in Nigeria        23 

2.2.1 Ethnicity and Fertility in Nigeria      25 

2.3 Migration as a Factor in Fertility       27 

2.4 Fertility Patterns/Levels among Ethnic Groups    30 

2.5 Awareness/knowledge and Access to Contraception among  

Ethnic Groups         36 

2.6 Contraceptive Use among Ethnic Groups      40 

2.7 Male Roles in Fertility Behaviour among Ethnic Groups   46 

2.8 Theoretical Framework: Preference Theory of Fertility    51 

2.8.1 Application of Preference Theory       56 

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CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY   

3.0 Introduction         60 

3.1 Research Design         60 

3.2 Study Setting          62 

3.3 Study Population         65 

3.4 Sample Size          65 

3.4.1  Quantitative Sample Size       65 

3.4.2 Qualitative Sample Size       67 

3.4.3 Inclusion Criteria       70 

3.5 Sampling Technique        70 

3.5.1 Sampling Procedures        70 

3.6 Research Instruments         74 

3.6.1 Quantitative Method        74 

3.6.1.1 Structured Questionnaire      74 

3.6.2 Qualitative Method       74 

3.6.2.1 Key Informant Interview     75 

3.6.2.2 Focus Group Discussions     75 

3.7 Procedure of Administration        77 

3.8 Data Processing         77 

3.8.1 Quantitative Data Processing       77 

3.8.2 Qualitative Data Processing       78 

3.9 Methods of Data Analysis       78  

3.9.1 Quantitative Method of Data Analysis     78 

3.9.1.1 Univariate Analysis       78 

3.9.1.2 Bivariate Analysis       78 

3.9.1.3 Multivariational Analysis      79 

3.9.2 Qualitative Method of Analysis     79 

3.9.2.1 Content Analysis       79 

3.10 Definitions and Measurements of Key Variables    80 

3.11 Validity and Reliability of Research Instruments     84 

3.12 Ethical Considerations       84 

3.13 Limitations of the Study        86 

 

CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS AND DISCUSSION  

4.0 Introduction          88 

4.1 Socio-Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents    88 

4.2 Fertility Patterns among Ethnic Groups     92 

4.3 Awareness (Knowledge) and Access to contraception  

by ethnic groups        117 

4.3.1 Sources of Contraceptives Awareness/Knowledge  

and Access to Family Planning Methods    138 

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4.4 Contraceptive Use among Ethnic Groups     145 

4.5 Male Roles in Fertility Behaviour by Etnic Groups     168 

4.6 Discussion of Findings       188 

4.6.1 Discussion of Findings on Fertility  

Patterns/Levels among Ethnic Groups    189 

4.6.2 Discussion of Findings on Contraceptive Awareness/Knowledge  

and Access         193 

4.6.3 Discussion of Findings on Contraceptive Use among  

Ethnic Groups        197 

4.6.4 Discussion of Findings on Male Roles in Fertility  

Behaviour        200 

4.7 Findings and Theoretical Relevance      202 

 

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 

5.1 Summary          205 

5.1.1 Summary on the Socio-Demographic Characteristics of  

the Respondents       206 

5.1.2 Summary on the Fertility Patterns (Levels) among Ethnic Groups  208 

5.1.3 Summary on Knowledge and Access to Contraception  209 

5.1.4 Summary on Contraceptive Use among Ethnic Groups  211 

5.1.5 Summary on Male Roles in Fertility Behaviour   212 

5.2 Conclusion         213 

5.3 Recommendations        214 

5.4 Contribution to Knowledge       216 

5.5 Recommendations for Further Studies     217 

References          218 

Appendix A Structured Questionnaire      229 

Appendix B Key Informant Interview Guide     236 

Appendix C Focus Group Discussion Guide (Female Group)   239 

Appendix D Focus Group Discussion Guide (Male Group)   241 

Appendix E Instrument in Ebira       243 

Appendix F Instrument in Igala       250 

Appendix G Instrument in Okun       256 

Appendix H Instrument in Igbo Language      269 

Appendix I Code Book         281 

Appendix J Ethical Clearance – Kogi State Ministry of Health    289 

Appendix K  Ethical Approval – Social Sciences and Humanities Research  

Committee, University of Ibadan      290 

 

 

 

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LIST OF TABLES 

 

Table 3.1  Sample Size Distribution of women of reproductive  

  age by Ethnic Groups        68 

Table 3.2  Matrix of Research Instruments by Study Objectives  76 

Table 3.3  Measurements and Codes of Key Variables     82 

Table 3.4  Data Analysis Matrix by Variables and Instruments    83 

Table 4.1 Socio-Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents  90 

Table 4.2 Distribution of respondents by age at marriage and  

age at first birth       95 

Table 4.3  Distribution of respondents by breastfeeding patterns, parity  

and birth interval        101 

Table 4.4  Distribution of respondents by ideal number of children and  

fertility levels         104 

Table 4.5 Results of Binary Logistic Regression on Women  

Fertility Outcome        112 

Table 4.6 Percentage Distribution of Respondents by  

Contraceptive Awareness/Knowledge     118 

Table 4.7  Relationship between modern contraceptive knowledge and  

fertility levels         122 

Table 4.8  Relationship between traditional contraceptive knowledge  

and fertility levels        126 

Table 4.9 Relationship between the knowledge of induced abortion  

and fertility levels        130 

Table 4.10  Results of Binary Logistic Regression Models on 

Contraceptive Knowledge       134 

Table 4.11  Percentage Distribution of Respondents by  

Sources of Contraceptive Knowledge     139 

Table 4.12 Distribution of Respondents by Contraceptive Accessibility  142 

Table 4.13  Percentage Distribution of Respondents Currently  

Using Contraceptive Methods      147 

Table 4.14  Relationship between modern contraceptive use and  

fertility levels         151 

Table 4.15  Relationship between traditional contraceptive use and  

fertility levels         155 

Table 4.16 Distribution of Respondents by Factors Associated  

with Induced Abortion       159 

Table 4.17 Relationship between the use of induced abortion and  

fertility levels         161 

Table 4.18 Results of Binary Logistic Regression Models on   

Women Currently Using Contraceptive Methods    165 

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Table 4.19  Association between male roles in contraceptive use decisions  

and ethnic groups       170 

Table 4.20 Association of male roles childbearing decision and ethnic group  175 

Table 4.21.  Association of men’s attendance in ANC with wife and  

ethnic group         177 

Table 4.22 Relationship between men’s dominant roles in fertility behaviour  

and fertility levels        185 

Table 4.23 Results of binary logistic regression models on  

Male’s dominant role in fertility behaviour     187 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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LIST OF FIGURES 

 

Figure 2.1  The Conceptual Framework       59 

Figure 3.1  The Map of Kogi State Showing the Distribution and Location  

of the Indigenous Languages and Ethnic Groupings    64 

Figure 3.2  The map of Kogi State Showing the Selected Study  

  Areas by LGAs        69  

Figure 3.3.  Sampling Flow Chart        73 

Figure 4.1 The Mean Distribution of Respondents by the Number of  

Children Ever Born       93 

Figure 4.2 Age and Birth Rates by Ethnic Groups    108 

Figure 4.3 Percentage Distribution of Respondents by the  

Level of Modern Contraceptive Knowledge     120 

Figure 4.4 Percentage Distributions of Respondents  

by the Level of Traditional Contraceptive Knowledge   124 

Figure 4.5 Percentage Distribution of Respondents by the  

Knowledge of Induced Abortion     128 

Figure 4.6  Proportion of modern contraceptive use by ethnic groups  149 

Figure 4.7  Proportion of traditional contraceptive use by ethnic groups  153 

Figure 4.8 Percentage Distributions of Respondents by Induced Abortion  157 

Figure 4.9 Percentage distribution of respondents by men’s dominant role  

in fertility behaviour       183 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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LIST OF BOXES 

 

Box 4.1 Qualitative Narratives of Age at Marriage by Ethnic Groups  97 

Box 4.2 Qualitative Narratives on Ethnic Homogamy     99 

Box 4.3 Qualitative Narratives of Sex Preference     106 

Box 4.4 Qualitative Narratives of Ideal Number of Children   110 

Box 4.5 Qualitative Responses on Contraceptive Awareness/Knowledge  132 

Box 4.6 Qualitative Responses on Sources and Access to Contraception  144 

Box 4.7 Qualitative Responses on the Contraceptive Use by Methods  163 

Box 4.8 Qualitative Responses on Contraceptive Use Decisions   172 

Box 4.9  Qualitative Responses on the Key Decision-Taker  

on Male Child Sex Preference      179 

Box 4.10 Qualitative Responses on the Major Decision-Taker  

on the Ideal Number of Children a Family Should Have   181 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS 

ASFRs   Age Specific Fertility Rates 

CBR   Crude Birth Rate 

CPR   Contraceptive Prevalence Rate 

FGN   Federal Government of Nigeria 

GFR   General Fertility Rate 

HTAs   Home Town Associations 

LDCs   Less-Developed Countries 

NDHS   Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey 

NGOs   Non-Governmental Organizations 

NISER   Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research 

NPC   National Population Commission 

PRB   Population Reference Bureau 

SSA   Sub-Saharan Africa 

TFRs   Total Fertility Rates 

UNDP   United Nations Development Programme 

UN DESAPD United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 

Population Division 

UNHCR  United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 

UNPFA  United Nations Population Fund 

UNSDGs  United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals 

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CHAPTER ONE 

INTROUCTION 

1.1 Background to the Study 

All over the world, there are wide regional variations in cultural values for children, which 

are a major factor in preference for large families, especially in less developed countries 

(LDCs). The preference for large families, on the other hand, is far above global 

replacement level of 2.1 children per woman particularly in LDCs (Population Reference 

Bureau, 2011). In sub-Saharan Africa, for example, the average rate of 4.7 children per 

woman is far above the global rate of 2.5 per woman (United Nations, Department of 

Economic and Social Affairs, Population Divisions, 2015). Similarly, the average rate of 

5.3 children per woman in Nigeria is still high and far above the global replacement level 

(National Population Commission [NPC], & ICF International, 2019). With the recent 

report of the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey (NDHS), regional and state 

differences in fertility rates also exist in Nigeria, which are often far above both the world 

and national average rates. However, studies have shown that social, cultural, and 

economic factors are associated with fertility differentials in a population (Skirbekk, 2008; 

Isiugo-Abanihe, 2010). 

In specific terms, ethnic identities and correlates of demographic variables (Amin, & 

Teerawichitchainan, 2009; White, Muhidin, Andrzejewski, Tagoe, Knight, & Reed, 2008; 

Brown, & Guinnane, 2007) have been found to be strong determinants of fertility norms 

among population strata and subgroups, especially in a multi-ethnic population (Fayehun, 

Omololu, & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2011; Mberu, & Reed, 2014; Palamuleni, 2014). While these 

have been acknowledged in Nigeria demographic transition, the causes of these variations 

in fertility norms among divergent ethnic groups are not well-understood.  

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In sub-Saharan Africa for instance, there is a great influence of ethnic identity in all 

aspects of human life. It is a critical factor in economic and political system as well as 

fertility in respect to spouse selection (Isiugo-Abanihe, & Fayehun, 2017; Palamuleni, 

2014). The desires for large family size, contraceptive use and decision, duration of 

breastfeeding and birth spacing are determined by societal norms, which are based on 

ethnic identities (Mberu, & Reed, 2014; Fayehun, Omololu, & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2011; 

Kritz, Gurak, & Fapohunda, 1994). Indeed, it is the fundamental value for societal 

continuity (Obono, 2003). Hence, fertility norms have a direct bearing with ethnic 

identity, which remains the root cause of variations in population growth by regions and 

other socio-demographic characteristics (Amin, & Teerawichitchainan, 2009).  

Given that ethnicity offers a more discernable variations in fertility behaviour in countries 

with multiethnic compositions (Odimegwu, & Adewoyin, 2020); there are also links 

between fertility behaviour and migration, especially among those who were of the 

typology of internal migration with different socio-demographic characteristics 

(Makinwa-Adebusoye, 1985; Omoyeni, Akinyemi, Omideyi, & Sanya, 2013; NPC, & ICF 

International, 2014). This suggests it offers a life experience that has insightful 

consequences on human sexual and reproductive behaviour (World Health Organisations, 

2007). For instance, women who moved to new destinations (e.g. urban centres) have 

shown a relatively lower fertility levels when compared to women who did not move and 

remained in rural areas where there is low formal education and low living standards 

(Garenne, & Joseph, 2002; Gugler, 2008).  

In addition, Omoyeni et al. (2013) and Akinyemi et al. (2017) have observed fertility 

differentials among internal migrants, which takes the forms of rural-rural, rural-urban, 

urban-urban, urban-rural and return migration (Oyeniyi, 2013) relative to their fertility 

levels and contraceptive use among migrants and non-migrants in Nigeria. However, as 

good as they were at providing the basis for fertility disparities in the country, the patterns 

of these differentials especially among diverse ethnic compositions in the population are 

still limited to the majority ethnic groups (Hausa-Fulani, Igbo and Yoruba) (Mberu, & 

Reed, 2014; Odimegwu, & Adewoyin, 2020), while the minority ethnic groups are not 

known.  

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Meanwhile, scholars have suggested that an understanding of the interrelatedness of 

ethnicity, internal migration and fertility behaviour is important for several reasons 

(Mberu, & Reed, 2014; Odimegwu, & Adewoyin, 2020). Among other reasons are that it 

has implications for population growth and control, as well as the need to address regional 

inequality in soco-economic cum political development (Odimegwu, & Adewoyin, 2020).  

Relative to Kogi State (Nigeria), there are 21 Local Government Areas (LGAs) with over 

eight ethnic groups, namely; the Ebira, Igala, Okun, Bassa Nge, Bassa-Komo, Kakanda, 

Gwari, Oworo, Ogori, Idoma, Igbo, and Mangogo. In her fertility levels on one hand, the 

2013 and 2018 NDHS reports show that the median number of children in the state were 

4.2 and 4.8 respectively (NPC, & ICF International, 2014; 2019) with an increase of 0.6 

children per woman between 2013 and 2018. On the other hand, the report of the National 

Internal Migration Survey conducted in 2010 by the National Population Commission 

(NPC) also revealed that 34.2% and 2.8% of her residents were internal and return 

migrants respectively (NPC, 2010). While the mean difference of 0.5 children seems to be 

lower than the national average of 5.3 children, the mean number of children among the 

various ethnic compositions with high sense of internal mobility is still scanty in Nigeria 

demographic literature.  

In fact, analysis of fertility by ethnic identity in Nigeria, for example, is generally 

excluded in most surveys (e.g. NDHS) largely to avoid possible controversies in their 

interpretations. In spite of this exclusion, there is wide acknowledgement in both 

government and academic community including the civil society that an understanding of 

these dimensions in every fertility regime is essential to develop an inclusive population 

policy and programmes in order to mitigate the predispositions of most communities and 

ethnic compositions to high fertility in Nigeria’s diverse population. The crux of this 

study, however, is do ever-married women from the majority ethnic groups (the Ebira, 

Igala, Okun and the migrant Igbo) differ in their fertility patterns, contraceptive 

knowledge and use and male roles as influence of ever-married women’ fertility 

behaviour? 

 

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 1.2 Statement of the Problem 

The population of Nigeria is growing exponentially. With the projections of the United 

Nations’ Population Division,  as an example, Nigeria’s population would reach 264.07 

million by 2030, 410.64 million by 2050 and 793.94 million by the year 2100 respectively 

(UN DESAPD, 2017). The rise in Nigeria’s population is attributable to the great 

variability in cultural values for large family size embedded in ethnicity. Some of these 

cultural values have resulted into low contraceptive use prevalence rate (CPR) of 17 per 

cent (NPC, & ICF International, 2019) that could have served as inhibiting mechanisms 

for human natural potentials to reproduce young offspring as well as male dominant roles 

in fertility decisions which affect fertility levels. These values and variations in birth rates 

however, have largely affected the attainment of the population policy targets of 4 

children per couple in the country as the average number of children in Kogi State hits 4.8. 

As a result of the cultural values for large family sizes embraced by most ethnic groups in 

the state, there are poor attitudes towards the use of effective family planning methods 

among ever-married women with only 22.4% of them currently using any method (NPC, 

& ICF International, 2019). Similar to the poor attitudes of couples to the use of effective 

method of contraceptives, the state has experienced an increase in her median number of 

children from 4.2 to 4.8 between 2013 and 2018, which accounts for 14.3% in the rate of 

natural increase. This increase could be detrimental to socio-economic and political 

environment of the state such as high level of unemployment, poverty, high dependency 

ratio, marginalization as well as bleak potentials for reaping demographic dividends 

among others.  

Severally, the uneven increase in Nigeria population by ethnic groups has led to 

deprivation and exclusion of most minority ethnic groups from the major social, economic 

and political benefits. In view of these, there have been constant inter-ethnic rivalry 

because of the limited availability of resources for the ever-increasing but uneven 

population distribution. In specific terms, Kogi State has the highest number of ethnic 

compositions in the north-central Nigeria. Over time, the state has been observed to face 

the problem of differing opinions being held on policy issues around social, economic and 

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political matters. Most often than not, the three majority ethnic groups (the Ebira, the Igala 

and the Okun) interpret policies on matters affecting the socio-economic and political 

development of the state differently due to persistent mistrust and suspicion of one 

another. In the recent time, there have been series of hearsays that the Igala are seeking to 

outnumber the Ebira and the Okun ethnic groups with their fertility behavior, while the 

Ebira and Okun also feel threatened with the increase in the population of the Igala. These 

hearsays could be detrimental in a state that is public sector driven where allocation of 

resources and the quest to address divisional inequality lie with the political class. 

Nonetheless, it is acknowledged that previous studies have examined fertility behaviour 

among the majority ethnic groups in Nigeria from different perspectives (Isiugo-Abanihe, 

1994; Fayehun, Omololu, & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2011; Mberu, & Reed, 2014; Odimegwu, & 

Adewoyin, 2020). For example, studies have shown that ethnicity, male child preference, 

power and authority structure of men among the Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba ethnic groups 

are responsible for high fertility in Nigeria (Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994; Isiugo-Abanihe, 2010; 

Fayehun, Omololu, & Isiugo-Abanihe, 2011; Mberu, & Reed, 2014). Similarly, extant 

studies have explored the significance of mobility in fertility differentials among different 

population strata where urban migrants’s fertility behaviour has been found to be lower 

than the stayers or in most cases retain their home of origin fertility behaviour at the 

destination (Makinwa-Adebusoye, 1985; Odimegwu, & Adewoyin, 2020).  

While these studies have significantly exposed our knowledge to ethnic fertility 

differentials among the majority ethnic groups (the Hausa, the Igbo and the Yoruba) in 

Nigeria, sufficient attention has not been paid to fertility differentials among various 

minority ethnic compositions in the country, especially in Kogi State, which has more than 

eight ethnic groups in the north-central Nigeria. Understanding fertility differentials 

among these ethnic compositions is particularly urgent in the state where there is potential 

conflicts over allocation of resources and political power tussles among different ethnic 

groups. It is therefore imperative that fertility differentials among the Ebira, the Igala, the 

Okun and the migrant Igbo ethnic groups are examined in order to uncover critical cultural 

values that may permeate high fertility in the state. 

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1.3 Research Questions 

This research was guided by the following research questions.  

i) What are the fertility patterns (levels) of ever-married women in the selected ethnic 

groups in Kogi State? 

ii) Are there variations in the level of knowledge, access to, and contraceptive use 

among ever-married women of the selected ethnic groups in Kogi State? 

iii) What are the male roles in fertility behaviour of ever-married women in the selected 

ethnic groups in Kogi State? 

1.4 Objectives of the Study 

The general objective of this research is to examine fertility differentials among ethnic 

groups in Kogi State, while the specific objectives are to:   

i) Examine fertility patterns (levels) among ever-married women in the selected ethnic 

groups in Kogi State. 

ii) Investigate the variations in the level of knowledge and access to contraception 

among ever-married women of the selected ethnic groups in Kogi State. 

iii) Examine differentials in contraceptive use among ever-married women of the 

selected ethnic groups in Kogi State. 

iv) Describe male roles in fertility behaviour among ever-married women of the selected 

ethnic groups in Kogi State. 

1.5 Justification/Significance of the Study 

Efforts to achieve declining fertility by successive governments in Nigeria through 

National Population Policy formulated in 1988 with its review in 2004 (FGN, 1988; 2004) 

have proved to no avail as relative to the set goals. The policies have been fraught with 

difficulties in its implementation as a result of the existence of diverse ethnic groups with 

varying fertility behaviour (Obono, 2003). In 2015, the United Nations’ Sustainable 

Development Goal (UNSDG) set target 3.7 as one of its priorities targets: “by 2030 ensure 

universal access to sexual and reproductive health-care services, including family 

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planning, information and education, as well as the integration of reproductive health into 

national strategies and programmes” (SDGs, UN, 2015). In the face of multi-ethnic 

diversity of Nigeria, it is critical that diverse ethnic groups’ reproductive behaviours are 

thoroughly examined and understood from the perspectives of ethnicity for proper 

reproductive health programmes and interventions in the country. 

This research is expected to add to the growing knowledge of fertility behaviour, as it 

explored from the perspective of ethnicity and fertility among the selected minority ethnic 

groups in Nigeria and Kogi State in particular. This would not only expand the frontier of 

knowledge base of minority ethnic fertility in Nigeria, but also have direct bearing with 

the efforts of the world body (e.g. UN Population Division) and the Federal Government 

of Nigeria (FGN) to tackle impending population explosion in the nearest future. This 

however, points to the need to examine and understand the cultural contexts that sustain 

high fertility among minority ethnic groups in Nigeria for effective population control 

measures.  

In addition, understanding fertility differentials among the minority ethnic groups, 

especialy in Kogi State will be useful for the assessment of various factors and prospects 

of population change underlying Nigeria high fertility in respect to the determinants of 

fertility. However, it will provide evidences regarding the future trends in birth rates 

across ethnic groups in the state.  

Finally, in view of the fact that fertility levels do not decline uniformly among Nigerian 

ethnic compositions; understanding the variations in birth rates among the Ebira, the Igala 

and the Okun ethnic groups in Kogi State will be helpful in identifying those groups that 

are more resilient to the acceptance of modern contraceptive use and small family size 

norms. This will further facilitate the reformulation and adjustment of population policy 

and programmes targeted at resolving the challenges associated with non-acceptability of 

moderate fertility norms.  

 

 

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1.6 Scope of the Study 

The research examined fertility differentials among ethnic groups in Nigeria with 

particular reference to those that are domicile in Kogi State.  This research was therefore, 

limited to ever-married women (aged 15-49) from the Igala, the Ebira and the Okun-

Yoruba ethnic groups being the three major indigenous ethnic groups existing in the state. 

While ever-married women of reproductive age from the migrant Igbo ethnic group (non-

indigenous ethnic group) were used as the reference category being the most migratory 

ethnic group in Nigeria (NISER, 1997).  

However, Kogi State was selected as the research locale largely because of the existing 

gap in knowledge about fertility behaviour of her ethnic compositions, its strategic 

location (confluence state) and the likelihood of the diffusion of cultural values from the 

Southern and Northern part of the country that could permeate fertility norms among ever-

married women. Therefore, it was the ever-married women (aged 15-49) and selected 

spouses that were sampled for the provision of information about cultural values that 

affect fertility outcomes used for the analysis of the study.  

1.7 Conceptual Clarifications 

This section explains the key concepts used within the context of the study.   

Ethnic group: Refers to a distinct community of people who identify with one another by 

virtue of common ancestral, language and cultural experiences.  

Fertility: Fertility means the actual number of births that has occurred in a population, 

which is measured per 100. 

Fertility differentials: Fertility differentials refer to variations in birth rates across 

population the Igala, Ebira, Okun and migrant Igbo women. 

Migration: Refers to movement of individual or group of people involving a complete 

change of usual residence across any political or juridical boundary over a period.  

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Fertility behaviour: Refers to a set of social and cultural practices that directly or 

indirectly influences childbirth and fertility levels in a given population.  

Birth control (family planning): Birth control refers to any method used to prevent the 

occurrence of pregnancy in a population. The mechanisms used for birth control in a 

population include contraception (modern or traditional) depending on its availability, 

accessibility and affordability.  

Contraceptive prevalence rate (CPR): Refers to the proportion of women within 

reproductive age (15-49) who are using or whose partner are using any contraceptive 

method at a given period. This is usually calculated as the number of women (15-49) 

using a contraceptive method divided by total number of women (15-49) multiplied by 

100. 

Demographic dividend: Refers to accelerated economic growth resulting from the shift 

of age structure in a population when the proportion of the working-age population (15-

64) is greater than the non-working-age (≤14 - ≥ 65).  

Origin: Refers to the area from which a migrant moves to a new destination. It can also be 

referred to as the place of departure. 

Destination: This is referred to the place of arrival. Thus, destination is the area where a 

migrant settles after his/her departure.  

Migrant: Refers to a person who moves from one place to another between 1 year and 10 

years.  

1.8 Summary of Chapters 

This summary of chapter presents how each chapter is organized. This is organised in five 

chapters. The “Chapter One” of the report is the “Introduction” of the research. The 

Chapter described the background information of the thesis, statement of the problem, 

research questions and objectives. The chapter further included the justification for the 

research, its scope and conceptual clarifications of the key concepts used in the study.  

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The “Chapter Two” of the thesis is concerned with “Literature Review and Theoretical 

Framework” where the review of related literature and theories to which the study was 

anchored were thematically organized to address specific objectives of the research. This 

Chapter also gives in-depth conceptualisations of the two population dynamics (migration 

and fertility) considered in the study, as well as the theoretical underpinnings of the study: 

Preference Theory as proposed by Catherine Hakim (2000). The chapter was therefore, 

concluded by a conceptual framework. 

Additionally, the “Chapter Three” of the thesis is concerned with the presentation of 

“Research Methodology”. This deals with all procedures employed in the execution of the 

cannons of research. These procedures included research design, study setting, sample 

population, sample size, sampling technique and methods of data collection. Also included 

in the Chapter are data management procedures and analytical strategies for the study. 

These strategies elicited all the descriptive statistics, multivariate logistic regression and 

content anlalysis method employed for the analysis of the research. 

Furthermore, the “Chapter Four” presents “Results and Discussions” of the research. It 

deals with the real analysis of the data obtained from quantitative and qualitative methods. 

These results were also presented accordingly in tables, graphs, figures and themes. 

Finally, the “Chapter Five” of the report is concerned with “Summary, Conclusion and 

Recommendations”. While summary section summarizes the focus of each chapter in the 

research, the conclusion draws on the major information obtained from the analysis of the 

research, as well as the recommendations of the study. Also included in the section are 

application of theory utilized to the findings, contributions to knowledge, and 

recommendations for future research.        

 

 

 

 

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CHAPTER TWO 

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 

2.0 Introduction 

This chapter is concerned with conceptual review of the key variables in the study – 

fertility, migration and family planning (contraceptive) methods. It is also concerned with 

the review of empirical studies that had been conducted on fertility differentials at 

international, national and local levels. With regard to this, a reviwew of the relationship 

between ethnicity and fertility in Nigeria; migration as a factor of fertility differentials; 

contraceptive knowledge and use among ethnic groups, and male roles in fertility 

behaviour among ethnic groups. The theoretical framework on which the study was 

anchored, namely; preference theory of fertility as proposed by Catherine Hakim (2000) 

was also reviewed, followed by a sketch of a conceptual framework.    

2.1 Conceptual Review 

2.1.1 Fertility and Migration as Concepts 

Fertility is the actual births of individual in a population. As Kpekdepo (1982) defined 

fertility, it is the frequency of childbearing among population. However, different 

measures for childbearing exist in a population. One of such includes crude birth rate 

(CBR), which measures the fertility experience of all ages per 1000 in a given population. 

There is also general fertility rate (GFR), which measures the number of live births per 

1000 women of reproductive age (15-49) in a given year. Total fertility rate (TFR), on the 

other hand, measures the number of children a woman would have between age 15 and 49, 

if she were to experience the same age specific age rates (ASFR) in her life time 

(Kpedekpo, 1982).  

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In fertility however, the frequency of childbearing varies significantly from one age group 

to another within the reproductive age (15-49). This variation is measured by estimating 

for age specific fertility rates (ASFRs), which measures yearly live births per 1000 women 

in each of the childbearing age groups (15-19, 20-24, 25-29, 30-34, 35-39, 40-44, and 45-

49). This is important in order that the current childbearing of women is known within the 

population. Again, it is helpful in revealing more information about childbearing activity 

of the population more than CBR, GFR and TFR where there is existence of diverse ethnic 

groups (Dharmalingam, 2004).  

While fertility rates have been obsereved to be influenced by several factors including 

sociodemographic factors such as ethnicity, age, education, location among others, it is 

expedient that the extant influence of migration as a demographic variable is not ignored. 

This is because it can serve as a mediating variable to affect cultural values for 

reproductive decisions among couples (Bertoli, 2015) as well as total fertility rates in the 

population (Jensen, & Ahlburg, 2004). In view of this, there is a need to conceptualize 

migration within the context of this study. 

According to Edmonston and Michalowski (2004), migration is a form of geographic or 

spatial mobility involving a change of usual residence between clearly defined geographic 

units. National Population Commission, NPC (2012) defined it as a change of residence, 

which occurs within 10 years. This means that migration does not only means change of 

residence, but also include crossing of a defined politically delineated boundary for a 

specific period of time with defined purpose of stay in the area of arrival.  

The movement of people from one geographical location to the other could be voluntary 

or involuntary. It is voluntary when people choose to migrate either for economic reasons 

or for social reasons. Other people may have no choice other than to leave their usual 

place of abode or force to leave their homes (Cassidy, 2004). These categories of migrants 

are termed involuntary migrants such as internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees. 

In fact, most of the causes of their movement are fear of persecution, war or due to the 

occurrence of natural disaster (e.g. flooding, tsunami, etc.). In terms of the types of 

migration, there is international migration and internal migration (Edmonston, & 

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Michalowski, 2004). Migration is international when the movement is across the national 

boundaries of countries (e.g. movement between Nigeria and Ghana) where emigration 

and immigration usually take place. It is internal when the movement involves a change of 

usual residence within a nation or across administrative boundaries or divisions within a 

country (Morrison, Bryan, & Swanson, 2004).  

Usually, the calculations of the movement of people from one geographical location to the 

other are always in rates (and a rate expresses the number of persons having a given 

characteristic as a proportion of the population during a specified period of time interval). 

Migration rate is therefore calculated as the number of migrants related to the population 

that could have been predisposed to the migrations (of any form) during a specified 

migration period interval. 

Furthermore, there are two demographic terms common to internal migration. In this, 

internal migration may be termed as in-migration, which is the influx of people from one 

origin to a particular place of destination (arrival), while it is termed out-migration when 

the movement involves people moving out of a place called the origin (departure). 

According to Bell, Alves, de Oliveira and Zuin (2010), migration processes are not 

homogeneous, it is therefore necessary that different kinds of internal migration are 

considered in the study of fertility differentials. 

Relative to migrant couples as an example, studies have shown that the most common type 

of movement is usually rural-urban movement (Bell, Alves, de Oliveira, & Zuin, 2010). 

There is also counter-urbanisation, which represents urban-rural movement. Adewale 

(2005) noted that this type of movement is prevalent due to the socio-economic factors 

such as urban unemployment, work transfer, retirement and urban high cost of living 

among other factors. This type of movement is common in the third world countries. 

Finally, there is urban-urban migration involving the movement of people from one city to 

the other. According to Zelinsky (1971) in his migration theory, all types of migration 

influence significantly on human fertility in one form or the other. 

 

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2.1.2 Family Planning and Contraceptive Methods (Birth Control Methods) 

Family planning (FP) is the use of any method to prevent or avoid the occurrence of 

pregnancy by couples. According to NDHS 2018, FP means, “a conscious effort by a 

couple to limit or space the number of children they want to have through the use of 

contraceptive methods” (NPC, & ICF International, 2019, p. 17). In other words, it is a 

deliberate effort that allows couples or individuals (husbands or wives) to regulate their 

family sizes, the timing they want the children, as well as the spacing of the children they 

desire to have in their reproductive age. It involves the voluntary use of various methods 

of contraception to prevent the occurrence of unwanted pregnancy. These devices may 

include the use of chemical substances or drugs among couples, or performing surgical 

operations to interfere the normal process of ovulation and egg fertilization in women 

(aged 15-49).  

According to the NDHS reports, the methods of contraception are classified into modern 

and traditional methods (NPC, & ICF International, 2008; 2014; 2019). Also included in 

Nigeria traditional family planning methods are post-coital pregnancy prevention, charms 

and herbs (Oye-Adeniran et al., 2006). Nevertheless, the two broad classifications of 

contraceptive methods – modern and traditional would be explained in details as follows: 

2.1.2.1 Modern Methods of Contraception 

The term modern contraceptive methods refer to technological devices designed to alter 

natural body hormonal system in either male or female. These technological devices are 

invented so that the natural impulses and desires for pregnancy in women can be altered 

with a view of achieving diminished risks of pregnancy when mating. This follows that 

couples can have sex at any desired time without necessarily resulting to pregnancy 

(Westoff, 2012; USAID, 2012). According to USAID (2013), the following are the 

methods of modern contraception:  

Sterilisation: Sterilisation can be best described .s a permanent method of modern 

contraception. It can be used as a family planning method by both female and male, which 

usually involves minor surgery. According to Zoe (2009), sterilization is a method of 

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family planning that involves a safe surgical operation, which may not require 

hospitalisation. This method of family planning is about 99% effective and considered 

permanent method of contraception. The procedure of the surgical operation, when 

performed on a man or woman, is termed irreversible, because it is highly unlikely for 

either the man or woman to whom the surgery is performed to have any more children. 

There are those performed for women called female sterilisation, and there are those 

performed for men called male sterilisation.  

(a) Female sterilisation: In performing female sterilisation, it is required that a very 

small incision is carried out in the abdomen of a woman, as well as cutting off and 

blockade of her fallopian tubes to prevent fertilisation during intercourse. When 

this is carried out in a woman, it is simply referred to as tubal ligation. Most often, 

female sterilisation has no side effects when performed by a skilled health care 

provider. Although the woman may experience abdominal pain and swelling after 

the surgery; this disappears after some times (USAID, 2013).  

(b) Male sterilisation: The male sterilisation is usually termed as vasectomy. As 

Robert (2011) described male sterilisation, it is a surgical operation where a tiny 

hole is made in the scrotum whereby both tubes carrying sperm to his penis are cut 

off and blocked. This helps to keep sperm out of the semen and the fluid that is 

released by a man during intercourse. Robert stated that though the man can still 

ejaculate and still attain the level of orgasm, there will be absence of sperm in his 

semen to fertilise an egg for pregnancy. According to USAID (2013), vasectomy 

has no side effects, and its complications are not also common. Although the 

procedure of vasectomy make a man feel uncomfortable immediately after it is 

performed or have a scrotum swell, or even a bruise in the scrotum, these 

symptoms usually disappear within two to three days.  

Intrauterine Contraceptive Devices (IUDs): This method of contraception is used as a 

device with small T-shaped plastic wrapped in copper containing a progestin hormone. A 

trained health care provider usually inserts this specially into a woman’s uterus. It is also a 

reversible non-permanent method of contraception replaceable at any time. IUDs are 

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nearly 100% effective protection from pregnancy for five to twelve years depending on 

the type of IUDs used (USAID, 2013). The following are the types of IUDs: 

(a) Copper-bearing IUD: This type of IUD functions by creating an environment that 

would not be conducive enough for sperm in the uterus to fertilise an egg. When 

used correctly, it is effective for about twelve years. The most common side effects 

of this device are monthly bleeding and increased cramping. Although this 

diminishes gradually after the first three to six months for most women (USAID, 

2013).  

(b) Hormonal IUD: This type of IUD that functions slowly to continuously releasing 

a small quantity of a progestin hormone when used. It also functions by thickening 

the cervical mucus of a woman, making it difficult for sperm to pass from the 

vagina into the uterus for fertilisation. This process prevents ovulation in women, 

while the lining of the uterus is allowed to grow. According to USAID (2013), this 

method can only be effective for five years. The side effect of hormonal IUD is 

bleeding, which may change in patterns or become irregular for some women, 

while this may not occur in some women (Bongaarts, 2014). 

Injectable: Injectable is a form of contraceptive that contains only female progesterone 

without estrogen used in form of injection into a woman’s body tissues to the process of 

ovulation. This works by thickening the cervical mucus as well as making it very difficult 

for man’s sperm to go into the uterus. This method is reversible and can be repeated 

monthly, bimonthly or three months. It is about 94 to 99.8 per cent effective for women. 

The side effects include changes in menstrual bleeding patterns and irregular or prolonged 

bleeding (USAID, 2013).  

Implant: Implant is also called Nexplanon. This device is a tiny thin plastic rod implanted 

under the skin of a woman’s upper arm by a skilled health care provider. The implant 

works by releasing hormones into a woman’s body that prevent the occurrence of 

pregnancy. When the implants are used by women, it provides about 99% effectiveness 

for 3-5 years period from pregnancy though depending on the type of implant (USAID, 

2013). According to Ahmed, Li, Liu and Tsui (2012), for implant to be highly effective in 

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a woman, it should be removed and replaced promptly in three to five years depending on 

the type of implant used. It is a reversible method of birth control though having its side 

effects ranging from irregular vaginal bleeding to spotting.  

Pills: Pills are oral medicine with hormones that must be taken by a woman daily to 

prevent the occurrence of pregnancy. They are affordable and effective if they are taken 

by a woman on time. Besides preventing the occurrence of pregnancy, pills have a lot of 

health benefits (USAID, 2013). The types of pills that can be used by a woman include:  

(a) Combined oral contraceptives (COCs): This is also referred to as combined pills 

or ‘the pill’. In COCs, it is required that a woman should take it daily. And when it 

is taken daily by a woman, it is nearly 100 percent effective in preventing the 

occurrence of pregnancy. But if a woman forgets the use of ‘the pill’ daily, there is 

a probability that out of every hundred women that take it, eighty of them will be 

pregnant. However, its side effects include nausea or mild headaches, which stop 

after the first few months of its uses (USAID, 2013).  

(b) Progestin-only pills (POPs): Progestin-only pill (‘mini pills’) is that which 

contains only progestin as the name implies. According to USAID (2013), 

progestin-only pill is highly recommended for women who are still breastfeeding, 

because progestin will not reduce the production of breast milk as the case may be 

in estrogen, but less effective for women who are not breastfeeding. For progestin-

only pills to be effective, it is required that they are taken about the same time 

daily. However, there could be some side effects when taken by a woman, which 

include irregular light bleeding and spotting, which may not be harmful to the 

woman (USAID, 2013). 

Barrier methods: Barrier methods are mechanical barrier between the sperm and an egg, 

which prevent the fertilisation of eggs in the ovary (USAID, 2013). There are different 

types of barrier methods but two are commonly used (female condom and male condom). 

These are: 

a) Male condom: This is a device with a thin sheath usually made of latex (or 

polyurethane) that is unrolled over an erect penis in order to prevent the sperm 

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from meeting a woman’s egg in the ovary. Besides its uses for the prevention of 

pregnancy, it can also protect a man or a woman from contacting STIs/HIV from 

an infected partner. When male condoms are used correctly at every sexual 

intercourse, they are 82-98% effective in preventing the occurrence of pregnancy 

(USAID, 2012; 2013).  

b) Female condom: This is a polyurethane sheath lubricated pouch that contains two 

rings, and it is used during intercourse by women. It functions by inserting one ring 

into the top of the vagina, while the other sits outside its opening to fit the shape of 

the vagina before the penetration of a man’s penis during sex. Therefore, when 

used correctly, it does not only prevent pregnancy by keeping male’s sperm out of 

the vagina, but also prevent the transmission of HIV or STDs from an infected 

person to uninfected partner. This device have been proved to be 79-95% effective 

as the male condom if used properly at every intercourse (USAID, 2013).   

c) Spermicides (also called Foam or Jelly): Spermicides are barrier methods that 

contain chemical substances, which are inserted into the vagina shortly before sex 

in order to render a man’s sperm inactive. They can be used either alone or with 

diaphragms or other device. Spermicides are available as foaming tablets, vaginal 

suppositories, melting film, jelly and cream. When it is used alone, it is least 

effective because it is just about 82% effective. Thus, there is possibility that 18 

out of every 100 women who use spermicides will get pregnant over a year. 

Conversely, its uses alone may increase the risk of contacting HIV if used 

severally (USAID, 2013). 

d) Diaphragm: A diaphragm is a device with soft and flexible rim dome-shaped 

rubber cup placed high in the vagina of women by clinicians. This device is 

inserted before sexual intercourse. It acts as a barrier between the cervix and the 

sperm of the man to prevent fertilisation. For it to be effective, when inserted in a 

woman’s vagina several hours before intercourse, it must not be removed 

immediately after the intercourse for at least six hours. Diaphragm is 

recommended to be used of spermicidal jelly before use by a woman. Although 

diaphragm is not an effective method in the prevention of HIV/STDs transmission, 

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it is an effective means of preventing pregnancy between 85 and 94 per cent 

(USAID, 2013).  

Emergency contraceptive pills (ECPs): Trussell and Guthrie (2015) referred emergency 

contraceptive pills (ECPs) as the type of pills taken by a woman after unprotected sexual 

intercourse. It also called the “morning-after pill” because they are the pills that must be 

taken immediately after unprotected sexual intercourse. It has been reported to be effective 

between 75-95 per cent in preventing pregnancy though depending on the type of ECP 

used by a woman as well as how soon the pills are taken immediately after unprotected 

sexual intercourse (USAID, 2013). Robert (2011) recommended that a regular method of 

contraception should still be selected for a woman by a medical care provider as an on-

going protection against pregnancy as an addition to ECPs. Although ECPs may not have 

serious side effects; headaches, nausea or vomiting after taking ECPs may occur as signs 

of its uses, which disappears within few days (USAID, 2013). 

Induced Abortion: Induced abortion is a method of birth control used to end an unwanted 

pregnancy either by the use of a medication or through suction curettage (called surgery) 

(USAID, 2012). While other methods of contraception are used to prevent the occurrence 

of pregnancy, induced abortion is adopted after pregnancy has occurred in a woman. 

According to Bankole et al. (2006), despite the fact that induced abortion is not officially 

recognized as a method of family planning in Nigeria except to save the life of a woman; 

it is still carried out under clandestine conditions when women want to space or cease 

childbearing but do not use any method of contraception or when the method used is 

ineffective (Bankole et al., 2006). 

2.1.2.2 Traditional/Natural Methods of Contraception  

In most less developed countries (LDC) of the world, traditional (natural) family planning 

methods have gained more popularity as an important mechanism for controlling birth 

among couples. As Potter (1996) submitted, most women in LDC are using traditional 

methods of contraception for reasons like religious affiliation and the side effects of 

modern methods of contraception among other reasons. Many demographic studies have 

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documented various traditional methods of contraception. These are highlighted as 

follows:  

Fertility awareness method: Fertility awareness method is traditional or natural method 

of contraception that requires a woman to identify the fertile days of her menstrual cycle 

and avoid having sexual intercourse in those days. Although this method is effective in 

some women, Kaunitz (2001) noted that the method might be fraught with challenges of 

variability in the menstrual cycle period and day of ovulation. It is therefore essential that 

fertility awareness should be used along other methods of contraception for high level of 

effectiveness.  

Calendar or rhythm method (or Russian Roulette). This method of contraception is 

based on the prediction of the time of ovulation, which is also predicated on the previous 

menstrual cycle (Davies, Di-Clemente, Wingood, Person, Dix, & Harrington, 2006). As 

such, the method requires that information about menstrual cycles is collected over a 

number of times consecutively so that prediction of the next timing of menstrual cycles 

can be made in order that sexual intercourse is avoided between or among couples. 

Usually, the duration of 6-12 cycles is acknowledged; 21 days are therefore calculated and 

deducted from the shortest cycle to detect the first fertile day, followed by the substraction 

of 11 days from the longest cycle to recognize the last fertile day. In this method however, 

women with shorter menstrual cycles have a shorter fertile days. The calendar or rhythm 

method can only be effective when used with other methods. 

Standard days method: It is a method of traditional contraception that is 95 per cent 

effective when correctly used by a woman. It is also most appropriate for women with 

menstrual cycles that span between 26-32 days long. For this method to be effective, it is 

required that menstrual cycle days are counted starting from the first day of menstruation. 

In order to make this method most effective, most women use a coloured-coded string of 

beads called ‘cycle beads’ to keep their menstrual days in track (USAID, 2013). These 

days are therefore, categorized as follows: 

i) Day one is the first day of menstrual bleeding; 

ii) Days 1-7 can have unprotected sexual activities; 

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iii) Days 8-19 a barrier method or abstinence is recommended; 

iv) Day 20 to the end of menstrual cycle can have unprotected sexual activities. 

Temperature method: Typically, progesterone hormone rises a woman’s body 

temperature between 0.20C and 0.40C during ovulation, which persists until her menstral 

cylcle. This temperature further decline between 0.10C and 0.20C prior to the ovulation 

period, then rises between 0.50C and 0.60C and remains high between 12-15 days until the 

commencement of the next menstruation. Temperature method is fraught with some 

shortcomings because it only recognizes the end of ovulation without knowing its onset. It 

is therefore essential that temperature method employed as contraceptive method in 

combination with other fertility indicators of a woman due to the probability of 

fertilisation process taking place within the shortest period of time after ejaculation 

(within 12 hours). Glasier and Gebbie (2000) pointed out that couples adopt abstinence or 

the use of more effective method during this period. Roscoe (2003) further added that 

while a woman with regular menstural cycle could adopt barrier method or abstinence 

when having intercourse with partner during this period, women with irregular menstrual 

cycle should not use temperature method as a means of contraception. 

Ovulation (mucus or billing) method: This method deals with the identification of the 

discharge of fertile cervical mucus at the viginal opening by a woman. The disacharge 

takes place for a number of days before the actual ovulation takes place during which 

fertile mucus appears at the final day. For the purpose of its effectiveness, it is 

recommended that a woman should abstain from sexual intercourse starting from the day 

during which the fertile mucus appears for three days (Roscoe, 2003). However, while 

fertile mucus is thick and sticky, infertile mucus is scanty and viscous. This means that a 

woman needs to study these two periods of mucus before having unprotected intercourse.  

Cervical palpation method: This method involves an examination of cervix when it 

palpates by a woman in recognition of the fertile period. While the cervix looks tender 

during the fertile period, it feels lower, firm and dry during infertile period. Ovulation 

therefore comes with feeling of wet and soft touch, while the cervical opens slightly up to 

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1 to 2cm, suggesting that if a woman should have unprotected intercourse, she is likely to 

conceive at that period (Glasier, & Gebbie, 2000). 

Lactational amenorrhoea method (LAM): LAM is a traditional method for postpartum 

women who breastfeed. This method is concerned with the belief that a lactating woman 

cannot conceive while breasfeeding a baby even though she has sexul intercourse with her 

spouse (Bongaarts, & Watkins, 1996). As Bongaarts and Watkins argued, lactation 

obstructs ovulation while increasing birth interval as well as reduction in natural fertility. 

This method is highly effective in preventing pregnancy when used correctly and it is very 

simple to use. The method also encourages exclusive breastfeeding among mothers 

thereby promote the growth of healthy newborns. There are no side effects when a woman 

adopts LAM. However, it is not suitable for mothers who are working outside the home 

and there is no protection for the mother against STIs and the child against HIV (Glasier, 

& Gebbie, 2000). 

Withdrawal method: Withdrawal method is a natural birth control that requires high 

level of commitment, motivation and discipline. Withdrawal method occurs when couples 

are having intercourse and removal of male penis before ejaculation. This method is 

widely practiced by couples who want to control birth. Even though withdrawal method is 

generally adopted as traditional birth control, it is not a good way to protect partners 

against STIs and HIV infection (USAID, 2012).  

Herbs: In less developed countries, herbal method of natural birth control is commonly 

used especially among couples in rural areas (Oye-Adeniran et al., 2006). According to 

Glasier and Gebbie (2000), some of the herbs that are used by women disrupt the 

implantation of the fertilised egg in the uterus and are very effective as emergency 

contraception. For example, mixture and drinking of potash, bluing, lime, cayenne pepper 

seeds, codeine tablets and gin by women in rural areas distrupt conception (Glasier, & 

Gebbie, 2000).  

Besides the oral herbs taken to prevent the occurrence of pregnancy by women, Oye-

Adeniran et al. (2006) further stated that vagina solutions are common among rural 

women to prevent fertilisation of egg in the uterus. These solutions include douches and a 

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mixture of black soap, oils and herbs. The application of these solutions on the vagina 

opening during sexual intercourse prevents the occurrence of pregnancy. Again, the use of 

wild carrot seeds is an effective natural birth control. This is because when the seeds are 

used, it disrupts the implantation process. Queen Anne’s Lace is also a herbal medicine 

used as a birth control. Pennyroyal (herbal plant), also works as an emmenagogue that 

promotes menstrual flow, at the same time used to initiate self-abortion. 

Charms: Oye-Adeniran et al (2006) identified the use of charms as traditional method of 

birth control in LDCs.  As they explained, the use of charms to prevent the occurrence of 

pregnancy is mystical, and this includes waist beads (called Jigida), which are rubbed with 

magical herbs and worn during intercourse to prevent pregnancy. For example, in 

Philippines especially in the rural areas, some of the folk methods that are used are 

practical while others are mystical.  

Sexual abstinence: Sexual abstinence is a no genital or anal contact between people. In 

other words, it is a method involving no anal, oral or vaginal sex. This method is however, 

a choice not to participate in any genital contact. Most often, this method is 100 per cent 

effectiveness in preventing pregnancy, and it remains the safest method of birth control 

since no anal contact in any form is involved between partners. As Kabiru and Ezeh 

(2007) further stated, there are three categories of sexual abstainers. Firstly, the primary 

abstainer - those who had never had sexual intercourse in their life; secondly, secondary 

abstainers – refers to those who are sexually experienced, but have reported no intercourse 

in the preceding twelve months; finally, recent abstainers - those who were sexually active 

in the past year, but not within the three months preceding their survey (Kabiru, & Ezeh, 

2007, p. 116). This follows that abstinence as a natural method of birth control could be 

used to delay birth for the adolescence or to space childbirth among couples throughout 

thei reproductive years. 

2.2 Ethnicity in Nigeria 

Nigeria as a country is a fragmented society based on ethnic group diversity. According to 

Blench and Dendo (2003), Nigeria is the third most diverse ethnic and linguistic country 

among the countries in the world. As Metz (1992) observed, there are about 374 

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identifiable ethnic groups evolved from a variety of traditions and cultures in Nigeria. This 

has significant implications in almost every aspect of her economy, reproductive 

behaviour and social life as reflected in their social behaviour. In addition, the diverse 

ethnic groups existing in the country with varied cultural patterns have different levels of 

social capital, with differing capacities to enter into the process of social change (Blench, 

& Dendo, 2003).  

As a result of the ethnic groupings in Nigeria, there were regions that combined ethnicity, 

geography, and history with three major ethnic groups identified as Hausa-Fulani, Igbo 

and Yoruba. While the southwestern Nigeria comprises the Yoruba speaking people with 

similar culture, the southeastern part of the country consists of Igbo speaking group, and 

Hausa speaking people with similar culture generally dominate the northern region. 

However, it should be noteworthy that in spite of the three major ethnic groups identified 

in Nigeria, there are other ethnic groups called Fulani that spread over the northern region 

including the Kanuri in the north-east, the Tiv, Idoma, Igala, Ebira and Okun people in the 

north-central among others. Also, there are other ethnic groups in the south-south Nigeria 

(Niger Delta region) which include Ijaw, Efik, Ibibio, Anang, Epie and Ogbia peoples 

living in the coastal part of the region (Metz, 1992). 

As revealed in the literature search, despite the amalgamation of southern and northern 

protectorates in 1914, significance relationship exists between ethnicity and life chances 

of individuals in Nigeria’s post-independence (Metz, 1992; Blench, & Dendo, 2003). This 

suggests that ethnicity remains the basis for social organisation in the traditional context of 

most societies in sub-Saharan Africa that encompasses a mosaic of observable and 

unobservable norms, values, belief systems and rituals that govern various life events. 

Indeed, each ethnic group in any society has its own corpus of knowledge and practices 

relative to health, nutrition and breastfeeding (Gyimah, 2002). In relation to reproductive 

behaviour, Isiugo-Abanihe (1994) added that “individual fertility behaviour takes place 

within the context of complex social organisation and under the influence of multiple 

social, cultural, and ideological realities” (p.237). This means that every facet of human 

endeavour is dictated by the cultural and ethnic affiliations of individuals in a multi-ethnic 

society. 

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2.2.1 Ethnicity and Fertility in Nigeria 

It is evident in the literature that there is a link between ethnic groups and cultural 

practices in Nigeria which could affect the reproductive health behaviour of the people 

positively or negatively (Obono, 2003; Mberu, & Reed, 2014). For example, breastfeeding 

for two years can prolong postpartum amenorrhea, which encourages adequate birth 

spacing. This practice has cultural undertone because it is of the belief of some ethnic 

groups that sexual activity while breastfeeding could contaminate the breast milk 

(Fayehun, 2010). Hence, the risk of a woman to conceive during this period is lower. In 

his argument on cultural link of fertility, Obono (2003) argued that reproductive behaviour 

came under close cultural influence because it is a fundamental value for societal 

continuity. 

As Palamuleni (2014) put it, being a member of an ethnic group is a more powerful 

reference than the wider national identity in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). From the 

perspective of Brockerhoff and Hewett (2000), ethnic identities in sub-Saharan Africa are 

very strong because it is a fundamental basis for accessing and distributing resources. This 

follows that all aspects of individual’s life has direct bearing with membership of a 

particular ethnic group including spousal selection which may in turn affect attitudes 

towards childbearing and contraceptive use prevalence rate. In Nigeria however, ethnicity 

does not only play a pivotal role in economic and political sectors as depicted in the mode 

and pattern of employment and appointment into political offices, but also found as useful 

parameter in the pattern of nuptiality.  

For example, Isiugo-Abanihe and Fayehun (2017) studied ethnic, religious and 

educational homogamy in Nigeria using the pooled of couple dataset of the NDHS 

conducted in the three series, with 7,548 couples. Findings revealed that more than 90% of 

couples confirmed high level of ethnic homogamy (intra-ethnic marriage) meaning that 

out of every ten marriages, only one marriage is exogamous. Although educational 

homogamy was found less prevalent in the analysis of their study, it is obvious that 

religious homogamy was found to be highly significant because religion is one of the 

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priorities for spouse selection in Nigeria with at least seven out of every ten husbands 

marrying wives from the same religious groups (Isiugo-Abanihe, & Fayehun, 2017).  

Although intra-ethnic and religious homogamy may be crucial in their own merits to 

sustain the culture and the socialization process of individual ethnic groups, the high 

prevalence of the practice among Nigeria population strata may not influence the desire 

fertility change and norms among spouses of the same group from traditional to modern 

fertility norms. This is because both the husbands and the wives of the same ethnic or 

religious affiliation may found it difficult to influence each other towards imbibing 

fertility norms and values foreign to their cultural belief systems.   

More so, studies have shown persistent relationships between ethnicity and fertility in 

Nigeria, which seems to be a rational choice yet found to be in support of high fertility 

(Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994; Mberu, & Reed, 2014). Isiugo-Abanihe (1994) for instance, 

investigated the socio-cultural context of high fertility among Igbo women, it was revealed 

that despite the influence of socio-economic change, as typified by high level of 

education, high migratory population, and predominance of Christianity among others; 

Igbo fertility remains high due to the prevalence of peculiar socio-cultural institutions, 

which tend to encourage or support high fertility. Some of the factors adduced to be 

responsible for high fertility among Igbo as pointed out by Isiugo-Abanihe are associated 

with cultural institutions or contextual factors, which are the bestowal of high fertility 

honour or title to women of a given family size; patriarchal relations as well as 

patrilinearity and son preference together with individual status indicators (Isiugo-

Abanihe, 1994). 

In another perspective of socio-cultural factors that sustain high fertility regime in Nigeria, 

Mberu and Reed’s (2014) study shows that early marriage among Hausa-Fulani ethnic 

group increases the potential for higher fertility when compared to other ethnic groups 

whose marriages are deferred (Mberu, & Reed, 2014). In their multiple regression 

analysis, the authors explained that those who married at the age of 20 years and above 

had small family sizes compared to those who married at the earlier ages. This tradition is 

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common among Hausa-Fulani, thus, fertility is significantly higher among them when 

compared to other ethnic groups analysed in their study. 

Moreover, there are considerable ethnic factors that sustain high fertility regimes in the 

society. For example, Kritz, Gurak and Fapohunda (1994) studied sex preference and 

ethnicity among the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria - the Hausa, Ibo and Yoruba – 

findings showed that preference for male or female children impact significantly on birth 

spacing. The authors therefore observed that the birth of a son lengthened the time a 

woman wishes to wait before the next pregnancy, but that effect does not vary by ethnic 

groups. It was also found that a woman who has no sons or few sons experience shorter 

birth intervals, which occurs throughout the three ethnic groups.  

This finding is however consistent with Fayehun, Omololu and Isiugo-Abanihe’s (2011) 

study, who explored how the sex of a previous child affects birth interval among five 

selected ethnic groups in Nigeria. The researchers utilised birth history data from 2008 

NDHS. The findings showed that the effect of sex of prior births on the birth interval is 

slightly significant among the Igbo (OR=1.578, P<0.05), who tend to desire to have a 

male child sooner, if the preceding births were female when compared to other ethnic 

groups in Nigeria – Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, Southern minorities and Northern minorities. 

Further findings revealed that among all the ethnic groups in Nigeria, women who have 

not met their ideal sex preference have a shorter birth interval when compared to those 

who have, and that a consistent and strong relationship exists between the survival of a 

child and subsequent birth interval, which implies that women have a short birth interval. 

As the authors concluded, short birth interval may increase the potential for a large family 

size because there is uncertainty that their children would survive (Fayehun, Omololu, & 

Isiugo-Abanihe, 2011). 

2.3 Migration as a Factor in Fertility 

Several studies have shown a link between migration and fertility outcomes in different 

ways (Beine, Docquier, & Schiff, 2008; Bertoli, 2015). While some of these studies have 

considered the effects of migration on fertility decline (e.g. Jensen, & Ahlburg, 2004; 

Bertoli, 2015), others examine the impact of fertility on migration (e.g. Yang, 2000). As 

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Naufal and Vargas-Silva (2009) pointed out, the transfer of remittances to homeland, 

affect fertility in two ways. The first effect occurs when migrants adopt modern fertility 

ideas, norms, values and attitudes dominant at the host populations, which later transmit to 

homeland. While the second effect is that when migrants who are attached to household 

members at country home, they remit money home for the betterment of educational and 

healthcare services, which may have positive effect on household members thereby 

resulting in declining fertility rates (Naufal, & Vargas-Silva, 2009).  

Attempting to establish relationship between migration and fertility, however, most 

studies usually examine migration as a predictor variable, while fertility remains the 

outcome variable. Considering the most common mechanisms linking migration and 

fertility in the causal ordering, Lindstrom and Saucedo (2007) suggested that the 

mechanisms linking the two variables are disruption and adaptation. While the disruption 

hypothesis of migration sees the effects of spousal separation on the timing and spacing of 

childbirths, the adaptation hypothesis views the effects of migration experienced by 

migrant couples on their fertility behaviour at the destination. 

Of course, Lindstrom and Saucedo’s postulation on disruption hypothesis is consistent 

with Kulu (2005), and Chattopadhyay, White and Debpuur (2006) that immediately after 

the move of migrants from their respective places of origin to destination, it is expected 

that migrant households would show low fertility levels due to socio-psychological factors 

associated with living in a new place. In addition, spousal separation may delay a birth or 

disrupt the tempo of childbearing depending on the duration and frequency of spousal 

migrant trips (Lindstrom, & Saucedo, 2007).  

According to Lindstrom and Saucedo (2002), who studied Mexican couples’ temporary 

migration to the United States, there were evidences of lower probabilities of wives’ 

conception while their spouses were away to the United States with no long-term 

separation effects on cumulative fertility. In spite of this, there were evidences that 

couples compensated the loss of reproductive time by accelerating the timing of 

childbirths during the years following the periods of separation (Lindstrom, & Saucedo, 

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2002), there were declining fertility among couples when compared to couples whose 

husbands did not embark on temporary migration. 

In view of this migrating individuals from rural areas to urban centres involving mobility 

from higher fertility to lower fertility levels, it is hypthesised that mobility of couples 

would lead to a fall in fertility levels due to the costs and opportunities they encounter at 

their respective destinations (Kulu, 2005; Chattopadhyay, White, & Debpuur, 2006. 

Because of the enculturation process, that favours fertility preferences and small family 

sizes, migrant couples are more likely to experience lower fertility compared to 

nonmigrant couples. Similarly, the adaptation hypothesis propose that fertility levels are 

expected to fall since the possibilities of migrants encountering relative increases in active 

engagement in formal employment (for women) and increased access to education 

(Lindstrom, & Saucedo, 2002).  

According to Lindstrom and Saucedo (2002) due to a change in the economic 

environments of migrants, parents are motivated to reduce their value for high fertility 

while increasing their opportunity costs each additional child. Correspondingly, because 

of migrants’ exposure to changes in gender norms and values in respect to gender roles, 

the orientations to child rearing and child investment could be affected in order to provide 

an ideational basis for downward fertility regimes in a population. Lindstrom and 

Saucedo’s argument is consistent with Kingsley Davis’ (1963) theory of multi-phasic 

response to change in modern society, which supports the likelihood for lower fertility in 

response to the constraints present at the new economic environment. 

In addition to disruption and adaptation hypothesis, Kulu (2005), and Chattopadhyay, 

White and Debpuur (2006) added selectivity and socialization hypothesis as another way 

of explaining the relationship between migration and fertility. By selectivity hypothesis, it 

is assumed that change in fertility behaviour of the migrants is not a question; rather, 

migrant households are unique group of people whose fertility levels are more similar to 

those at the destination than stayers at the origins are. Put differently, the selectivity 

hypothesis suggests that the observed fertility of migrants in the place of destination is a 

function of unobserved features that all migrants possess before they actually moved, 

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which most often views migration and fertility as latent desire for upward social mobility 

of the migrants. 

For instance, Lindstrom’s (2003) study of the effects of rural-urban migration on 

reproductive behaviour in Guatemala showed that women who migrated to urban centres 

had lower fertility than women who did not even before migration because they were 

more likely to have delayed marriage when compared to those who did not move. Viewing 

selectivity hypothesis in another perspective however, migration among couples are seen 

as investment in children’s future. As such, for those couples who view children as the 

‘engines of migration’, migrant couples are more likely to select themselves into a 

particular migration stream based on their pre-existing fertility preferences and the desires 

to invest in the quality of their children, rather than the number of children they can give 

birth to (Jasso, 2004). The implication is that the ideational preference of raising quality 

children among migrant couples tends to lower fertility outcome than non-migrants’ 

fertility in a population. 

From the socialisation hypothesis however, it is assumed that fertility behaviour of 

migrants would reflect that of childhood environment (Kulu, 2005). This suggests that 

they are more likely to exhibit similar fertility behavour when compared to those who are 

stayers over time, while adjustment to fertility behaviour at the new cultural setting occurs 

only in the next generation (Chattopadhyay, White, & Debpuur, 2006). However, migrants 

are bound to vary in the manifestation of their fertility outcomes after migration, which is 

largely dependent on the magnitude of adjustments to new destination in terms of norms 

and values for children in such cultural setting. The question is that do all migrant couples 

adjust their reproductive behaviour or outcomes at the same tempo based on membership 

of ethnic groups in a population or not? This study attempts to examine migrants’ 

adjustment to reproductive behaviour across selected ethnic groups.   

2.4 Fertility Patterns/Levels among Ethnic Groups      

It is evident in the literature that variations exist in the fertility behaviour by ethnic 

identities across all societies. There is also spatial component of fertility by geographical 

diversity in any given society. According to fertility reports from NDHS 2008, 2013 and 

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2018 for example, different phases of fertility levels are reported in various regions. While 

some regions are still in the pre-transition stage of fertility transition, some other regions 

are in the more advanced stage of fertility transition (NPC, & ICF International, 2009; 

2014; Mberu, & Reed, 2014; 2019).  

In a survey of language/ethnicity in fertility levels among Kurdish and Turkish women 

living in Turkey using Turkish Demographic and Health Survey (2003 TDHS) dataset; 

Koc, Hancioglu and Calvin (2008) observed that there were substantial differences 

between the two ethnic groups. While Turkish women had 1.88 children on the average 

throughout their reproductive years, Kurdish women were significantly higher with 4.07 

children during the same period. This is by implication showing that Kurdish women had 

doubled the average number of children when compared to their Turkish counterparts. 

There was significant disparity in the age composition of births between the two groups. 

While childbearing was more concentrated in age group 20–34 for Turkish women, 

Kurdish women age groups were more concentrated in the late age group of childbearing 

age. As the study concluded, there were radically different fertility levels and age-patterns 

between the two language/ethnic groups in Turkey. 

In the United States, Hartnett (2012) examined White-Hispanic (sub-group populations) 

differentials in meeting lifetime fertility intentions in the United States, findings revealed 

that Hispanics (sub-group) in the United States had higher fertility than Whites though the 

causes of the difference in fertility were not known. Harnett therefore suggested that the 

Hispanics sub-group in the United States have higher fertility when compared to the 

Whites because they intend to have more children and are more likely to exceed their 

fertility intentions. This suggests that there is seemingly ethnic differential of fertility 

behaviour in the United States following the analysis of this author by ethnic groups. 

Numerous studies have attributed differences in fertility of modern society to population 

mobility (Gugler, 2008; Masanja, 2014; Phan, 2014). Phan (2014) suggested that the 

interpretation of the impact of migration on fertility is also closely related to spatial 

patterns of fertility and the dissimilarities between migrants and non-migrants. He further 

explained that because family members remain the major source of labour and old age 

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security among the rural population, people in the rural areas are accustomed to high 

fertility norms. As such, when rural dwellers migrate to urban centres, their exposure to 

lower fertility norms at their destinations will change the traditional fertility norms 

through socialization, adaptation or disruption. Again, because of the higher costs of 

rearing or educating children in urban areas, family size tends to be smaller than the rural 

areas. At the same time, the personal characteristics of migrants such as ambition, 

innovation and education would change over time and reflect that of the destinations 

towards declining fertility (Phan, 2014). 

Khanal, Shrestha, Panta and Mehata (2013) surveyed the fertility outcome of married 

migrant women and compared their total fertility rates (TFRs) in Nepal by caste and 

ethnic groupings. It was found that women from Hill Chhetri, Hill Brahman, Hill Janajati, 

and Terai Janajati, Terai Brahman/Chhetri and Newar had lower TFRs when compared to 

the national average. Further findings revealed that those women in Tarai Dalit, Hill Dalit 

and Other Terai Caste (with 25 castes) and of Muslim adherents have much higher fertility 

rates when compared to that of the national average in spite of their common residences 

were mainly in Terai where overall CPR is higher than the national average. Relative to 

educational attainment of women and fertility, an inverse relationship was observed 

between education and TFR among women in Nepal.  

As Khanal et al. (2013) observed, those with no education had the highest fertility 

(TFR=3.7) when compared to those with school leaving certificate and above (TFR=1.7). 

Relative to husbands’ migration status, it was found that there is lower fertility rates 

among women whose husbands had experienced out-migration for at least one year when 

compared to other categories of married women. The study further revealed that the TFR 

of women whose spouses were absent for at least one year was 3.0 when compared to 

other categories of women whose spouses are living together with them with the TFR of 

3.9. Kahanal and colleagues therefore concluded that targeted approach should be 

advocated to reduce fertility among the groups with high fertility. 

Besides disparities in fertility by ethnic identities in any population, there is need to give 

considerable concern to socio-demographic variables of individuls as confounders. In line 

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with this, Makinwa-Adebusoye (1985) submitted that in the analysis of any observed 

fertility differentials between or among social groups including migrants, variations in 

personal attributes of individuals must be put into consideration in order to isolate their 

personal characteristics that could influence fertility, which include age at marriage, 

occupation, and education attainment of individuals.  

In fact, differentials in fertility behaviour at different areas within a country have become 

a common demographic phenomenon. These differentials do not occur in isolation but 

through a continued interrelated and interdependent effect of indirect and direct 

determinants of fertility (Bongaarts, 1978). Changes or modifications in the indirect 

determinants of fertility (e.g. educational levels) can affect the direct fertility determinants 

in order to yield a far-reaching desired fertility goal in a population. In addition, studies 

have shown significant relationship between spatial movements and proximate 

determinants, which affect fertility levels, especially from rural to urban settings with 

improved standards of living (Gugler, 2008). 

Based on these, Singh, Casterline and Cleland (1985) explored the intermediate fertility 

variables for sub-national variations with some modifications in the proximate 

determinant framework. The analysis was based on two significant background 

characteristics – education and place of residence in 29 countries, which consisted five (5) 

countries from Africa, 12 from Asia continent, and 12 from Latin America. It was found 

that despite all forms of nuptial arrangements and the stages of demographic transition, the 

effect of urbanity on the index of contraception was very significant, while that of non-

marriage index was found to be uniform. In African countries, the influence of residence 

on the index of contraception was minor, moderate in Asian countries, and well 

pronounced in those countries found in Latin America (Singh, Casterline, & Cleland, 

1985).  

Scholars have investigated the role of age at migration on fertility levels (Masanja, 2014). 

It was found that migrants whose ages were older than 30 years at migration had 

significantly lower birth rates than other migrants particularly those who migrated in 

young adulthood. Masanja therefore concluded that fertility of migrants is strongly 

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associated with their migration history. Hence, age at migration and duration of stay need 

to be taken into account when studying migrant fertility (Masanja, 2014). 

Moreso, in recognition of the religious factor in fertility levels among migrants, 

Stonawski, Potančoková and Skirbekk (2015) explored the patterns of fertility among 

native and migrants Muslims living in Europe using data from censuses, administrative 

population data and surveys from 25 European countries. It was found that the native-born 

Muslims were 19% higher in TFR, while their migrant counterparts were 62% higher in 

TFR. The authors therefore concluded that since the native-born Muslims had stayed 

longer than the recent migrant Muslims, they are more likely to exhibit greater number of 

children than the native-born Muslims or non-Muslims in the host populations. However, 

when the socio-economic status of migrant Muslims were considered, the effects on their 

fertility outcome were rather weak. This suggests that although religion explains high 

fertility among migrant Muslims in the selected countries, socio-economic status of the 

migrants needs to be factored in explaining their fertility outcomes. 

Buttressing this view, the 2013 NDHS report showed that marriage remains the primary 

indication for women’s exposure to pregnancy risk. Most essential in the analysis of 

marriage in the reports are age distribution at first marriage and marriage patterns 

including age distribution at first sexual intercourse as well as frequency of intercourse. 

As the report indicated, though marriage is universal in Nigeria, men tend to marry later 

than women because about 48%