------------ -- •■■ ■ - ■ < i . , : < Diaspora Is Not Like Home illuminates the social and. economic dynamics of Yoruba experience in Kano andhow diaspora identity valorised in the uncertainties of colonial and post-colonial contexts. The book articulates the construction of Yoruba diaspora identity as a cqrollary of the regulated ethnicrelations fostered by colonialism and the tension that the dualism of: citizenship has continued to generate in the transformation of modem Kano. Through in-depth oral interviews, and archival research, it was found that the commercial , history of Yoruba in Kano constitutes an accountof niche establishment in trading, technical industries and urban services in which competition and outright displacement have been encountered. This analysis of diaspora identity contributes to our understanding of patterns of migration̂ . entrepreneurship in both formal and informal sectors, gender and inter-group relations iri Nigeria. The perspectives expressed in the book are well illustrated with maps, photographs and .' s • v-:.?'v *•, LCS02 ISBN 978 3 89586 110 9 R | L L I N C O M E U R O P A a c a d e m ic p u b l i c a t i o n s LINCOM Cultural Stiirlir*. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY \ LINCOM Cultural Studies UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY DIASPORA IS NOT LIKE HOME A SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC HISTORY OF YORUBA IN KANO, 1912-1999 Rasheed Olaniyi full text research abstracts of all titles monthly updates LINCOM webshop 2008www.lincom-europa.com ' LINCOM EUROPA UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY I ’ublished by LINCOM GmbH 2008. DIASPORA IS NOT LIKE HOME A S O C IA L AN D EC O N O M IC H IS T O R Y O F Y O R U B A IN KANO, 1912-1999 I INCOM GmbH GmunderStr. 35 l)-81379Muenchen I INCOM.EUROPA@t-online.de http://home.t-online.de/home/LINCOM.EUROPA www.lincom-europa.com webshop: lincom.at All rights reserved, including the rights of translation into any foreign language. No part of this book may be reproduced in any way without the permission of the publisher. Printed in E.C. Printed on chlorine-free paper Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP Cataloguing-in-Publication-Data A catalogue record for this publication is available from Die Deutsche Bibliothek (http://www.ddb.de) \ A Yoruba Recording Studio in Kano UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CONTENTS PAGE (S) Works on Diaspora and Identity I ormnlion 20-23 Title Page.................. i Yoruba Diaspora 23-25 Table of Contents... iv-ix Works or> Entrepreneurship 25 30 Dedication................ x Works on Kano Economy 31 35 Acknowledgement . xi-xiii Works on Inter-group Relations. .............. 38-37 Abbreviations.......... xiv Glossary.................... xv-xvi Conclusion........................................... 38 List of Maps............ xvii CHAPTER THREE List of Photographs xvii KANO ECONOMIC SETTING AND YORURA MIGRATORY TRE NDS List of Tables......... xviii A b strac t.......................... v........... .xix-xxi Introduction.............................................................................................. 46-48 Yoruba in Pre-colonial Kano.................................................... 48-52 CHAPTER ONE Yoruba in Kano in the early Colonial Period (1903* 191?) 53-58 G ENERAL INTRODUCTION Yoruba in Kano c. 1912-1919...................................................... 58-68 v Introduction...................... ............ 1-2 Yoruba in Kano c. 1920-1928................................................. 68-69 Research Objectives.... 2-3 Depression Years c. 1929-1938................................................. 69-75 Research Methodology 3-7 Second World War Period c. 1939-1945.................................. 75-77 Scope and Limitation... 7-8 Post-war Period c. 1946-1966...................................................... 77-84 Periodisation................... V8 Civil W ar Years c. 1967-1970...................................................... 84-86 Plan of the Research... 9-10 Yoruba in Kano c. 1970s............................................................... 86-89 Yoruba in Kano c. 1980s-1999................................................. 89-96 CH APTER TW O Conclusion...................................................................................................... 98 L ITERA TU RE REVIEW Introduction............................ 13 CHAPTER FOUR Conceptual Framework.. 14- 15 YO RUBA COM M ERCE IN KANO C. 1912-1999 Works on Migration......... 15- 20 Introduction...................................................................................................... 118 i i UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER FIVE 11 m Mole of Yoruba Traders in Foodstuffs and Livestock I rade Between Kano and Yorubaland......................... 118-123 YORUBA ENTERPRISE IN TECHNICAL SKILLS AND URBAN SERVICE INDUSTRIES IN METROPOLITAN KANO C. 1945-1999 I mdlng Strategies and Social Network of Yoruba Foodstuffs/ Livestock Traders in Kano....................... 123 Introduction................................................................................................... 178 Alnjapa Traders.......................................................................... 124-125 Yoruba Enterprise in Spraying and Painting Services in Kano. .. 179 Olowoapo Traders........................................................ ............. 126-129 Yoruba Photographers in Kano................................................. 181-185 1 ivoslock Trade....,..................................................................... .. 130 Trade in Photographic Materials................................................. 186 trade in Ponmon, Dried Fish and Tinko................................ 131 The Development of Colour Laboratory in Kano........................ 186-189 I rade in Guinea Fowl Egg........................................................ 131 Yoruba Road Transporters in Kano............................................. 190 I rade in Yam / Cassava Flours and Gari Among Yoruba Taxi Services.......................................................................................191-197 Traders in Kano............................................................ 131-137 Yoruba Motor Mechanic in Kano................................................. 197 Yoruba Kolanuts Traders in Kano.......................................... 137- 138 Odutola Tyresoles Company, Kano..v......................................... 199-200 Yoruba Groundnut Traders in Kano...................................... 138- 142 Electrical Engineering Services..................................................... 200-203 Ijesa (Osomaalo) Textile Traders.......................................... 142-144 Yoruba Lathe Work Technicians in Kano................................. 203-204 Yoruba Auto Spare Parts Traders in Kano......................... .. 145-147 Corn Mill Trade Among Yoruba in Kano................................ 205-208 Yoruba Women Traditional Herbalists in Kano.................. ... 147-150 Yoruba Goldsmiths in Kano.......................................... ............. 209-210 Ijebu Women Entrepreneurs in the Soda Soap Industry. .... 150-151 Yoruba Aluminium Pot Makers in Kano.................................... 210 Labour Recruitment in Soda Soap Industry....................... . 151-153 Ycruba Electronics Repairers in Kano........................................ 211-212 Cost of Production in Soda Soap tndustry......................... .. 153-154 Yoruba Recording Studio in Kano................................................. 212-213 Distribution Network in Soda Soap Industry................... ....155 Conclusion................................................................................................... 213 Capital Accumulation in Soda Soap Industry.................... ... 155 Yoruba Entrepreneurs in the Bakery Industry................... .... 156-158 CHAPTER SIX Yoruba Enterprise in the Construction Industry............... .... 159-160 YORUBA ENTREPREURS IN KANO, 1918-1999 Yoruba Contractors in Kano.................................................. ... 161-162 Introduction.................................................................................................... 221 \ Sources of Labour in the Construction Industry.............. ...162 Chief Daniel Oguntolu Sanyaolu, 1896-1960................................... 222-227 m Conclusion.................................................................................... .....163 Alhaji Raimi Okgniyi, 1896-1991.......................................................... 228-229 IV UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBR RY APPENDICES Mr. Albert Onayemi Onamusi, 1911-1970....................................... 229-230 Alhaji Abdullahi Salihu Olowo............................................................ 230-233 APPENDIX I: List of Small Store Holders in Sabon-Gari Reservation in 1918......................................................... 256 Chief C.A. Giwa.................................................................................... # 234 Alhaja Rabiat Olatundun Idris............................................................ 234-236 APPPENDIX II: Trade Associations Among the Yoruba in Kano, 1980-1999............................................................................. 257 V Alhaji Ganiyu Bello................................................................................. 237 APPENDIX III: List of Yoruba Ethnic, Township, Friendship, Youth, Barrister Jonathan Majiyagbe (S.A.N.)........................................... 237-239 Labour Guilds and Credit Associations, 1920-1999. 258 Alhaji Sunmonu Asani.......................................................................... 239-240 APPPENDIX IV. Cooperative Unions Among the Yoruba in Kano,1995-1999 ................................................................. 264 Alhaji Suleiman Bello Yarda............................................................ 240-242 APPPENDIX V: Hotels Owned by Yoruba in Kano, 1940-1999....... 265 Conclusion.................................................................................................... 242 APPPENDIX VI: Yoruba Photographers in Kano, 1940-1999........... 266 CONCLUSION........................................................................................... 249 APPPENDIX VII: Photograph of Alhaji Abdullahi Salihu Olowo, Sarkin Yorubawa, Kano..................................................................... BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................................................................................... 277 vi vii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY DEDICATION A C K N O W LE D G E M E N T This book was a product of my PhD thesis submitted to the Department of History, Bayero University Kano in December 2004. Considerably, I pay a I or my parents: Salahudeen Olaniyi (Ariyo) and Nuratu Abiola (Mai Adashi) and my beloved wife, Monsurat. glowing tribute to my M.A. and Ph.D. Supervisor, Professor Mohammed Sanni Abdulkadir, Professor of Economic History; Fellow of Wolfson College, University of Cambridge, United Kingdom; Life Member Clare Hall and Head of History Department, Bayero University, Kano. I appreciate his continuous backing and trenchant analysis. Late Professor Phillip James Shea inspired me as an economic historian and encouraged my interest in this research area that had been my academic preoccupation. I miss his penetrating comments and constructive criticism. Special thanks to Professor R.O. Lasisi, my external examiner whose thorough critiques and suggestions were invaluable in shaping my revisions. I am appreciative of the support of Professor A. R. Mohammed who over the years has provided me with critical arguments, inspiration and moral encouragement. I thank Professor M. D. Suleiman, former Head of History Department Bayero University, Kano; Late Professor Isa Abba, Professor 9 Dahiru Yahaya, Dr. Tijani Naniya, Dr. A.G. Saeed, Dr. Haruna Wakili, Malam Ibrahim Abdulsalam and Malam Dalha Waziri for their friendship and support. Their ideas on social and economic History are sufficiently acknowledged in this study. At the Usmanu Dan Fodiyo University, Sokoto I learnt a great deal from late Professor Bonaventure Swai and Professor A. M. Kani, Dr. Sabo Albasu, Dr. Ahmed Bako, Dr. I. A. Yandaki, Dr. M.T. Usman, U. A. Daniya, Dr. A. F. Usman and Ibrahim Hamza, some of whose ideas were utilised in this study. The entire members of staff Department of History, University of Ibadan deserve special recognition. I thank Dr. S. Ademola Ajayi who recruited me into the department and made my relocation from Kano to Ibadan easier. Dr. f\ Olutayo Adesina offered profound support and professionally reviewed the study. His lucid comments enabled me rethink more broadly on social and economic paradigms of a diaspora community. I am appreciative of the v m UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LI RARY support of Dr. C.B.N. Ogbogbo, Dr. V.O. Edo, Mr. Paul Ugboajah, Saheed jt Aderinto and Oyekemi Oyelakin. I learnt a^great deal from Professor Toyin Falola, Professor Murray Last Ibrahim Muazzam; Professors Samita Sen. Mamadou Diouf, Patrick Harries at Throughout the years of my education, I have benefited tremendously from Dakar; and Professor Ayodeji Olukoju, Professor A. A. Lawal, Dr. E. K Faluyi my family support. The careers of my parents in Kano provided inestimable and Dr. R. T. W inyele of University of Lagos; Dr. Abubakar Momoh of l ngos inspiration for this work. My father, Alhaji Salahudeen Ariyo Olaniyi's career State University and Dr. Laurent Fourchard, the former Director of IFRA, as a shoe and rubber stamp maker in Kano between 1965 and 1974 and my University of Ibadan. I thank Professor Abdulmumin Saad, Professor Attahiru mother’s enterprise in micro-credit were useful in this study. Their patience Jega, Professor Nuhu Yaqub, Dr. Isaac Albert, Professor Alan Frishman, Dr. and financial assistance in my university education over the years could not Ibrahim Bello-Kano and Dr. Erika Nimis for generous insights, mentorship and be quantified. I am grateful to my Uncle Mr. S. O. Babalola and his wife, Mrs. extraordinary support. R. S. Babalola for financial and logistic supports. To Monsurat, Risikat, Manzoor (Junior), Maryam Eniola and Hiqmat Wuraola I say sorry for my long The research which culminated into this book was aided by financial grants absence. Their immeasurable sacrifices ensured that I completed the from various sources: I wish to thank the Programme on Ethnic and Federal research and got it published. Studies, (PEFS), University of Ibadan; French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA) Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan; and Centre for I especially thank my research guides, Mr. Adeleke Adedoja, Mr. E.O. Research and Documentation (CRD), Kano for their generosity during my Adeyanju, Hajia Rakiya Yahaya Sani, Alhaji Ibrahim Ayilara, Mukadam research as graduate student, fellow and staff. I am grateful to the (CRD), its Abdulwahab Raji, Malam Jibrin Umar Kabir and Alhaji Abdulfatai Bello Yarda entire members, management and staff for research training, thesis grant and for attending to many demands despite their business schedule. I am grateful library assistance. to Alhaji Abdullahi Salihu Olowo, the Sarkin Yorubawa Kano; Alhaji Y.A Makanjuola, former Secretary, Yoruba Community, Kano State and Dr. J P. I wish to thank the staff of Kano State History and Culture Bureau; National Aivelangbe the President and Bashorun, Yoruba Community Kano for their Archives Kaduna, Arewa Archives, Kaduna; Bayero University, Kano Library, valuable information and assistance. I thank Alhaji G. A. Bello, Chairman of the British Council Library, Kano and Kano State Library Board. They tock Criss-Cross Organisation, Kano for his assistance. Prince Ajayi Memaiyetan keen interest in the study and offered advice as well as logistic support. was significantly helpful in this work. He provided unrestricted access to his collections and copies of Oodua News, which he edited. I am grateful for the The in-depth interviews reinforced in me the idea of importance of kinship invaluable support I received from the Ogbomoso Parapo, Kano. linkages, entrepreneurship and diaspora identity. The sincerity and generosity they showed me are deeply appreciated. In Dakar, the 2000 SEPHIS-CODESRIA Extended Workshop for Young Historians was a gratifying experience. Without doubt, the workshop enriched Rasheed Olaniyi my theoretical and methodological skills in historical research. My fellow University of Ibadan August, 2007. young Historians provide sustained companionship. My work has benefited through discussions with John Agaba, Isiae Dognon, Sri Magana, Shruti Tambe, Paulo Fontes and Dr. Sokhna Ndiaye. x XI UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ABBREVIATIONS GLOSSARY A t) Anno Domini Hausa English Translation AO , Action Group Achaba Motor cycle operators A H A K Arewa House Archives Kaduna Aiki Work 11 II,W A, Bank of British West Africa Gongoni Tin/Can Gurasa Local Bread C I A.O. Compagnie Francaise d’Afrique Occidantale Gida House G.I.C.S. Cooperative Investments and Credit Societies Kasuwa Market Kaya Load/Luggage C M 6. Church Mission Society Kofa Gate O O P Gross Domestic Product Kwarya/Mudu Measurement (Calabash) Laada Commission ( i l l A Government Reservation Area Magajia Woman Leader I I H A French Institute for Research in Africa Maidilalai Commission Agent/Stock broker Mairuwa Water Seller I MF . International Monetary Fund Sabon-Gari New Town/Migrants Settlement I MN.L. International Messengers Nigeria Limited Sabulu Local Soap Sarki King I I* W A. International Paints West Africa Subi/Haddi Mixing J A M Journal of African History Takarda Paper Unguwa Ward JM.8.N. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria Yancitta Ginger Sellers K.C.T.C Kano Citizen Trading Company K H (Mi. Kano State History and Culture Bureau lid . Limited M U G . Market Ground Block N A. Native Authority N A K. National Archives Kaduna N.C.N.C. National Council of Nigerian Citizens N.E.P.U. Northern Elements Progressive Union N.E.P.D. Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree N I.S.E.R. Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research N P.C. Northern People’s Congress N U.R.T.W. National Union of Road Transport Workers P. undT Post and Telecommunication ' P W D. Public Works Department P Z. Paterson Zochonis I I W A I l Royal West African Frontier Force All UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Yoruba English Translation Adire Resist pattern dyeing List of Maps Adi Palm Kernel oil Figure 1: Map of Kano State Showing the Study Area...................... 8 Agbalejo Host/Commission agents Figure 2: Map of Kano Metropolis C. 1999............................................. 8 Agbekoya Farmers reject oppression Figure 3: Maps of Kano Metropolis Showing Major Markets in 1999 76 Agbo Concoction Agunmu Herbal powder List of Photographs: Ajo Micro-Credit/informal lending scheme Yoruba Women Elubo Traders at Yandoya Market, Kano 1999. 109 Alagbata Commercial Intermediary/ stock broker Yoruba Women Gari and Palm oil Sellers at Yankura Market, Alajapa Long distance trader Kano in 1999................................................................................................... 109 Alaru Porter Yoruba Women Herbalists at Yankura Market, Kano in 1999.................... 119 Aso Cloth Hausa Workers at Yoruba Women Soda Soap Production Sites at Atare Ginger Yankura Market, Kano in 1999................................................................... 123 Awusa Walnut Mr. Matthew A Adesinmirin, Proprietor of the Highness Photo Studio, Baale Landlord/Commercial intermediary Kano in 2001................................................................................................... 154 Baba Agba Old Man Yoruba Corn Millers at Yandoya Market, Kano in 1999................................ 175 Egbe Club/Association Corn Mill Machines at Yandoya Market in 2000............................................... 176 Elubo Yam Flour Yoruba Recording Studio at Yankaji, Gwagwarwa Brigade, Ese Baba Kano Cow leg Kano in 1973................................................................................................. 182 Egbogi Herbs Olude Stores Established in 1918 by Chief D.O. Sanyaolu at Eru Ethiopian pepper Church Road (Now Awolowo Avenue) Sabon-Gari, Kano............. 192 lyere West African pepper Paradise Hotel (formerly Colonial Hotel) established in 1939 by Lekuleja Herbal wares Chief D.O. Sanyaolu at Yoruba Road (now Ogbomoso Obinrin Women Avenue)Sabon-Gari, Kano........................................................................193 Oja Market Olowoapo Foodstuffs Trader Omo-Odo House help/apprentice Ose dudu Black Soap Osomaalo I will squat down until my money is collected (Ijesa Yoruba textile trade credit strategy) Ponmon Processed and cooked cow skin Tinko Sun-dried salted meat Tokunbo Fairly-used Imported items Worobo Assorted items of small wares of petty traders X I V UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ABSTRACT List of Tables Table 3.1: Declining Demand for Imported Commodities, 1928................ Yoruba migration to Kano was shaped both by social and economic reality of Table 3.2: Nigerian Railway Labour Returns, 1929-1941.......................... the British colonial rule and trajectories of the post-colonial state. In Kano, the Table 3.3: Rising Labour Recruitment on the Nigerian Railway, 1935-36.... wider opportunity for the advancement of commercial frontier attracted generations of Yoruba traders, artisans, entrepreneurs and professionals. Table 3.4. Category of Stores in Sabon-Gari Market in 1999.................... 76 This book articulates the historical process that led to the evolution as well as Table 3.5. Ethnic /Gender Composition and Occupational the consolidation of the Yoruba commercial diaspora in Kano. Three Structure in the Sabon-Gari Market in 1999............... 77-78 interconnected themes: migration, entrepreneurship and intergroup relations Table 4.1. Imported Goods into Kano Market, 1904................................ 95 in a commercial diaspora were systematically pursued in this work. Table 4.2. Exports from Kano Market, 1918................................................. 96 Table 4.3. Exports from Kano Market, 1949........................................ 97-98 All through the trajectory, the book has reconstructed the historical Table 4.4. Import into Kano Market, 1949................................................. 98 metamorphosis of the Yoruba trading diaspora chronologically from colonial Table 4.5. Foodstuffs Trade Among Yoruba Women in Kano, 1999 100-101 period to the post-colonial era and, by extension, part of the commercial Table 4.6. Employment and Wage Rate in Soda Soap Industry history of modern Kano. In 1912, Yoruba commerce in Kano entered a- new In 1999......................................................... .......................... 123 phase from the socio-cultural bases already established in the pre-colonial Table 4.7. Prices of Commodity and Labour in Soda Soap Industry economy. Linder the British rule, Yoruba identity in Kano was dramatically In 1999...................................................................................... 124 transformed to become “non-natives” or “strangers." The British used diverse Table 4.8. Prices of Soda Soap Products in 1999............................ 124 measures including stereotype, criminalisation and ethnic segregation to Table 4.9. Prices of Plastic Bag in 1999............................................ 12 7 control Yoruba migration to Kano. Resentment and criminalisation were used Table 4.10. Wage Increase, 1955-56..................................................... 130 to segregate and exclude the Yoruba from the mainstream Kano society. In i this respect.- ethnic relations were mediated by colonial encounter. Colonialism challenged the migrants’ identity and self-understanding. The r transformative effects of this challenge redefined inter-ethnic relations to produce new imbalances, crystallisation of communal identities and social cohesion. As such, inter-ethnic rivalry sustained the British rule and remained pervasive in the post-colonial context. The intriguing feature of ethnic segregation as model of state structure and development provided stimulus for diaspora identity. Despite the control measures, the groundnut export and urbanisation processes in Kano influenced the greater proportion of Yoruba migration within the framework of kinship linkages. But Yoruba traders encountered structural disadvantages in xvi X V II UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the commodity trade. Commercially, Yoruba women were among the active and complementary commercial roles of the Yoruba Christians constituted an traders whose entrepreneurial activities linked the rural markets with the invaluable asset to their acceptance among the Muslim host community urban economy and stimulated income and distribution of Kano made goods. Many of the Yoruba Muslim migrant households have been complotely From 1985 and up to 1999, a downward trend was recorded in Yoruba absorbed into the cultural and religious values of Kano. Closely connected to enterprise in Kano due to economic contraction and urban crises. this, is the fact that, many of the unassimllatod younger gemmation of tho Muslim Yoruba Migrants developed a plural identity As n consequence, tho The methodology for this study was primarily empirical in approach: In-depth commercial diaspora produced a hybrid generation namely; the Kano Yoruba, oral interviews, research visits to neighbourhoods, fact finding surveys made who had a stronger sentiment for the hosl community on individuals, organisations and institutions as data sources in an interactive manner. The emphasis on field experience and broader interviews across Empirically, the two ethnic groups (Hausa and Yoruba) still retain many of tho ethnic, occupational and gender categories facilitated the validation of data loan words borrowed from each other’s languages for Islamic, commercial, collected and interpretation ensured that the analysis was a product of equestrian and sundry matters. These extensive social network and marital communal reflections. linkages had facilitated ethnic harmony and hospitality In this study, it has been found that ethnicity was fundamental in social and A remarkable aspect of this study is the discussion on tho ambivalent Hausa economic networks through which commerce was undertaken. The overriding and Yoruba relations namely: economic competition on one hand and cultural value of Yoruba ethnic identity in Kano was the creation of a socio-economic constraints of identity on the other hand. Yoruba commercial activities in community that allocated productive resources in the employment of labour, Kano have occasioned stress and suspicion generated considerably by capital mobilisation, entrepreneurship and social security. The recreation and economic competition. Some of the riots in Kano from 1953 to 1999 were reorganisation of ethnic associations were largely influenced by successful caused by socio-political problems with devastating consequences on Kano entrepreneurs who played significant leadership roles. However, social economy most especially, state of insecurity of investment, tho fear of looting, functions restricted entrepreneurial investment in commercial activities. wanton destruction of lives and economic gains, and tho exodus of migrant artisans and entrepreneurs. Some of the Yoruba experienced economic The study has examined the survival strategy employed by the Yoruba in dislocation. Hence, they liquidated their businesses and or relocated to their combating incorporation and exclusion prism that curtailed, challenged or places of origin or other commercial cities in Nigeria. The study concludes encouraged their commercial activities. As a trading community, the Yoruba that Yoruba enterprise in Kano contributed to the transmission of technical used their flexible identity, professional skills and religions (both Christianity skills among different communities and the transformation of modern Kano as and Islam) for commercial success. The special skills of the entrepreneurs a commercial metropolis in Nigeria. Without family connections and support and complimentary commercial roles of artisans had led to the transfer of network in a competitive context, Yoruba diaspora became ethnically technical skills, improved craft industry, urban development, stimulated assertive in terms of associational life. Thus, in the process, diaspora identity income and growth of markets, and tho over increasing urban population that restricted the prospect of integration of the migrants into the host community. provided the much needed skilled labour tor tho expanding industries. Yoruba enterprise generated labour supply, provided employment and above all, contributed to the process of capital accumulation Indeed, the special skills X V I I I X I X UNIVERSIT OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION The history of Hausa and Yoruba offers a robust example of the pre-colonial social and economic intercourse. From the 15lh century, a network of trade routes and itinerant caravan traders linked Kano commercially with Yorubaland.1 The intensification of commercial intercourse between the two geographical regions resulted in the settling down of some Yoruba traders in Kano. In the early 19lh century, Yoruba commerce and settlement in Kano were further consolidated with the establishment of Ayagi quarters by Emir Ibrahim Dabo (1819-1846). By the 20th century, Yoruba migration trends to Kano witnessed a dramatic rise with the imposition of British rule and colonial economy, I ho Yoruba provided part of the much needed labour force and played active role in commodity trade. Yoruba in Kano were products of two migratory regimes: the push and pull factors. The export of skills and products to areas with little competition, wider market and prospect of economic gain was a major pull that influenced the migration of Yoruba artisans and traders to Kano. Colonial taxation, economic crises and social deprivation further gave impetus for the push of Yoruba migration to Kano. The lure of entrepreneurial opportunities that eluded them at home influenced their migration. However, the impetus for migration was not centrally the opportunities to earn cash in the wage labour sector but to pay tax in European currency. In a rbroader sense, Yoruba commercial diaspora in Kano is a study ol the transfer of technical know-how among communities in Nigeria and presents migtaion as a process of negotiating identity. This process was considerably dictated by changes in the Nigerian political context which stimulated Yoruba migrants to redefine their identity in lire course of their Kano career. As a trading community, Yoruba settlement attracted Innovnirvn entrepreneurs and artisans who introduced new skills such as painting, printing, photography, construction, commercial road transport and auto-repairs. 1 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The central theme of this book is the study of the Yoruba community in Kano, its social and Research Objectives economic dynamics and how diaspora identity valorised in the uncertainties of colonial and Some illuminating studies have been written on urbanisation, migrant communities, V v post-colonial context. Occupational specialisation among the Yoruba artisans made them to industrialisation and entrepreneurship in Kano but Yoruba commerce remained largely introduce aspects of modern technical industries in Kano. A high proportion of Yoruba unexplored. A pioneer attempt in this regard was my M. A. (History) dissertation. The , , , women and men were involved in the informal sector including food trade, urban services Yoruba Entrepreneurs in Kano Metropolis: A Case Study of Printing Industry 1943-1983. and petty trading. In the formal sector, Yoruba provided part of much needed labour in the The main objective commercial activities of Yoruba traders connected Kano markets with Yorubaland. focuses on the commercial activities of Yoruba entrepreneurs in the formal and Informal sector of the Kano economy. The chapter analyses the activities of the Yoruba In the Periodisation foodstuffs, livestock, kolanuts, groundnut and textile trades; soda soap production, bakery This study covers the period c. 1912-1999. The year 1912 witnessed the commissioning of and construction industries. the Lagos-Kano railroad for commercial services and the export of groundnut. Railroad transportation networks revolutionised and reduced the burden of transportation between Chapter five discusses Yoruba enterprises in technical and urban service industries the Southern and Northern parts of Nigeria. It further gave impetus to Yoruba migration to between 1940 and 1999. The chapter analyses the historical development of selected Kano. Yoruba enterprise in Kano was boosted by the export of groundnut. In 1913, the modern technical industries pioneered or dominated by the Yoruba in Kano. It investigates colonial administration created Sabon-Gari, Kano for Southern Nigerian migrants and other the commercial' competition that existed among the various ethnic groups in Kano and the W est Africans. From the late 1930s to the 1970s, there was a marked increase in Yoruba processes leading to the transfer of technical skills among communities in Nigeria. commerce and migration to Kano due to the expanding government bureaucracy and trade. V From the 1980s onward, the dramatic deterioration of the national economy and the high Chapter six profiles prominent Yoruba artisans, merchants and community leaders between^, rate of social unrest led to a decline in Yoruba commerce in Kano. The year 1999 1918 and 1999, relevant to the work. The chapter discusses the roles played by the witnessed the greatest exodus of the Yoruba from Kano as a consequence of the Sagamu individual Yoruba entrepreneurs as well as the contribution they have made to the growth riots reprisal attacks in which they were the prime targets. The terminal year marked the of the Kano economy. decline of Yoruba enterprise in Kano. The conclusion examines the impact of Yoruba commerce on Kano between 1912 and 1999 in summary. Plan of the Study Notes The main subject of this study is the social and economic history of the Yoruba diaspora in 1. M. Adamu, 1978, The Hausa Factor In West Africa History (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello Kano. To achieve this, the work is divided into six chapters. Chapter one outlines the University Press) p.123; I. A. Akinjogbin, 1980, “ The Economic Foundations Of The methodology and objectives of the study. Oyo Empire," in I. A. Akinjogbin and Segun Osoba, (eds.), Topics On Nigerian Economic And Social History (lle-lfe: University of Ife Press Ltd.) p. 52; R. Law, Chapter two is a review of related literature and discusses the limitations in the 1980, The Horse In West African History (London: + historiography of the Kano economy, migration and the Yoruba diaspora; and how I surmounted lapses in the works. 11 1 0 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Oxford University Press) pp. 21 and 55; G. O. Ogunremi, 1982, Counting The CHAPTER TWO Camels: The Economics Of Transportation In Pre-Industrial Nigeria (New York: LITERATURE REVIEW NOK Publishers International Limited) p. 33; T. Falola, 1991, T h e Yoruba Caravan Introduction System of the 19th century” in The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 24, No.1; and R.O. Olaniyi, 2006, “Hausa-Yoruba Relations, 1500- Prior to 1980, inter-group relations and diaspora studies had been some of the most 1800: A Historical Perspective,” in A.E. Ekoko and S.O. Aghalino, (eds.), Inter- neglected themes of historical research in Nigeria. However, since that year, two factors Group Relations in Nigeria.The Historians' Perspectives: Essays in Honour Prof. seemed to have inspired interest in the study of these areas of research. One is the Obaro Ikime At 70. Forthcoming. growing awareness that many of the conflicts are rooted in inter-ethnic relations. Another is the inclination of historians themselves to look for explanations of economic and cultural 2. B. Adediran, 1984, “Yoruba Ethnic Groups or A Yoruba Ethnic Group? A changes in the unfolding social order. With reference to Kano, several works exist on inter­ Review of the Problem of Ethnic Identification,” in Africa: Revista do Centro de group relations and economic roles of immigrants in the transformation of the city as a Estudos Africanos da USP 7, pp. 57-70; W . Bascom, 1969, The Yoruba Of South- modern commercial centre. Some of these works focused on the general history of Kano, Western Nigeria (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston) p. 5; R.S. Smith, The which is quite different from my focus on the Yoruba commerce in Kano. However, a review Lagos Consulate 1851-1861 (London: Macmillan Press Limited) p. 3; and B. of some of them is paramount in order to show the shortcomings inherent in them. Adediran, 1994, The Frontier States O f Western Yorubaland C. 1600-1889: State Formation And Political Growth In An Ethnic Frontier Zone (Ibadan: IFRA) p. 7. For an adequate comprehension of the historiography of Yoruba commerce in Kano, a •*' For details see the followings: B. Davidson, 1991, African Civilisation Revisited: broad range of written sources have been utilised in this study. These sources differ in From Antiquity To Modern Times (New York: African World Press); S. Johnson, strength and limitations. While some provided extensive information and were constantly 1921, The History Of The Yorubas: From The Earliest Times To The Beginning Of utilised, others provided little but vital information as well. British Protectorate (Norfolk: Lowe and Brydone) pp. 3-5; P. A. Talbot, 1926, The Peoples Of Southern Nigeria (London); -Q. Lucas, 1948, The Religion O f The Conceptual Fram ework Yorubas (Lagos) pp. 352-354; S.O. Biobaku, 1991, The Egba And Their Neighbours 1842-1872 (Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press); I. Olomola, 1976, Since the 1990s, the concept of diaspora gained new scholarly attention from a variety of “Eastern Yorubaland Before Oduduwa: A Reassessment," in I. A. Akinjogbin and paradigms and perspectives such as migration, commerce, entrepreneurship and identity.1 G.O. Ekemole (eds.), The Proceedings O f The Conference On Yoruba Civilisation, A combination of factors including migration, marriage, commerce and conquest facilitate Vol. 1, pp. 34-73 and I. A. Akinjogbin and E. A. Ayandele, 1980, “Yorubaland Up To inter-group relations in human society. Very often, diaspora communities construct 1800,” in O. Ikime, (ed.), Groundwork Of Nigerian History (Ibadan: Heineman identities that distinguish them from the host community. Among the Yoruba in Kano, Books Limited) pp. 121-126. diaspora identity was expressed in terms of settlement patterns, social, religious, political 3. J.D.Y. Peel, 1983, The Incorporation of a Yoruba1 Kingdom, 1890s -1970s and economic institutions. This study departs from most works that have been carried out (Cambridge: Cambridge Uriiversity Press), pp. 186 and 190. on African (Yoruba) diaspora, which describe migration in terms of traumatic experience 12 UNIVERSIT OF IBADAN LIBRARY and victimhood. As an analytical category and social theory, the post-modern adoption of involving their homeland. The symbolic ties to the homeland often result in suspicion and diaspora in the study of Yoruba in Kano implies a community living ‘here’ and relating to a contempt from the host community. N ‘there.’ Diaspora refers to a community living outside of, and interacting with its homeland by maintaining economic, political and kinship ties. These constitute the major features of A trading diaspora denotes an ethnic group that forms communities outside its indigenous the Yoruba in Kano. This study rejects master narratives and routine application of homeland or cultural area as a commercial representative of a larger network. It is made stereotypes to migrants in order to affirm the complexity of migrant experiences. up of professional merchants who promoted trade between the host society and their homes of origin. Diaspora has been defined within the contexts of modern sovereign Diaspora, a cognate of the English word dispersion, is Greek, meaning scattering. nation states as people living outside their countries but the dichotomy between According to R. Cohen, the term diaspora as first used in the Greek classical world (800- citizenship and indigeneship rights within Nigeria calls for a review of the legal praxis. In 600 BC), implies ’to sow widely' to expand.2 Historically, the concept of diaspora, was first contrast to diaspora, the concept of homeland or hometown implies a particular part of the applied to denote the plight of the Jews from Jerusalem following the Babylonian conquest country which constitutes the areas owned or occupied by an ethnic group from the in the 6th century B.C. The concept of diaspora is used to describe a community, which has precolonial time to the present.6 In the period of crises, the homeland or hometown a history of migration, and distinctive cultural practices that separates it from the host provides refuge or sanctuary for its members in the diaspora. In all, diaspora communities community. The African diaspora often has been uncritically superimposed on the Atlantic trace their ancestry to the homeland. world, the ‘Black Atlantic.’ A new generation of diaspora scholars, the ‘revisionist’ school shifted the focus of African diasporan studies from the explicit study of creolization toward For the purpose of clarity, the written sources used in this work both published and placing Africans and their descendants at the centre of their own histories.3 Since the unpublished are classified into five broad themes: 1970s, diaspora was used sociologically; to denote people living far away from their (1) Migration; ancestral or cultural homeland in order to capture the group related institutionalisation and (2) i. Diaspora and identity formation the evolving multicultural society.4 According to Armstrong, the term diaspora is applied, ‘to ii. Yoruba Diaspora; any ethnic collectivity which lacks a territorial base within a given polity.’5 (3) Entrepreneurship; (4) The Kano economy; and The chronology of diaspora formation is crucial and often creates overlapping communities (5) Intergroup relations. with different perspectives and goals. Different layers of identities within a diaspora occur in non-hierarchical and overlapping patterns. There are many criteria that characterise the Works on Migration types of activities in which diasporas engage. They may involve cultural, religious, social, Four major types of migration that generate racial and ethnic relations have been put economic, educational and thrifts or a combination of these and other interests. Some forward by Glazer7: diaspora members engage only in activities that involve mainly but not solely their ethnic group (for example herbalists), entrepreneurs and traders may focus on economic interests (1) Movements of forced labour; 14 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY (2) Contract -labour movement; A. Andersson considers migration as part of income diversification, whereby households (3) Movement of displaced persons and refugees; and and individuals seek to engage in livelihood strategies, which stretch across and between (4) Voluntary migration. the different spheres of the economy.11 R. Skeldon suggests that a migrant's decision is founded on the conditions within the household and its immediate environment as well as Movement of forced labour includes the shipment of Africans as slaves into North and the exogenous push of urban centres.12 The survival strategy of a rural household, centres South American plantations from the 15m century to the first half of the 19th century. on a set of risk elimination procedures, where the possibility of diversifying sources of Contract labour transfer or indentured labour includes the migration induced by colonial or income becomes the prime vehicle of the risk elimination strategy. The dispersal of government institutions such as Asians in Southern and Eastern Africa. Displaced persons household labour to its most productive uses becomes crucial in strengthening a include refugees produced by war, famine, hostilities or official policies such as Jewish household's income base. immigrants from Europe in the 1930s, the displacement of Nigerians due to ethnic and/or religious conflicts in Lagos, Jos, Kano and Kaduna; and trafficking in women and children in Migration is often undertaken out of economic necessity including control of trade routes Nigeria. Voluntary migration covers the massive migration of individuals or groups in pursuit and to gain access to fertile land for cultivation or grazing. A modern version of pre-colonial of social and economic needs. migration has been brought about by the development of a cash crop economy in some areas resulting in migration. For example, cocoa producing areas of W estern Nigeria and cotton/groundnut growing areas of Kano were spheres of extensive in-migration; In this Scholars through a number of perspectives have interpreted migration. The first theory connection, F. Cooper notes that patterns of production in the colonial economy influenced about migration and perhaps the most influential so far in explaining migration in the African migration, ranging from areas where African producers achieved modest prosperity to context emanates from neo-classical economists, pioneered by E. G. Ravenstein and areas where the loss of resources and marginalisation from outlets for crops drove Africans popularised by W . A. Lewis, L. A. Sjaastad and M. Todaro. This theory views migration as into wage labour.13 Some household heads often tried to ensure that young ones left and the consequence of human cost-benefit calculus.8 It follows that migration constitutes a also returned, bringing back the proceeds of their labour. Young men, and often women, form of investment in human capital in which individuals advance their economic potentials used wage labour to obtain a measure of independence from patriarchal authority by through rational choice, utility maximisation, expected net returns, factor mobility and wage setting up their own households or investing in new profitable enterprises. S. Amin differentials. Thus, migration results from the uneven geographical distribution of labour, advances the thesis that the migratory movements in Nigeria have been cross-cutting.14 capital and other inputs such as arable land. This view has been further elaborated by O. For example, skilled labour (educated and professional) migrants from the south to the Stark's new economics of labour migration that considers the family and not the individual north; cocoa labourers from the Middle Belt to Western Nigeria; the migration of merchants as a migration unit.9 He suggests that migration is a family strategy aimed at diversifying from Hausaland to Yorubaland and the migration of Yoruba merchants to Hausaland were sources of income in order to minimise risks, namely unemployment, loss of income, crop peculiar features of migration trends in Nigeria. In the present work, it was discovered that failures and imperfections that plague credit and insurance Markets in sending regions. D. there existed Hausa migrant communities in Yorubaland, in the same manner that Yoruba F. Bryceson further observes that the proliferation of income diversification strategies as a migrants existed in Hausaland. means of sustaining and improving livelihoods is the chief motive of household migration.10 16 17 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The second migration theory is the classic pair of “push" and “pull” factors. The pull and market by colonial policies, declining rural production and the fact that migrants were paid push theory considers migration as a response to either ecological devastation or below subsistence industrial wages.17 Migration is equally a means of capital redistribution periphery-centre economic and political relations. PusK force propelling migratory and modernisation. A. Mabogunje explains migration in Africa using systems approach^ processes both (internal and international) have been elaborated in the works of A. model.18 His explanation is based on the premise that rural-urban migration in Africa is Adepoju.15 Migration arises as a result of natural disasters such as land scarcity or controlled by systematic inter-relationships of rural-urban control systems, rural-urban depletion, drought and famine or pull of opportunity to urban centres like the Yoruba to adjustment mechanisms and the flow of information about migration. The major elements Kano. The growth of periphery-centre relations increased the development of the push and of his model are notably: a pool of potential migrants in rural areas viewed as mass pull factors thereby intensifying the forces of supply and demand. The push-pull model was resources rather than as individuals; two systems pertaining to migration flows are centred constructed around the "factors of expulsion" (economic, social and political hardships in in the rural area and controlling outflows and another in the urban area controlling inflows; sending regions) and "factors of attraction" (comparative economic and social advantages a background environment comprising social and economic conditions, government in receiving regions) as causal variables determining the size and direction of migration policies, transportation and communication infrastructures; and the level of technological flows. development. The use of the push and pull factors in explaining migration in Africa have been refuted by D. Massey, drawing on social capital theory has suggested migration networks analysis.19 S.O. Osoba.16 Citing northern and southern Nigeria as case studies, he observes that, the Migration networks can be explained as sets of interpersonal relations that link migrants social science theory of "pull'' and "push" factor is rather a narrow and inelastic view of what or returned migrants with relatives, friends and kinsmen at home. Networks induce constitutes opportunities to earn cash. The historical reality in both the northern and migration through information, cash remittance, financial assistance, employment and southern region of Nigeria is that the economies are predominantly agrarian with accommodation that reduces the costs and uncertainty of migration thereby facilitating it. preponderant subsistence element existing alongside scattered pockets of monetised and Among the Yoruba in Kano, migration networks served as a form of social capital. R. commercialised economy. Hence, the flow of population between the north and the south has not been a one-way traffic. The r.riss-cross of migrants all over Nigeria resulted in a Brown traces the export of labour to an unstable environment, seasonal food shortages, complex mixture of ethnic and sub-ethnic groups in various parts of the country. First, the new consumer demands and monetisation of bride wealth, and contends that the most vulnerable members of the poorer societies are most likely to participate in labour repatriation of migrants, and wages not only reinforced sagging political structures, and migration. Second, such migration flows arise spontaneously out of the sheer existence of improved rural standards of living but also further stimulated migration.20 economic inequalities on the national scale. Migration as a complex combination of forces In sum, the quest for capital and labour, opportunities to earn cash for the mandatory cannot be explained by the pull and push factors alone. The salient explanation was the colonial taxation, raw materials and food supplies took Yoruba entrepreneurs further afield. twin colonial systems of standard coin and currency and imposition of poll tax payable in Kinship networks, government bureaucracy and the expansion of the modem urban cash. economy contributed immensely to Yoruba migration in the 20,h century. Yoruba migration to Kano was embedded within the framework of kinship linkages. The migration trend of A growing body of opinion discerned in migrant labour studies concerns the development Yoruba to Kano illuminates the fact that amongst the sub-ethnic groups, migration involved of a vicious cycle of impoverishment as men and women were forced into the labour 18 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY systematic social production relations, which were interwoven with economic and cultural Hausa and organised a myriad of economic structures to maintain their influence. The most factors, but whose underlying dynamic was, in a broad sense, economic. The most potent strategy in Hausa diaspora in Lokoja was the Islamic brotherhood. dynamic force driving migration was the aspiration for economic gain. A network of friends and relatives that lowers the barriers for migration principally facilitates this. The profit- C. N. Ubah considers the Yoruba and the Nupe as the earliest settlers in Sabon-Gari, seeking model in which economic and socio-cultural factors were paramount was evident in Kano.24 The present study seek to present the commercial activities of the Yoruba in Kano, Yoruba migrants' decisions to engage in entrepreneurial activities in Kano. Factors such as j . N. Paden, studies inter-ethnic relations in Kano from the perspectives of incorporation of competition, market accessibility, capital, niche concentration, support network, identities with Islam as the major intergration tool.25 He concludes that Hausa-Yoruba entrepreneurial experience, migration experience, age, education and period of residency relations in Kano have been good historically. By 1970, Sabon-Gari had become all account for the Yoruba migrants' decision to chose Kano. predominantly Yoruba due to the exodus of the Igbo during the Civil W ar. Paden considers the Yoruba as one of the major ethnic groups in Kano. Because he was not concerned with the Yoruba in Kano, he made passing remarks without elaborate analysis on Yoruba W orks on Diaspora and Identity Form ation residential patterns and commercial interaction with the host community. This aspect form part of the argument in the present work. A. Cohen, in his study of Hausa kolanut and cattle traders in Yorubaland, considers a trading diaspora as a nation of socially interdependent but spatially dispersed E. P. Skinner made a systematic application of Georg Simmel's concept of the stranger communities.21 A trading diaspora, according to htm, has an informal political organisation (der Fremde) to the study of migrant-host relations in African societies.26 In a collective of its own for stability within the community and for the perpetual struggle against volume, contributors argue that racial and cultural differences between strangers and their competition. A trading diaspora creates institutions of general welfare and social security to hosts appear to be less important than ideological, socio-structural and politico-economic conform to home values. He suggests that the Hausa in Yorubaland formed a culturally factors. They suggest that immigrant communities in a peaceful or hostile social exclusive community by using the Tijaniyya Mosque to monopolise trade and ensure social environment seek to protect their collective interests through the formation of associations, trust among its members. Through the "retribalisation" process, Hausa migrants which provide the basis for common identity in the pursuit of economic, social and political established a Central Mosque in Sabon-Gari, Ibadan, which helped in preserving their interests. Culture rather than the political process, including the adoption of language, exclusive identity.22 However, both the Hausa and Yoruba had similar Sheikhs (religious customs, costume, mode of livelihood, fictive kinship and religious practices formed the leaders). For example, in the 1960s, Sheikh Sanni Auwal, at Elekuro Ibadan hailed from mechanism of strangers' incorporation into the host society. The adoption of cultural values Kano and had Yoruba followers. Cohen concludes cogently that close interconnection of the host community was significant in the integration of some Yoruba immigrants into the existed between Hausa organisation of trade and Hausa political organisation. In simple Hausa society in Kano. terms, Hausa cultural tradition was not the principal factor in the formation of Hausa communities in Yoruba towns. A. Bako's thesis has been remarkably important in the study of migration and urbanisation > that produced ethnic relations in modern Kano and thus very useful in this work.27 H e M. D. Suleiman studies the evolution and settlement patterns of the Hausa community in presents the historical evolution and transformation of the immigrant settlement in S abon- Lokoja and unravels the dynamics of relationship the community had with other groups in Gari, Kano. According to him, the Yoruba were the earliest inhabitants of S abon-G ari the plural society.23 The Hausa community established a political hegemony over the non- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY during the colonial period. He contends that, the Yoruba community used religious and settlement pattern, he observes, intensified ethnic identification nnd community cultural institutions to institute cohesiveness among its membership. cohesiveness. * . \ Y- I. O. Albert's study provides another view on the problems of ethnicity, inter-group relations M. U. Adamu contends that Kano developed from a 'tribal' society enriched by migratory ^ and national integration process in Nigeria.28 He observes that the Sabon-Gari system has trends that transformed migrants through integration and assimilation processes into an , created social and spatial barriers that made it difficult for the settlers to assimilate into their emergent and distinct identity: The Kano Hausa.33 The old city wards represent the basic host community. The present work studies the Yoruba living in Sabon-Gari and with the social units of Kano society and depicts the characteristics of the early settlers. He Hausa host community in Kano metropolis. It marked a departure from the realm of buttresses the argument provided by early scholars especially C. N. Ubah and A. Bako that discourse on hostility to the emphasis on commerce in the study of inter-group relations Yoruba migrants provided the largest single group of settlers in Sabon-Gari during its early between Hausa and Yoruba. history. The present work has tried to document inter-group relations Yoruba Diaspora In his perspectives on urban ethnicity, E. E. Osaghae notes that urban ethnic associations protect and advance the interests of their members in competition with other groups over D. R. Aronson offers an ethnographic study of social change and voluntary migration the determination of public policy. He observes that massive migration and urbanisation among the Ijebu-Yoruba.34 He observes that it was the wage labour of the colonial transform associational ethnicity into migrant ethnic 'empires' in the form of centralised economy together with the indigenous institutions of Yoruba society that provided the political authority.29 In a broader sense, the present work demonstrates that centralised framework for individual migration. Thus a mutuality of economic pursuits produced a set cl ethnic associations such as the Yoruba Community in Kano constitute the platform that Ijebu artisans, labourers and traders in Ibadan city. This indicates an element of diaspora , regulate cordial interaction between the host community and the Yoruba on one hand and identity among the sub-groups in Yorubaland. The present work considers sub-ethnic between other migrants such as Nupe, Igala, Igbo and Edo on the other. identity important in the Yoruba commercial activities in Kano. T. M. Naniya is of the view that since the pre-colonial period, Kano had pursued a liberal In two interrelated articles in a collective volume, Niara Sudarkasa and Jeremy S. Eades policy for the reception of other peoples and cultures.30 The policy seems to have offer anthropological and ethnographical study of the Yoruba diaspora in Ghana. Following encouraged inter-ethnic co-existence and immigration of various ethnicities from many the Simmelian concept of stranger, Sudarkasa studies the changing dynamics of the socio­ parts of Africa and the Middle East.31 The present work demonstrates that the policy political identity of the Yoruba in Ghana between 1900 and 1970.35 Sudarkasa considers encouraged Yoruba migration and integration into the Kano society. the Yoruba as having been the largest Nigerian ethnic migrant group in Ghana numbering over 100,000 at the time of deportation in November 1969. Sudarkasa provides analysis on S. A. Albasu documents the role of the Lebanese migrants in the development of Kano’s the formation of diaspora solidarity and township unions among the various Yoruba sub­ industrial economy.32 He points out that in Kano, the British discouraged inter-ethnic groups in Ghana. Yoruba sub-group identity and township solidarity has also been contact and integration through its policy of "Indirect Rule" and residential segregation. This considered in the present work. Between the 1940s and 1960s, as the population of tr ie 23 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Yoruba community in Ghana increased, they developed a network of ethnic/township Savannah towns. Fourth, there was the migration of the younger educated people to the associations known as Parapos (Unions) under the central organ of Oba-in-Council to urban centres, especially with the expansion of education in the 1950s. According to him, maintain community cohesion. The formation of Yoruba community in Kano has been kinship plays an important part in channeling migration, as people move to join their discussed in the present work. Sudarkasa presents an indepth account of the Yoruba relatives in other towns to find jobs. He argues that a steady flow of goods and information support for and opposition to Ghana's main political parties, United Party and Convention exists between home and diaspora. His contention that Ijebu-Yoruba migrants tended to Peoples Party, to advance their socio-economic interests. As Sudarkasa's work shows, the settle near home (within Yorubaland) negates historical facts. Ijebu are one of the most expulsion of Yoruba and other migrant groups from Ghana in 1969 demonstrated the adventurous of Yoruba sub-groups. From the 18th through the ,1 9 th centuries, their structural weakness of the post-colonial African States in the accommodation or tolerance commerce had been firmly established at Kulfo Market in Nupeland. As discussed in this of competition. Despite these analyses, the work is silent on the aftermath of the work, by the 20th century, Ijebu artisans pioneered most of the modern technical skills such deportation on Yoruba diaspora in Ghana, particularly on commerce, communal and family as printing and goldsmithing in Northern Nigeria, particularly Kano. Colonial institutions lives that were dislocated. The present work has considered the contribution of the requiring clerical services and the railroad also promoted Ijebu migration beyond the shores deportees to the development of Kano. of Yorubaland. J. S. Eades studies two inter-connected themes that aided the growth of Yoruba diaspora, L. Trager argues that the hometown is a source of social and cultural identity among the ' x notably, kinship and entrepreneurship. Using Northern Ghana as a case study, he suggests Yoruba in diaspora.38 She demonstrates the propensity of Yoruba groups to migrate and y! that the Yoruba developed their community through chains of migration from the same settle in other communities while maintaining ties with their home areas. Evidence from her town, and family compounds.36 Entrepreneurial drives of the Yoruba merchants enabled study among the Ijesa-Yoruba shows that at the individual level, migration w as combined them to recruite labour from their kinship network for the expansion of their commercial with the maintenance of ties with family, kin networks and community in terms of base. He observes that kinship networks of extended family were a major strategy in the remmitances, ceremonies and visits. This process has been considered in the present provision of employmer.., training and capital that promoted Yoruba commerce in uftana. work on Yoruba in Kano. In sum, sub-ethric and township identities were important in the The present work considers the importance of kinship and religious networks in Yoruba Yoruba migration to Kano and commercial diaspora. commerce in Kano. In a fascinating collective volume, edited by T. Falola and M. D. Childs, scholars from Eades further articulates four main types of migration among the Yoruba, which influences diverse intellectual genre studied the Yoruba diaspora in the Atlantic world using the the formation of diaspora communities.37 These were analysed according to occupational Atlantic model for diaspora studies. Contributors emphasised that, ‘(Yoruba) slaves categories. First, there were the unskilled labour migrants ot,the colonial period looking for forcefully transported to the Americas carried with them their own history, culture, and work on the cocoa farms or in larger towns. Second, there were migrant farmers looking for identity that decisively shaped their experience in the Americas.’ 39 As the authors noted, suitable land, especially, for planting cocoa. Third, there were the long-distance migrants, the Yoruba in the Americas defy precise classification. Despite names and identities such many of them traders. Trade migration and diaspora were common features in the as Lucumi in Cuba and Nago in Brazil, the Yoruba, in contrast to other Africansm were 24 25 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY features of successful entrepreneurs is that they are frequently drawn from migrant groups often distinctive as a separate cultural group, which allows scholars to study their in the society. For most of these entrepreneurs, the basic form of labour is self- experiences in detail.40 employment. A self-employed person may expand his/her business first by taking on otfter 0 members of the household, then non-resident members of the ethnic group or the host . ■. Entrepreneurship community. This was ^basically the process followed by most Yoruba entrepreneurs in Entrepreneurs are individuals who possess the ability to identify and evaluate business Kano. Thus, Casson's work is of importance to this work. opportunities, coordinate the resources to take advantage of them and initiate appropriate action to ensure success. Entrepreneurs are action-driven, highly motivated individuals who take risks to achieve goals. T. Forrest discusses the growth of enterprises and patterns of capital accumulation among Nigerian entrepreneurs. According to him, the origins of entrepreneurs who developed F. Barth considers three criteria for entrepreneurship: the single-minded maximisation of large-scale enterprises in Nigeria are diverse. Their background ranges from petty traders one type of value; the use of a deductive prognosis of results which does not conform to and artisans with limited formal education who have built up large enterprises to, expectations based on institutionalised experience and the willingness to take risks.41 By professionals and government officials.45 In Kano, the produce trade was closely linked to migration, entrepreneurs broke away from established customary expectations and transport business. Among the early indigenous transporters were Dantata Transport, exposed themselves to great social and economic risks. These risks involved the constant Muhammadu Nagoda, Haruna Kassim, Sani Marshal Transport, Garba Bichi and sons as threat of social strife and economic fluctuations. Entrepreneurial responses were therefore, well as Bello Bichi Transport. Advances in transportation were assisted by the Igbo exodUs consistently built around resources, objectives and initiatives. This has been the experience * > in 1966/67 from the northern states and the switch to road traffic that followed the of most of the Yoruba entrepreneurs studied in the present work. disruption of the railways. Local transporters secured an increased share on the crucial Kano-Lagos route.46 Despite his excellent discussion on indigenous enterprenuers in Kano, A. L. Mabogunje observes that immigrants often supplied innovative entrepreneurship. he was silent on the activities of Yoruba entrepreneurs in the transport and printing sectors. Their actions very often lead to transfer of technical know-how among communities.42 S. These obvious lapses are what the present work has succeeded in documenting. A'-iko elaborates that entrepreneurship is essentially a c. .ative activity.43 M. Casson demonstrates that when economic growth and development are considered in an historical perspectives, the role of the entrepreneur comes into sharper focus.44 Entrepreneurship From a gender perspective, M. L. Swantz, notes that women’s entrepreneurship is central to appears as a personal quality which enables certain individuals to make economic the economic development of Africa, yet women are treated as "targets" requiring integration decisions with far reaching consequences. According to him, entrepreneurs, by acting into the mainline economies rather than as significant actors in their own right.47 Women's differently from other people and their examples, influenced them to change their minds economic activities have increased tremendously under the economic pressures the and thereby alter the course of history. An entrepreneur is therefore a role-model. continent has experienced during the past decade, but such activity is often informal and Entrepreneurial effort is required to develop an improved allocation of resources and to remains small scale. In Kano, Yoruba women were intermediaries linked in terms of transfer the relevant know-how to other regions. Given that entrepreneurs are of crucial commercial exchange, distribution and credit networks existing between the Hausa influence in economic transformations, it is obviously desirable to understand what sorts of community and the Yoruba migrants. Yoruba women as economic mediators between the- social institutions provide favourable qualities of entrepreneurship. One of the most striking 26 27 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY hosts and the migrants possess unique commercial attributes that broke the social conceptual separation between “domestic" and "business" expenditure. Nonetheless, they restrictions in the host/migrant relations in Kano as enjoined by the Kulle system. Yoruba made profits. women were central to the distribution network, the employment of street urchins in menial Scholars who have dealt with cultural variables as important elements in entrepreneurial , jobs and provision of services such as credit networks and saving schemes. activities have stressed the patterns of extended families and social mobility. P. Kilby observes that the causes of Nigerian entrepreneurial deficiencies are more than just the In examining entrepreneurship, and social identity, L. Bank observes that entrepreneurs lack of experience or training, but also the underlying disposition and attitudes of often came from immigrant groups.48 The entrepreneurial responses of these individuals entrepreneurs.49 These attitudes in turn affect business ethics and the delegation of were largely built around resources, experiences and aspirations. Many individuals shifted managerial authority. The socio-cultural basis of entrepreneurship among Yoruba indicates their material assets from one source of income to another. In fact, as this work has preference for social mobility based on achieved wealth as a means of securing high social shown, the decisions of most Yoruba in wage employment to enter retail business were status. based on their desire to retain some measure of cultural and economic autonomy. Therefore, entry into commerce in their case could be achieved by shifting resources from As demonstrated in the subsequent chapters of this study, an entrepreneur is one who one economic sphere to another. Some entrepreneurs make transitions from wage labour utilises skills for resources allocation; uses the factors of production for profit maximisation and introduces new skills, which stimulate or encourage others. By utilising strategies of to self-employment. The first category of entrepreneurs in the study of Yoruba in Kano, diversity and mobility, entrepreneurs worked on their own terms and time. W hen were made up of a mixture of former colonial workers, school teachers, company clerks considering the social context of Yoruba entrepreneurs in Kano, artisanship skills were < and demobilised soldiers who moved from wage labour into self-employment. regarded as community resources used to cement social and economic relations in terms of training, employment and finance. The second category was the less educated entrepreneurs who had apprenticeship artisan skills before their arrival in Kano. Indeed, the ability of entrepreneurs to expand their, Economists have described entrepreneurship from a universal perspective without businesses often depended on the exploitation of family labour through patriarchal control. ’ consideration for cultural peculiarities. Entrepreneurs were defined in terms of monolithic Besides the importance of family labour within the businfess, very few entrepreneurs individuals acting single-handedly for economic transformation. Casson, Kilby, Belasco, entered into business partnerships. The only exceptions recorded were those involved in Barth and Bank emphasise how entrepreneurs, as risk takers, spearhead innovations, partnerships between close kin and co-ethnic members. The tendency was to keep allocate productive resources and influence others. In particular, B. I. Belasco em phasises businesses and skills within the family even if this jeopardised the profitability of the that entrepreneurial process is a systematic individual effort to transform traditional social enterprise. In other words, most entrepreneurs viewed saving, parsimony and thrift as the arrangements of production through the introduction of commodity relations, between main source of profit. This orientation towards saving rathe^ than investment supported the producers and owners of factors of production.50 However, the biographical accounts and r preproderance of the existing tendency towards “one man, one shop.” In most of the small business profiles of some Yoruba entrepreneurs expose the influence of kinship bonds in scale enterprises there were virtually no organised systems of bookkeeping and thus no their careers. Among the Yoruba, the central organising principle of the economy w as 28 29 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY based on kinship relationship. Kinship determined the access of individuals to all the factors Works on Kano Economy of production, namely land, labour and capital. The analysis qf the entrepreneurial process Some scholars acknowledged the role of migrants’ economic activities in the transformation by economists is equally silent on the role of government policies. As discussed in this of Kano as a centre of commerce. P. J. Shea suggests that the entrepreneurial innovation work, colonial credit and monetary policies had created wider commercial advantages for of Yoruba dyers in Kan6 altered the scale of technology and production in the strategic but European and Asian entrepreneurs at the expense of the indigenous ones who had less near obsolete Kano dyeing industry during the Second World War.52 According to him, access to government funds. In the post-independence period, government policies such Yoruba and Nupe women dyers used large steel drums and caustic soda as a mordant as indigenisation decrees and small-scale industries loan schemes were meant to enhance instead of wood ash turned to ash water. the participation of Nigerian entrepreneurs in the economy. But their competition with the foreign entrepreneurs has not been substantial. Equally, the influence of government's P. J. Shea further uses his research on internal silk trade to prove that Yorubaland and macro-economic policies such as the Structural Adjustment Programme has not been Hausaland have been tied together in the interdependent network of production and appreciated in the study of informal economy and migratory processes as I have done in trade.53 According to him, the silk trade is commercially unique in the way it ties together this work. the process of importing raw materials, re-exporting partially finished goods, producing finished products and sometimes re-exporting the finished products to the areas which Though economic historians who dealt with modern transport such as Allan Mcphee, A.G. produced the raw materials. This excellent work is very relevant to this study. Hopkins, A. M. Hay and W. I. Ofonagoro present modern road transportation as a critical prerequisite for economic growth in the way it widened markets, facilitated economics of I. A. Tahir observes that the entrepreneurial drive and initiative of the Kano merchants had contributed to economic growth and the developmnent of modem industry and large scale production and, tamed distances, no critical analysis was made to discern the communication.54 He argued that the natural demographic increase coupled with the rise in nature of subsidiary industries and entrepreneurship it created.51 What aided the rural migration and the influx of migrants have made Kano the dominant economy and significance of road transport in the Nigerian economy was not the mere construction of demographic growth centre in Northern Nigeria. According to him, there was an increase in roads by governments but tnfe entrepreneurial ingenuity of Nigerians to invest in the Yoruba migration to Kano on account of the economic boom generated after the Civil War. technological changes. Rigorous analysis of indigenous entrepreneurship in the motor Though he did not examine the ethnic specialisation in the service sector, he analyses the industry including auto sales and repairs has been seemingly lacking. The absence of this economic growth and rapid expansion in the post-civil war era. analysis has been principally informed by the methodology and themes investigated which very often fall short of interaction and indepth interviews with entrepreneurs. These A M. Fika provides information on the evolution of Kano as a commercial and industrial shortcomings are part of what this work has tried to address. centre that attracts immigrants.55 In the pre-colonial era, Kano had a sizeable “colony” of Isi Yoruba settlers within the old city walls. Yoruba traders brought to Kano English goods, kolanuts and Yoruba clothes (called Bunu and Salwami in Hausa) and exchanged them for potash as well as livestock. For the colonial period, he attributes the commercial success of the Yoruba entrepreneurs to capital/credit system provided by the Bank of British West 30 31 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Africa, Kano branch established in 1914. However, this is not totally true because most ' Yoruba entrepreneurs got their capital through personal savings and cooperative ventures • ' ' ^ arnu provides evidence of the commercial and religious relationship between ...................................59 . ____ i_________ « « ■ _____________. r - ____________ _______i - since they were denied access to loans by colonial banks. For example, the Bank of British J ^ -'H a u s a la n d and Yorubaland. The exchange of North African and European goods West Africa accepted deposits from Africans and as early as 1910, £263,000 (about a between the two regions had led to the establishment of middlemen roles in the quarter of Bank of British West Africa’s total deposits) belonged to African customers but 1 commodities for which they had direct access. As demonstrated in the present work, the who were denied access to loan facilities.56 He demonstrates that most southerners were commercial intercourse between the two regions led to the settling down of Yoruba traders adventurers who were lorry transporters and fortune seekers whose businesses were in pre-colonial Kano. liquidated by the fall in groundnut prices in the 1930s and thus, returned to the south. This argument could not be substantiated as many Yoruba continued to flourish in Kano p E Lovejoy studies entrepreneurship, commodity flow as well as commercial institutions Equally, he is silent on the economic importance of lorry transport in the groundnut * jjl in the Hausa kolanut trade across the Central Sudan.60 He notes that the Hausa economy, particularly during the depression period. Yoruba entrepreneurs in Kano | commercial diaspora in Gonja was a unifying factor essential to business operations and pioneered commercial transport industry as demonstrated in this work. the guarantee of credit. Individuals migrated to places, which offered the possibility of J economic advancement. In the present work, it has been shown that kinship networks J. S. Hogendom presents an account of the groundnut economy in the early colonial j were essential in the mobilisation of capital for commercial activities. period.57 He contends that its expansion in the colonial economy created wider economic .4 opportunities for the Yoruba educated elites who served as clerks in commercial firms and I A. Kiyawa, studies indigenous entrepreneurs in Kano.61 Kiyawa considers entrepreneurs government departments. The groundnut trade further stimulated Yoruba migration to 1 as catalysts of economic development who utilise the productive resources of the society. Kano. Indigenous Hausa groundnut traders employed sub-agents and clerks some of Kiyawa focuses on production and entrepreneurship in the Kano bakery industry. As a whom were Yoruba. However, one of the salient issues which he ignored, but which the new food item, bread was not wholly patronised by the local population until the mid present w ck has highlighted, is the impact of transport facilities provided by the Yoruba 1960s. This was partly due to the general belief that alcohol forms one of the ingredients lorry owners on the groundnut trade between 1920s and 1950s. for producing bread. The work lacks proper historical analyses of the introduction of bakery into Kano and the ethnic identity of the entrepreneurs he studied. r W. I. Ofonagoro analyses the dramatic changes that occurred in the trade between A. Mahadi's work provides information on commercial transaction between Yorubaland Hausaland and Yorubaland.58 He contends that the prospects of various local producers and Kano in the pre-colonial era.62 S. Bello offers analyses on the colonial economy in and traders, with the advent of the British commercial presence in the hinterland, were Kano and the role of migrant southerners who served as construction workers, drivers, mixed The products of the loom and the forge were gradually driven out of the market by engineers, and owners of food canteens.63 He is, however, silent on Yoruba produce mass-produced imports from Birmingham, Manchester and Sheffield. But the producers buyers who served as commercial intermediaries between producers of cash crop, British I I and dealers in kolanut trade explored new opportunities fof, the expansion of the volume companies, Syrians and buying agents like Alhassan Dantata, Adamu Jakada, Maikano and value of their businesses. As demonstrated in the present work, the railroad system provided the impetus for many Yoruba kolanut traders between Kano and Yorubaland. Agogo and Umar Sharubutu. W 33 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY commercial activities of Yoruba artisans and particularly transporters aided the I. L. Bashir studies the development of indigenous private entrepreneurs and the emergence of Hausa motorists. The present work has presented analyses on Yoruba . „ ' \ 4 " industrialisation process in Kano State.64 The mercantile.class formed an oligarchy that transporters in Kano. developed from the long distance kolanut and cattle trades as well as friendly relationships " ' * with the aristocrats to control state resources. Thus, government funds and patronage R. O. Olaniyi studied the emergence of Yoruba entrepreneurs in the modem technical formed the bulk of capital that financed the industrialisation of the indigenous entrepreneurs industry, particularly printing in Kano. He emphasises the role of migration and kinship in the 1950s. Bashir argues that political contracts and machination worked in two ways: networks in the transfer of modem skills among communities in Nigeria. The work they promoted the interests of those with such contracts fcr class expansion, and equally analyses an aspect of fhe Yoruba commerce in Kano and had a temporal time frame.68 retarded those entrepreneurs without government patronage. He underscores entrepreneurial drive and personal savings as great inputs in industrialisation process N. N. Fabian studies the growth of Igbo enterprise in Kano modern trading sector. rather than the sole government fund. As shown in the present work, the major source of According to him, the Igbo in Kano mobilised ethnic identity as a source of capital, training capital of Yoruba entrepreneurs was through personal savings or credit networks rather, and business strategy in the automobile spare part trade. However, he did not discuss the than government patronage. origin or the historical processes, especially the transport industry, ieading to the growth of the automobile spare part trade.69 The author did not examine the commercial competition M. I. Mukhtar demonstrates that in the colonial cash crop economy, the indigenous Hausa or the formation of trade guilds between Igbo and Yoruba automobile spare parts trader^ in traders in Kano experienced competition from Lebanese, Syrians and Yoruba groundnut traders.65 He argues that the colonial economy attracted migrants whose new settlements Kano. The present work has analysed the competition between Igbo and Yoruba in the^ contributed to urban development. Sabon-Gari, he argued, constituted a cultural melting- auto spare parts business. ' pot where migrants experienced a re-socialisation process in contact with other ethnic groups. Works on Inter-Group Relations Some works on inter-group relations give a narrow view of the competition and P. M Lubeck observes that a high proportion of urban labour in Kano were largely confrontation that exist between hosts and migrants and not complimentary economic recruited from skilled workers of Western Nigeria origin.66 He provides analyses on the roles. They interpret the new patterns of inter-group relations resulting from the Sokoto formation of labour guilds some of which were multi-ethnic such as the Butcher's Union Jihad, and the coming of Christian missionaries as the basis of dichotomy between the having Hausa and Yoruba as members. The present work has equally provided analyses North and the South. This view consummately expressed by C. N. Ubah and Obaro Ikime of multi-ethnic labour gu'lds such as the Transporters Union and Auto Spare-parts Dealers Association having Hausa, Edo, Igbo and Yoruba as members. undermined intensive and extensive commercial relations.70 The migrants and the hosts, it was observed, exist in separate entities without any linkages. Indeed, the very notion of A. U. Dan Asabe made a pioneering attempt at studying the much neglected vital aspect incipient hostility and confrontation seemed narrow, as if migrant communities are of the Kano social history: the history of the downtrodden.67 Dan Asabe discusses the autonomous structures. The success of most Yoruba entrepreneurs in Kano had to some processes leading to poverty, and social inequalities in urban Kano. According to him, the 34 35 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY community attempts to redress the imbalance in the control and distribution of resources in extent been facilitated not only by the social institutions that the Kano economy offered but their own favour. The present work marked a departure from the realm of discourse on also by the extensive networks with the host community. hostility to the emphasis on commerce in the study of inter-group relations between Hausa In their analyses of Sabon-Gari system. A. Bako and I. O. Albert observed that the colonial and Yoruba. This work studies Yoruba commerce in Kano, which differs from Albert’s residential system created isolation and spatiat barriers that entrenched friction between study of urban settlement patterns among migrant communities in Sabon-Gari Ibadan and the migrants and the hosts.7' The present work considers Yoruba migrants who live within Kano. host community in Kano metropolis and their commercial activities. g E. Osaghae observes that ethnic conflicts often ensue from events in which ethnic Divergent perspectives have been offered on how and why ethnic relations in Nigeria often groups decide to employ their ethnic differences in pursuing interests.76 In his study of degenerate into conflicts. Nnoli opines that social interaction between two culturally diverse urban violence in Kano, H. Wakili notes that the major causes of conflict and violence in groups does not necessarily generate conflict but rather the degree of competing and Kano arise from political exclusionism and economic deprivation.77 He argues that these conflicting claims among the groups.72 L. Diamond argues that ethnic conflict is rooted in created tensions since the economy was dominated by migrants who formed ethnic competition over resources and power rather than conflict over cultural values.73 In the entrepreneurship groups that made it difficult to prospective entrants into the economy. The present work, it has been demonstrated that cultural exclusiveness in addition to present work has shown that there existed a loose entry into the informal economy, competition often generates conflicts between Hausa and Yoruba in Kano metropolis. particularly modem technical industries dominated by migrants. Admission into the migrant artisanship skills was further encouraged by apprenticeship schemes in which some D. Yahaya observes that the British colonial administration brought in its wake migrants members of the host community benefited. Professional unions may have ethnic character with new articles of trade, new skills and novel ideas that constituted enormous potentials in their membership, but their activities and policies did not in any way. prevent new for development and as well created tension and stress in the economic, political and social entrants or interlopers into the artisanship skills. spheres of the local community. According to him, the severity of the stress was so great that Kano broke down into serious confusior. and violence. The riots of 1953 and 1966 had Conclusion common targets of attacks which were the economic and social institutions of southern The above review indicates that there is significant interest in commercial history, Nigerian migrants.74 His assertion could be extended to explain the sectarian and ethnic entrepreneurship, migration, diaspora studies and inter-group relations. The review also conflicts in Kano in 1991, 1994 and 1999. offers an expository account of the strengths and weaknesses of the literature. A review of I. O. Albert argues that inter-ethnic conflicts between Hausa-lgbo in Kano were largely 1 relevant literature of the most outstanding contributions made in the past indicates that caused by socio-cultural, religious and economic differences.75 He notes that where socio- practically little systematic and comprehensive historical research on the Yoruba diaspora, cultural characteristics of the two groups were diametrically opposed to one another, the j inter-group relations and entrepreneurship in Kano have been carried out. Despite all the host-migrant relationship is often characterised by animosity. However, as pointed out in 1 contributions made by scholars, a concrete analysis of Yoruba commerce in Kano remains this work the economic aggressiveness and ethnic identities of immigrants often prevent uncertain. This research work is a more comprehensive commercial history of the Yoruba their integration into the host community and inevitably engendered hostility when the host 36 37 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Notes in Kano. Thus, the present work is a pioneer study and a modest contribution to the historiography ot Yoruba commerce in Kano. The study reconstructs the dynamics of 1 R. Cohen, 1997, Global Diasporas: An Introduction (Seattle, WA: University of ' Yoruba entrepreneurship within the context of a diaspora community and its contribution to Washington Press); M. Diouf, 2000, T h e Senegalese Murid Trade the growth of the Kano economy. Diaspora And The Making Of A Vernacular Cosmopolitanism,” in \C O D E S R IA Bulletin, Voi. I, pp. 19-28; K. Buttler, 2001, “Defining Diaspora, Refining A Discourse,” in Diaspora, 10 (2), pp. 189-219; C. 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Olaniyi, 1998, The Yoruba Entrepreneurs In Kano Metropolis: A Case Study 54. I. A. Tahir, 1975, Scholars, Sufis, Saints and Capitalists in Kano 1904 - 1974 (Ph.D Of The Printing Industry 1943-1983 (M. A. History, Kano, Bayero Thesis, Cambridge, University of Cambridge). University). 55. A. M. Fika, 1978, The Kano Civil War And British Over-Rule (Ibadan: Oxford 69. N. N. Fabian, 2000, Ibo Spare Parts Entrepreneurs In Kano Metropolis: A CaseStudy Of Automobile Spare Parts 1970-1998 (M. A. History, Kano, University Press) pp. 206-207. Bayero University) p.109. 56. A. G. Flopkins, 1973, An Economic History Of West Africa (London: Longman) p. 70. C. N. Ubah, 1973, Administration of Kano Emirate ...Op. cit pp. 495-515 and O. 209. Ikime, 1985, In Search of Nigerians: Changing Patterns Of Inter- group Relations In An Evolving Nation-state (Ibadan: Impact 57. J. S. Hogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Exports: Origins And Development Publishers Limited) pp. 5-14. (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press) pp.76-97. 7 1 . A. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History Of Sabon-Gari Kano 1913-1989 ... Op. 58. W. I. Ofonagoro, 1979, Trade And Imperialism In Southern Nigeria 1881- 1929 cit and I. O. Albert, 1993, Inter-Ethnic Relations In A Nigerian City ... (Lagos: Nok Publishers International) pp. 89-91 Op. cit 59. M. Adamu, 1978, The Hausa Factor In West African History (Zaria: 72. Nnoli, O. 1978, Ethnic Politics In Nigeria (Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers). Ahmadu Betlo University Press). 73. L. Diamond, 1988, Class, Ethnicity And Democracy In Nigeria: The Failure Of The 60. P. E. Lovejoy, 1980, Caravans Of Kola: The Hausa Koka Trade 1700-1900 (Zaria: First Republic (U.S.A: Syracuse University Press) pp 20- 58. Ahmadu Bello University Press). 74. D. Yahaya, 1989, “Kano Intellectual History: Mapping The Intellectual Landscape," 6 1 .1. A. Kiyawa, '1981, Indigenous Enterpreneurship In Kano State, Nigeria (Ph. D. in B.M. Barkindo (ed.), Kano And Some Of Her Neighbours (Zaria: Thesis, Syracuse University) p. 91. Ahmadu Bello University Press Limited) pp. 17-27. 62. A. Mahadi, 1982, The State And The Economy: The Sarauta System And Its Role In 7 5 .1. O. Albert, 1993, Inter-Ethnic Relations In A Nigerian City: A Historical Perspective Shaping The Society And Economy of Kano With Particular Reference Of The Hausa-lgbo Conflicts In Kano -1953-1991 (Ibadan: IFRA To The 1&h And 19th Centuries (Ph. D. Thesis, Zaria, Ahmadu Bello Occasional Publications) pp. 100-107. University) pp. 658, 663 and 664 63. S. Bello, 1982, State And Economy In Kano C. 1894- I960: A Study Of Colonial 76. E. E. Osaghae, 1994, Ethnicity And Its Management In Africa: The Domination (Ph.D. Thesis, Zaria, Ahmadu Bello University) p. 243. Democratisation Link (Lagos: Malthouse Press Limited) pp. 10-25. 6 4 .1. L. Bashir, 1983, Politics Of Industrialisation In Kano},Industries, Incentives And 77. H. Wakili, 1997, The Phenomenon Of Revolts And Riots In Kano 1893-1995: An Indigenous Entrepreneurs 1950-1980 (Ph.D. Thesis, Boston ........» - Historical Perspective pp. 47,142-143,139-140 and 244. University) pp. 11-13. 65. M. I. Mukhtar, 1983, The Impact Of British Colonial Domination On The Social And 44 4 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER THREE In the early 19th century,, the strength of the Central Sudan economy, combined with the collapse of the old Oyo empire, had paved way for Hausa traders to control large share of KANO ECONOMIC SETTING AND YORUBA MIGRATORY TRENDS the long-distance trade from the middle Volta basin to Adamawa and south to the Atlantic coast.7 From Yoruba toyvns, traders bought textiles and re-exported European firearms and Introduction cloth. Kano is a cosmopolitan centre and an emporium of commercial opportunities. In pre­ colonial Nigeria, long-distance commerce was salient in the transformation of states. The Yoruba hinterland had traditionally enjoyed a dual commercial orientation. To the Commerce contributed to the material basis of political power in the process of state north, trade routes started from old-Oyo through Nupeland (through Rabba) to Kano in formation.1 Trade gave impetus to larg-scale political organisation and the emergence of Hausaland.8 Rabba, an important ferrying station in Nupeland was used by both Yoruba states also depended on social and military factors.2 In the 15lh century, Kano was the and Hausa traders.9 The caravan trade between Lagos and Kano passed through Ota, largest commercial city in Hausaland and has held a prominent position in the Trans- Eruwa, Lanlate, Iseyin and Saki.'° Through this route Yoruba traders exported pepper, Saharan trade across the Sahara desert. As a commercial centre, Kano was linked with kolanut, cloth and red wood used for cosmetics, calico or printed cloth of European several regions and markets through trade routes. Kano served as the terminus of two manufacture from Benin. They exchanged these items for horses, silk, Maltese swords in central caravan routes across the Sahara. The first trade route ran from Tripoli through Kano.11 Kano-Badagry route linked many communities together. Through this route, Yoruba Ghadames, Ghat, Tintellus, Agades and Katsina to Kano.3 The second trade route linked traders exported Kolanuts to the north and imported tailored clothes. Porto-Novo ar\d Murzuk through Kauwar and Bilma to Borno and Kano. Kano was equally one of the major Badagry served as the major ports for Oyo's export trade. In 1824 Clapperton described centres of the Trans-Sudanic commercial traffic through which Kukawa and Wadai were mounted swords manufactured in Malta, which found their way into Badagry. The swords linked with Gonja and Timbuktu on the Niger bend, to Katunga (Oyo-ile), Kebbi, Katsina, were exported from Malta to Bengazen in Tripoli and from there to Kano. From Kano, they Zaria, Zinder and Agades. In the long distance trade, Kano was linked with Yorubaland were re-exported to Badagry.12 In 1828, Richard Lander, found the "trona"(a vegetable through markets and trade routes. This facilitated substantia! trade relations between alkaline from the fringes of the desert) in Badagry. Hausa traders brought horses and Yorubaland and Kano. slaves to Yorubaland.13 Yoruba traders traded in European goods particularly copper dishes and beads obtained from Badagry and Porto-Novo. Migration has been a principal Since the 15th century, commerce and the religion of Islam have served as linkages feature of Yoruba economic and social life. The British colonisation aided this migratory' tradition, especially to Kano which became a centre of between Yorubaland and Hausaland.4 Commercial intercourse centred on the exchange of colonial administration, commerce, infrastructures and investments. West African, North African and European goods. Kano, by virtue of its strategic location as one of the termini of the Trans-Sahara trade routes, continuously received many valuable In the 20th century, the Yoruba commercial diaspora in Kano underwent major historical commodities from North Africa, especially silk.5 Kano traders exported livestock, salt, changes as represented in the following chronological framework: The first period lasted natron, leather goods, horses and cloth to Yorubaland; and in turn come from Yorubaland from 1912 to 1919, when the railroad was extended to Kano but the economy was affected with items such as Kolanut arid pepper.6 by the First World War, 1914-1919. During the period, the British policy of racial and residential segregation was introduced. The second period lasted from the end of the First I 46 47 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY World W ar in 1919 to the onset of the Great economic depression in 1929. The period was among whom Islam is widespread? Is it permissible to possess them (as slaves) or not?...whoever is taken marked by entrepreneurial initiatives of migrants moving out of paid employment in prisoner in a state of unbelief may become someone's government and European firms into trading. The third period witnessed the Great property, whoever he is, as opposed to those who have become Muslims of their own free will, such as economic depression. During this period, there was a decline in commodity prices while the the people of Kano, Bomu, Songhay, Katsina, Kebbi, British reviewed the administration of taxation. The fourth period, 1939-1945 witnessed the Gobir and Mali and part of Zaria; they are Muslims and may not be possessed at all. So also most of the Second World War, heralding the introduction and the development of modern technical Fulani, except that we have heard of a group them skills. The fifth period, 1946-1970, witnessed dramatic changes in ethnic relations from the beyond Jenne who are said to be unbelievers, though I do not know whether through apostacy or birth...All 1953 riot to the Civil W ar years, 1967-1970. The sixth period, 1970s, witnessed the those who are brought to you from the following reconstruction of Yoruba communal identity in Kano. The seventh period, 1980s-1999, groups are unbelievers and remain so to the present day: Mossi, Gurma, Busa, Borgu, Kotokoli, Yoruba, witnessed a myriad of economic reforms that increasingly impinged on entrepreneurial Tabango, and Bobo. There is nothing against your activities and ethnic relations. These periods witnessed economic changes and group taking possession of them without further question.18 competition and more often, the periods overlapped. According to Lovejoy, the reference to Yoruba was not restricted to a particular section of the Yoruba, such as Oyo. The term predated the rise of Old Oyo empire. He noted that, Ayagi: Yoruba in pre-colonial Kano ‘Yarabawa, in Hausa, refers to people, not a place, meaning the people of Yoruba, which suggest a country, not necessarily a political state.'19 There is every possibility that the Traditionally, the name Yoruba denotes only the Oyo speaking people, their empire and people of Oyo-ile whose language was Yoruba described themselves as such.20 dialect.14 In the 19th century, European travellers’ accounts using Arabic sources Nevertheless, the linkage of the word Yoruba to an Hausa source indicates the profundity popularised Yoruba to cover all other Yoruba sub-groups that possessed distinctive dialects of interaction between the two groups before the British rule. As such, the Hausa coinage but similar culture due to the widespread usage of Yoruba language in commerce and of the word Yoruba could be a reference to a very distant socio-political contact between diplomacy within the South-West geographical area.15 Contrary to widespread accounts, the Hausa and Yoruba in the past, which had faded into mythological account.21 there is no material to show that the term Yoruba was originally used by the Hausa to describe the people of Oyo-ile. The reference to the term Yoruba in the works of Muslim The relationship between Old Oyo empire and Hausa states was closely linked to the scholars in Hausaland from Ibn Masani (Al-Katsinawi) in the 17th century to Sheikh political economy of the states especially slave trade, export and import of horses, cowries Usmanu Dan Fodiyo and Sultan Muhammad Bello in the 19th century does not suggest and firearms. From the 15th century, with the establishment of Kurmi market by Sarkin that the name has Hausa roots.16 The first reference to the term Yoruba could be found in Muhammadu Rumfa (1463-99 A.D.). a Yoruba commercial base was established in Kano.22 the work of the famous 16th century Songhay scholar, Ahmad Baba Al-Timbukti.17 The By the late 17th century, military hardware and slaves were valuable items of trade between work was a reply to questions sent to Ahmad Baba from Tuwat in 1612.* Yorubaland and Kano.23 The expansionist policy, external defence as well as the establishment of a stable political order for economic growth enhanced Kano's demand for * T":You asked: what have you to say concerning slaves guns, muskets, gun powder, shields and flutes that further stimulated trade with the Old imported from lands of the Sudan whose people are acknowledged to be Muslims, such as Bomu, Afunu (Hausa), Kano, Gao, Songhay, Katsina pnd others 48 49 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Oyo empire. The military hardware was imported into the empire from Benin through Lagos yoruba traders in Kano settled down with the Nupe weavers and traders in Tudun and Badagry. Nupawa and Yakasai wards.31 Equally, palm oil supplied by the Yoruba traders was^ * Another major re-export from Yoruba towns was cowries, which formed the common important for the Nupe. currency and the main medium of exchange of the western Sudan/lower Guinea economic < region. 24 Indeed, the supply of cowry shells, a valuable commodity imported through the In 1819, through land grants, more segregated residential areas were established for coasts of the empire (Porto Novo and Badagry) and used as currency further cemented the immigrant traders for conducive commercial activities and free enterprise. For example, commercial intercourse. Nupe and Old Oyo merchants were the two chief intermediaries in there was Zango Beriberi for Bomo immigrant traders and clerics and Unguwar Ayagi for the importation of cowries into Kano during the 18,h century.25 With Old Oyo as the chief the Yoruba traders.32 Some of these immigrant residential wards were established during intermediary between the Central Sudan and the coastal markets, the economy of Kano the reign of Emir Ibrahim Dabo (1819-1846). In the 19th century Kano, Ayagi, originally and Yorubaland became more integrated in the 18lh century. The Old Oyo profited from Nupe word for Yoruba meaning, childhood friend was used to describe the Yoruba. both the sale of slaves to Europeans and the export of shells to Nupeland and Kano.26 Monetary flows were central to these regional commercial exchanges. They expanded The early settlers at the Ayagi ward were mostly Ogbomoso and llorin Muslim traders commercial and manufacturing activities as Oyo's slave exports promoted cowry under the leadership of an initinerant Muslim scholar from llorin, Muhammadu Jatau.33 purchases, which we re partly used to finance the importation of livestock, potash, cloth, Muhammadu Jatau who lived at Kwakwatawa (later known as Tudun Ayagi) was a cloqe slaves, horses and leather goods.27 From Kano, the Oyo empire acquired horses and horse associate and classmate (in a Quranic School) of Emir Ibrahim Dabo. It is, however, not riding equipment and slaves for domestic purposes or export to European traders on the certain whether Muhammadu Jatau was a descendant of the early Yoruba settlers since he coast.28 had Islamic education in Kano or was the leader of the group. Emir Ibrahim Dabo granted Yoruba traders re-exported European manufactured goods especially umbrellas, salt, Muhammadu Jatau the land west of Kurmi market. Emir Ibrahim Dabo promoted commerce sugar, cotton, silks, sword blades and products such as lyere (West African pepper), and inter-ethnic relations through liberal policies of accommodation. In particular, Emir Eeru (Ethiopian pepper), Ataare (alligator pepper), fruits, adi (palm kernel oil) and Yoruba Dabo developed a cosmopolitan view of state building in which the flow of goods clothes in exchange for potash, animal skins, and livestock in Kano.29 In Kurmi market, transcended ethnic and racial boundaries. The predominant occupation of the dai ly Ayagi during the 19th century, Yoruba traders established a trading section called Iso Atare settlers centred on Kolanut, foodstuffs and livestock trading. The traders included Alhaji known in Hausa as Yancitta and Yantafarmuwa.30 Abdulwahab, Salina na Abdulwahab and Alhaji Nuhu.34 In the Ayagi quarters, there existed many Yoruba family compounds, prominent among them were; Gidan M alam Sham In the 19th century, the growth in commercial intercourse between Kano and Yorubaland Hambali, Gidan Ladun, Gidan Salau, Gidan Malam Bako Suli, Gidan Kufa, Gidan Kurmi, led to the settling down of a group of Yoruba traders in Kano city. Their early history of Gidan Maman Jakara and Gidan Lemulamula.35 economic enterprise-in Kano centred on the purchase of trading items such as ginger and kolanuts brought by other traders from Yorubaland. In particular, the early Yoruba settlers in Kano acted as commercial intermediaries, traders, brokers and hosts. Early 50 51 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Ayagi quarters still exist today within the Kano old city walls and the descendants of Malam Some of the indigenous railworkers became semi-skilled and skilled and got placed oh Jatau have maintained the leadership as Sarkin Ayagi 36 The establishment of the Ayagi permanent establishment. Many Yoruba school leavers from Lagos and Abeokuta filled the railroad clerical posts while others were employed as blacksmiths, carpenters, masons, quarters in 1819 facilitated the expansion of the Yoruba commerce and cultural linkage with locomotive engine drivers, mechanics and telegraph operators.110 The railroad workers the Kano-Hausa host community. Before the British conquest, the Ayagi were already inevitably provided the nucleus of an emerging wage earning sector in a monetised integrated into the Kanawa identity through the processes of assimilation. economy. They served as harbingers of currency revolution in Nigeria since they received their wages in coins and notes.41 Kano in the early colonial period (1903-1912) As shown earlier, before 1900 Kano shared with Yorubaland extensive commercial network Migration to Kano was a crucial aspiration among Yoruba seeking commercial opportunities and human mobility that was characteristic of western and central Sudan. The transport for the payment of taxes and pursuit of entrepreneurship. In 1903, Kano was occupied by the British forces some of whom were Yoruba.42 Some of the soldiers w ere thereafter revolution ushered in by railroad intensified the mobility patterns of the past. An impetus to encamped strategically in Kano, outside the city wall, for suppressing any rebellion against this process was the development of wage labour sector and railroad construction, which the British. There were some Yoruba who accompanied the British as clerks, cooks, and offered the dazzling opportunities to earn cash for the payment of taxes and entrepreneurial interpreters while others followed as as traders.4j pursuit. For several centuries, Yorubaland was higly urbanised society with developed entrepreneurial orientation in the production of goods and provision of specialised services. The British occupation of Kano in 1903, gave further impetus to the north-south commerce From this comparative advantage, Yoruba artisans and traders adapted to the changing and migration. The British promoted the patronage of the southern trade route, which economic opportunities in the transport sector, technical skills and import trade. The channelled produce to the coast for trans-shipment.44 In 1904, a telegraph network linked expansion of markets allowed people to diversify into new opportunities in both farming Lagos with Kano and by 1905, Ox-carts road was constructed from Zungeru to Kano which and/or trade. Between December 1895 and April 1899, the construction of the Lagos- further promoted the south import and export trade.45 Lord Lugard remarked on these Abeokuta railr; ^d offered employment opportunities to the floating population displaced by developments in 1904 that, the Yoruba civil wars. By August 1899, 10,426 indigenous people were employed on the Everyday shows more clearly what gigantic task of railroad construction as unskilled labourers.37 As such, the railroad employment did benefit the traders of the Hinterland of Lagos not only ameliorate the post-Yoruba civil war unemployment, but equally dealt a fatal blow are reaping...having taken over Northern Nigeria. A few years ago you might search the to the old institution of slavery.38 Railroad employment became more attractive with the whole of the left bank of the Niger for a Yoruba opening of Lagos-lbadan line on 4th March 1901.39 By this, colonialism and its economic trader, and not find one; now I venture to say that in every market town of Northern Nigeria tendencies transformed the way people worked and the location. you will find th em .46 This is, however, not to suggest that the British conquest opened up the ‘closed econom y’ for Yoruba trade in northern Nigeria. For at least three centuries before the British conquest, Yoruba trade was already thriving in Nupe, Borgu and Hausa societies. Apart 52 53 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY from their employment in the colonial service, the British controlled the influx of the Yoruba Colonial policy and the activities of Christian missionaries before 1906 must have traders to any part of northern Nigeria. Although, Yoruba labour was indispensable to the encouraged Yoruba migration to Kano. Contrary to common assumption, Lord Lugard as colonial enterprise, the British officials were indifference to*their influx and trading activities an empire builder considered missionary enterprise expedient to European colonisation Lf in northern Nigeria. Colonial workers whose services benefited the state and the labour n0rthern Nigeria. The ‘Hausa Party’ led by Bishop Herbert Tugwell to Kano in 1900 was market were encouraged to migrate. Thus, in the process, the British instituted inter-ethnic approved by Lugard ^without the consent of the Emir of Kano. Lugard believed that rivalry that remained pervasive in Nigerian history. As Oyemakinde remarked, the only Christianity produced higher material civilisation than Islam and that Christians would be thing ‘that which is profitable of the master is only worth keeping.’47 The colonial state more loyal to the British colonial rule than a Muslim, who could not be weaned from his introduced taxation and stringent migration policies against independent traders to ensure contempt for the in fidel/1 Based on these calculations, the missionaries in Kano were not labour supply. only humiliated but also considered as political spies and intruders This partly account for the prejudice felt towards educated Yoruba migrants by the host community The lesson was clear, the British officials could only tolerate Yoruba as either government or expatriate firm workers and not as independent traders. From this perspective, the After 1906, with the termination of Lugard’s administration, his successors became British were persistent in warning the Hausa natives against business transations with the decidedly anti-missionary and the presence of all foreigners in northern Nigeria- Yoruba or any other southern Nigerians. Since colonialism had economic motives, Yoruba Europeans, Yoruba and Saro, was regarded as a necessary evil The dramatic shift in migration to Kano was perceived as a destablising factor for the British enterprise in colonial policy towards the missionaries and Yoruba migrants was purely political to prevent northern Nigeria. Continously, southern Nigerian migrants were indicted in economic the volcanic eruptions of Jihad and Mahdist insurgency that threatened the British sabotage. In the produce trade, it was claimed that they mixed groundnut with sand and in administration in an influencial Muslim area. It became the practice of the British Residents the livestock trade, it was alleged that they used counterfeit currency to buy cattle. to explain their anti-missionary and anti-Yoruba migration on the platform of fear of a Ultimately, the new economic structure was maneuvered to criminalise the migrant Mahdist uprising.5' But the Muslim uprisings, especially at Satiru in 1905 and Hadejia in communities thereby creating a wedge between the host and migrants as in the case cf 1906 were clearly against the British colonial rule and not Christian missionary per se Hausa in Ibadan and Yoruba in Kano. The Hausa in loadan were indicted in the persistent The restrictive and hostile policy of the British administration or; missionary enterprise- burglary cases, even though they had patrons among the power elite of Ibadan. prevented the CM S from establishing themselves in Kano in 1906. It was not until 1924 that Steadily, the experience of inter-ethnic rivalry became rooted under British rule and the CMS was allowed to establish its mission in S ab o rvG ari/' The British were remained pervasive in the post-colonial context. From the outset of colonial rule, the apprehensive that the southerners who were described as ‘semi-eduacted politicians’ could indigenous entrepreneurship encountered structural disadvantages, especially in the teach the ‘dignified and courteous’ Hausa and Fulani Muslims how to revolt-against the commodity trade where they were either squeezed out completely or marginalised.49 white man and engender crisis for the colonial administration. M In 1906, Major A. Festing suspended the use of Yoruba spies and police because of the simmering tension it In 1905, two government officials; L. Donnisthrorpe and E. White established the London generated. He noted that and Kano Trading Company. The Company operated within the Kano city walls. The trading firm imported European consumer goods especially cloth sold in the city market by local hawkers and exported hides and skins.50 ! found a tendency on the pari of the Police to pry too closely in my opinion into Kano itself and so called secret service agents were employed belonging to a dangerous class. To this I have put a stop. Unless I have instructions to the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY contrary I intend to leave the contrary I intend to leave the c. 1912 to 1919 interior control ot Kano as much to the Emir as possible for. the time being."'' The turning point of Yoruba migration to Kano came on April 1st 1912, when the Lagos- Kano railroad was commissioned and rapidly transformed commercial activities.60 The Taken a cue from the turbulent colonial encounter with the Lagos educated elite and the railroad reduced the constraints of caravan trade between Yorubaland and Kano. Prior to native press, Lugard stereotypically described southerners as troublemakers. He cogently the rail transportation, Kano and Yorubaland were linked by caravan routes that took about articulated stringent immigration policy against the southerners to any part of northern 40 days journey to complete and £25 head load per ton.61 In 1912, the passenger trip by Nigeria. In his 1901 annual report. Lugard considered southerners that it ‘is quite certain to give much trouble in his dealings with the Natives (of northern Nigeria) and by his fondness railroad from Lagos to Kano took three days at the cost of £9-14s-10d .62 Thus, the for litigation.’56 As stated earlier, the British received the increasing flow of Yoruba migration development of the railroad reduced transport costs. For many Yoruba migrants, the to northern Nigeria with mixed feelings. In 1911, Walter Miller noted that, ‘it was believed Groundnut trade offered greater inducements than military service.63 In the first decade of that the educated Africans from the coast, whose clerical services were necessary to the the 20?h century, the Yoruba and Hausa considered as ‘combatant tribes’ exclusively Government as well as European and African traders from the coast, should have minimum dominated the British army. 64 Given the irregular nature of wages in the military service contact with the real northerners.’ 5' and the boom in groundnut trade, many Yoruba and Hausa preferred to pursue trading than to become soldiers. The system of deffered payment used by the colonial arm y enabled From 1903 to 1912, there was a dramatic change in the Yoruba migration to Kano. Despite the soldiers to accumulate capital on discharge to purchase stock in trade but this could the restrictions and mixed feelings, migration occurred within the changing context of only attract those who were capable of making such long-term monetary calculations.65 For economic circumstances created by the British rule. Migration was provoked not only by the example, many of the rank and file who served in the Cameroons were not paid until after a quest to earn cash but also by the ruthless colonial expioitation of the rural communities year they had returned. This in part, explains the Yoruba song: and profoundly, the colonial regime’s laissez-faire attitude to the wellbeing oi the masses.5e The British colonial policies in Nigeria disrupted the traditional socio-economic structures and renderec peasant farming unrewarding enterprise. The features of British economy Eniti o gbase Oyinbo including: i) imposition of systematic and universal taxation; ii) compulsory use of a Fira re sofa • Eniti o gbase soja standard coin and currency, iii) encouragement of the production of export crops, and the Gba yonu. exploitation of Nigerian mineral resources; iv) control of external trade by the colonial Meaning: government and British monopoly capital; and v) the establishment of new urban centers of He who accepts European (wage) employment trade and administration pushed the peasants to seek their means of livelihood away from pawns himself, just as he who joins the army the farm and to adjust the patterns of economic activities to enable them earn enough plunges himself into trouble. 66 currency to pay taxes.59 In this way, the capitalist penetration fostered uneven development which influenced migration from spheres of agriculture and craft production towards wage labour for the payment of taxes and pursuit of entrepreneurship. 56 57 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY in this scenario, many Yoruba perceived wage labour as a form of slavery. During the same consisted of forty-four Europeans, seven Levantines, sixty-three Yoruba Clerks and ninety- three Arab traders.72 The arrival of Lebanese and Syrian traders who increasingly took oyer period, the decline in Hausa and Yoruba recruit was attributed to the high price of * the intermediary roles between the larger European trading companies and the local groundnuts, which enabled the producers to offer competitive rates for labour than those formers displaced somq Hausa and Yoruba merchants who eventually became their buying offered by the army. However, with the establishment of British rule and the construction of agents. the railroad, the European traders established trading posts in centres where hitherto the;r source of supply of produce and their means of distribution for their imported goods were In 1913. Yoruba migrated to Kano as railroad workers, artisans, clerks, and traders.73 This controlled by indigenous traders.6' By 1912, eight companies were established in Kano.68 set of new migrants was not allowed to settle within the Kano old city to prevent the spread With their access to capital. European traders edged indigenous traders out of business in of non- Islamic practices like gambling, drinking and, above all, the spread of Christianity. the main centers of trade. Under British rule, inter-communal relations in Kano were enforced within the political and economic framework of colonialism. The British policy of exclusion created a dichotomy in 1912, Mr. Luigi Ambrosini, an agent of Waidell Peily, established L. Ambrosini firm in between the migrants who were considered as British “protected persons” and British Kano for the export of hides and skins. In the same year, the Tin Areas of Nigeria Limited subjects, mainly the host community. The British and the Hausa host community that specialised in the supply of catering and tin-mining hardware and G. L. Gaiser firm of considered Yoruba migrants as strangers or native aliens. It was within this context that the Hamburg Germany which had traded in palm oil within the coastal region of Nigeria Yoruba in Kano constructed their diaspora identity. established branches in Kano.69 Equally, Patterson Zochonis and Company Limited, West African merchants and shippers and C.F.A.O. owned by Frederic Bohn established Yoruba immigrants were criminalised as smugglers, troublemakers and tax evaders. As the tranches in Kano. The commercial firms constructed trading quarters in close proximity to colonial state became established, Sabon-Gari was created as an expedient of labour the railroad. In 1912, there were seventy-seven Arab merchants and about twenty-five reserve and administrative structure for capitalist development. C.L Temple, the British government employees including Yoruba personnel/0 The employment of Yoruba Resident in Kano confirmed the popular stereotype in 1913 that, 'the Sabon-Gari at Kano personnel in both government and commercial establishments was largely due to both should be occupied by Non-native Africans and such native as might cause trouble if they administrative and economic expediency on the pari of the British. Kano Province was lived in Kano city.' ,a As such, the British created Sabon-Gari ostensibly to protect the understaffed with an inadequate number of British officials in view of the vastness of the native Hausa Muslim interests but in tact to advance their own imperial interests Lord province. In 1907, Kano Province had twelve British political officers and in 1909, it had Lugard who considered his administration of northern Nigeria threatened by the continous only seventeen.71 influx of southerners to the north wrote in 1913 to enforce stringent migration policies: In 1913, the trading firms operating in Kano included Europeans: John Holt of Liverpool, W. ...! propose to enact an Urgent Proclamation, making il B. Maclver of Glasgow and later Liverpool, John Walk den, J. D. Fairley Limited and G. B. obligatory for any non-native (of Northern Nigerian Provinces) Ollivant of Manchester; the Lebanese Ferris George and three Lagos firms: S. Thomas, the to obtain prior sanction of the Governor to sojour for the night Nigerian Trading Syndicate and J H Doherty. The workforce for the commercial firms in a scheduled list of native cities. Provided that, at the date of the 5 8 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Proclamation, he was not already a permanent resident there.75 things cannot fail to do serious harm to the prestige of our educational efforts as well as destroy the Ultimately, the establishment of Sabon-Gari, Kano, in 1913 was a central thrust of the confidence of parents, who send their sons here, which British divide and rule system intended to make colonial rule flourish on ethnic division and we have been at such pains to obtain. lx) the enforcement of segregation. Sabon-Gari, Kano, was established within the Township Area specifically for Southern Nigerian migrants composed of the British Army and African The colonial state posited that, the social life of the Christian educated Yoruba whose employees in European firms and of the colonial administration. Its temporary location was labour was indispensable to the economy could be a solvent to the customs and institutions along Haro Road which steadily expanded to France Road (now Abuja Road).'6 Sabon- of the indigenous Hausa Muslims. As part of the principles of indirect rule, indigenous Gari. Kano, had an initial master-plan of 300 compounds of uniform size (100 feet by 50 customs and practices that were not repugnant to humanity should be shielded from external social-economic forces. In 1914, there were only forty-five churches among feet) with straight streets and a market.7' fourteen tribes, and in all only about 650 pupils in Mission schools in northern Nigeria. In the same year, there were 116 churches in Ijebu Ode district alone and over 4 ,000 children / • earliest settlers in Sabon-Gari, Kano, were Yoruba and Nupe. Some Yoruba relocated in Mission schools in the Abeokuta district. This disparity accounted for the increasing ji quarters to Sabon-Gari for easy access to the railroad transport system. In migration of educated Yoruba to northern Nigeria. addition, the veterans of the Royal West African Frontier Force (RW AFF) and those who worked on the railroad construction to Kano populated Sabon-Gari. The British The 1914 amalgamation led to the incorporation of railroad systems and customs stations administered Sabon-Gari for the control of the labour of the residents. Taxes paid by on inland frontiers were abolished.81 The process was, however, hampered by the outbreak Sabcn-Gari residents went directly to the colonial treasury rather than to the Native of the First World W ar in 1914, which adversely affected the Yoruba traders. During the war Authority. The establishment of Club Houses was further proposed to control the carefree period, the shortage of silver coins led to the high prices of imported goods In this w ay, rice attitude to life and drinking habits of southern Nigerian migrants in a Muslim influencial city. was taxed for the first time at one shilling per cwt; stockfish was taxed at ls.6d. per cwt; and In 1913, Hanns Vi' eher, a British colonial officer noted that, ...these men (southern the duty on one gallon of kerosene was increased by one shilling.82 Yoruba traders resorted Nigerians) have no occupation outside their office hours, are despised by the better natives to trade by barter by exchanging groundnut and cotton for clothes as it gave them an and left entirely to themselves by the Europeans.,/r" advantage over the Hausa farmers and traders. The barter system was resisted by farm ers who prefered to be paid for their products in silver coins which they hoarded thereby Vischer further noted that the carefree attitude of southern Nigerians could discourage creating further scarcity. The development of groundnut trade in Kano was not simply an northerners from sending their children to school, outcome of increased production through inducement, but largely a result of decrease in the consumption of groundnuts for the possibilities of earning the m uch-needed currency These coast clerks who in the eyes of the natives For example, the dependence on the exportation of groundnut for currency had contributed profess our religion, wear our dres$ and speak our to the famine of 1913-1914 in which many people died of hunger and related d iseases.63 language, are naturally regarded as the product of our education, so that apart from anything else this state of 6 1 6 0 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Wartime economic difficulties equally led to competition between the Hausa and immigrant -ph® intervention of the Emir provided prospects for the Yoruba to live either in the city or in traders in the Kano groundnut market. Hausa traders wqre opposed to the system of dabon-Gari. The Yoruba in Kano formed the major commercial link between the old Kano accredited immigrant agents and preffered the system whereby firms employed Hausa city and the growing commercial centre in Sabon-Gari traders as middlemen.84 Hausa traders protested that groundnut purchase should carried out in the market and the Emir should make rules for the control of the market. In order to The segregation policy was extended to Yoruba officers of the Nigerian Police Force who prevent the agitation from becoming violent, Emir Abbas called for a meeting of all were accused of being corrupt and ethnocentric in the discharge of their duties,. As early as groundnut buyers within the city, the outcome of which was the resettlement of a large 1907. the Kano Divisional Resident, Major A. Resting indicted Yoruba Policemen of having number of immigrant traders from the Kurmi market where they had stalls.e5 The -a tendency ... to extort by endeavouring to buy (goods at) less than the maiket price."89 H. resettlement was part of the policy for the reorganisation of the groundnut jrade.86 They r palmer accused the Yoruba Policemen in Kano of ethnicity and inability to seive as were allowed to set up stalls in the township area, particularly Sabon-Gari. In this way British spies in gathering secret information. Palmer observed that Yoruba Policemen only Hausa middlemen employed the use of the Native Authority to protect their sphere of protected Yoruba immigrants most of whom he considered to be criminals who having commercial activities from the increasing competition of southern Nigerian traders and evaded tax in the south migrated to Kano. He concluded that Kano required competent plausibly too, Levantine businessmen. Comparatively, in Ibadan during the 1930s and policing: lS4Gs, Yoruba traders organised against Hausa monopoly in the kolanut trade. Through, "The Yorubas have money, and that added to natural sympathies makes it always improbable that Yoruba police will take action petitions, they agitated that the colonial administration and Yoruba chiefs should prevent against them unless there is some personal animus... the Sergeant- Major and Sergeants of the force are Yorubas for under an Hausa strangers from direct contacts with farmers and a kolanut market should be organisation like that of the Police the initiative of the individual established. In subsequent years, the struggle over commercial hegemony set the tone for policeman cannot prevail against the racial sympathies of the Non- Commissioned Officers. If the government must maintain a ethnic conflicts and suspicions. • detachment of its force at Kano it should be composed entirely of Fillani (sic) and Hausa with one or two local natives of superior The increasing migration of the Yoruba to Kano and the social and economic pressure intelligence as detectives."90 created by migrants alarmed the British. Apparently, the British were not comfortable with The policy of "strangers policing strangers" was adopted. Yoruba Policemen were some non-indigenes that opted to live together with the indigenous population.87 withdrawn from the old Kano city to Sabon-Gari and were replaced by the dogarai made up In 1914, the British inquired from Emir Abbas the question of Yoruba living in the old Kano of Hausa officers and rank and file. Indeed. British rule was divisive with administrative city rather than in the Sabon-Gari. The Emir asserted that: structure that flourished on dualism of ethnic segregation, stereotypes and social ...residence in (old) Kano city was allowed to such fragmentation. This dualism became politically expedient for the purpose of taxation, and Yorubas who or whose parents had been in Kano and maintenance of law and order. who agreed to submit themselves without question to Moslem law and the Emir's executive authority. The wearing of European cloths by such Yorubas was not allowed.88 63 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The smuggling of liquor into the Kano city where it had been prohibited further influenced (jye to loss of goods and delay in delivery. A number of traders bought a large quantity of the resettlement of Yoruba in Sabon-Gari. Inspite of the measures taken to check the yrain in Morin and Ofa during the early part of the famine in order to make profit. The smuggling, imported liquor still filtered into the Muslim populated Kano city. H. R. Palmer greater part of the grain was however delayed for weeks sometimes months on the line, noted that there was a great deal of smuggling of spirits through the train concealed in and some never arrived at all.98 Kolanuts and other mechandise by the Yoruba traders into the Native Reservation Area.9' He pointed out that increased inspection at the boundary of Offa was a futile exercise for During the First World War, German and Austrian traders in Nigeria were deported, and the traders simply walked up to Morin or any other place and got into the train with the their stocks and estates were auctioned. In Kano, from October 1914 to 1916, some of the smuggled liquor. The liquor traffic against the local legal framework, and the international major German firms particularly G. L. Gaiser and Paul Moyer were auctioned. The conventions that governed liquor prohibition and consumption in colonial northern Nigeria deportation of German merchants and the subsequent economic crises arising from highlighted the hypocritical attitude of officials and racially contructed drinking stereotype.92 shipping shortages and the scarcity of imported goods created by the war displaced some Yoruba agents and staff of German firms who were diverted into the foodstuffs and Before the end of 1914, principally the Yoruba and government workers occupied 215 of livestock trade. By the end of 1917, some Hausa merchants who had represented German the 300 plots in Sabon-Gari. There were three rent categories ranging from £3 to £10 for a firms as buying agents, especially Maikano Agogo, the G. L. Gaiser agent, were displaced plot per year. Non- indigenes had Statutory Rights of Occupancy while indigenes had In the groundnut trade.99 Customary- Rights of Occupancy.93 However, the famine and dislocation caused by the First The arrival of Tripolitanian Arabs and Levantine traders who secured a strong foothold as World War had effects on the Yoruba plot holders in Sabon-Gari, Kano. Most of them could commercial intermediaries between the European iirms and local farmers further created not build on their plots due to financial constraints and lack of Certificate of Occupancy (C competition with Hausa traders. For the Yoruba. it created an oppodunitv lor participation in of O) at the time.9'1 A Lagos trader, Mr. J H. Jackson, abandoned his plot in Sabon-Gari the groundnut trade as sub-agents. Some of the Yoruba small-scale groundnut buyers sold due to financial difficulties.95 Generally, during this period, trade in Kano declined as a the produce directly in the Township Area to the Tripolitanian Arabs and Levantines rather result of the famine and war. The re was little money in circulation and consequently little than in the city market from where they had hitherto been expelled. In 1918, out of the 36 trade. For example, an average number of forty to fifty cattle sold before the war trading plots marked out in the Sabon-Gari Reservation Area there were more than eight plummeted by one hundred per cent to four or five.96 Yoruba Store holders.’00 Annual rent per trading plot in the Sabon-Gari was between £20 to £26 compared to the old Kano city that was £1 per year.’0’ Yoruba traders made profits In the hides and skin trade, Hausa and Yoruba middlemen made little profits of half shilling from trading that ranged from £6 to £200 per year.102 Yoruba entrepreneurial initiatives due to fall in prices instead of two to three shillings per lb in the previous years.9' The were impeded by the reluctance of the Bank of British West Africa, Kano branch to gran! decision of Hausa sellers of the hides and skin to sell directly to the European firms altered them loans.103 The available credit was mainly in form of cash advances from the foreign the patterns of .the trade and ushered in stiff competition between Hausa and Yoruba firms (as produce buying agents) for growing, harvesting and transporting the farmers' middlemen. The trade between Kano and Yorubaland was hampered by the unreliability of produce to their depots. This form of credit kept Yoruba traders in a subordinate economic the rail transport during the war. There were complaints by traders against the rail transport 65 6 4 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY position in the groundnut trade. The mobilisation and sources of capital by Yoruba j$ lfT1petus for the establishment ot religious institutions. For example, Yoruba migrants in discussed in chapters four and five. Kano established the Baptist Church, Holy Trinity Church, Samori-ad-Deen Society and * Ansar-ul-Deen Society of Nigeria in the 1920s. The religious centres provided employment c. 1920 to 1928 opportunities, educational services and served as a hub of social activities. From 1920, the migratory trend of the Yoruba to Kano increased largely because of the intensified activities of European companies, the short-lived groundnut boom and the Depression Years c.1929 to 1938: establishment of Sabon-Gari market in 1918. Out of the estimated 2,000 persons settled in The period of Great Depression, 1929 to 1938, witnessed a dramatic deterioration of Sabon-Gari in 1921, 73. 9 per cent (that is 1.478) were Yoruba.'04 agricultural prices, emigration, reduction of salaries and the monopoly of trade by British firms.*06 In 1929, the worldwide economic depression emanated from the international As an expression of innovative entrepreneurship and long-term monetary calculations, financial stock markets crash that led to poor trade and shortage of cash in Nigeria. The most of the early Yoruba who had settled as civil servants and company workers, having value of Nigeria’s export between 1929 and and 1931 plumeted from 917.8 million to 98.8 acquired skills, resigned and took risks as independent traders. For example, Alhaji million, the purchasing power of exports dropped by 38 per cent, and the value of imports AbduiAzeez Kehinde migrated to Kano in 1911 as a railroad worker but after fourteen fell from 913.2 million in 1929 to 96.5 million.10' In Kano, a dramatic fall in agricultural years, in 1925, he resigned and became an independent trader. Mr. Joseph Oyelude was prices occurred by about sixty to eighty per cent.108 In January 1930, the price of groundnut transferred to Kano in 1918 as a clerk in the British administration and after eight years, in in Kano had fallen by about 11.4 per cent from 99.15s.Od (October 1929) to £8 10s.Od per 1926. he resigned and started private trading.105 Subsequently, most of the Yoruba ton, but by May 1930 it had dropped to 96.15s.Od. about 30. 77 per cent compared to became entrepreneurs as groundnut agents and motor transporters, which gave them an .January 1930 price. The purchase of groundnut in October 1930 was 94.10s.Od and the economic niche in the growing economy. Some Yoruba acquired lorries from European highest price paid was 95.15s.Od in early December. This was shortlived. The price firms for cash or hire purchase, thereby pioneering the commercial transport industry in slumped to 93.10s.Od per ton before the end of the year. f * Kano. Many of the Yoruba resigned from the services of the colonial administration and commercial firms due to fixed and low incomes compared to profitable trading in the Despite tfie low prices of produce, the incidence of tax per adult male in Sabon-Gari. Kano groundnut economy. was raised from 96.9s.5d. in 1928/29 to 97.4s.0d in 1929/30, about 6. 7 per cent arid While trading on their own account, many of the Yoruba entrepreneurs equally served as £7.i0s.0d in 1930/31, about 4.0 per cent.110 The increase was meant to guarantee distributing agents for the companies they had served or to which they had access through government revenue. There was a sharp decline in money incomes for the Hausa Yoruba staff who guaranteed the supply of goods on credit Others served as contractors, groundnut farmers and some of the Yoruba groundnut middlemen. The prices ot imported suppliers and commercial intermediaries. But the British prefered to award contracts for goods were relatively high resulting in a drastic reduction in consumption and demand tor works and supplies to large firms owned by Europeans and Asians rather than to small- such goods as Kerosine, salt, soap., cement, machinery, and textiles distributed mostly by scale firms owned by the Yoruba. In an economic sense, this was normal because they Ycruba merchants. As shown in the following chart, the quantity of these im p o rte d ^ had the capital to execute the contracts. The increasing Yoruba migration provided commodities demanded declined from 1928. 67 6 6 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 3.1: Declining Demand for Imported Commodities, 1928111 ond revenue in the railroad sector. In 1931,148 of the graded staff were retrenched but got compensated according to the regulations of the Provident Fund. 116 The following chart S/N Commodity Per centages chows the railway labour returns between 1929 and 1941. 1. Kerosene 58 Table 3.2 : Nigerian Railway Labour Returns, 1929-1941 Year Europeans Africans African Labourers Total and West Employees and 2. Salt 26 Indian Porters Salaried Staff 3. Soap 57 1929-30 482 2,320 3,751 13,551 20, 104 930-31 496 I" 1,988 3,511 12,587 18,582 j 1931-32 441 1,952 [3,251 10,842 16,486 4. Machinery 57 ri932F33 392 1,857 2,953 10,632 15,834 1933-34 369 1,792’ 3,509 11,075 16,745 [j934-35 328 1,871 4,448 11,101 17,748 5. Imported textiles 39 1935-36 318 1,910 5,389 10,379 17,996 1936-37 318 1,891 6,473 10,243 18,923 Source: M. S. Abbulkadir, 1-990, An Economic H istory Of Igalaland, pp. 414- 441. 1937-38 318 1,891 6,473 10,243 18,923 1938-39 326 1,991 5,975 { 9,760 18,052 [1939-40 326 2,027 5,787 | 9,518 17,658 In the depression years, most European linns closed down their retail outlets and branches 1940-41 309 2,015 5,422 ! 8,706 16,452 in order to minimise overhead costs. For instance, by 1929, the United African Company Source: Wale Oyemakinde, 1977, p. 146 (U.A.C) controlled about eighty out-stations in Kano districts alone, but by the end of the 1930s, the number had been drastically reduced by about 68.75 per cent to twenty-five.112 Those who remained on the job experienced stringent economic measures. The economic Between 1929 and 1933, nineteen expatriate trading firms collapsed in Nigeria due to depression affected worker’s wives and children. In many cases, children were pawned or bankruptcies generated by the depression.113 This resulted in greater monopoly power for sold in order to obtain food and/or pay tax. In the year 1935-36, the finances of the railway U.A.C. and AWAM. Yoruba workers and agents of these firms who were consequently improveo and more workers were employed. The following chart indicates the rising levels retrenched went into petty trading, particularly in foodstuffs and livestocks. The depression of employment in the Nigerian Railway. effects on the Nigerian Railway were such that both the passenger and freight traffic fell and the diminished revenue led to high labour returns. Both public and private expenditure and investment declined with concormitant effect on the movement of goods and people.114 The Railway Administration enforced austerity measures, which led reduction in the wages of daily paid workers, enforced short time operation and retrenchment of workers on temporary employment. 1,5 This was due to decrease in trade, which affected the freight 68 69 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 3.3: Rising Labour R ecruitm ent on the Nigerian Railw ay, 1935-36 The burden of taxation and economic difficulties stimulated migrations during the depression to areas of economic opportunities.717 In the cocoa belt of Western Nigeria as in Departm ent Europeans Africans African * Labourers Total most parts of the country, poverty encountered during the depression period led to the and W est Em ployees and Porters migration of some Voruba fc various regions and cities including Kano.118 The growing Indian demand for uncultivated land for cocoa farming led to the commercialisation of rural land S alaried tenure system in the cocoa belt of Yorubaland.119 Land scarcity increasingly pushed Staff Voruba migrants to northern Nigeria, especially Kano where most of them engaged in foodstuffs trade. In addition to purchasing Kolanuts, Hausa migrants in Yorubaland Civil 97 106 1,443 8,432 10,078 purchased adire cloth and established a market for it in many parts of northern Nigeria 12( Engineering The popularity of adire within the concept of the Hausa indigo-dyed cloth accounted lor its jL ... production in Kano during the inter-war years.121 It is plausible that Yoruba and Hausa Mechanical 138 301 3,245 1,087 4,771 traders supplied adire from Abeokuta to Kano through the railroad. Engineering In 1930, the population of Sabon-Gari was approximately 4,500. A considerable number of the Yoruba were Muslims.122 By 1931, there were 854 Yoruba Muslim trading families T raffic and 50 1,130 652 687 2,519 within the Kano old city wall some of whom have been integrated into the Hausa host ^ 1 Commercial community. In 1937. the Kano township population statistics estimated the ethnic composition in Sabon-Gari as follows: Hausa -1,903; Yoruba -1,547; and Igbo - 1,529. In ! Administration | 33 373 i 49 173 328 the 1930s, the Yoruba in Kano encountered competition from the influx of Igbo migrants, 1 Accounts and t ii especially in the trading sector.124 As a trading community, Igbo migration to Kano Stores r * - ........ increased in the 1930s due to the extension of the eastern railroad to Kaduna by 1927 and . the completion of the Makurdi rail bridge in 1932. Total 1935-36 318 1,910 j 5,389 10,379 17,996 j l The depression years equally witnessed administrative restructuring in Sabon-Gari. In | Tota l 1934-35 328 1,871 j 4,448 11,101 17.748 1932, the British created the office of Sarkin {Executive Head) Sabon-Gari, Kano to assist the Station Magistrate in the collection of taxes and in regulating cordial relationship Source: W ale Oyem akinde, 1 9 /7 , p. 153. between residents of Sabon-Gari, the Kano Emirate Council and the British. This policy was apparently introduced in view of the' strained ethnic relationships between tlv immigrant community and the host on the one hand and between the S a b o n -G a r i^ ' community and the British on the other. The first Executive Head and President of the 70 71 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Sabon-Gari Mixed Court was Mr. G. E. France, a retired clerk from the Gold Coast (now regarded as Jebu. As early as 1921, the acting Resident of the Ijebu Province reported Ghana). that, ‘the gre :er part of these (counterfeit) coins are sent up north with Jebu cattle dealers, and ...amongst the chief distributors are the servants of a rich Jebu cattle dealer named The Yoruba in Sabon-Gari, under the platform of the "Lagos Democratic Party" opposed Salawu.’129 This perception continued during the inter-war years against the Ijebu the appointment of Mr. France on the basis that the British and the Emir imposed him. But merchants who were active in the commodity and livestocks trade of northern Nigeria In a internal rivalry amongst the opposition prevented them from appointing their own Head of correspondence to the Resident of Sokoto Province where some arrests were made, the Sabon-Gari.125 When Mr. France was actually installed in October, 1931, the opposition Ijebu Province Resident re-stated that the, ‘favorite method of uttering is through Jebu ceased. After his death in 1938, Mr. T. P. Barlatt-Hughes, a professional photographer from cattle drovers who visit the Nothern Provinces, often accompanied by local Hausa Sierra-leone, succeeded him. He was assisted in the collection of taxes and administering butcherboys of bad character (and purchased cattle) with spurious coin, which is not justice by an unelected council made up of representatives from the diverse ethnic groups detected or evn suspected by the northern cattle owners.’130 occupying the settlement including Igbo, Hausa, Nupe and Yoruba ward heads. Yoruba were represented in the Mixed Court by Sani Giwa Akinyode and Yesufu Aiyegoro who Second World War c. 1939 to 1945 were each paid E36.0s.0d per annum for their services.126 The establishment of the Mixed The outbreak of the Second World War in 1939 enhanced the strategic value of Kano. The Court was for administrative purposes and the collection of taxes; to prevent tax evasion city emerged as an important military outpost of the Allied Forces for the defence of North and to maintain law and order. Africa. Indeed, the subsequent construction of the Airport, military camps and new roads increased profitable business activities and urbanisation processes.131 The Igbo competed with the Yoruba in petty trading, groundnut trade, construction works, transport and clerical jobs. The displacement of the Yoruba from the groundnut trade saw The Second World War period witnessed increased ioca! production of essential them diverting into transport and technical industries. Yoruba entrepreneurs became major commodities in order to meet the drastic shortages in the supply of such goods. Yoruba players in the technical industries. Motor transport was a necessity to the groundnut trade migrants partly provided the labour for the modern industrial sector. Products from the during ihe depression. Lorries largely operated by the Yoruba transported a large processing industries equals generated commercial opportunities for Yoruba women and proportion of the groundnut purchased in the outlying districts to Kano. The transport rate men traders who formed distribution networks in the Sabon-Gari Market. From 1,547 in prevailing at the opening of the season was 8d per ton but by the end of the season, the 1937, Yoruba population in Sabon-Gari increased by about 38.84 per cent to 2,148 in rate was reduced by 37. 5 per cent to about 5d.127 Equally important, during the depression, 1943.132 the kolanut trade from Lagos to Kano passed largely into the hands of the Syrian traders who supplied Yoruba traders on retail basis.128 During the inter-war years, Ijebu-Yoruba The British policy to boost the production of groundnut promoted the activities of Yoruba merchants and artisans were indicted for the stupendous increase in currency traders. One of the strategies to boost groundnut production was the importation through the Association of West African Merchants (AWAM) of textiles goods from Lagos to counterfeiting. Colonial officials used counterfeiting to encourage the spread of ethnic Kano.133-In 1941, when the corn crop failed gari was imported to-Kano.134 The food scarcity, mistrust. It was alleged that Yoruba cattle dealers used counterfeit coins as business encountered during the Second World War stimulated the migration of Yoruba women capital in northern Nigeria. Till date, anything fake or counterfeit in northern Nigeria is 7 2 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY foodstuffs traders from Ijebu-Ode, Ibadan, llesa and Ondo to Kano. They procured beans associations to demand for similar recognition.136 The Emirate Council and the British from Kano in exchange for gari. supported the position of Mr. Barllat-Huges and further directed that the Olori could not be recognised unless appointed by the Native Authority and endorsed by the Resident The 1940s marked the gradual disengagement of British rule in Sabon-Gari and Amona the Yoruba in Sabon-Gari, Kano, there was general resentment against the * inadvertently promoted identity-based assgciations with enormous political sentiments. hierarchy of the Mixed Court and increasing nostalgia for administration of justice based During the Second World W ar, the British made a major policy shift in the administration 0n their own cultural values. However, the British considered it an aberration and a of Sabon-Gari, Kano in order to reserve their resources (human and material) tor the war violation of the policy that the customary law administered by the Executive H ead of effort. In April 1940, Sabon-Gari administration was transferred to the Kano N. A. under Sabon-Gari and the President of the Mixed Court should govern non-natives in Kano the control of Wakilin Waje. rather than native taws. The aftermath of this policy was the proliferation of centralised ethnic associations in The social network, which the Egbe Omo Oduduwa created, intensified Yoruba Sabon-Gari characterised by cultural linkage to the homeland(s). The Yoruba in Kano competition with other groups but did not in any way checkm ate the domineering roles of challenged the marginalisation and hegemony of the colonial state by creating their own the Hausa and Igbo in the groundnut trade. By 1945, Igbo entrepreneurs had established parallel institutions. In 1942, the Yoruba Central W elfare Association Kano (Egbe Omo a niche in the groundnut trade and almost displaced Yoruba as intermediaries. The tax Oduduwa) was founded as a conglomeration of all Yoruba ethnic unions that had existed assessment of 1945 indicates that there were twenty-seven Igbo groundnut middlemen on the basis of cians, towns and kinship.1*55 Such township and sub-ethnic associations compared to five Yoruba.137 included Owu National, Ijebu Young Men, Ogbomoso Descendant Union, Awe Descendants Union, Ekiti Progressive Union and Egbe Omo Egba. Yoruba began to identify themselves as a community. The establishment of Egbe Omo Oduduwa Post-war and Independence Period: c.1946 to 1966 strengthened social networks among the Yoruba and played an insignificant role in the For the Yoruba in Kano, the post- Second World W ar generated opportunities that mobilisation of capital for commercial activities. Of significance at this point was the stimulated the expansion of technical industries. Som e Yoruba artisans migrated to Kano growth of ethnic nationalism in the Yoruba homeland, especially from the 1920s to 1942. during the Second World W ar due to greater demand for carpenters, shoem akers, and The Conference of Yoruba Chiefs and the founding of the Yoruba Literary Society in 1942 technicians in the military service. Yoruba demobilised soldiers, in addition, had learnt preceded the formation of the Pan-Yoruba cultural organisation in Kano technical skills during the war, which they subsequently practiced in Kano.138 • Ultimately, the establishment of the -centralised pan-Yoruba group was not without In 1948. the establishment of National Bank and its subsidiary, the Mutual Aid Society Kano opposition from the colonial state. The Executive Head of Sabon-Gari, Mr. Barlatt-Huges, branch aided the commercial activities of Yoruba entrepreneurs who m ortgaged their opposed the parallel institution of Olori (Head of the Yoruba Community, Kano) occupied houses for loans. Before the end of 1950, over 20 Yoruba entrepreneurs and plot holders by Sam Giwa Akinyode, the Yoruba ward head and representative at the Mixed Court. He in Sabon-Gari mortgaged their estates for loans ranging from £100 to £350, which w as argued that to officially recognise the Olori meant that “two chiefs” would be created in repaid within 12 months.139 Loans and credit facilities further stimulated Yoruba enterprise Sabon-Gari, n trend which could destabilised the social order and influenced other ethnic in Kano. 75 M UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Freedom cerem ony at a Taloring shop, Sabon-G ari, Kano. Source: Fieldw ork in 1999 National Bank of N igeria, Kano branch. Source: Fieldwork, 1999 Between 1943 rand 1950. Voruba entrepreneurs pioneered private printing industries in Kano. In western Nigeria, by 1950, a large pool of unemployed primary school leavers had been created as a result ot the dwindling wage labour opportunities tor junior workers and, in particular, the alienation ot educated youths from the cocoa economy. This made most of them to enroll as apprentices in modern technical industries.140 On completion ot apprenticeship schemes, many art sans migrated to cities such as Kano to advance thei- economic enterprises by establishing sole proprietorship workshops or small scale industries including bakeries, corn mills, printing, tailoring; watch, electrical, and shoe repairs; photography studios, carpentry, art, and upholstery works. Migration became crucial because the young artisans often could not compete with their former masters or with established artisans in terms of capital and expertise. Their initial capital was often derived from kinship networks and through affiliation with established artisans as journeymen. Journeymen were allowed to have their own customers and controlled their income. 7 6 7 7 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Picture: Ip the post Second World W ar period, Kano witnessed a transition from an economy dominated by the groundnut export trade into manufacturing. In 1950, the stage was set towards the manufacturing processes and the Kano Ten Year Development Plan for economic modernisation was launched.141 It was equally in that year that a textile mill, Kano Citizens Trading Company (KCTC) was established by indigenous merchants through a loan of L35.000.142 The KCTC employed fifty workers A salient factor in the labour mobility was the railroad. By 1950/51, the railroad network was ferrying five million people per year, indicating an increased level of interaction between the different regions and peoples of N igeria .143 Between 1950 and 1959, 43 manufacturing concerns were set up in Kano, some of which had capital input ranging from £15,000 to £63,000. By and large, the industries w ere encouraged by government incentives, small-scale industry credit scheme, government patronage, contracts and resources provided by the Northern Regional Development Board which got its capital from the Marketing Board.144 Part of the workforce for the emerging manufacturing sector was provided by the educated workers from southern Nigeria.145 Opportunities for southern Nigerian workers were partly created due to the fact that traditionally, Kano people were traders and thereto?o were not attracted by the wage- labour Equally, there was a shortage of skilled and semi-skilled labour for both the government and manufacturing sectors. By 1952, the population of Yoruba in Kano had increased to 5,783. During the same period, Yoruba population in other parts of northern Nigeria including Zaria was 4,346; Sokoto 476; Kaduna 4,888; Jos 5,061; and M inna 2,182.146 Freedom cerem ony at a Taloring shop, S abon-G ari, Kano on November 13th, 1977. The Kano riot of May 1953 set in motion a process of confrontation between the H ausa Source: Fieldwork in Kano hosts and the immigrants.147 The swelling population of the immigrant communities, representing 22 per cent of the population and playing active roles in both formal and informal sectors of the economy inevitably contributed to the 1953 riots. Though the proximate cause of the riot was political, it escalated into economic issues as Igbo traders were attacked rather than the Yoruba who were the main supporters of the Action G roup's political campaign led, by Chief S. L. Akintola. A direct confrontation between the K anaw a 7 8 79 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ar»d the AG delegation was averted when it reached Kano through the airport rather than school leavers. In February 1961, almost simultaneously, the economic and political the railway station where the mob had laid siege. The mob regrouped at Paradise hotel, the situation in Western Nigeria deteriorated. The sharp fall in the world price of cocoa proposed venue of AG Campaign and a place associated with the growing Yoruba identity * together with the depletion of Marketing Board Reserves led to fiscal crisis whereby the consciousness and radical nationalist movement in Kano. Commercial competition was the government could not maintain the 1960/61 producer price lor cocoa.154 The price of cocoa root cause of the riot. Yoruba were the targets of attacks but Igbo traders became the s reduced in the mid*season, on January 14!h 1961, from £160 to £112 por ton.155 victims mainly because they had most of the stores in Sabon-Gari that were looted. Before the riots, the Igbo constituted the largest southern Nigerian migrants in Sabon-Gari with a jn 1962. despite the deppressed prices for cocoa, measures were taken to incronM population of 11,135. 148 Igbo returning from their places of work were attacked while they secondary school fees. Cooperative movements and indeed, access to land and capital equally resisted.143 were subordinated to political interests. The social and economic policies generated political crises that led to the declaration of a State of Emergency in Western Region bv Over 100 houses and shops belonging to Igbo were damaged or looted cturing the riots. the Federal Parliament on May 29!h. 1962.156 Farmers who experienced economic The value of the damage was estimated at £1 1,000.150 According to the 1953 riot victims insecurity and low' returns encouraged their unemployed youths to migrate and live with statistics, a total of thirty-six deaths were recorded; fifteen Northerners and twenty-one •heir families or look for work in the cities.15' Southerners mainly Igbo.'31 A totai of 241 persons were wounded: 163 Northerners and seventy-one Igbo. That the Yoruba community recorded only five casualties indicates the Most of the young school leavers had high expectations.156 Those who did not acquire existing social trust in the form of association and daily interactions between the Yoruba specific skills migrated from rural areas to urban centres such as Kano In order to curb and the Hausa, which minimised outbreaks of violence between the groups ihe migration of youths, particularly from the rural areas, the detune! Western Region Government launched farm settlement scheme.159 One of its objectives was the provi: inn Despite ethnic conflicts, Kano emerged as one of the prosperous industrial centres in o' employment opportunities for primary' school leavers as an alternative lo migration u Nigeria. In 1955, the total wage earning labour force in Kano province was 10,777 serving cities. By 1964, twenty farm settlements had been established with the number of settlers twenty-one industrial establishments.15̂ By 1960, the number of industries increased to ranging from fifty-six in Ogbomoso to 300 at Ado-Odo.160 The farm settlers composed ot thirty-two. On April 1st 1963, Small Industries Credit Scheme (SICs) was established in young, unmarried and primary school educated boys who have never engaged in Kano principally for indigenous (Hausa) entrepreneurs' participation in the economic commerc.al agriculture. They considered themselves as government employees but many development process. SICs provided capital meant to raise the proportion ot indigenous left the farm settlemnts when it was dicovered that they had to work on the farms without ownership of manufacturing and commercial establishments. financial assistance from government 16’ While the industrial development in Kano pulled many Yoruba to the city, they were also The scheme could not curb the drift of young school leavers to cities. Indeed, there was a pushed by the devastating socio-economic conditions in Yorubaland. The agrarian crisis general discontent with the regimented life in the farm settlements with a consequent high that occurred in the early 1960s was simultaneuous with the political crisis. By December rate of desertation.,8? The social disorder that ravaged the Western Region between 1962 1960, Western Region had over 180,000 youths who had completed the Universal Primary and 1966 discouraged potential investors and further accelerated the pace of youth Education Scheme introduced in 1955.1Sj Agriculture was no longer attractive to the young 80 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY administrative officers. Some Yoruba women were employed in the Kano State civil service migration to urban centres.163 Many ol the young primary school leavers migrated to Kano as teachers, nurses and para-medical personnel, stenographers, and confidential tor employment opportunities in the industries, private firms, trading activities and prospect secretaries.171 In 1968, there were over 200 Yoruba in the Kano State Civil Service.172 for higher education. The general level of poverty in the rural areas of Western Nigeria, which among other Civil War Years c. 1967 to 1970 actors led to the farmer’s revolt of 1968, further pushed Yoruba migration to Kano. The trends of abandonment of agriculture and migration to urban centres resulted in the decline Between 1967 and 1970, two historical events encouraged Yoruba enterprise in Kano of production of both cash and food crops.173 The Agbekoya (farmers reject oppression) namely state creation in 1967, and the Nigerian Civil War between 1967 and 1970. The uprising of 1968-1969, demonstrated a struggle provoked by economic crises and outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War in 1967 and the subsequent mass exodus of the Igbo taxation.174 The peasant revolt against taxation and the general level of insecurity and from Kano created economic opportunities for the Yoruba in Kano. In the Sabon-Gan repression constituted another major push of Yoruba migration to Kano. residential area and market, Yoruba migrants consolidated the position that they had achieved during the 1953 Kano riot. In 1969, there were over seventy-eight manufacturing and processing companies in Kano. This development encouraged the migration of educated and skilled labour from western In May and October 1966, political riots against the Igbo broke out in Kano.164 By and other parts of Nigeria.175 Educated Yoruba provided part of the technical skills in the November 1966, a government survey in Sabon-Gari recognised 2,074 affected houses of manufacturing and commercial establishments. An important factor that stimulated the which 45 per cent were damaged and 30. 7 per cent abandoned.165 As a consequence of migration of Yoruba to Kano was the 1969 Dr. K. A. Bussia’s Quit Order that ordered all insecurity, Sabon-Gari lost a considerable proportion of its population due to relocation.165 aliens in Ghana to leave the country. An estimated population of 100.560 Yoruba had A total of 130 Igbo abandoned houses were handed over to Hausa and Yoruba caretakers settled in Ghana before the Quit Order.1'' among others. By January 1971, a sum of 298,071.3s.3d was collected as rent and remitted to the Igbo returnees.157 In the wage labour sector, the departed Igbo were Many of the Yoruba deportees from Ghana migrated to other commercial centres in replaced by other ethnic groups such as Edc Hausa and Yoruba workers.168 Nigeria after a brief stay in their hometowns. About twenty Yoruba families migrated to Kano through kinship and friendship networks.177 Some of the male traders were engaged As a major commercial metropolis, state creation provided impetus for the transformation of in Worobo trade while the female traders were engaged in the trade of provisions in the Kano. In 1967, the creation of Kano State expanded government bureaucracy as a major Sabon-Gari market. Worobo involved trading in assorted items, including building employer of labour and dominant influence on the economy. From 4,650 in 1968/69, materials, padlocks, knives, shaving blades, batteries, toys, balls and balloons. Worobo government employment rose to 10,000 in 1972/73, a rise of 115. 05 per cent. From the required small capital and it was considered to be a fast business and also profitable. The inception of Kano State in 1967, Yoruba civil servants, some of whom were of Northern provision trade largely practiced by women was considered to be less profitable but a Nigeria origin, formed about 30 per cent of the workforce.169 Equally, about fifty Yoruba teachers were transferred from western Nigeria to Kano State due to inadequacy of quick business. Before the arrival of the Yoruba deportees from Ghana, both worobo and qualified teachers in the region.170 Yoruba civil servants served as auditors, accountants, provision trades were largely practised by Hausa traders in Sabon-Gari market. Hausa revenue officers, education and technical instructors, senior medical, agricultural and and Yoruba competed in the worobo trade. Capital accummulated from the worobo trade UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY sold shares to Nigerians to reduce ownership in compliance wiih the indigenisation was invested in the wholesale provision trade between Lagos and Kano as well as estate decree.ie:> Although Yoruba participated, they were often used as proxy for the Lebanese for commercial purposes. t Yoruba in Kano c. 1970s The 1970s witnessed the revival in Kano State of Yoruba township, kinship associations Between 1967 and 1975. Kano state government undertook capital projects that and the Yoruba Community. During this period, the central focus of the township and transformed Kano into the commercial nerve centre of Northern Nigeria. The government Kinship associations were the development o! their homeland rather than capital spent £52.065 million for the execution of projects under the First and Second mobilisation for commercial activities. For example, in the early 1970s, Ede Descendant Development Plans (1968 to 1970) and (1970 to 1974).173 The expenditure covered Union, Kano branch contributed to the development of Ede town by launching fund raising agricultural, irrigation and dam projects, industries, social infrastructure and education. For programmes for Mosque building, bridge construction, establishment ot schools and the Yoruba artisans, contractors and merchants in the private sector, government expansion of the town hall. The association, in conjunction with other branches in Northern development projects generated income and employment. Nigeria established a cinema house at Ede.’63 In 1970, the Yoruba Community, Kano State whose activities had been disrupted by military rule and civil war set up a revival In 1972. the oil boom, wage increase and Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree (NEPD) aided the growth of Yoruba enterprises in technical industry, construction, banking, committee. The committee members included Mr. P. A. David from llesa, Alhaji Sake insurance, clearing and forwarding agencies. In She large scale manufacturing Adelabu Irom Osogbo, Mr. Moses Alade from Ogbomoso and Mr. Salvador from Lagos.'8'1 establishments, foreign inv:.i> 1, wore required to have Nigerian equity capital of at least 60 per cent.1'9 The NEPD policy enabled Nigerian investors to purchase shares in In April 1974, the revival committee organised a general meeting for the election of. multinational firms. This was achieved through the i-. fabtisiiment of the Bank of Commerce execut-ve council at the Paradise Hotel (formerly Colonial Hotel) Sabon-Gan Kano Twr and Industry that provided loan:, and equity (inane-• I Ik* Fi deral government established a car ! tales, Alhaji Saka Adelabu and Mr, P. A. David were nominated tor the post of Clor Centre for Management Development to train entrepreneurs in handling large-scale (Head of Yoruba Community, Kano). However, tire candidature of Mr. P. A. David war businesses, while ’-Capital Issue Commission was established to regulatr the Stock rejected based on his membership of the Reformed Ogboni Confraternity. Alhaji Abdullahi Market. Of the 326 businesses in schedule one of the Indigenisation policy, 72. 7 per cent, Salihu Olowo from llosa was nominated and won the election in absentia. Underlying this 237 worth N20 million shares were sold to Nigerians. In all, 740 out of 954 or 77.5 per cent intra-ethnic dynamics was the vibrant political culture, penchant for good of businesses complied with the terms of indigenisation 180 governance, and above all, deep-seated religiosity among Yoruba Christians and Muslims. Strategically, in the post-civil war era, the political choice would have been NEPD jeopardised economic activities of foreigners, particularly the Lebanese that made in view of the long-standing interaction between the Yoruba comm unity and dominated ihe industrial sector. The indigenisation policy was partly directed at divesting the Hausa Muslim hosts. In another twist, however. Chief B. A. Omosebi, a prominent Lebanese of their businesses in response to press hostility against their economic Yoruba leader formed an opposition.group against the installation of Oba Abdullahi Salihu strategies.181 In Kano, by 1974, over 2,000 Lebanese entrepreneurs left as a consequence Otowo as the first Sarkin Yorubawa in 1974 His Royal Highness. Emir Ado Bayero of the policy. Of the 187 companies owned by the Lebanese in Kano, at least 135 of them suppressed the intrigues and on 21s1 December, 1974, installed Alhaji Salihu Olowo as the 8 4 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY among uihs and the influx of migrants from neighbouring countries of Chad and Niger first Sarkin Yorubawa, Kano.165 The Yoruba community Kano provided a mechanism for or ethnic conflicts in the area the protection of Yoruba interests in Kano State. It as well ensured a peaceful cohabitation paved Vr with the Hausa host community and other migrant communities, particularly the Igbo Union. c_ 1980s :99S By 1975, the modern expansion of Metropolitan Kano had led to the appropriation of much The period (1980S-1999) witnessed a devastating economic crisis manifested in declining of the surrounding villages in Rijiyar Lemo, Kurna Asabe, Bachirawa, Kwanar Bojuwa and revenues from oil (from W10.915 million in 1985 to *48,107 million in 1986), a heavy debt Dawanau. In terms of population, Yoruba were next to the Hausa host community and burden of about $20 billion, rapidly declining purchasing power of workers' income due to other Northern Nigerians.186 Most of the Yoruba residents in these areas were low-income inflation, a general decline in the production of goods and services and economic artisans, petty traders and entrepreneurs. Some had relocated from Sabon-Gari due to the reforms. 38 Two interrelated factors led to a sharp decline in the employment of Yoruba population pressure, high rate of crime, economic competition and high cost of living.187 it labour in the wage sector of the Kano economy. First. Kano had produced a growing was as well easier and cheaper for some of the Yoruba entrepreneurs to purchase land number of educated workforce which now competed with the Yoruba and other Southern and build houses of their own in the urban suburbs. Niaerians in the labour market. In the process, there was a dramatic change in government 18Q labour employment policy, which was achieved through contract appointments. These suburbs equally offered comparative economic advantage, which fits perfectly the Yoruba pattern of enterprise in Kano metropolis. Th'ese areas were in close proximity to rural areas and Dawanau (foodstuffs) market where Yoruba women procured cotton during Many of the Yoruba who had entered the Kano State Civil Service in the 1970s were the dry season and guinea fowl eggs during the raining season and exchange these compulsorily retired.190 Yoruba professionals and other Southern Nigerians became products for manufactured items. The availability of unoccupied expanse of land in these entrepreneurs who exploited the deteriorating condition in the urban seance sector by areas had also given opportunities to most Yoruba artisans who established auto mechanic establishing private hospitals, and schools; legal, auditing and accounting firms; hotels and repair workshops. publicity services; estate surveying and valuers, that in turn created employment opportunities. '91 By the end of the 1970s, Yoruba residents in Kurna Asabe, Tudun Bojuwa and Bachirawa had established ethnic associations for economic, political, social and religious purposes. In 1999, over 200 banks and financial institutions provided services for the Kano industrial For example, they established Cooperative and Credit Societies, Ede Transporters (Taxi) economy. A minimum of five banks existed, competitively in close proximity along Ibrahim Cooperative Societies, Egbe Omo llobu and Omolere Women Society. It was during this Taiwo Road, Bello Road, Hadejia Road, Niger Road, Muhammed Murtala Way and Lagos period that Yoruba Community Bachirawa Branch, Kano was established. Alhaji Suleiman street.192 Kano, has a whole range of service industries including thirty-seven building and Akanji, a transporter and estate owner in Bachirawa headed the association. It was based civil engineering and construction companies, forty business management consultations on these organised levels of communal identities and Yorgba population in the area that it and over 1,000 service industries.193 Yoruba were employed by the financial institutions and was popularly called Unguwar Yorubawa. The formation of social networks and communal the private sector. identity based on ethnicity excluded the Yoruba from the Hausa host community and their commercial success became a source of jealousy. The high rate of poverty, unemployment 8 7 8 6 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The economic difficulties, including currency devaluation and cuts :n expenditure m the- ‘ public sector, led to unemployment, the introduction of Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) anc* subsequently contraction in the economy that caused widespread poverty Following the IMF and World Bank economic recovery and austerity requirements, the Structural Adjustment Programme was launched to address macro-economic distortions and structural imbalance in the Nigerian economy. The deteriorating social conditions under the economic reforms further induced Yoruba migration from Lagos, Ibadan, llorin, nir ? ? Oqbomoso, Osogbo, llesa, Akure, Iseyin and Kabba to Kano. Young artisans migrated to ■*n f , escape family responsibilities and to have wider market opportunities. Unlike the 1970s : associational ethnicity among the Yoruba was devoted to offer social security and raising of tlria.Jnt» *i funds to support entrepreneurial pursuits than remitting money to hometowns for ijp * - ; developmental projects. * • • • */- K'3no witnessed a decline in the manufacturing sector that in effect produced unemployed workers. Employment opportunities for educated youths declined due to the contraction m V- the public sector and the economic crisis that governments experienced.194 Between 1982 Ibrahim Taiwo road, a boom ing business district in Kano. and 1985, about 75 per cent of all manufacturing establishments in Kano stopped Source: Fieldwork 1999 production because of the shortage of raw materials, spare parts and waning market Manufacturing firms imposed stringent labour policies as a measure of coping with the economic recession. Firms used compulsory leaves and cuts in the number of shifts during the period of irregular production. By 1999, about two-thirds of the manufacturing establishments in Bompai, Sharada and Challawa.industrial zones folded up completely, or they drastically reduced the productive capacity as well as the workforce by more than 40 per cent.196 Over 200 factories closed down and the 143 that remained were operating on average of 22.6 per cent of their capacity.197 Economic contraction in the formal sector led to an expansion in the informal sector. The informal sector is defined as a sphere of economic activities characterised by unregulated competition, loose entry, indigenous resources and adapted technology, intensive family 88 8 9 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY iabour and ownership and low productive capacity. Before the introduction of Structural Society (KTMCS) in 1986 ensured that stalls were allocated to hundreds of Hausa traders Adjustment Programme (SAP) in 1986, the informal trading sector, particularly in Sabon- in Sabon-Gari market. Gari market was dominated by women, mostly Yoruba, Edo, Urhobo and Igbo. 3 4 : CATEGORY OF STORES 1999 In the period of economic instability, informal petty trading and production became the S /No Types of Stores No of stores Rates per year---- major sector that sustained the entrepreneurs and workers. In Kano, the Sabon-Gari stalls a. Red Bricks 3000 N7.000.00 increased from 7,956 in 1974 to over 11,000 in 1984, about 38. 2 per cent.198 The b. Lock ups 992 N51 000.00 diversification into the informal trading sector, mostly by men, necessitated stiff competition, c. Market Ground Block Special MBG 285 N5000.00 low sales and profit margins as well as opportunity constraints for women traders who had d MBG (Build and Lease) Allocated 854 *45000.00 plots for the period of 25 years by earlier dominated the sector. private investors who sub-let them. Between 1984 and 1985, the Sabon-Gari market was destroyed by at least four fire Markets Blocks (MBS) along main 1,325 N2.000.00e- roads inside the market disasters. Many traders lost their capital in the fire disasters. Their inability to recover from 7. Perimeters Blocks -Upstairs 2,223 N3.000.00 the losses reduced some of them to street hawkers. The fire and overcrowding in the surrounding the markets PBS Sabon-Gari market led to its reorganisation. Other markets such as Yankaba (vegetables), g Flat form spaces 1,300 W600.00 Dawanau (foodstuffs), Yanlemo (fruits), and Mariri (kolanuts) markets were equally Open shed 3120 W500.00 r~ ~ established. Kano State government intensified its efforts at providing trading Total 13,099 N24 600.00 infrastructures, particularly stalls in Kurmi, Rimi, Kofar Ruwa and Kofar Wambai markets.199 ------ -— Source: Commercial Services Manager, Muhammad Abubakar Rimi Market Company Limited, Kano. The reconstruction and subsequent reallocation of stalls equally displaced many traders in the Sabon-Gari m arket/00 in 1985, the Kano State government appointed a market reorganisation committee under the leadership of Alhaji Saidu Dattijo Adhama, an indigenous businessman and industrialist. An edict was enacted by the state government making the market a limited liability company with the name Muhammad Abubakar Rimi Market Company Limited, Kano. The take-off capital for the market reconstruction was secured from two main sources: state government W200.000.00 and private investors W500miliion.201 Old stores were demolished and traders reapplied for allocations of new ones through the ballot system with a deposit of W30.000.00 for three years rent. In all, over 13,000 stores of different categories were constructed for Jarge, medium and small-scale entrepreneurs.202 The establishment of the Kano Traders’ Multi-purpose Cooperative 9 1 9 0 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The market was transformed into a modernised profit oriented company with an asset base "S/N Types of Ethnic and Gender j Occupational Structure of N100 million and an investment of over N10 billion.203 The market visited daily by Stores Composition approximately 400,000 people with an average value of N25 million transactions.204 The " T MBG (Building Yoruba artisans, Lease) Hausa and Igbo male Planks, building materials, Sabon-Gari market constitute a sphere of everyday social interaction and business ^traders furniture and wielding works transactions among various groups in Kano, especially the immigrants and the Hausa host community. Over the years, the transformation of the market generated competition and 4. MBs: main Igbo and Hausa male Electronics, fancy dresses, fairly roads inside traders and Yoruba used products Tokunbo conflicts. The following chart indicates how the transformation process displaced many the market women. Yoruba traders without capital to secure stalls in the market. T PBs Yoruba men and Provision, beverages, shoes., women Hausa and interior decorations, corn mills Table 3. 5: Ethnic/Gender Composition and Occupational Structure in the igbo men traders and spare parts Sabon-Gari Market 1999 T~~ Flatform Yoruba, Urhobo, Vegetable, stockfish, meat Edo, Arago, Tiv, and crayfish, garri and elubo flours S/N i Types of Ethnic and Gender j occupational Structure Igbo women pepper grinders Stores Composition : 1. Red bricks : Hausa men and ii Provisions 7. Open shed Hausa, Yoruba men Butchers, livestock and poultry and Urhobo women and vegetableCluster A- Yomba women Cluster B: Hausa men and Source: Fieldwork in SabOn-Gari market, 1999-2000. Yoruba women Cluster C: Hausa, igbo men and j Wrist watch, jewelry shoes, j It should be pointed out that most ol the Yoruba were squatters in the shops. Only fewYoruba women Imported textiles; local fabrics. I could afford or had access to the allocation of shops. By the 1990s, economic difficultiesCluster D igbo and Yoruba men Drugs and and ethnic conflicts in Kano had adverse effects on the economy, mainly the state of Pharmaceutical. Cluster E Hausa, Igbo men and Household utensils, children % insecurity of investment, fear of looting, wanton destruction and the exodus of Yoruba Yoruba women wares, shoes, electronics. migrant artisans, industrialists and entrepreneurs. The gradual decline in Yoruba Cluster L: Hausa and Igbo men Electronics, Electrical appliances, fancy dresses, jewelries and commerce in Kano occurred by the middle of the 1980s but the trend continued into the sewing machines 1990s due to the national economic contraction and ethnic conflicts in Kano. Most ol thorn Cluster M: Igbo and Hausa men Pharmaceuticals Cluster N: Yoruba and Igbo Second hand electronics Shoe liquidated, transferred or relocated the bases of their business to other towns and alios in making and repairs. Electronics and tailoring services. the Northern states, their places of origin or other important commercial centres in Nirjona # 2. Lock Ups Yoruba women, Hausa In July 1999, the process of relocation was compounded by the reprisal attacks rosullino and Igbo men Dresses, shoes, children wares, • cigarettes, electronics plastics from the ethnic conflicts in Sagamu on the Yoruba in Kano. The July 1999 Hausa and and provision. Yoruba riots occurred largely in Rijiyar Lemu, Kurna Asabe, Bachirawa, Gwarnmai'i Tudun Bojuwa, Dawanau and other areas occupied by the Yoruba in Kano metropolis 92 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY i h i m l i m l o n llin Yoruba commercial frontier in Kano from the 15ih century developed with the Notes 1 H C C Law, 1978, "Slaves, Trade and Taxes: The Material Basis of Political Power i' .Mblluhment of the Ayagi quarters in the 19lh century. By 1912, the colonial economy and '■ ' in Pre-Colonial West Africa,” in Research in Economic nillroud launched another phase in Yoruba migration and commercial diaspora in Kano Anthropology, I pp. 37-52. I In* chapter has demonstrated that the Yoruba provided much of the needed clerical and , o b . Osadolor and L.E. Otoide, 2005, “State Formation in Pre-Colonial Nigeria: A Historiographic Assessment,” in Akin Ogundiran, Precolonial administrative jobs in the colonial departments and foreign firms. By the 1920s, some of the Nigeria: Essays in Honour of Toyin Falola (Trenton: African World Press), p. 169 Yoruba clerical workers resigned and became independent traders with capital from 3 M.G. Smith, 1997, Government In Kano (Oxford: Westview Press) p. I. pnrsonal savings and kinship networks. By the end of the Second World War, Yoruba .nil!,nns pioneered and expanded the technical skill industries, partly as a mechanism 4 M. Adamu, 1978, The Hausa Factor In West Africa History (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press) p.123. iiqulns! keen competition in the groundnut trade. From the 1950s, the Yoruba skilled and educated workers provided part of the much-needed labour in the emerging industrial 5 A. Mahadi, 1982, The State And The Economy: The Sarauta System And Its Role In Shaping The Society And Economy Of i onccrns. Between 1967 and 1970, the combined factors of Civil-War and state creation Kano With Particular Reference To The 1ff'h and 19"1 had created wider opportunities that gave stimulus tor Yoruba migration and commerce in Centuries (Ph. D. Thesis, Zaria, Ahmadu Bello Kano The reconstruction of ethnic identity among the Yoruba in Kano alienated them from University) pp. 658, 663 and 664. lliu I lausa host community and further paved way for ethnic conflicts. 6. M. Last, 1989, "Beyond Kano, Before Katsina: Friend And Foe On The Western Frontier," in B.M. Barkindo, (eb.), Kano And Some Ot Her Neighbours (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello Yoruba men and women were employed in the expanding government bureaucracy of University Press) p. 126. Kit no State. From the middle ot 1980s however, unemployment, generated by the 7. L.C. Diaka, 2001, Lagos And Its Environs (Lagos: First Academic Miuctural Adjustment Programmes, profoundly altered Yoruba commerce in Kano. By Publishers) pp.42-43. 1999, the increasing economic constraints caused the upsurge in the informal trading 8. A.E. Aimore, 1997, “Africa on the Eve of Partition," in Roland Oliver and G.N. sector that brought in its wake intense competition and later confrontation, which Sanderson, The Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 6, from 1870 inlluenced Yoruba out-migration from Kano. to 1905 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 43. 9. G. O. Ogunremi, 1982, Counting The Camels: The Economics Of Transportation In Pre-Industrial Nigeria (New York: NOK Publishers International Limited) p. 58. 10. L. C. Dioka, 2001, Lagos And Its Environs (Lagos: First Academic Publishers) p. 53 and T. Falola, 1996, "Trade And Markets In Pre-colonial Economy ," in G. O. Ogunremi and E. K. Faluyi, (eds.), Economic History Of West Africa (Ibadan: Rex Charles Publications) p. 53. 9 4 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ,3 T Hodgkin, 1975, Nigerian Perspectives...pp. 155- 156. 11. J. A. F. Adegbulu, 2003, "Inter-Group Relations In The Niger-Benue g p E Lovejoy, 2004, ‘The Yoruba Factor in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade,' in Confluence, 16lh -19lh Centuries," in R.T. Akinyele, T. Falola and M.D. Childs, The Yoruba Diaspora in the Atlantic (ed.), Race, Ethnicity And Nation Building In Africa: World (Bloomington and Indianapolis : Indiana University Studies In Inter-Group Relations (Lagos: Rex Charles Publication) p. 80. Pr^ss), p. 41. 12. L. C. Dioka, 2001, Lagos And Its Environs.,. Op. cit p. 43. 20 R O. Olaniyi, 2006, “Hausa-Yoruba Relations. 1500-1800: A Historical 13. L. C. Dioka, 2001, Lagos And Its Environs... ibid. Perspective,“in A. E. Ekoko and S.O. Aghalino, (eds.), Inter- 14. H. Clapperton, 1966, Journal Of A Second Expedition Into The Interior Of Group Relations in Nigeria: The Historians' Perspectives: Africa From Bight Of Benin To Soccatto (London: Frankcass and Essays in Honour Prof. Obaro Ikime At 70 Forthcoming. Company Limited) p. 4; W. Bascom, 1969, The Yoruba Of South 21 T.A. Awoniyi, 'The Word Yoruba,' in Nigeria Magazine, Nos.134-135, 1981, p.105. Western Nigeria (Newyork: Holt, Rinehart and Winston) p. 5; R.s. Smith, 1978, The Lagos Consulate 1851-1861 (London: Macmillan 22 T. M. Naniya, 2001, “A History Of Kurmi Market, Kano, 1463-1999" in FAIS Press Ltd.) p. 3; and J. E. Lavers, 1980, “A Note On Terms ’Hausa’ Journal of Humanities, Vol. I, No.3, pp. 89-104; A. I. Frishman, 1977. and ‘Afuno',” in Kano Studies, p. 113; J. A. Atanda, 1973, The New The Spatial Growth And Residential Location Pattern Oyo Empire: Indirect Rule And Change In Western Niger::! 185-1 193-1 Ot Kano. Nigeria (Ph.D. Thesis. North Western University) p.35 and T (London: Longman) pp. 4-5. M. Naniya, 1983, The Historical Development of Kurmi Market As An Institution (B.A. History, Kano, Bayero University) p. 10 15. B. Adediran, 1994, The Frontier States Ot Western Yorubaland c. 1600-1889: State Formation And Political Growth In An Ethnic Frontier Zone- Ibadan: 23. M. Johnson, 1970, 'The Cowrie Currencies of West Alrica,' in Journal of African History, IFRA), p. 7. 11, 1, pp. 17-19 and II, 3, pp. 331 -53. 15. Ibn Masanih, Shifa 'ruba ti tahrir fugaha Yuruba," A Rep.'- to the Learned Men of Yoruba.’' The work explained the method of determining the time of 24. A. Mahadi, 1982, The Stale And The Economy: The Sarauta System And sunset and time of prayer. Another prominent work was titled Azhar al- Its Role In Shaping The Society And Economy Ot Kano With Particular Reference To The 18h and 19?' Centuries (Ph.D. Thesis, ruba fiakhbar Yuruba, “ On Ihe Wonders of Yoruba."R. Law, 1991, Zaria, Ahmadu Bello University) pp. 658, 663 and 664. The Oyo Empire c. 1600-C.1836:.... p.15. Uthman Dan Fodiyo, Bayan 25 J. Hogendom and M. Johnson, 1986, The Shell Money Of The Slave Trade Wujub al-Hijra ala’I-ibad (1806) and Tanbih al- Khwan’ala ahwal ard al- (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) p. 47-63. Sudan (1811); Muhammad Bello, Inlaq al-Maisur (1812). 26. P. Lovejoy, 1974, "Interregional Monetary. Flows In The Precolonial Trade Ot Nigeria," in Journal Of Atncan History, Vol. 15, No 4, p 565. 17. Ahmad Baba al-Timbukti, Al-Kasht wa'I-bayan liasnat Majlub al-Sudan, otherwise known as Mi'rajaT su’-ud ila nail hukun Majlub al Sud, Translated as 27. P. Lovejoy, 1974, "Interregional Monetary Flows, ibid p. 565. Belief, Unbelief, and Slavery in Hausaland {1615/16 A.D.). 96 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 28. J. S. Hogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Exports: Origins And Early Development 33. There are two schools of thought on the meaning of Ayagi. First, that (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press) p.9 and A. M. Fika, The Ayagi was derived from the statement made by Emir Kano Civil War... Op. cit p.148. Ibrahim Dabo in granting land to the Yoruba in Kana. Second, that Nupe people who had trading and cultural 29. In 1857, Reverend Samuel Ajayi Crowther, for example, remarked that contacts with the Yoruba since the 14,h century called "Cattle is one of the many goods from Hausa country to theYoruba, "Ayagi Oje Konko Jejo” while Yoruba called Yorubaland through the Nupe country." F. A. Okediji. 1972, An Nupe Tapa. The later argument seems plausible Economic History Of Hausa Fulani Emirates Of Northern considering the establishment of Emi Ayagi (a Yoruba Nigeria 1900-1939 (Ph. D. Thesis, Indiana University) p..224. trading quarter) in the pre-colonial Nupe towns of Bida. Interview with Alhaji Salihu Inuwa (Baba Agba) Sarkin Other Yoruba clothes exported to Kano were, Ayagi on 19m July, 2000. -Aso sanya called Rigar Tsamiya in Hausa 34. Alhaji Ahmad Bahago, 1998, Kano Ta Dabo Tumbi Giwa (Kano: Munawar -Aso Kijipa called Rigar Gwado in Hausa Book Foundation) -Aso Etu called Rigar Saki in Hausa -Aso Sakenke called Rigar Sakakke in Hausa. 35. Interview with Alhaji Baba Agba, 19th July, 2000. -Aso Panpata called Rigar Kwakwata in Hausa. 36. According to Alhaji Salihu Inuwa Baba Agba (interviewed on 19,h July, 2000. The Z. S. Sambo, 1988, The Establishment And Consolidation Of The Sarkin Ayagi ruled successively since 1819 as follows: llorin Community In Kano 1819-1997 (M. A. Dissertation, Kano, 1. Muhammadu Nasiru Jatau Bayero University) p.61 2. Malam Salihu 3. Malam Ibrahim 30. Interview with Alhaja Aiimot Sanusi at Kurmi Market on February 27th, 4. Malam Inuwa 2001. Her grandfather, Alhaji Sanusi Salami, a ginger and 5. Alhaji Salihu Inuwa Baba Agba. Kolanut trader migrated from Ibadan to Kano in the 1880s and settled at Tudun Nupawa. 37. W. Oyemakinde, 1979, “The Railway Workers and Modernisation in Colonial Nigeria 31. According to A.M. Fika, The Kano Civil War...Op c it . “It should be noted that Kano had had a sizeable colony of Yoruba settlers from in Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1979, p. 114. the 175* century, notably in Ayagi and Yakassai wards of the city." p. 158. Oral Interviews with Mai Anguwar 3b. W. Oyemakinde, 1979, "The Railway Workers ...p. 115. Yakasai. (B), Alh. Habib Dauda and Alh. Haruna Maikarmami, 85, at Rimi market, Yakasai (B), Kano on 39. W. Oyemakinde, 1979, “The Railway Workers ... p. 115. December 19th, 2000. 40. W. Oyemakinde, 1979, "The Railway Workers...p. 115. 32. T M Naniya, argues that Kano had a liberal policy towards immigrants and strangers. Some of the Kano wards have different 41. W. Oyemakinde, 1979, ‘The Railway Workers ... nationalities and ethnicities of their inhabitants or early settlers. "Economics Culture and Identity In The 42. A. N. Cook, 1943, British Enterprise In Nigeria (New York: Barnes and Formation of Fagge Town (Book Review) in FAIS Journal Noble) p. 70 and S. C. Ukpabi, 1987, Mercantile Soldiers In Nigeria History Of Humanities Vol. 1, No:£, 2000, pp. 200-204 and M. U. (Zaria: Gaskiya corporation) p. 27. Adamu, 1999, Confluences And Influences: The Emergence Of Kano As A City State (Kana: Munawwar Books Foundation). UNIVERSITY OF IBAD N LIBRARY go J S. Hogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Exports... Op. cit p. 59. 43. 1.0. Albert, 1999, “Inter-Regional Migrations, Urban Multiculturalism and the Mixed Court’ System in Colonial Northern Nigeria,"'in Nigerian Journal ot £ /V Ayandele, 1966, "The Missionary Factor in Northern Nigeria, 1870-1981," in Economic History, No. 2, p. 2. J . H . S Vol. Ill, No. 3, pp. 510-511. 44. A. I. Frishman, 1977, The Spatial Growth And Residential Location Pattern Ot Kano, Nigeria (Ph.D. Thesis, North Western University) p.95 g2 e .A. 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Osoba, 1969, "The Phenomenon ot Labour Migration ... pp. 524-25. 1970 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press) p. 25 no A. M. Pika, 1978, The Kano Civil War. Op cit pp.206-207. 72 L. Lugard, 1965, The Dual Mandate In British Tropical Africa (London: 61 J. S. Hogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Exports... Op. cit p. 9. Frank Cass and Company) pp. 123-125 and M.U. Adamu, 1999, Confluences And Influences: The Emergence Ot Kano As A City State t>2 J. Barrett, 1977, "The Rank and File of the Colonial Army in Nigeria, 1914- (Kano: Manuwar Books Foundation) p. 163. 73 A. !. Frishman, 1977, Spatial Growth... Op. cit p. 98. 1918.” in The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 15, No. 1, p. 74. I.O. Albert, 1999, “Inter-Regional Migrations...p. 5. 106. I.O. Albert, 1999, "Inter-Regional Migrations...p. 4. 63. J. Barrett, 1977, The Rank and File of the Colonial Army in Nigeria...p. 110. 76. A. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History Ot Sabon-Gari... Op. cit p. 104. o4. J.O. Oyemakinde, 1970. A History of Indigenous Labour on the Nigerian Railway, 1895- 77. A. I. Frishman, 1977, Spatial Growth... Op. cit p. 98 78. I.O. Albert, 1999, “Inter-Regional Migrations . .p. 7. 79. I.O. Albert, 1999, “Inter-Regional Migrations...p. 7. 1945, (PhD Thesis. Department ot History, University of Ibadan), p. 67 and J Barrett. 1977, “The Rank and File of the Colonial Army in Nigeria, ...pp. 105- 80. E.A. Ayandele, 1966, ‘The Missionary Factor in Northern Nigeria...p. 520. 115. 81. A. Ft. M. Kirk-Greene, (ed.), 1968, Lugard And The Amalgamation Of Nigeria: A 65. ;. N. Tamuno, 1965, "Genesis Of The Nigerian Railway -II," in Nigeria Documentary Record (London: Frank Cass and Company Limited) p. Magazine p. 39. 97. 66. A. Osuntokun, 1975, “The Role Of The Nigeria Regiment In Allied War Effort 82. A. Osjntokun, 1979, Nigeria In The First World War (London: Longman) p. 44 In West Africa 1914-1916” in Savanna, Vol. 4, No. 1 pp. 23-32. 83. P. J. Shea, 2003, "Making Money In Nigeria: The Colonial Currency 67. M. Crowder, 1976, West Africa Under Colonial Rule (London: Hutchinson Regime, 1880-1963," paper presented at the International Conference on the “Transformation of Northern Nigeria 1903-2003," organised by Usmanu and Company Limited) p. 286. Danfodiyo University, Sokoto; Bayero University , Kano; and Arewa House, 68. J. S. Hogendorn, 1978. Nigerian Groundnut Exports... Op. cit p. 61. Ahmadu Bello University, Kaduna 27m -29lh, March, 2003, p. 13. 84. AHAK: 19/2/137: Sabon-Gari Kano, Township: Placing Of Under N. A. Control. 69 J S. Ftogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Exports., ibid pp. 59-60. 85. J.S. Hogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Exports... Op. cit p. 121 86. Discussion with Late Prof. P. J. Shea, on 4'" January, 2004 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 87. M. M. Tukur, 1990, "The Nature, Extent And Essence Of British Social Policy In The gg A. U. Dan Asabe, Dan Asabe A. U., 1996, Kano Labour And The Kano Emirates 1900-1914" in Tanimu Abubakar (ed.), The Essential Mahmoud : Poor 1930-1990 (Ph. D Thesis, Kano, Bayero University) Selected Writings Of Mahmud Moddibo Tukur (Zaria : Ahmadu Bello University Press) p.141-142. » j00. A. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History ol Sabon-Gari...p. 253 andKHCB/382/ Kano Province Report for half of the year ending 88. Kano Provincial Report 1914, quoted in A. I. Frishman, 1977, Spartial Growth... Op. cit 30lh June, 1915. p. 98 and C. N. Ubah, 1973, Administration Of Kano Emirate Under The 101. KHCB/382 /Kano'Province, Report For Half Of The Year Ending British 1900 -1930 (Ph. D. Thesis, Ibadan, University of Ibadan) p. 175. 30,h June, 1915. 89. NAK/ SNP/ 7/ 11538/1908, Annual Report, Kano province, 1907, p. 71 Quoted by K. 102. J. N. Paden, 1973. Religious And Political Culture In Kano (Berkeley Rotimi, 2001, The Police In A Federal State: The Nigerian Experience University of California Press) p. 315 (Ibadan: College Press Ltd.) p. 13. 103. A. G. Hopkins, 1973, An Economic History/ Of West Africa (London: 90. K. Rotimi, The Police In ,4 Federal State..., Ibid pp. 16-17 and NAK/Kano Longman) p 209. Prof/108/1916, Annual Report, Kano Province,1915, p. 232. 104. A. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History O! Sabon-Gan ...Op.dtp. 66 and 91. A. Olukoju, 1991, "Prohibition And Paternalism: The State And The Clandestine M G. Smith, 1997, Government In Kano...Op. cit p. 467 Liquor Traffic In Northern Nigeria, c. 1898- 1918," in The International 105. A. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History ol Sabon-Gari. .ibid p. 66. Journal Of African Historical Studies, Vol. 24, No.2, pp. 358-9. 106. M. S. Abdulkadir, 1990, An Economic History Of Igalaland: 1896-1939 (Ph. D. Thesis, Kano, Bayero University) pp. 414- 415 A O. 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Memory of Professor J.A. Atanda, (Ibadan: Hope Publications), p.164. 118. S. S. Berry, 1975, Cocoa, Custom And Socio- Economic Change In Rural Western 130. A.O. Olukoju, “Currency Counterfeiting in Colonial Nigeria... pp.164-165. Nigeria (Oxford: Clarendon Press) p. 57. 119. S. S. Berry, 1990, "Migrant Farmers And Land Tenure In The Nigerian Cocoa Belt," in 131. J. S. Coleman, 1958, Nigeria Background To Nationalism (Berkely: University of California Press) p. 253. O. Otite and C. Okali, Readings In Nigerian Rural Society (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books) pp. 85-100. 132. A Bako. 1990, A Socio-Economic History Of Sabon-Gari Kano... Op. cit p. 106. 120. Susan Wneger and H.U. Beier, "Adire-Yoruba Pattern Dyeing," in Nigeria, No. 54, 133. A. Olukoju, 2002, "Buy British, Sell Foreign": External Trade Control 1957, p. 212 and J.A. Byfield, 2002, The Bluest Hands: A Social and Policies In Nigeria During World War II And Its Aftermath,1939-1950," in Economic History of Women Dyers in Abcokuta, Nigeria 1890-1940, International Journal Ot African Historical Studies, Vol. 35, No.2-3, pp. (Portsmouth: Heinemann), p. 111. 372-73. 134. Ayodeji Olukoju, 2002, ‘Buy British... Op cit pp. 372-73 and A. I.Nwabughogu, ,nd. 121. J.A. Byfield, 2002, The Bluest Hands..., p 111 and P J Shea, 1975, The "The Effect Of Internal Trade Between Eastern And Northern 1939-45" (Dept, of History University of Calabar). Development of an Export Oriented Dyed Cloth Industry in Kano Emirate in 135. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History of Sabon-Gari Kano...Op. cit p. 305. the Nineteeth Century, (PhD Dissertation, University ot Wiseonscin, 136 NAK/Kano Prof/ 4980: Yoruba Central Welfare Association. Madison), pp. 120-245. 137 RDC/DUK/Local Government Authority 10: Haraji Annual Assessment Groundnut Agents 19-15-50. 122. AHAK/1/21/137- List of Tribes in Non-European Reservation Ato.i 138. AHAK,'9/2/21: Demobilisation Committee: Kano Province. 123. J. N. Paden, 1968, The Intluence Of Religious Elites On Political 139. NAK/KANO PROF76123A: Application tor Mortgages Sabon-Gari, Kano) and Culture And Community integration In Kano Nigeria (Ph D thc:as, interview with Mr. R.A. Ajadi, Senior Clerk, National Bank of Nigeria Limited, Harvard University) p. 128. Kano, 13lh March, 1999. 124. A. H. Ejikeme, 1996, The History Of Igbos In Kano: A Case Study Of The Orlu People of Imo State From 1960 To Date (B A. History Project, 140. S. Aluko, 1975, "Research In Entrepreneurial Development In Kano, Bayero University) pp.46-48 and A. Bako, 2000, "Ethnic Relations In A Colonial Setting: The Settlement Of Sabon-Gari, Kano, 1913-1960," in Nigeria," in Nigeria Business Digest, No.44, pp. 13-16. FAIS Journal of Humanities, Vol.1, No.2, p.64. 141 J. N Paden 1968, The Influence Of Religious Elites. .. Op. cit p.l05. 125. 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Schatzl, 1975, Industrialisation In Nigeria: A Spatial Analysis (Munchen: 109 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Weltforum Veiiag) p.139. Boundaries: Case Study of Okemesi and Imesi-lle’ in R.T. Akinyele, eds.. Contemporary Issues in Boundaries and Governance in Nigeria (Lagos: 169. Kano State of Nigeria: Staff List, No.1, 15,h December, 1968 (Kaduna: Government Friedrich Ebert Stiftung). Printer). 178 . Kano State of Nigeria Development Plan 1970-74 (Kano: Military Governor’s 170. Interview with Oba Adebayo Jegede, 59, at Gomel on 5th March, 2004 and Office) and A. Niima Shehu 1997, Kano State Under The Administration Of interview granted by Sarkin Bai of Kano, Alh. (Dr.) Mukhtar Adnanu, the Audu Bako 1967 To 1975 (M.A. Dissertation, Kano Bayero University) p. 88- District Head of Dambatta and first Commissioner for Education, Kano State to 89. Muh’d Hamisu Abdullahi and N. A. Tahir, “ I dedicated My Life for One North, 179. F. A. Olalokun (ed.), 1979, Structure Of The Nigerian Economy (Lagos: One Destiny,” in The Triumph Newspaper, 9,h July, 2004, pp. 12-13. Macmillan Press Limited). 171. Kano State of Nigeria: Staff List, No.2: 15,h February, 1970 (Kaduna: Government 180 . J. S. Zwingina, 1992, Capitalist Development In An African Economy Printer). (Ibadan: University of Ibadan Press) p.80. 181. T. Forrest, 1982, "Recent Developments In Nigerian Indigenisation," in 172. Kano State of Nigeria: Staff List, No.1: 1sl December, 1968 (Kaduna: Government Martin Fransman (ed.), Industry And Accumulation In Africa (London: Printer) Heinemann) p. 336 and S. A. Albasu, The Lebanese In Kano...Op. cit p. 374- 378. 173. O.C. Adesina and A. Olorunfemi, 1998, “The Economy Of Western 182. A. I. Frishmanl 1977, Spatial Growth p. 205 and A Olukhosi 19851 Nigeria...Op. cit. p. 135. "Some Remarks On The Role Of The Levantine Bourgeoisie In The 174. O.C. Adesina and A. Olorunfemi, 1998, “The Economy Of Western Capitalist Industralisation Of Kano" in Nigerian Journal Of Political Nigeria... ibid. p. 135 and C. Beer, 1976, The Politics of Peasant Science, Vol. 4, Nos. I and II, p. 61 and S. A. Albasu, The Lebanese In Groups...Op.cit. p. 160-164. Kano... Op. cit 175. P. M. Lubeck, 1986, Islam And Urban Labour In Northern Nigeria: 183. Interviews with Alhaji Hassan Shittu and Alhaji Hussein Shittu, 60, at Abuja The Making Of A Muslim Working Class (London: Cambridge University Road (France Road) Kano on 9,h May, 2000. Press) pp. 153-155. 18 4 . Interview with Alhaji Abdulrahrr.an Sani, 60, at Beruit Road, Kano on 17,h 176. N. Sudarkasa, 1979, "From Stranger To Alien: The Socio-Political History Of The February, 2001. Nigerian Yoruba In Ghana 1900 To 1970," in W. A. Shack and E. P. 185. Interview with Prince Adekunle Adelugba, at Niger Road, Sabon-Gari Kano on Skinner (ed.), Strangers In African Societies (Berkeley: University Of 28th February 2002. California Press) p. 142. 186. Interview with Mai. Saidu Ibrahim, 75, at Tudun Bojuwa, Kano, 14,h July. 2001. 177. Interviews with Alh. Abdulkareem Akanbi, 75, on 7th March, 2004 at No. 15 New 187. Interview with Abdulrahman Adewuyi, 59, at Dawanau, Kano on 15,h July, 2001. Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano and Alhaji Ibrahim Adedimeji Lawal, Oba 188. A. Jega 2003, "The State And Identity Transformation Under Structural Adjustment In Nigeria," in A. Jega (ed.), Identity Transformation And Yoruba, Kaduna on 25th February, 2004. According to Osuntokun, Identity Politics Under Structural Adjustment In Nigeria (Kano: Centre following the Busia expulsion of Yoruba frpm Ghana, Okemesi (Ekiti) for Research and Documentation) p. 31 youths no longer go to Ghana. They migrated to North, Lagos and other 189. Interviews with Prof. Isa Hashim at Maizube farm, Minna on 10th December, 2003 parts of Yorubaland. A. Osuntokun, 2005, Twin Cities Across Interstate II0 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY and Mr. S. A. Ojo former education officer, Prince Adekunle Adelugba Industrial Sector in Kano State," in I. A. Kiyawa (ed.) Management former civil servant and late Mr. Olatunji Adeoti former Agricultural Of The Nigerian Economy Under Democratic Administration Officer Kano State,March 2000. 190. Interviews with Prof. Isa Hashim and Alhaji Umar Jibrin Kabir 65, on 4,h (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press) pp. 30-37. March, 2004 at 29A Sokoto Road, Kano. 19 8 . A. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History of Sabon-Gari...Op. cit p.315. 199. A. J. Kumuyi, 1991, The Provision of Public Owned Market Facilities in Nigeria: 191. Field work in Kano metropolis and Kano State Private Health institutions Comparative Study Of Kano and Oyo States (Ibadan: NISER Directory 1997. Monograph Series No.8 ) pp. 22-24. 192. Field work in Kano Metropolis in 1999/2000. 193. J. A. Falola, 1993, "Kano State," in R. K. Udo and A. B. Mamman (eds.) 200. Interview with Alh. Abdulkareem Akanbi and Alhaja Nuratu Abiola. Nigeria: Giant In The Tropics, State Surveys, Vol. 2 (Lagos: Gabumo 201. M. S. Dugurawa, 1997, Kano State Handbook (Kano: Ministry of Publication Company Limited) p. 223; Kano State Private Health Information, Youth. Sports and Culture) p. 32. Institutions Directory, 1997 and Fieldwork in Metropolitan/Kano, 2001. 202. Interview with Alhaji Muhammad Sanni Zubair, Commercial Services Manager, Abubakar Rimi Market on 24th April, 2001. 194. P. T. Zeleza, 1997, Manufacturing African Studies And Crises (Dakar. CODESRIA) 203. Handbill of Abubakar Rimi Market, 2000. p. 346. 204. Handbill of Abubakar Rimi Market, 2000 195. G. Andrae and B. Beckman, 1999, Union Rower In The Nigerian Textile Industry: Labour Regime And Adjustment (Kano: Centre for Research and Documentation) pp.59, 64, 67, 8-24 and J. Ibrahim, 1999, Social Provisioning In Nigeria: The Maguzawa And Hausa In Kano State Nigeria (Research Report Submitted to the Centre for Research and Documentation, Kano) and M. U. Kazaure "Kano's Fast Collapsing industries," in Weekly Trust, August 16-22, 2003, pp.22-23. 196. A. Frishman, 2001,• "The Economy Of The Kano Region: The Rise And Fall Of Manufacturing," paper presented at African Studies Association, Houston, Texas; and "35 Textile Firms fold up in Nigeria," in The Punch, October 2nd , 2003, p. 5. 197. A. Frishman, 2001, "The Economy Of The Kano Region...Op. cit p. 14 and B. M. Borodo, 2000, "The State Of Industry: Reflections On The 112 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY C H A P TE R FOUR ,ach livestock garlic and onion.2 In the 19m century a southward export trade in tor Polab '• 3 oundnut was carried out by Hausa and Yoruba traders. ASPECTS O F Y O R U B A C O M M E R C E IN KANO, 1912-1999 ^04 the British in Kano collected about £3,500 tax per annum on the foodstuffs and In tro d u c tio n omer goods imported by traders.4 The following chart shows the items in Kano markets This chapter analyses the salient features and the shifting patterns of Yoruba commerce ,n from Southern Nigeria during the period: Kano. It examines economic competition along ethnic and gender categories, the scale and changes in the production processes as well as capital accumulation. The chapte, TTai mk iep .4....1..: ..Im..—p o rte-d-- -G---o-o—ds- -i-n--to-- -K--a--n--o-- M arke t 1904discusses the internal trade in foodstuffs and livestock, the role of Yoruba traders in Kano Goods from so u th w es t W e ig h t (to n s ) Yoruba entrepreneurship in production processes, particularly bakery and soda soap Value (£) Yoruba women entrepreneurship as well as the dynamics of labour relations and 1 Pnnlish qoods 30 'k 5,636 10,325 employment in the construction industry. 92 ^Native cloth 3642 Vi 4 Spices, pepper, antimony and others 508 The Role of Yoruba Traders in Foodstuffs and the Livestock Trade between Kano 5 £ 1 6,833 and Yorubaland Total 130 Since the pre-colonial period, trade in agricultural produce and livestock formed the main Source: N o rth e rn N ig e ria A n n u a l R epo rt, 1904. basis of the early commercial intercourse between Yorubaland and Hausaland. Ecological or geographical variations and economic factors influenced the exchange of products in In 1912, the arrival of the railroad that linked Kano with Lagos further gave impetus to the tiovoral regions. A.G. Hopkins, observes that foodstuffs trade. The speed of the railroad reduced the effective distance between Kano ...(T)he pastoralists of the Sahara-Savanna border traded and Lagos by about three quarters and in effect made it convenient to rail vegetable livestock, dairy produce and salt with the cultivators of the (perishable) goods with minimum risk. For example, it became more convenient to (S)avana in return for millet and cloth. In turn, the (S)avanna transport eggs in boxes in large quantities from Kano to Lagos. region traded livestock, salt, dried fish, potash and cloth with the peoples of the forest, from whom they received slaves, kolanuts, During' the First World War, there was a considerable demand for foodstuffs internally as ivory, ironware and cloth. Finally, producers in the forest sold well as an external demand to support the imperial war efforts. Thus, the demand various foodstuffs and manufactures to coastal settlements in stimulated production as well as supply. The following chart indicates the increase in major exchange lor fish and sea salt.’ export commodities railed from Kano between 1917 and 1918: In mmunco, the development of the foodstuffs and livestoc^ trade during the colonial era ' mild be explained as a case of historical continuity of an economic process. As shown in llm previous chapter, in pre-colonial Kano, Yoruba traders brought lyere (West African pepper), / oru (Ethiopian pepper). Alaare (alligator pepper), kolanuts and fruits in exchange IM UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 4.2: Exports From Kano Market 1918 occurred during the period. In reality, the war period witnessed an increased trade in gari Comm odity 1917 (tons) 1918 (tons) and other foodstuffs between Western and Northern Nigeria. 1. Groundnuts 42,550 51,152 \ 2. Dried hides and skins 605 743 In 1940, a minimum of 1,190 bags of gari were exported by Ijebu Yoruba traders per week 3. Beans 3,555 4,466 to Northern Nigeria. In ^ddition, Ijebu Yoruba traders took palm oil, coconut and alligator Total 46,710 56,361 pepper from Ondo, Ibadan and Ikare to Kano in exchange for onions, beans, turkeys and Source: File S. N. P: 10/9: Kano Province Annual Report, 1918. pigeons.9 Nevertheless, Yoruba traders encountered competition from Igbo traders in the supply of gari and palm oil. For example, palm oil railed from Eha-Olumona (Onitsha In 1920, the trade in foodstuffs between Kano and Yorubaland further increased. For province) to the Northern provinces were 1,652 tons in 1938; 1,515 tons in 1939; 1, 697 example, there was increasing demand for beans and pepper in the cocoa belts of tons in 1940 and 2,413 tons in 1941.10 Equally, gari shipments from Aba to the north Yorubaland in the same manner that gari and palm oil were in great demandnn Kano. For recorded 4,011 tons in 1938, 528 tons in 1939, 3,889 tons in 1940; 5,198 tons in 1941 and example in 1929, the depressed prices for export products and the relatively high prices for 6,910 tons in 1942. In 1943, a total of 920 tons of oranges were railed to the northern imported commodities stimulated food production, principally for local consumption. 5 The provinces from Umuahia and 3, 341 tons of the same commodity from Owerri in 1944.11 north supplied the south with livestock and groundnut oil while the south sent kolanuts, After the Second World War, the increasing use of lorries and the railroad for internal trade palm oil and fruits to the north.6 In addition, the sharp decline in the import trade and further promoted the activities of the Yoruba foodstuffs and livestock traders. expansion in export trade during the period induced many Hausa and Yoruba traders to v diversify into foodstuffs trade within Nigeria. The following chart indicates the statistics of foodstuffs and livestock exported from Kano in 1949. During the Second World War, 1939-1945, the British embarked on the wartime production campaign drive. The policy was partly to secure for the British Empire and the Allies Table 4.3 : Exports From Kano Market 1949 supplies of commodities considered essential for the war as well as industrial requirements. Commodity Vo :me Estimated Value (£) To be speciiic, the production drive became expedient due to the shortage of oil and fats 1. Dried fish 2,0 00 tons 339,000 available to the Allies following the loss of the Far Eastern supplies and the failure of India as a source of supply of groundnut.7 Through propaganda, taxation and inducements, the 2. Groundnut oil 4,000 tons 160,000 colonial government desperately pushed for greater production as well as exports of 3. Onions 50,200 tons 117,000 vegetable oil product and starch. Thus, the government discouraged the foodstuffs trade 4. Vegetables 1,500 tons 155,000 within and across regions, particularly in palm produce and gari. However, the peasants 5. Honey 2 1,0 0 0 tons 6,600 resisted the policy and diverted their agricultural produce especially palm oil and gari for 6. Cattle 96,000 head 1,300,000 internal trade rather than the export trade.8 The expansion of internal trade within Nigeria was one strategy by which traders responded to the slump in the international trade which 7. .Sheep 10 2 ,0 0 0 head 160,000 8. Goats 35,000 head 45,000 1I7 1 1 6 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 9. Poultry In addition, considerable quantities of fruits from Ibadan, Ogbcmoso, llesa.Ondo and lle-lfe 350,000 head 35,000 were imported into Kano each year, particularly oranges, grapefruits, pineapples, 10. Eggs 308,000 dozen 7.700 , mangoes, and bananas. Comparatively, since 1941, the imports of kolanuts, by weight Total 969,700 £2,325,300 increased tenfold and palm oil by nine times.12 In 1951, Kano imported 10,000 tons of Source: B. E. Sharwood Smith, Kano Survey, 1950, (Gaskiya Corporation) p. 36. kolanuts from Yorubaland and exported 3,000 tons of dried salted meat ( tinko), 800,000 gallons of groundnut oil and cattle in return.13 Equally, imports into Kano in 1949 indicate the following: Trading Strategies and the Social Network of Yoruba Foodstuffs/ L ivestock Table 4.4 : Imports into Kano Market 1949 Traders in Kano Commodity The strategic position of Kano enhanced its development as a market centre. For the Volume (tons) Value (£) foodstuffs and livestock trade, two levels of commercial transactions occurred in the 1. Kolanuts 30,000 3,500,000.00 metropolis. The first involved the role of the city as depot for local and imported agricultural 2. Gam 11 ,0 0 0 350,000. produce: groundnut, rice, onions, millet, vegetables, beans (from Niger Republic) and livestock meant for export to other parts of Nigeria. Hausa, Igala, Yoruba, Ebira, Igbo and 3. Yams 3,300 73,000 Edo traders in Kano controlled the trade. At the second level, the city served as the recipient 4. Palm oil 5,600 26,000 of foodstuffs and fruits from other parts of Nigeria Until the mid-1940s, Kurmi and Rimi were the major foodstuffs markets in Kano. After the Second World War, Sabon-Gari and Yandoya 5. Sugar cane 1,800 20,00 0 markets, Kofar Nassarawa and Galadima Street served as the major depots for the 6 . Coconuts 750,000 7,400 foodstuffs trade. By 1979. the construction of Kano State investment Headquarters building at Kofar Nassarawa led to the relocation of the fruits and kolanuts markets to Yan Lemo and Total 801,700 £3,976,400.00 Mariri respectively. For the Ycuba in the foodstuffs trade, two categories of traders could be Source: B.E. Sharwood Smith, 1950, Kano Survey (Gaskiya) p. 36. identified: Alajapa and Olowoapo. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Alajapa "groundnut oil Kano Alajapa were the itinerant long distance traders. Economically, their role was significant f0r 'guinea fowl eggs Kano the distribution of products from areas of large-scale production over a wide geographical ^pried fish Maiduguri distance where such articles were essential but scarce. Thus, the Alajapa trading Source: O layem i A k in w um i, 2000, "W om en E n trep re n e u rs in N igeria : N o te s on the mechanism was lucrative but involved substantial transport risks. A high proportion of the Yoruba Alajapa and Alarobo," in Africa Update, VoL 7, Issue 3, p. 4 and fie ld w o rk in Alajapa traders, among the Yoruba, were women. They brought foodstuffs and fruits such as Sabon-G ari m arket, D ecem ber, 1999. gari, palm oil, mangoes, cashew, guavas, oranges, grapefruits, pineapples and coconuts from Ikare, Ondo, lle-lfe, Ogbomoso, Ibadan, Ijebu-Ode and llesa in exchange for groundnut At the Yanlemo market, during the harvest season, an average of ten lorries carrying 120 oil, cow skin, millet, beans, groundnut cake, eggs, onions, pepper and potash in Kano. bags of fruits arrived daily from Yorubaland and were offloaded by over 100 Hausa Usually, the Alajapa traders chartered their own lorries either as individuals or in group. in labourers. In sum, a total sum of 1,200 bags of fruits arrived in the market everyday.15 1999, it was estimated that an average Alajapa trader brought commodities worth N100, 000.00 to N200,000:00 and made a profit of N20,000.00 to W50,000.00, part of which was :» : • • In order to narrow down the social and language barriers between buyers and sellers as utilised in buying commodities for the return trade.14 There were occasions when a group of well as securing favourable terms of trade, the Yoruba women fruits traders utilised the women entrepreneurs combined their capital and traveled together to procure foodstuffs in services of commercial intermediaries Maidilalai mainly Hausa, Nupe and Yoruba who bulk from any part of the country where it was cheap. The following chart shows examples of assisted them in the sales and were rewarded on commission basis. The Maidilalai goods and places where they were procured. arranged for the offloading, storage and good prices for the fruits. Between 1996 and 1999. Maidilalai arranged a commission of N50.00 on a bag of fruits sold. A lorry load contained W. Table 4.5: Foodstuffs trade among Yoruba Women in Kano, c.1999 i about 120 bags of fruits. In a lorry therefore, a Maidilalai earned N6.000.00 per lorry for his Goods Source Towns services.16 In 1999, a bag of fruits, at the Yanlemo market attracted the following prices: Beans So' oto /Kano Big Size - N1.500.00 Yam Abuja/ Zaki Medium size - W800.00 Gari Ijebu Ode and Ikare Small size - W300.00. Rice (Imported) Lagos and Cotonou Rice (Local) Gbugbu and Mokwa In metropolitan Kano, the bulk of fruit from Western Nigeria provided gainful occupation Yam flour Kaima and Kisi and a source of income for Hausa adult males who traded in them on a retail basis along Kolanuts llesa, lie- Ife, Oke-lgbo, Ondo and Igbo- streets, in markets and through hawking. Olodumare Palm oil lle-lfe, Ondo and Ekiti-Pupa Cow skin, cow leg and dried meat Kano l * 120 12 1 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Olowoapo became a motor dealer for Peugeot Automobile Nigeria Limited, Saka Ahmed Motors at Weather Head Avenue, Sabon-Gari Kano. In Kano, Olowoapo were principally Yoruba foodstuffs traders who acted as commercial intermediaries • brokers or transporters of foodstuffs to the southern parts of Nigeria, a In 1942, Alhaji Mohammed Lawore from Ede, traded in calabashes between Ibadan and substantial number of Yoruba men and few women were involved. Essentially, they pasa in Nupeland.20 In 1 9 4 7 , he extended his business interests to Kano through one Mr. procured onions, pepper, beans, maize, dried corn, groundnut, locust beans and millet in Sani who worked with the Post and Telecommunications (P and T) Kano. With a capital of tons from rural markets or through Hausa traders and transported them to Kano for £30, he joined the foodstuffs trade in partnership with one Abdulrauf, a Yoruba trader at storage, rebulking or sales in the foodstuffs markets on a wholesale basis. As a source of Kurmi market. In 1 9 50 , another trader from Ede town, Alhaji Usman Adenle, who became economic security, Olowoapo traders pursued two different transactional patterns. First, a prominent foodstuffs trader, joined Alhaji Lawore. there is a strategy that entails purchasing large quantities of foodstuffs early in the harvest ii In 1960, prominent Yoruba foodstuffs traders formed a trading firm in the Sabon-Gari season for storage until the end of the season when it became scarce and thus j market named DS 27 -Dawa store. During the harvest seasons, they contributed capital for commanded high prices.17 Second, in order to maximise profits, Olowoapo traders utilised the purchase of foodstuffs in large quantity from the rural areas. The trading firm employed their trading network by transporting the foodstuffs by rail or road to the markets in the lj about forty workers, who were responsible for the purchase of foodstuffs and the southern part of Nigeria for higher prices. Prominent among the Olowoapo traders was transportation from the rural markets. The trading firm had seven members: Alhaji Lawore, Alhaji Abdulsalami Akanmu from Ogbomoso town. In 1920, he became the leader of the Alhaji Saka Adelabu, Alhaji Lamidi Akanmu, Alhaji Nasiru Ajani, Alhaji Lasisi Baruwa, Alhaji Yoruba foodstuffs traders, particularly beans traders at the Kurmi market.18 His house at Usman Adenle and Alhaji Bakare Owoade. Kinship and religious ties were effectively Kofar Daji, Ayagi quarters popularly known as Gidan Muramura was utilised for business utilised for the commercial network. By this, they controlled a large proportion of the transactions, storage of beans, reception and accommodation for traders. foodstuffs traded on a wholesale basis. In order to facilitate quick delivery of their goods Alhaji Akanmu employed about twenty workers to whom he advanced money for the and ensure timely turnover on their capital, the trading partners made transport procurement of beans in rural markets in Kano, Sokoto and Niger Republic. By 1945, he arrangements with the railroad authority as follows: was noted for advancing about £500 for the beans trade during the harvest season. His Monday: Vegetables (fresh goods) son, Alhaji Abdulhamid Akanmu became a prominent foodstuffs trader in Sabon-Gari and r Tuesday: Groundnut oil, eggs, onions (perishable goods). Dawanau markets. W ednesday: Pepper, dry corn, beans, locust beans, groundnuts (dry Alhaji Saka Adelabu from Osogbo, was another wealthy Olowoapo. He began his career in goods). the foodstuffs trade as a commission agent in 1947, and by 1955 he had accumulated capital that transformed him into an independent trader. From Kano, he railed onions, The goods were delivered to appointed agents at three railroad stations: llorin, Osogbo and beans, guinea fowl eggs, potatoes and groundnut oil tq» Osogbo. In 1977, he had a Lagos. Yoruba.traders were the largest buyers of beans and onions in Kano markets in the workforce of about twelve men in the foodstuffs trade and a working capital of over same manner that Hausa traders dominated the Kolanut trade in Yorubaland. Indeed, the N50.000.00.19 He invested in building in Kano and Osogbo. By the early 1980s, he commercial activities of the Olowoapo traders in Kano provided a ready market for 122 123 UNIVERSITY OF IB DAN LIBRARY agricultural products and in effect, stimulated production as well as specialisation. They manipulation and commissions. In 1999, a Laada (commission) of N20.00 was paid on a bag often advanced money to farmers to buy agricultural products in large quantity during the of beans procured by the Alagbata. On a typical market day, an Alagbata might accumulate harvest season. an income of N3,000.00 through such transactions. Indeed, through social networks, Yoruba traders formed partnerships, advanced loans and shared business strategies as well as Among the Yoruba in Kano, commercial linkages were formed through social networks Information. \ between the Alajapa and Olowoapo traders following the pattern of the pre-colonial trading arrangement: Baale (landlord) and Alagbata (stock broker or commercial In the off season (January to August), the scarcity of beans made it expensive and intermediaries) who provided a network of stock-brokers and agents.21 In several subsequently there was low demand. During the 1999 off season, a bag of beans cost instances, Olowoapo traders with sufficient capital similarly performed the roles of Baale N3.000 and thus, as few as five lorries of beans departed for Yorubaland per day.23 In sum, (Landlord) and Alagbata stock broker or commercial intermediary. As the Baale and a total of 500 to 750 bags were purchased per day at the cost of (415,000.00 to Alagbata, the Olowoapo purchased the merchandise brought by the Alajapa, provided N22.500.00. During the season, a total of 1, 500 to 2,000 bags were purchased at the cost storage facilities and accommodation or canvassed for the sales of Alajapa merchandise of -W2.000.00 per bag ( that is a total cost of between W30.000.00 and (440,000.00). to the highest bidder. For the return trade, the Olowoapo organised for the purchase of commodities at a cheaper rate through connections with Hausa foodstuff traders. Yoruba Before the end of 1999, there were twenty Yoruba men and five women Alagbata - traders pursued these transactions in order to achieve standard market measures. commercial intermediaries- in Dawanau market who controlled an average of three staff Chalfin, quoting Alexander and Alexander, argues that each. Two categories of associations existed among the Yoruba traders in the market:v Variations in supply, quality or price which may appear baffling to Egbe Agbalejo and Road Transport Workers Union (Circle B). First, Egbe Agbalejo was outsiders are not necessarily so to traders (insiders), for it is formed for effective commercial transactions between the Alajapa traders and Alagbata. precisely their ability to obtain information about these conditions, Similarly, the associations served by collectively mobilising resources against externally and to conceal it from others, which makes it possible for them to induced threats, fraud, theft or insecurity and consequently protected members’ interests. extract a living from the market p.ace.22 Fc; effective financing of its affairs, members paid N20.00 fee j.-er day.24 Second, the Road Transport Workers Union, (circle B) was organised for efficient loading and the In sum, the Alagbata traders acted as a buffer in z culturally organised market condition by transportation of beans. In 1999 a full lorry of beans to western Nigeria cost N20,000.00. performing the role of commercial intermediaries between the Yoruba Alajapa traders and The Alagbata who arranged for the transport collected a commission of 10 per cent the Hausa foodstuffs traders. Indeed, the roles of Alagbata had facilitated economic (N2,000.00) but paid W200.00 membership fee to the Union.25 security and the steady flow of foodstuffs between Kano and Yorubalaud. It should be noted that among the Yoruba traders in Kano the role of Baale in providing accommodation for the Alajapa traders did not attract any reward as a result of kinship linkages and long-term business connections. The rewards of the Baale and Alagbata were derived from the role they performed as commercial intermediaries through price 124 125 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Livestock Trade Trade in ponmon (processed and cooked cow skin), dried fish, and Tinko (dried and salted meat): In 1952, there were over ten Yoruba registered cattle dealers. Prominent among them were weStern Nigeria, ponmon (processed and cooked cow skin) constitutes an integral part of Babalola and trading company. Lasisi Ojikutu. Alhaji Yesufu Amao, Alhaji Gbadamosi the food culture among most families and a crucial source of livelihood for women. Ponmon Olude Stores, Raimi Oyeleye, Lamidi Alao, Shodipo and Trading Company and Ladipo is processed from cow skin. Annually, Yoruba traders purchased considerable tons of cow Sunmola.26 In 1953/54, a total of 35,182 cows were railed from Kano to Lagos at the cost of s.K jinnbc . Ponmon and cow leg, known as Ese Baba Kano in Yoruba, were traded at the N15.00 per cow making a total of W527,720.00.27 It rose to 56,369 in 1968/69 and 114.486 Galadima/Yankura and Fagge markets, Kano by Ftausa men and Yoruba women. In addition, in 1973/74 at the cost of W300 00 and W400.00 per cow respectively. Usually, the trade in traders supplied dried fish from Fiadejia, Gashua and Maiduguri; and dried salted meat livestock reached its peak during festivals. Yoruba and Hausa traders purchased livestock (Tinko) and bush meat from the rural markets. Women dominated the trade in ponmon, dried in large quantities at rural markets in advance of such festivals. lishand meat, among the Yoruba in Kano between 1912 and 1999. I he drought of the early 1970s affected the livestock trade between Kano and Western Trade in Guinea Fowl Eggs Nigeria. During the drought years, mortality rates among cattle herds were estimated at Yoruba women traders in metropolitan Kano maintained commercial linkages with the rural between 30 to 50 per cent. The Federal Government issued a decree banning the markets. During the season. July to October, Yoruba Muslim women were engaged in the exportation of livestock, particularly cattle from Nigeria.28 The Federal Government saies of guinea fowl eggs. In this trade, there existed two categories of women traders: first, asserted that such a policy was imperative in view of the fall in supply of cattle to some Association Ihe wholesalers who bought the eggs in large quantities from rural markets or acted as stock­parts of the country due to drought. In November 1973, the Ibadan Butcher's brokers in Kano markets for the Hausa traders. The second category was the retailers who stated that only 700 cattle reached Oyo State per day in contrast with the usual 1,600 purchased guinea fowl eggs on a small scale at specific centres in rural markets. In 1999, a cattle. Ibadan’s share of 250 cattle per day shrunk to 120.29 measurement called Kwarya (calabash) that contained 100 eggs was sold at the cost of The drought pushed the migration of Fulani pastoralists to the Savanna belt of Western W500.00. Thus, each egg cost N5.00. The retailers boiled the eggs and sold them outside the Nigeria, particularly Oyo, Iseyin, Ogbomoso, Iwo and Saki where they established household or engaged young girls in hawking them. On a retail basis, each egg cost about settlements for the purpose of cattle rearing.30 Cattle-breeding was moved into the N6.00? A young girl could sell as many as 300 eggs a day on about two to three trading trips, southernmost pastures close to the market. 31 This was partly to reduce the risk of loss of thus making a profit of about N300.00.32 In addition, a considerable volume of the guinea cattle to the drought The decline of railroad transportation equally affected the supply of fowl eggs was transported to Yorubaland in exchange for walnuts, (awusa) equally sold by cattle from the north to the south. By 1999, a high proportion of the cattle meant for Yoruba women in Kano. Western Nigerian markets were transported in large trucks due to the decline of the railroad transport. Trade in Y am /C assava F lour and Gari A m ong Y oruba T rad ers in Kano i\ The trade in elubo (yam/cassava flours) and gari exhibits a loose division of labour with traders performing the role of brokers, wholesalers and retailers. In several instances, * wealthy traders often combined these commercial roles. First, some Yoruba traders in Kano 126 127 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY markets, particularly women, served as brokers or commercial intermediaries. They relied on the supply of gari by Igbo or Yoruba traders from Ikare in Ondo state and cassava/yam flour (elubo) supplied by Arago traders from Nassarawa state and or Yoruba traders from Oke- Ogun region (Saki, Iseyin, Igboho towns) in Oyo state. The brokers in turn, supplied the wholesalers and earned an income through commission. For example, in 1960, Alhaja Sifawu Awele Badamasi, a Yoruba woman from Ofa town, emerged as one of the major brokers for cassava flour supplied by Arago women traders. Second, the brokers supplied the wholesalers particularly in the seasonal period. In periods of scarcity, Yoruba wholesale traders undertook business trips for direct purchase in the producing zones to ensure adequate supply. For example, in 1999, some Yoruba wholesale cassava flour and gari traders made direct purchases from the Nassarawa, Kaduna and Ondo States in order to bypass the brokers and thus maximise profits. Two business trips were made in a month to Jagidi market in Kaduna State for cassava flour and Ikare in Ondo State for gari. The selling price of these commodities depended on the purchase price and other expenses incurred such as transport costs, loading, offloading and commissions to agents. A bag of elubo from Jagidi market cost N400.00 and there was an additional transport cost of N100.00 per bag. In Kano, a bag of elubo was sold at N600.00 in 1999.33 Hence, traders made N 100.00 profit per bag and approximately N2.000.00 profit for a trip. Yoruba gari traders experienced competition from Arago, Igbo, Edo and Hausa in Sabon-Gari market. About fourty-five Yoruba men and women in collaboration with Arago, Hausa, Edo and Igbo traders formed a government approved Gari and Elubo Sellers Unions. Members paid W10,000.00 entrance fee and a N50.00 development fee per month.34 The trade association restricted the supply of gari and elubo in the markets to only the registered/licenced * ny 129 128 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY i Y oruba W om en Gariand P alm O il se lle rs at Y ankura M arket, K ano. S ource: F ie ld w ork in 1999 1 3 0 1 31 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY *yut ^embers. Consequently, they constituted a monopoly by controlling the Supply and determining prices of the commodities in the market. Third, some Yoruba women with inadequate working capital were also engaged as retailers * 0f gari and elubo. In this category, only a few could afford the payment of stall rents. Hence. a substantial number of the retailers squatted in the markets or traded along the roadsides or night markets in SaBon-'Gari. * •"-£ > 2 # r Yoruba Kolanuts Traders in Kano prom the 15th century, the marketing of kolanuts involved the Hausa and the Yoruba traders as both competitors and commercial intermediaries.35 By the late 19th century, the cultivation of kolanut in Yorubaland gave rise to the emergence of a new class of Yoruba and Hausa kolanuts traders who acted in competition for the supply of the commodity to Northern Nigeria.36 In Kano, Ujili market in Gwammaja quarters had been utilised since the 19,h century by Hausa wholesale kolanuts traders as a major depot. Until the establishment of Mariri kolanuts market in Kano. Kurmi. Sabon-Gari, Kofar Nassarawa markets and Galadima ^ Street were the major kolanuts depots for the Yoruba traders. By 1920, some Yoruba women became exporters of kolanuts to Kano.37 Indeed, the Yoruba kolanuts traders in Kano performed two major roles: Stock brokers/landlords and trading agents. In 1980 when the Mariri kolanuts market in Kano was established, many Yoruba men and women became baale (landlords) and alagbata (brokers) for the itinerant alajapa kolanuts suppliers. The alajapa traders brought kolanuts from various parts of Yorubaland; Ikare, llesha, Ifon, Erin, llobu, lle-lfe, Ondo, Ore, Garage Olode, Ibadan. Yoruba Women G a risellers at Yankura Market, Kano. Source: Owode, Sagamu and Oke-lgbo.38 The alajapa traders established alagbata/baale whose Fieldwork in 1999 names were inscribed on the bags of kolanuts for easy identification and supply. The baale or alagbata provided a wide range of commercial services that facilitated profitable and smooth transactions such as the sale of commodities brought by the alajapa to Hausa » 132 S r 133 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY traders in the market and informal banking services. Alhaja Kuburatu Filani from llesa t0vv yoruba G roundnut Traders was the pioneer Yoruba women kolanut alagbata and baale in Mariri market.39 12 the potential of Kano as the commercial emporium in northern Nigeria was further 10 engthened by the groundnut trade.'2 Indeed, the European firms employed indigenous In 1999. there were over 170 alagbata and baale in Mariri market. An average alagbata had apprentices. A workforce of between two to ten labourers was recruited from among both traders who had established a network of social relations and working capital in theHabsa Hausa and Yoruba youths. Apprentices were employed for storage, repair and bulking 0f kolanuts trade as middlemen.43 Most of the Hausa traders had earlier traversed Yorubaland. varieties of kolanuts. During poor market conditions, they were engaged as kolanuts sellers and thus were quite acquainted with the people as trading partners in kolanuts. cattle, hides or hawkers in Kano markets. They were paid N20.00 daily for their services. Equally. Yoruba and skins, -cloth and European goods. This commercial process continued in the groundnut women traders in Kano were engaged in the purchase of kolanuts from the alagbata on a trade For example, Umaru Sharubutu Koki. Alhasan Dantata, Adamu Jakada, Maikano retail basis, which they sold in Kano markets. Agogo and Maman Nagoda started their commercial careers in the exchange of trading articles between Kano. Gonja and Yorubaland.44 The commercial activities of these Hausa During the produce season, between May and October. 50 lorry loads of kolanuts arrived in middlemen generated considerable employment. the Mariri market from Yorubaland. especially on market days (Saturdays). Apart from being Some foreign commercial firms provided credit facilities known as "trust" to groundnuts a market. Kano equally served as a transit station or depot for kolanuts meant for the Maidugun market. An Alajapa trader supplied about 104 bags of kolanut. on a single trip at middlemen, f or the trade in export crops, liberal credit was a feature of European traders. 5 the cost of W800.00 each in 1999 40 Indeed, the credits were considered as an advance of capital for trading purposes with the main objective of creating a monopoly and thus, excluded or limited competition. The trust In the Mariri Kolanut market, Yoruba traders acted as intermediaries between the alajapa capital was a form of credit by which goods were entrusted to groundnut middlemen by traders from Yorubaland and the Hausa traders. The alagbata received the kolanuts supplied foreign merchants in the pre-harvest season for the purchase of groundnut. by the Alajapa, sold them and remitted the money. A commission of N20.00 was paid to the Alagbata per bag.41 In effect, Yoruba, trader; in Kano served as principal agents in the The groundnut trade attracted considerable numbers of Yoruba traders who set up their commercial linkage between Yorubaland and Hausaland. Indeed, their commercial exploits weighing machines along roads leading from rural areas for the purchase of groundnuts from facilitated the free flow and adequate supply of goods. By 1997, the alagbata/baale in the farmers.46 Commercial experience in the coastal trade with Europeans and the kolanuts Mariri kolanut market established a trade guild. Over 170 members contributed N10.00 as trade provided the Yoruba traders a niche in the groundnut trade. However, most of them fees per week for assisting members who experienced fraud, accident or armed robbery became sub-agents in the service of Hausa and Syrian traders as a result of inadequate attack or trade deficit. In addition, the accumulated capital provided short term loans for working capital. Hausa and Syrian traders in their rivalry with each other, lent weighing members. In a similar manner, Yoruba women, organised a trade association that was machines, supplied empty bags and advanced capital to the Yoruba traders. The objective independent of the general association established together with the male traders. The was to create monopolies or exclusive spheres of trade. % women trade association mobilised resources for the adequate supply and distribution of kolanuts among its membership. N50.00 each was paid as fees per month. 134 135 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In their dealings with the rural areas, groundnut intermidiaries employed the "trust” Fajemisin established himself as a groundnut trader in Kiyawa 52 In 1929. he used his lorries extensively to guarantee adequate supplies of produce. Th^re were allegations of fraudulent for the foodstuffs trade between Kano and Ibadan. He invested money derived from'the*" practices in the credit transaction. For example, in the 1913 groundnut season, there were groundnut and foodstuffs trades in buying plots of land and estates in Sabon-Gari, Kano. He cases of Yoruba in Kano who allegedly imposed prices on the peasants. By this, they made held the post of Secre\pry-General Sabon-Gari Plot Holders Association in 1943.53 In 1944, * profits by resale to the merchants. Their profit often amounted to £1 per ton. In addition he became one of the auctioneers of the British. He auctioned plots of land not only in some were alleged to have ran away with the capital advances collected from firms. One firm Sabon-Gari but also in the neighbouring residential areas such as Gwagwarwa. By 1948, reported that it lost as much as £800 per year on such advances while another reported a Fajemisin, was one of the richest Yoruba traders in the Sabon-Gari market.54 Fajemisin was loss of £500 lent to a groundnut intermediary.47 Nonetheless, European firms continued to a prominent member of the Action Group (A.G.). extend credit mainly because it was indispensable to trade and the competition that kept There were other categories of Yoruba groundnut traders who acted as sub-agents for them in business.48 But the colonial authority directed the Comptroller of Customs to inspect Yoruba, Hausa and Leventine traders. Prominent among them were M. O. Origboye from produce offered for sale at the ports and interior markets. Vendors who contravened the Akunu Akoko, C. A. Giwa from Ekiti. for Momoh Nagoda; S. A. Fajemisin who was an agent standard regulations were fined. In Kano, the purchase of groundnut was centralised in order of the U. A. C. between 1920 and 1950; llesanmi Awoloto from Owo, an agent of Alhassan to exert government control over transactions. In 1917, the intermediaries were described as Dantata between 1930 and 1950; Stephen Olayinka Okolo from Awe, an agent of the ‘a mere parasite of the industry, whose operations add to the price, but not to the value of an Lebanese and Syrians between 1920 and 1950 and J. S. Adebayo from Abeokuta, an a^fcnt article. 9 Their multiplication, a scenario Lugard described as ‘an undesirable influx of aliens of Olude Stores between 1930s and 1950s.55 Before the end of the Second World War. ' from the south,’ was considered a burden on trade.50 about six Yoruba groundnut agents emerged in Kano, namely Adigun, Adedehinbo, Amac,-^ Funsho, Jose and Babalola who operated in competition with Igbo entrepreneurs.58 In this In 1920, the groundnut boom transformed Yoruba enterprise in the groundnut trade. First, the way, Hausa farmers and traders; European, Syrian and Levatine firms, and Yoruba traders middlemen position or Hausa merchants was challenged by the influx of Levantine and Arab were involved in a complex hierarchy, inteconnected market relations and credit. immigrants who provided capital and offered commissions to Yoruba groundnut buying agents. Second, the commercial opportunities in trading during the inter-war period enabled In addition, by the late 1940s, there were 950 middlemen directly accredited to the European many Yoruba staff of the European firms to resign and become independent traders. For firms. An estimate of 2,000 to 2,500 buying agents delivered groundnut to these middlemen example, S. A. Fajemisin from llesa resigned from the services of the United African and between 3,500 to 4,500 sub-agents, mostly Hausa. Igbo, Yoruba and Levantine Arabs Company and became a groundnut agent for the Company. He employed about five clerks were employed. Some groundnut middlemen such as Alhassan Dantata provided capital of and buying agents.51 £500 to £1,000 as advances, which were distributed to farmers through his agents.57 The agents were offered commissions of £15 to £20 per ton of groundnuts purchased. The commissions represented about two per cent of the produce price with transport and other ' related expenses excluded. The meager earnings of the sub-agents were not sufficient to make up capital to qualify them as licenced agents.58 136 137 UNIVERSITY OF IBAD N LIBRARY Although Yoruba traders operated with small capital, small stocks and low profits, they believe in the need for any court procedure to collect his provided the essential commercial linkages between the Hausa merchants and the farmers money. To him, the power to enforce payment was both ^ Lqually' ,he transport and clerical services provided by the Yoruba equally aided the growth extensive and ethical, and vested in the creditor.1 of the groundnut trade. For example, Alhassan Dantata, a groundnut trader, had about thirty, six lorries for the groundnut trade and employed drivers who were mainly Yoruba, Hausa and The Ijesa through Osomaalo introduced the hire-purchase system into the Nigerian business Ghanaians. His senior and personal driver was Alhaji Abdul Salami, a Yoruba driver from ethos They sell imported cloths and collect money, forcibly atimes, over agreed periods of Ikirun lown. Alhaji Abdul Salami worked with Alhassan Dantata between 1930 and 1949, fjrst time.1" as a groundnut lorry driver then as his personal driver. In 1949, he bought two Dodge and Husting lorries from Alhassan and his son, Sanusi Dantata, and thus became an independent Osomaalo traders started trading on loot but later used bicycles. From 1912, the contruction transporter.59 ol Lagos-Kano railroad further gave impetus to Osomaalo trading activities in northern Nigeria, especially Morin, Dida, Minna, Pategi, Lokoja, Zaria and Kano. Despite the Ijesa (Osomaalo) Textile Traders expensive nature of the Osomaalo cloths compared to those in urban markets and the Ijesa Yoruba were traditionally associated with Osomaalo itinerant or long distance textile lorceful debt collection methods, rural dwellers continued to patronise Osomaalo traders trading. The Osomaalo textile trade denotes a credit system in which prospective buyers since they had no alternative67 The rural neglect under colonial rule with the apparent lack were persuaded to pay installmentally. It was a trading strategy that was traditionally used by ol infrastructure and the high cost of transportation made the patronage of Osomaalo » the Ijesa Yoruba traders. In the Osomaalo credit system, the normal price of clotti was inevitable. Ultimately, Osomaalo thrived on the contradictions in the British colonial policies. increased two fold. The buyer paid the first half, which was the real value of the cloth, while The local production of textile declined not only because of the colonial demand for raw the other half was paid installmentally on a monthly basis. Osomaalo was local adaptation ol cotton, 'cotton imperialism,’ but the shift of labour to agricultural production. The low prices European business strategies during the period of legitimate trade.60 The word Osomaalo paid by the British firms for cash crops produced in the rural areas affected people s ability to was derived from the Ijesa statement, 'Oso ni maalo kiml to gboomi' meaning, I shall stay buy imported textile without credit. During the depression, prices ol produce were low and here (in front of debtor's hois^) in squatting position until my money is paid,’61 or 'I w ill: ^uat taxes were high which led to shrinkage in living standard. down until I’m paid.’62 The Osomaalo trader was reputed to be an entrepreneur who did not entertain the idea of a ‘bad debt.’ The Osomaalo credit system permit the seller to recover In Kano, Osomaalo was the major commercial identity among the early Ijesa migrant traders. outstanding debts by force from any customer who might have defaulted in the instalmental In order to aculturate into the local society, many Osomaalo Christian traders adopted payments for goods purchased. Osomaalo often used force as the last resort to recover debt (business) Muslim names. A network of businesses was developed between the Ijesa textile by demonstration his nuisance value when dealing with a stubborn debtor.6'' As Aluko wholesalers who sold on credit both within the city and their agents (retailers) in the rural emphasised, a;eas. The wholesalers supplied the retailers cloth on a credit basis. The Osomaalo system reached its height about 1929 as a result of the scarcity of imported cloth 68 A high proportion The Osomaalo credit system resembled thdt of the of male and female Ijesa Yoruba migrants were engaged in the Osomaalo trade. Europeans, but from the initial stage, its credit cycle recognised no debt as bad, neither did the Osomaalo 138 139 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Although the Osomaalo trade was lucrative, it was equally risky and labour intensive Ty yoruba Auto-Spare Parts Traders in Kano■ rjg Ijesa Osomaalo male traders travelled between Kano and rural areas. Very often, debts were The ®auto-spare part& trade began in Lagos in 1920 as part of the commercial enterprise oL^ recovered through provocative disputes and created commercial mistrust. Ijesa women _orT,e expatriates and some indigenous motor dealers. For example, J. Allen and Company Osomaalo traded in textiles, creams, jewelries, metal plates, baby wears, and metal water L niited. W. A. Dawodu^J. D. E. Abiola and other motor dealers established auto-spare parts * containers in the city or to nearby distance rural areas.69 shop5 aS subsidiaries of their transport companies.71 In 1950, sotne Yoruba who worked as store keepers with the U.A.C. Motors, C.F.A.O. Motors Limited and Leventis Motors Limited During the 1930s and 1940s, Osomaalo traders supplied imported cloths in many parts of became auto-spare parts dealers for the companies or acted as independent traders. northern Nigeria. They brought imported machine-cloth from urban markets to sell in rural areas on credit. Osomaalo traders occupied marketing gap in the distribution of machine- Indeed, the establishment of vehicle overhauling or repair workshops gave a boost to the woven cloth, which was later, filled when better roads and motor transport gave rural dwellers auto-spare parts trade. In Kano, some pioneer spare parts traders were the Lebanese, Igbo easier access to large urban markets. Osomaalo traders also supplied imported cloths used and Yoruba former staff of the motor companies or repair workshops, the Northern Electrical inmmaking school uniforms.70 Engineering Company established in 1955 by Yoruba artisans in Kano, and the Ijesa Osomaalo traders.73 For example, one of the pioneer auto-spare parts traders in Kano was By 1950, some Ijesa Yoruba Osomaalo traders became wealthy and competed with the Baba Olu, an Ijesa Yoruba and a former employee of the U. A. C., Kano. In 1955, he had Lebanese textile traders in the Kwari market, Kano. Prominent among them were Adewusi established his auto-spare parts shop at Galadima Road. Igbo transporters, in particular Omole, Osobu Arowosegbe, Baba Okere and Shuaibu. Wealthy Osomaalo traders organised Jideofor, Joseph Ojukwu, C. A. Udefuna, Z. C. Okonkwo, J. C. Moneke and P. E. Najofor/' apprenticeship vschemes for the expansion of their businesses and their capital base. sold spare parts. Apprentices were recruited from kinship networks. For a start, the master gave apprentices £10 to £20 to trade for them. On completion of the apprenticeship scheme, which lasted for In I960, Chief J. O. Ogundare, an Osomaalo trader, became a lorry transporter along the two to three years, apprentices were given £10 working capital for their own businesses. Gezawa- Jogana route and was one of the leading spare parts traders in Kano. Fie was one Over the years, the Osomaalo strategy produced generations of prominent Ijesa Yoruba of the agents oi Odutola Tyresole, Kano, Michelin; R. I Briscoe and the U.A.C. Motors. In entrepreneurs. A considerable number of Ijesa Yoruba migrants to Kano before the 1967- 1964, more Igbo entrepreneurs who had been displaced by the Northernisation policy in the 1970 civil war were involved in Osomaalo. groundnut trade moved into the spare parts trade, but their enterprise was disrupted by the Civil War 1967- 1970. During Civil War period, Yoruba spare parts traders consolidated their From 1970, however, the expanding textile commerce, the spread of western education trading positions. among the Flausa and new economic opportunities occasioned by the oil boom, contributed to the decline of Osomaalo trading activities. They equally faced competition from Flausa and Nupe textile traders. Osomaalo traders invested their capital in transport and com mill trade. In 1970, when many Igbo traders returned to Kano, they invested mostly in auto-spare parts In the transport sector, Osomaalo traders practiced the vehicle hire purchase scheme under Between 1970 and 1975, Yoruba and Igbo traders were engaged in stiff competition/5 This which he could repossess the vehicle if the buyer defaulted in the instalmental payments. was partly because the trade became lucrative in the era of the oil boom and Udoji Salary^ (Aluko: 27). 5* 141 140 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Awards which led to the expansion in the road transport sector, and the purchase of vehicles The Association has nine zones in metropolitan Kano: Abuja (France) Road, Niger Road. by civil servants and others. Awolowo (Church) Road, Ogbomoso (Yoruba) Road, Emir Road, New Road, Upper Court fload. Yankura and Katsina Road. Each of the zones organised meetings on monthly In 1980, over 60 per cent of the auto-spare parts trade in Kano was controlled by the lgb0 basis. General meetings were held twice a year in June and November. Members paid a due to apprenticeship schemes, adequate capital outlays, the manufacturing of auto-spare month!'/ subscription of N200.00 and dealers receipts were issued at J4500.00, fines parts at Nnewi. international business networks and above all cultural strategies Indeed, the Ml.000.00 and admission fee of N1,000.00. Igbo’s inclination to take risks in business accounts for their supremacy over the Yoruba in the auto-spare parts trade. Through clan solidarity and networks. Igbo entrepreneurs Yoruba Women Traditional Herbalists in Kano. displaced Yoruba competitors and rapidly established a virtual monopoly in the wholesale In metropolitan Kano, Yoruba women enterprises in traditional medicine (agbo ewe-omo and retail spare parts trade. and !eku-leja) represent a cultural manifestation of a trading community. Their services included ritual or religious affairs, concoctions for different stages in children’s development On 30th August, 1996, two prominent auto spare parts dealers in Kano: Chief Eugene such as teething, walking and other health care and herbal remedies for adult diseases or Onwuka (Igbo) and Chief S.O. Ajala (Yoruba) spearheaded the formation of a multi-ethnic ailments. Auto Spare Parts Dealers Association, Kano 76 The Association was aimed at helping A striking feature of the herbalist profession was its kinship orientation in recruitment or members during problems, especially robbery attacks, debt recovery and settlement of training. In Yoruba tradition, training or recruitment in herbalist skills was considered disputes. It was similarly aimed at assisting the police in curbing criminal activities by issuing sacred. As such, in most instances parents bequeath the knowledge to their spare parts dealers' receipts to members. Members were instructed against transactions in descendants.70 Training takes a long time for adequate knowledge of herbal remedies for stolen spare parts and vehicles. Pioneer meetings were held at Nnewi Hall. No.22, New diseases. Subsequently, herbal knowledge was limited to family units or kinship groups. Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano.77 In 1997, the secretariat of the Association was established in the house of the grand patron, Chief J. O/Ogundare at Ogbomoso Avenue, Sabon-Gari. Kano. In Kano, the Aiyegoro, an Awori family from Lagos pioneered the production of agbo, a The multi-ethnic trade Association had Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba as members. Yoruba traditional herbal medicine for fever and other ailments.79 Alhaja Wusamotu Aiyegoro migrated to Kano in search of expanded market opportunities. She trained her Membership spread across ethnic groups as follows: siblings and invited her sisters from Lagos who joined in the business. They included Igbo - 65 per cent Motayo Aiyegoro, lya Abiba, Sidikat Ayeigoro, Abata Ajose and Medinat Lasisi. Yoruba - 30 per cent Edo - 25 per cent In 1975, there were about twenty-nine Yoruba women herbal medicine sellers in Sabon- R a u s a 10 per cent * Gari market and about five in Yakasai and Kurmi markets.80 There was competition i Source: The Secretariat of Auto-Spare Parts Dealers Association, Kano. between Hausa and Yoruba herbalists in terms of access to raw materials and market Yoruba women formed trading links with Hausa hunters or traders from the rural areas who 142 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY supplied skins and parts of wild animals such as wolf, hyena, porcupine, boa-constrictor ' the male folk for sexual ailments further boosted llorin women entreprises in Kano. In 1990. heads and feathers of birds such as hawk, vulture, bat, owl and, pigeon. Itinerant Yoruba ■ they were over 500 who resided in residential suburbs including Kurna Asabe, Bachirawa. traders from Oja 'Ba market. Ibadan, usually supplied tree bark, roots and leaves caiied egbogi. In addition, they sold local medicine ingredients including black soap (ose dudu) and Bijia Lemo. In 1999, a cup of agbo was sold for W 10.00. In sum, a woman might sell ginger, alligator pepper, spices, cowry shells, sponge, animal horns and palm kernel oil agbo worth W2.000 a day and received a commission of about W200.00 for her services.91 (adi).• ,n the 1990s. apprenticeship scheme was introduced in the herbalist profession. Apprentices paid W5.000.00 to W10.000.00 fees for five years training. Yoruba women Herbalists at Yankura Market, Kano. Source: Fieldwork in 1999 In the herbalist profession, two types of commercial relationships existed between Yoruba ,nen and women: complimentarity and competitive (relationships). At the complimentary level. Yoruba women provided essential ingredients for the Yoruba men herbalists. Competition was of two categories: from Yoruba men who practised herbalism in Kano and the itinerant herbalists who sold agunmu (herbal powder), syrups and soaps for various ailments. They traversed major markets and streets in metropolitan Kano. Yoruba men and women herbalists jointly formed a trade association known as Elewe-omo. The association organised a co-operative venture N100.00 to W200.00 was contributed by members on weekly basis, which they collected in rotation.82 Yoruba herbalists periodically organised Trado-Medicine Trade Fairs at the Ado Bayero Square, Sabon-Gari, Kano. Another trade association was Oredola Cultural Club, which was formed in May 1999 as an association of Yoruba men and women herbalists.83 It was formed for the mutual assistance of members. Meetings were scheduled weekly and members paid W50.00 as dues. As a trade guild, the club maintained professional discipline and dealt severely with amateur herbalists or fraudsters. The association had its own police Olopa egbe who maintained security and "arrested" • In 1980, the trade in herbal medicine had taken two major dimensions: hawking of agbo erring members. The association organised Ajo (weekly contribution) in which they and apprenticeship scheme. A high proportion of women (mostly unmarried or single contributed money and collected in rotation to aid members' businesses. The association mothers) who engaged in hawking of agbo for fever and piles were mostly Muslims from similarly assisted in treating the clients of members with complicated cases. They bought llorin town. Usually, they were recruited by mistresses whom they worked for while herbal medicine in bulk and shared among members. The club was registered with the receiving training. The increasing urbanisation and large market for (agbo) mainly among 144 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Kano State Government and collaborates, with the Kano State Herbal Association 0f 1962 ‘he number of Ijebu women soda soap makers had increased to over 300 which Gargajiya in maintaining professional ethics. " rther influenced employment of labour and training.89 They concentrated mostly in the gabon-Gari market. Through kinship and social networks, the Ijebu women soda soap Ijebu Women Entrepreneurs in the Soda Soap Industry vprs formed a trade guild. The target was production regulation for the control of supplies into the market and the stability of prices. Thus, a production chart was drawn with During the Second World War, import restrictions stimulated the development of |0ca| lembers taking production turns. The quantity and schedule of production was arranged industries for the manufacture of essential commodities such as soap, milk, sugar and according to seniority. For example, while the senior soda soap makers prepared between other commodities.84 Indeed, the limited shipping space and the closure of many export three to six barrels in two weeks, the new entrants prepared only one barrel of soda soap in markets in Europe led to acute shortages and consequently high pnces for imported goods fifteen days.90 The strategy was to limit competition and prevent surplus production that Thus, local materials were utilised for the production of import substitutes. Between ig48 c0Uld lead to a fall in prices. For implementation, officials were appointed among the and 1952, a total of four applications were received for the establishment of soap factories in Kano.85 members to monitor production schedules. Defaulters were fined two shillings or banned from production for.a,specific period of time. Although.the informal production arrangement Among the Yoruba, the traditional soap industry was revived to cater for the scarcity during lacked the anonymity of free enterprise, it allowed soda soap makers to maximise profits. the war. In addition, the Wesleyan Mission at Sagamu encouraged the local production of By 1985, however, there was a distortion in the production schedule of the trade guild. Tne soap from coconut ingredients.86 Further attempts were made by Ijebu women who had production sites of soda soap were relocated to Yandoya market and Kwanar Ungogo due been trained by the Christian Missionary centres in the production of soda soap. The major to the fire outbreaks and the subsequent rebuilding and reorganisation of the Sabon Gan ingredients for soda soap production include palm oil and caustic soda. By the end of the market. Thus, the trade guild became weakened in its operation, and subsequently, Second World War, a considerable number of Ijebu women were employed or engaged in individual soda soap makers embarked upon production according to capacity. A the soda soap production due to its lucrative nature and wider market. Soda soap substantial volume of soda soap was usually produced during the dry (harmattan) season, production became an exclusive preserve of the Ijebu women who spread the skill to other since heat and rainwater destroy caustic soda and the production processes. During the parts of Nigeria. I Kano, Madam Bewaji Adebola Badejo pioneered soda soap production. period,'an average soda soap maker produce'500 trays of soda soap per day. A tray After her training at Ijebu-lgbo, she began the production of soda soap at Ibadan. In 1950, contains five dozens of soda soap and in sum, a total of 30,000 soda soap per day. Ijebu she joined her husband who owned Adebola Printing Press in Kano.87 women soda makers started competing fiercely for markets. Of the 200 soda soap makers Initially, the production of soda soap began on a small scale due to competition from the that relocated to Yandoya market in 1985, only fifty remained in 1999. indigenous Hausa Sabulu'soap. In 1955. soda soap became popular due to its perceived medical capacity for curing exaema and skin rashes among other uses. Subsequently, the Labour Recruitment in Soda Soap Industry prospects for lucrative enterprise in the soda soap industry induced the migration of other Ijebu women to Kano. These included lya Saanu, Raliat Agt^aje, Ajoke Adesina, Anike In terms of labour recruitment, the soda soap industry exhibited an uncommon gender Quadri, Nimota Olarenwaju and Mama Sule.88 division of labour. Hau5a men were employed by Yoruba women for the labour intensive 147 146 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY soda soap production as casual workers, particularly during the dry season when labour Table 4. 6 : Employment and Wage Rate in Soda Soap Industry in 1999 had been released from the agricultural sector in the rural areas. In 1999, an average Yoruba women soda soap maker employed between ten to Twelve Hausa casual labourer' as follows: s S/N Job Description Wage Rate 1. Mairuwa: fetching water N 25.00 per 10 gallonsV 2. Heating/frying of palm oil W150.00 per barr.el | 3- Suba: mixture/stirring of caustic soda W 900.00 per 1 barrel of caustic soda i vwith .heated palm oil and 2 barrels of palm oil 4. Gongoni: arrangement of soda soap N 5 0 d r ^ f5 0 6 l r a y s ^ ; ' cans on trays 5. Aikin Soda: measurement of Soda soap W500.00 per trays into the cans 6. Yipara: removal of soda soap from cans N500.00 per 500 trays (30,000 soda soap) 7. Apati: supply of wooden cartons N20.00 per carton 8. Takarda: supply of papers N2.400.00 per 10 dozen 9. Kasa Apati: preparing the cartons with N20.00 per 10 carton paper. Dare Soda: packing and rope 10. N 100.00 per 10 cartons tightening of cartons. Tiric j : total cover and sealing of cartons 11. N100.00 per 10 cartons for long distance trade (for example export to Niger Republic) 12. Alaru: head loading of soda soap N55.00 per 10 cartons Hausa workers at Yoruba women Soda Soap production sites at Yankura Market, cartons to the markets or motor parks Kano. Source: Fieldwork in 2000 TOTAL N 5,300.00 Source: Fieldwork in Yandoya Market, 1999. 148 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Distribution Network in Soda Soap Industry Cost of Production in Soda Soap Industry For the distribution of soda soap products, Yoruba women entrepreneurs formed an Since the mid-1980s, the Structural Adjustment Programme generated deepening economic informal clientele network with Hausa traders who were engaged as Maidilalai- crises that led to inflation in the costs of goods and services. In essence, the cost of local and commercial intermediaries and paid on a commission basis for quick delivery of the soda imported capital goods or raw materials increased substantially. For the soda soap industry soap products. Between two to three Yoruba women entrusted their soda soap products the cost of imported caustic soda, locally produced palm oil and fuel (wood) increased by to an appointed (Maidilalai). particularly at the Singer (wholesale) market, who remitted more than 100 per cent in 1999. The following chart shows the prices of caustic soda, palm money within three days.92 In 1999, there were over fifteen soda soap (Maidilalai) in the oil and fuel (wood) ancMabqur costs in;-1999^ ̂ dinner market who collected a commission of N50.00 per carton. Equally. Yoruba women soda soap makers used theirlVadihg rtbtw'orks by distributing soda soap products to ^ ^ Table 4.7: Prices in Soda Soap Industry in 1999 major markets in Funtua, Saulawa, Katsina, Daura, Keffi, Nguru; to rural markets and for S/N Commodity Labour export to Niger Republic.Price 1. Caustic soda: supplied by Yoruba traders W15,600.00 per barrel 2. Palm oil: supplied by Igbo traders N13,500.00 per barrel Capital Accumulation in Soda Soap Industry In the soda soap industry, the Ijebu Yoruba women entrepreneurs generated income from 3. Fuel (wood): supplied by Hausa traders N1,000.00 per ton (head load) two interrelated ways: first, the sales of "waste” products such as charcoal, ashes, lids 4. Labour W5.300.00 and empty barrels constituted a source of income. For example, in 1999. an empty barrel TOTAL of caustic soda or palm oil cost N500.00.93 An average of fifteen empty barrels were sold W36,400.00 by an individual per week. Therefore, a sum of W7.500.00 could be earned per week from Source: Fieldwork in Yandoya Market, 1999. the sale of empty barrels alone. Table 4.8: Prices of Soda Soap Products in 1999. S/N Volume Price Second, in 1999, despite the cost of production inputs and low production capacity, a 1. Carton of Soda soap (16 dozens) W1,350.00 soda soap maker earned a profit ranging from W5,000.00 to W10,000.00 per week. About 2. 1 Dozen W80.00 70 per cent of the Yoruba women entrepreneurs in the soda soap industry operated 3. 1 Soda soap W7.00 matrifocal families (female headed households) and controlled their own income.94 4. 1 Plate of Soda soap pieces W80.00 TOTAL W1,517, 100. 00 Source: Fieldwork in Yandoya Market, 1999. > ♦ 150 151 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Yoruba Entrepreneurs in the Bakery Industry ^ season. They were employed as casual workers.103 In 1994, a bakery casual worker Pioneer bakers in Kano were Ghanaians and Sierra-Leoneans but the Lebanese received 1430.00 per day and a food subsidy. Some of the Hausa workers later introduced modern bakery technology. In 1930, a Ghanaiah baker called Ruwan Daai established bakeries and started competing with the Yoruba bakers. Hausa confectionery established a bakery at Yoruba Road (now Ogbomoso Avenue), Sabon-Gari, Kano |n traders at the Singer market who were agents for the Nigerian Flour Mills and Golden Penny Flour Mills supplied major ingredients such as flour, sugar and yeast. 1938, Walker, a Sierra-Leonean whose father was a baker in Lagos established a bakery at Aitken Road (now Ogoja Avenue), Sabon-Gari. Kano.95 This was followed, in 1944, by In 1990, some Yoruba entrepreneurs began the small-scale production of polythene bags another bakery established by Madam Baadi, an Asaba woman. The production of bread for the bakery industry as well as other commercial uses. The basic raw materials for was on a small scale due to the low level of technology and limited market. Indeed, the plastic bag, mainly Escorine, Broalis were purchased from Lagos, Ibadan and Kano. In market for bread was low and was mainly purchased by the migrant communities in 1999, the sizes and prices of polythene bag produced for the bakery industry were as Sabon-Gari, Kano, the European and Asian communities in Kano. It was a new food item follows. to the host community who were traditionally used to Gurasa, a similar food.96 During the Table 4.9: Prices of Polythene Bag Products in 1999 Second World War, a Lebanese baker, Seman Moukari, established the first modern S/N Size of Value/size of Quantity Price bakery in Kano.97 Plastic Bag Bread (41,600.00 1 7/12 (410.00 - 4412.00 1 Carton (10 Bundles) in 1950, Ijebu entrepreneurs established about five bakeries in Kano. These included ?. 8 VS> /15 (425.00 1 Carton (10 Bundles) (42,600.00 Anfani Bakery at Sanyaolu Street established by Mr. Onamusi from Ijebu-ltele and 3. 10/16 {430.00 1 Carton (10 Bundles) (43,500.00 Olusola Bakery established by Ijebu entrepreneurs through a partnership between 4. 11/18 1440.00 1 Carton (10 Bundles) (45,000.00 Tugbobo and Ogundowo of the Holy Trinity Church. Kano.98 The 1950s witnessed the 5. 13/15 (440.00 (Round 1 Carton (10 Bundles) (45,500.00 establishment of more modern bakeries in Kano by the Lebanese using capital from the Bread) groundnut trade. In 1964, Danta: Bakery was established as an attempt by an ' Source: Fieldwork at M. Q. Falade, Fal Poly Products, Er.iir Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano in indigenous entrepreneur.99 In 1976/77, the bakery industry in Kano State employed about 1999. 5697 workers.100 About 467 bakery establishments in Kano State produced, on the average, about 14330,000.00 worth of bread per day or almost (4120 million per year. On About thirty-five polythene-products enterprises owned by the Yoruba in Kano supplied a monthly basis, the industry spent over (4561,800.00 on wages.101 some bakers and wholesale traders in Singer market. The nature of the commercial transaction of bread is a "cash and carry" business. The wholesale supply and demand took In 1980, there were more than thirty-five Yoruba bakers in Kano. Prominent among them place mostly at the bakery and in some cases through direct delivery to the appointed were Sabon Kudi Bakery, Mecca Medina Bread, Alhaji Giwa Bread, Alhaji Otun Bread, wholesalers. In metropolitan Kano, Yoruba women, through hawking along streets, motor Kings Bakery, D.’Ftex Bakery. Betty's Clean Bread, Oredola Bakery, Allah Is One Bakery parks, markets, schools and business centres, dominated the distribution of bread loaves. and Amana Bakery. 102 The workforce in the . Yoruba owned bakeries were largely By 1999, they started to experience stiff competition from Hausa men and Igbo women. recruited from among the Hausa host communities and rural migrants during the dry 152 153 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY One of the prominent Yoruba bakers in Kano was Daniel Olaniran, the proprietor of D. Rex Yoruba Enterprises in the Construction Industry Bakery (Albarka Bread), Kano. He was born at Owu, Abeokuta in 1935. Between 1948 and Although the colonial labour policies were based, to some extent, on forced labour for the 1952 he attended Baptist Day School, Abeokuta for his Standard IV education. In 1952, his construction of roads, railroads, officials’ residences, prisons and barracks, Yoruba father’s brother. E. A. Akintobi invited him to Kano. Akintobi had earlier settled at Garin artisans who specialised in various skills were employed as wage labourers in such Gabas, Hadejia Emirate, as a groundnut and foodstuffs trader. As an illiterate businessman projects. In 1909, the building construction projects of the Public Works Department he requested the services of Olaniran who acted as his clerk and interpreter. He was paid (PWD) were awarded on contracts to some Arab contractors who perhaps had the capital £1 salary per month.104 In 1956, he left the services of Akintobi because of the low wage he and expertise to execute such projects.108 Some of the Arab contractors employed about received. He enrolled as an apprentice at Otun Photos, Kano. 1000 men on 6-9 pence wage per day.109 From the early 1920s, Kano city witnessed the construction of capital projects embarked upon by the colonial administration. The In 1959, he received £5 from his parents at Owu and entered the foodstuffs trade. In August expansion of the construction industry meant more employment and income for Southern 1959, he joined D. O. Balogun Tailoring Centre at 50 Niger Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano. He Nigerian artisans such as bricklayers, painters, carpenters and technicians. spent three years in apprenticeship and paid £6 training fee. In 1962, he bought a sewing machine at the rate of £30 from PZ; Kano, and paid £5 for a refrigerator. He opened a During the Second World War, the strategic nature of Kano further facilitated the provision store and a tailoring workshop at 29 Weather Head Avenue, Sabon-Gari Kano. He construction of roads, military barracks and residential quarters. By 1943, occupational had four apprentices. In 1964, he was appointed a dealer for British Petroleum. He deposited statistics in Sabon-Gari Kano indicated 695 labourers, 309 carpenters, 40 painters and £360 for a dealer’s license.105 The petrol service station was located at the Airforce Base, 28 contractors.110 Some of the Yoruba contractors were engaged in the construction of Kano. He made a profit of £30 per month. By the end of 1965, the fuel business became the Kano Aerodrome. For example, Joseph O. Ajayi, a registered contractor had about bankrupt. Olaniran resigned his dealership and became a distributor for PZ. G. B. Ollivant 6 sub-registered contractors under him who supplied sand, bricks and corrugated iron and John Holt. He received a commission of one per cent on goods he distributed. The 1966 sheets for the construction of the Aerodrome. An average of thirteen labourers, mostly coups and the subsequent Civil War affected his business because most of his customers Northerners and ten Yoruba artisans were employed on a daily basis. An estimated left Kano. As a consequence, he invested in r bakery. In June 1967, he established the total amount paid to workers was £143.7s.6d per day.111 Nigerian Bakery (Nagode Allah Bread) at Kofar Mazugal. Kano. He employed a baker, Alhaji Salau Buhari as a production manager. In 1969, he renamed the bakery as D* Rex Bakery By 1950, the largest construction firms in Kano were owned by Europeans and other (Albarka Bread). expatriates: G.Cappa Limited, Taylor Woodrow, Costain, D’Alberto, Stephen and In 1979, he modernised the bakery and purchased an electrical oven at the cost of N35, Pedrocchi, Vincinanzer and S.G. Bonomi. According to labour reports, some of the 000.00. In 1990, he invested over N250, 000.00 in automatic flour mixer, bread moulder and contruction firms employed over 1,000 workers each as a result of the extensive slicer, a Kawasaki generator plant, cake baking machine and meat pie electrical oven. He construction programmes, a high proportion of which were recruited from among 112 employed about 20 casual workers and 3 clerks.106 In the sametyear, he opened branches at Southern Nigenan artisans. Lamido Crescent (Badawa Quarters) Kano, and llasamaja, Lagos. In 1999. he diversified and invested W5million in Rex Foam Company at Zango Dakata, Kano.107 154 155 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Between 1955 and 1958, however, two major crises adversely affected the construction yoruba Contractors In Kano industry: a strike action and inflation. First, in October 1955, a major nationwide strike ' ■ ’ ' ' 'au 1950, the Federal and Regional governments embarked on capital projects for socio- } oy organised by the Nigerian Union of Building Trade and General Workers over the | g n o m ic development thereby creating opportunities for indigenous contractors. The increase in wages and salaries affected the construction industry for almost a month. |n c0pStnjCtion industry in Nigeria during the period were of two categories: the 'formal sector* ^ Kano, the African Workers Union of Messrs G. Cappa Limited organised a strike on 17th * wpjch consisted of the multinational contractors and very few indigenous contractors, and the October. 1955 while undertaking a construction project at the airport terminal I "informal sector" made up of indigenous contractors who were mainly sub -contractors to the Consequently, the strike action prompted the emergency meeting of the Federation 0( ! multinational contractors.114 Building and Civil Engineering Contractors held on 21st October, 1955.113 A consensus agreement was reached at the meeting on the wage increase as follows: | jn tpe First Development Plan, spanning from 1957 to 1961, the Federal Government awarded 253 contracts to indigenous contractors. In Northern Nigeria, fourteen contracts at Table 4.10 : Monthly Wage Increase 1955-56 an estimated value of £438,010 were awarded in 1960/61. In addition, during the Second Place and date Labourer Untested Trade tested artisans artisans Development Plan, between 1962 and 1968, 27 per cent of the planned projects for the X period were building constructions estimated at £44.6 million.115 Lagos -October -December 1955 £2. 0s. 5d £5.0s. 10d £6.0s. 9d Lagos -1st January 1956 £3. Os.Od £6 0s. 6d £7. 0s. 6d During the civil war, the priority of the Federal government was on the war, and in effdot ^ Kano -October -December 1955 £2. 0s.5d. £5. 0s. 6d £6. 0s. 4d states were granted administrative autonomy on the construction of capital projects. For Kano- 1st January 1956 £2. 0s. 10d £6. 0s. 2d example, in Kano, Governor Audu Bako undertook several capital projects. In the e d u c a tio n a l^ £7. 0s. 1d sector about £1.5 million was spent on the construction of more schools within seven Source: KHCB/LAB/12: Labour Disputes Kano Province, 1955. years.116 In 1969, the sum of £195,950 contract was awarded by the Kano State Ministry of Works to indigenous and expatriate firms for the construction oL senior staff quarters in the However, theriabour union rejec;ed the wages and salary structure and demanded for a flat Kano Government Reserve Area (GRA).117 Other housing estates were equally built. During rate of £7.0s. 6d per month for all artisans in both Lagos and Kano. Thus, the strike action in Kano gathered more momentum. On Friday 11,h November, 1955, about 280 workers of this period, Padington A. David from llesa was the first indigenous contractor who Messrs Vicifanza Construction Company joined the industrial action. This was followed by constructed Court road and Festing road in Sabon-Gari. In the Kano State Rural the employees of the Geka Trading Company (a Swiss firm) that was building a new factory Electrification Programme, Eji Lasisi (an Ijebu Yoruba) and Arosogbale (an Egba Yoruba) at Bompai by direct labour. The industrial action ended on 23rd November, 1955 when the were indigenous contractors that constructed some electrical projects within Kano metropolis employees agreed on the payment of £7. Os. 6d for all artisans and £3.0s.0d for all labourers and in the rural areas. in both Kano and Lagos. However, the increase in wages and salaries in the construction industry limited the employment of more workers, particularly the skilled artisans. There were fluctuations in the demand for labour as a result of the reduction in the rate of construction projects, which adversely affected the employment of skilled artisans. 156 157 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In the 1970s, two factors further stimulated the growth of the construction industry and labourers from recruitment centres in Sabon-Gari, Fagge or other locations within the promoted the activities of Yoruba contractors: the oil boom and the 1974 Udoji Salary Award metropolis. For the recruitment, Hausa labour contractors collected commissions.119 The Indeed, the expansion in the construction industry spurred the emergence of more Yoruba recruitment pattern had important consequences for the mechanisms of the labour market in constractors in Kano. Prominent among them were Olatunji Inaolaji, an electrical contractor (̂ e construction industry. Since the early 1980s, Hausa labourers had been transformed as from Ibadan and Chief J. A. Afelumo from Ekiti, Mr. J.O. Ogundeji from Ekiti, Alhaji G. A skilled artisans such as carpenters, builders, painters as a result of constant practice and Bello from Ibadan, Chief J. A. Akosile from Ekiti, Mr. Dada and Mr. R. O. Akeloko from Ekiti training. who were building contractors.118 By 1980, a considerable number of construction works in Kano were carried out by Hausa artisans in competition with Igbo, Edo. Yoruba, Kanuri and Fulani.120 In 1994, a The commercial opportunities in the construction industry created additional sources of multi-ethnic association of labourers and artisans, The Independent Labour Union, was investment for the Yoruba contractors. Capital generated from the construction works was formed at Sarkin Yaki, Sabon-Gari, Kano by Hausa, Fulani, Nupe, Ebira, Yoruba, Ijaw and invested in the petroleum distribution business and hotel services. Towards the end of the Igbo. It was established for the welfare of members and to coordinate construction works 1970s, however, entrepreneurs were engaged in competition for state patronage over few and environmental sanitation in Kano metropolis. In 1999, the association had 250 construction projects. By the 1980s, the construction industry further witnessed contraction members. Each member paid an entrance fee of W1,000.00 and N50.00 per monthly 121 generated by the twin forces of Structural Adjustment Programme and the subsequent meeting. inflation that resulted from it. Conclusion The study of Yoruba commerce in Kano included the informal trading and public sectors of Sources of Labour Supply the economy. Despite fluctuations, the flow of internal foodstuffs trade continued between Yorubaland and Kano. The commercial establishments of the Yoruba trading diaspora In metropolitan Kano, foremen in the construction industry played a major role in the stimulated the volume, value and variety of trade between the two regions. In *he recruitme;.. of skilled labour. From the 1920s, some of the foremen, were Yoruba who alsc groundnuts trade, Yoruba merchants performed the dual roles of groundnut-buying agents functioned as labour sub-contractors. In the recruitment patterns, foremen often relied on and s.ub-agents that served as vital links between the farmers and the groundnut-buying social connections such as kinship and neighbourhood affliations in order to ensure quality of agents. But Yoruba traders and artisans collaborated with other ethnic groups in the work and quick delivery. Thus, most foremen recruited Yoruba carpenters, bricklayers, formation of trade associations in order to protect commercial interests. For the Yoruba painters, plumbers, electricians, fitters and surveyors. women, their enterprises in Kano represented cases of cultural practices in a diaspora community and vital productive roles in the family economy. The employment of Hausa In turn, the artisans employed their own workmen for specific specialisation or construction men in Yoruba women’s commercial activities proved the linkages between the two gender stages. From 1950, the bulk of the workforce was recruited fror^ among the Hausa who were t and ethnic categories. available for the jobs, particularly during the dry season. Labourers sometimes presented themselves at construction sites in search of work. Hausa labour contractors supplied 158 159 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Notes 10. A. I. Nwabugho. n.d.. "The Effect Of Internal Trade Between Eastern And Northern Nigeria... Op cit p. 19 and W. Oyemakinde, 1973, "The Pullen 1. A. G. Hopkins, 1973, An Economic History Of West Africa (Lpndon: Longman Group Marketing Scheme: A Trial In Food Price Control In Nigeria Ltd.) pp. 58-60. 19T4-1947," in J.H.S.N., Vol. 6. No.4., pp. 413-415 2. Potash and Onions are essential ingredients in Yoruba foods and herbal remedies. The ** ^ 11. A. I. Nwabugho, n.d>, "The Effect Of Internal Trade Between Eastern And Northern trade in these products had increased tremendously since the Nigeria ... ibid " p. 19 ; C. J. Korieh, 2004,"Urban Food Supply Pre-colonial era. A. M. Fika. 1978j The Kano Civil War And And Vulnerability In Nigeria During The Second World War," in British Over-Rule 1882- 1940 (Ibadan: Oxford University Press) T. Falola and S. J. Salm. (eds). Nigerian Cities (Trenton: Africa p. 148. World Press) pp. 127-152. 3. J. S. Hogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Export: Origin And Early Development (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press) p.77. 12. J. N. Paden, 1968, The Influence Of Religions Elites On Political Culture 4. Northern Nigeria Annual Report 1900/1901, p. 298 And Community Integration In Kano Nigeria (Ph.D. Thesis, 5. M. S. Abdulkadir, 1990, An Economic History of Igalaland: 1896-1939 Havard University) p. 1023. (Ph. D. Thesis, Kano, Bayero University) pp. 414- 441. 6. A. I. Nwabugho, n.d., "The Effect Of Internal Trade Between Eastern and Northern 13. M. G. Smith, 1997, Government In Kano (Oxford: Westview Press) p.471. Nigeria On British War- Time Palm Produce Demands From ■ -s \ 14. Fieldwork in Yanlemo market, December, 1999. * Eastern Nigeria 1939-45," (Department of History, University of Calabar) p.18. 15. Yanlemo market was established on 17,h September. 1982 for the fruit trade. 7. E. K. Faluyi, 1989, “Nigeria's Contribution To The Second World War. The Production In the market, there are two major sources of supply: from Drive," in Nigeria Magazine, Vol. 57, Nos. 3 and 4, pp. 96 -102. Yorubaland, October to January and Benue/Kaduna States 8. A. I. Nwabughuogu, n.d., "The Effect Of Internal Trade Between Eastern And Northern February to June. Interview with Alhaji Muazu Yaro, 60, Nigeria On British War- Time Palm Produce Demands From Chairman, Nigerian Fruits Sellers Association Kano branch, at Eastern Nigeria, 1939-45" (Department of History, University of Yanlemo market, on 19th April, 2001. Calabar, Nigeria) pp. 5-12. 9. E. A. Ayandele, 1992, The Ijebu Of Yorubaland 1850-1950: Politics, 16. In 1999, there were 91 maidilalai in the Yanlemo market each of whom Economy And Society (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books) had two to five boys. 90 per cent of the maidilalai were Hausa pp. 203-204. and 10 per cent Yoruba, Idoma and Tiv. A trade guild was instituted, the Nigerian Fruits Sellers Association to control commercial transactions; regulate prices and maintain sanitary ^ 160 161 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 26. A. B. Sani. 1993, A History Of The Livestock Industry And The conditions in the market. The maidilalai paid W200.00 fee per Establishment Of Abattoir In Kano In The 2Cfh Century (M.A. History year and a sales-boy paid W100.00 per year. Interviews with Dissertation, Kano. Bayero University) p. 160. Alhaji Abubakar Ibrahim and Alhaji Garba shehu. Vice Chairman, Nigerian Fruits Sellers Association, Kano on 19,h 27. I. L. Bashir, 1983, Politics Of Industralisation In Kano Industry, Incentives And April, 2001. Indigenous Entrepreneurs 1950- 1980(Ph. D. Thesis, Boston University) p. 17. A similar pattern of trading strategy was pursued by female shea nut 250. traders in Bawku market, Northeast Ghana as explained by Brenda Chalfin, 2000, "Risky Business: Economic Uncertainty, 28. A. J. Adegbeye.1978, "Some Farming Characteristics Of Peasants In The Guinea Market Reforms And Female Livelihoods In Northeast Ghana," in Savanna Belt Of Oyo, Ogun And Ondo States And Their Development And Change, Vol. 31, No.5, pp. 987-1008. Implications For Beef Cattle Production," in Savanna, Vol. 7, 18. Interview with Alhaji Abdulkareem Akanmu, 70. at No. 21 Niger Road, Sabon-Gari, No.1, p. 53. Kano on 3rd June, 2000. He had participated in the food trade with his father, Alhaji Abdulsalam Akanmu. By the early 1950s, 29. A. Salau, David Okali, 1991, Nigeria's Threatened Environment: A National he became a transporter and trader at Nguru and Maiduguri. He Profile (Ibadan: Nigerian Environmental Study/Action Team) later settled at Malamadori town in Jigawa State. p. 30. v 19. Interview with the family of late Alhaji Saka Adelabu on 14th April, 2000, at No 4 Weather Head Avenue Sabon-Gari, Kano. 30. A.G. Adebayo. “Contemporary Dimensions Of Migration Among Historically 20. Interview with Alhaji M. Lawore at No. 15, Awolowo Avenue, Sabon-Gari, Kano Migrant Nigerians: Fulani Pastoralists In South-Western 5th -7th April, 2000. 21. A. O. Banwo, 1998, "The llorin Economy In The 19th Century," in Nigeria,” in Journal of Asia and African Studies, Vol. xxxii, No. The Nigerian Journal Of Economic History, No. 1, pp. 135-136. 1-2, p. 103. 22. Brenda Chalfin, 2000, "Risky Business...... Op. c it" pp. 999. 31. J. I. Guyer, 1997, An African Niche Economy: Farming To Feed Ibadan, 1968- 1988 (London: Edinburgh University Press) p. 61. 23. Fieldwork at Dawanau foodstuffs market Kano. 32. Interviews with Yoruba women traders in Brigade quarters and Sabon-Gari Kano, 24. Interview with Mr. S. G. Adeleru, at Dawanau market, on 2£,h April, 2001 May 2002. 25. Interview with Alhaji Musbau Adenle and Alhaji Isa (Bereebe) at Dawanau market on 20th April, 2001. 33. Interviews with Alhaji Abdulwahab Olorunosebi and Alhaji Abdulraheem 162 163 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Salaudeen at Galadima market on 23rd April, 2001. artfu l My 1974, she diversified into kolanuts Irttilt* on • M|Mtl basis at the Yankura market. She later became a cornmtui i,,| intermediary, AlagbBta, for the Yoruba itinerant Kolanuts tradim. 34. Market survey in Yandoya, Yankura and Sabon-Gari markets, Kano, in 15th April, in Kofar Nassrawa market. Consequently, her skill and 2001. popularity earned her the appointment-as the leader of Yoruba women Kolanuts intermediaries in Mariri market. Her own 35. N. Sudarkasa, 1979, "From Stranger To Alien: The Socio-Political marriage and that of her daughter to Hausamen further History Of The Nigerian Yoruba In Ghana 1900-1970,“ contributed in building up her commercial network in the market. in W.A. Shack and E. P. Skinner, (eds.), Strangers In African 40. Interview with Alhaji Moshood Gbolagade, 50, Secretary, Yoruba Kolanuts Societies (Berkeley: University of Califonia Press) pp. 143-146; Sellers Association, Mariri market. Kano on 20,h April, 2001. B. A. Agiri, 1972, Kola In Western Nigeria 1850 -1950: A 41. Interviews with Alhaji Shehu Fasasi, 62, and Alhaji Lawal Abdul, 60, Mariri Market, History Of The Cultivation Of Cola Nitida In Egba Owode, Ijebu- Kano on 20m April. 2001. Remo, Iwo And Ota Areas (Ph. D. Thesis, Madison, University 42. J. S. Hogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Exports: Origins And Early of Wisconsin) p. 49 and P. E. Lovejoy, 1980, Caravans Of Kola: Development (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press) pp. 3- 8 The Hausa Kola Trade 1700-1900 (Zaria: Ahmadu Bello 43. J. S. Hogendorn, 1978, Nigerian Groundnut Exports... ibid p. 8 University Press Limited) pp. 18-22. 44. A. U. Dan Asabe, 2000, "Biography Of Select Kano Merchants, 1853-1955," in FAIS Journal Of Humanities Vol. 1, No.2, pp. 45-60. 36. B. A. Agiri, 1972, Kola In Western Nigeria 1850-1950...Op. cit pp. 58-66. 45 .By 1913, for example, the aggregate indebtedness of the palm oil middle men to about 6 British merchants was over £200,000. A. H. M. i / Interview with Prince Adekunle Adelugba, 70, at No 66 Emir Road, Kirk -Green, 1968, Lugard And The Amalgamation Of Nigeria: Labon-Gari, Kano on 17th May,2000. A Documentary Record (London: Frank Cass) p. 116 46. A. H. M. Kirk -Greene, 1968, Lugard And The Amalgamation Of Nigeria ... Op. cit L lull I work til thn Mlinri Kolanuts market 19,h -25th April, 2001. p.118. 47. A. H. M. Kirk Greene, 1968, Lugard And The Amalgamation Of Nigeria... ibid p. ' ' ' " h • '* ' nli /vMid|M |« tihunitu Filani at Mariri Kolanuts market on 19th 118. A|iill, 2001 She migrated to Kano in 1968, during the Civil War. 48. W. L Ofonagoro, Trade And imperialism In Southern Nigeria 1881-1929 (Lagos: Nok ■in* hognn trading as a drinking water hawker in the Sabon-Gari Publishers International) p.100. Himlial My 11)72, she find gathered a little capital and began a InnIIM lin iia (Ononmalo) by collecting clothes from other Ijesa 49. A. H. M. Kirk Greene, 1968, Lugard And The Amalgamation Of Nigeria... ibid p. 117. l i i i l l l i i Ih ii Im i*i In Kwurl market which she traded in the rural i 164 165 i UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY * 60 J A. Aluko, 1993, Osomalo: the Early Exploits of the Ijesa Entrepreneur, (Ibadan: 50. A. H. M. Kirk Greene, 1968, Lugard And The Amalgamation Of Nigeria... ibid p. 1 -\q African Book Builders), p. 15. 51 J.A. Aluko, 1993, Osomalo...ibid p. 10. 51. Interview with Chief C.A Giwa, 80. at No 91 Ogbomoso Avenue, Sabon-Gari Kano on 52 E. P- Renne, 1995, Cloth That Does Not Die: The Meaning of Cloth in Bunu Social Life, May 22nd , 2000. (Seattle: University of Washington Press), 175. 52. Interview with Chief C. A. Giwa on May 22nd, 2000. 63 j .a . Aluko. 1993, Osomalo...ibid p. 11 53. A. Bako, 1990, A Socio -Economic History... Op. cit p. 148. 54. RDC \BUK\ Kano N.A. 13: Control of Tax Assessment Kano City, 1948: List 64. J.A. Aluko, 1993, Osomalo...ibid, p. 14. of the Most Famous Traders in Sabon-Gari market and 65. O. Ekande, “A Socio-Geographic Analysis of the Present Ijesaland,” in Nigeria KHCB Kano \343\5,000: Rich Traders in Sabon-Gari: Magazine, No. 148, 1984, p. 31. Income Tax Assessment 1951-1952. 66. J. A. Aluko, 1993, Osomalo...ibid, p. 16. 55. Interview with Mr. Oladele Awoloto, 87, at No.5 Tudun wada Road, Kano 67. E. P. Renne, 1995, Cloth That Does Not Die... ibid, p 179. 4,h and 16,h December, 1999 and April 11,h, 2000; Mr. R. A. Adebayo, on 15th April, 2000 at No.7 Ibadan Road, 68. Interview with Mr. L.O. Olowokere, 65, Festing Road Sabon-Gari, Kano on Sabon-Gari, Kano; Chief C. A. Giwa; and Mrs. Dupe ‘ 6,h September, 2000 and L. Tragger. 2001, Yoruba Hometowns: Ogogoh, 61. Community, Identity, And Development In Nigeria (Colorado: 56. Summarised from RDC/ BUK: Local Government Authority, 10 Haraji Annual Lynne Rienner Publishers) pp. 59-68. Assessment Groundnut Agents 1945-1950 p.894 69. Interview with Mr. Samuel F. Olowookere, 60, at No 12A Festing Road, 57. Interviews with Chief C. A. Giwa on May 23rd , 2000 and Dr. A. U. Dan Sabon-Gari Kano on 8,h September, 2000. He attended Local Asabe, on 19th April, 2004. According to Dan Asabe, the f Authority School, llesa Osun State between 1956 and 1962. In money and materials were usually advanced from June to 1963, he migrated to Kano and joined Mr. Adewusi Omole, the July when farmers experience financial difficulties. leader of the Ijesa Traders in Kwari market as an apprentice. In the company of other Osomaalo traders, he traded clothes for 58. I. L. Bashir, 1996, "Expatriate Companies As Agents Of Imperialism: The his master on credit in rural areas such as Gaya, Labura Niger Company -U. A. C. in Northern Nigeria 1900- 1960," in J. Zango, Bimin Kudu and Kademi. After two years of H. S. N., Vol. 7, Nos. 1 and 2, pp. 165- 66. appreticeship. he was given a capital of £10 to start his own 59. Interview with Abdulsalami, 75, Kofar Mazugal, Kano. 166 16' UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4 business. By 1973, he diversified into transport and bought a 76. Interview with Mr. Obinwa Akwueke, 59, Public Relations Officer, Niger Road Sabcn- Lada Car for taxi business. In 1977, he established Jerry 1 Gari, Kano on 15,h November, 1999. N 7 : , . ) Motors and started a car hire purchase business using the Osomaalo strategy. 77. Interview with Mr.Gjbinwa Akwueke on 15th November, 1999. 70. E. P. Renne, 1995, Cloth That Does Not Die... ibid, pp. 173, 175 and 78 Many Yoruba occupations were traditionally organised within particular family 178. compounds or descent groups, J. S. Eades, 1980, The Yoruba Today (Cambridge: Cambridge University press) p. 85. 71. T. Forrest, 1994, The Advance Of African Capital... Op. cit pp. 20- 21 . 79. Interviews with Alhaja Medinat Lasisi, 80, at Sabon-Gari Market on 12,h February, 72. AHAK/ND/A19: U.A.C. in the North: The United African Company of Nigeria 2000; Alhaji Lasisi Efura, 78,Chairman, Elewe- Omo Trade Limited (Zaria: Gaskiya Corporation) pp. 2-10 and for other Association, Kano and Mr. Sulaiman Adeniyi Oyekola, 73, at No Motor Companies; and Times Trade And Industrial Directory 5, Weather Head, Sabon-Gari Kano on 15,h March, 2000. 1977-78 (Lagos: Times Press Limited) p. 72. 73. Interview with Pa R. A. Adebayo, 81, on 15th April, 2000 at No 7 Ibadan Road, 80. Interview with Mrs. Jumoke Lukman, 46, at Sabon-Gari Market; Alhaja Sabon-Gari Kano. He was brought to Kano by his parents in Fatima Ajike, 58, and Hajiya Amina Mai Randa Tara at the Rimk ^ 1923. In 1949, he joined the U.A.C Motors, Gidan Goldie, Kano market Yankassai quarters. Kano on 15,h February and 16rh as a transit clerk. Mr. Caleb Fabode, Managing Director, F. A. O. December, 2000. Interview with Hajiya Amina Mai Randa Tara, Electrical and Technical Company Limited, No 7A Egbe Road, 73, presents a striking commercial rivalry between the 2 Kano was interviewed on 11,h June. 000 and Chief Joseph C. Camerounian Hausa woman and Yoruba women traditional Ojukwu, No.28, Emir Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano interviewed on 6th medicinetraders in the market. She placed about two sign March, 2004. boards in her stall with the inscription written in Hausa: Hajiya Amina Mai randa Tara Sa Hausiya Ce Sa Sayerabiya bace. 74. Interview with Mr. Samuel F.OIowookere. Meaning: “Hajiya Amina owner of nine pots is a Hausa woman, not a Yoruba Woman.” According to her, she came to Nigeria 75. N.F. Nwaugo, 2000, Ibo Spare Parts Enterpreneurs In Kano Metropolis: A Case Study from Cameroon during the visit of President Ahmadu Ahidjo in Of Automobile Spare Parts 1970-1998 (M. A. History the 1950s and later settled in Kano in the 1960s where she Dissertation. Kano, Bayero University) p.109. married a Hausa man. In Kano, she set up a stall in the Rimi market for herbal medicine (Maganin Shawara, Maganin Cikin V 168 169 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRA Y Jiki) the knowledge of which she acquired from her family jn Agbaje, 61, and Madam Ajoke Adesina, 64, between Cameroon. December 1999 and February, 2001. 81. Interview with Alhaja Risikatu Ismail, 64. at Sabon-Gari Market, Kano on 16,h June 88. Interview with Alhaja Mama Sule, at Abuja Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano on 9th 2000 December 2000 and 12lh February, 2001.. 82. By 1999, there were over 315 Yoruba herbalists in metropolitan Kano. A 89. Interviews with Alhaja Mama Sule, Alhaja Raliat Agbaje and Madam Ajoke Adesina on 12lh February, 2001. trade association, Nigerian Union of Herbalists * Agbomola" was formed and registered under the Federal Ministry of Health. The 90. Group interview with Ijebu Yoruba women at the Yandoya Market, Kano in association had 4 branches, in Kurna Asabe, Brigade Quarters March, 2001. Sabon-Gari and Kuskure. Meetings were held forthnightly and members contributed a sum of N20.00 as fees. Interviews with Chief Idris Dopemu, the Baba Apesinola of Yoruba Herbalists in 91. Interview with Alhaja Mama Sule on 12lh February, 2001. Kano at Rijiar Lemo quarters, Kano on 10th February, 2000 and Alhaji Lasisi Efura on 14th February, 2000. 92. Interview with Alhaja Mama Sule on 12th February, 2001. 83. Interview with Alhaji Lasisi Efura, 78, at Abedie Street, Sabon-Gari Kano 93. Group interview with Ijebu Yoruba women at the Yandoya market, Kano 4 on 30lh April, 2000. March, 2001. 84. E. K. Faluyi, 1996, “The Economic Impact Of The World Wars," in G. O. 94. H. I. Safa, 1995, The Myth Of The Male Breadwinner; Women And Ogunremi and E. K. Faluyi, (eds.), Economic History Of West Industrialisation In The Carribbean (Boulder: Africa (Ibadan: Rex Charles Publication) pp. 140-150. Westview Press) and Catherine-Vidrovitch, 1997, 85. A. R. Mustapha, 1985, “The Blocked Capitalist Thesis And The Political Economy of African Women: A Modem History (Boulder: Westview Kano," in Nigerian Journal Of Political Science, Vol. 4, No.1 and Press). 2. pp. 37-38. 95. Interview with Madam Ami Walker, 78, at Ogoja Avenue, Sabon-Gari Kano 86. E. A. Ayandele, 1992, The Ijebu Of Yorubaland...Op. cit p. 214. on 23rd March, 2000. \ 96. According to I. A. Kiyawa, the demand for bread had resistance from 87. Interviews with Rev. I. Ola Badejo, 80, Alhaja Mama Sule, 75, Alhaja Raliat people out of sheer reluctance to accept anything 170 I UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY new and the spread of a rumour that alcohol (strictly forbidden in Islam) served as part of the ingredients 106 Interview with Mr. Daniel Olaniran oh 13 December, 2000. ^ for the making of bread. It was not until the mid ■|07 Interview with Mr. Daniel Olaniran on 13' December, 2000. 1960s and early 1970s that bread came to be fully 108 s. Bello, 1982, Stkte And Economy In Kano 1884-1960: A Study Of Colonial accepted in the society. I. A. Kiyawa, 1981, Domination (Zaria: Ph. D. Thesis, Ahmadu Bello University) pp. Indigenours Enterprineurship In Kano State Nigeria 132-136. (Ph. D. Thesis, New York, Syracuse University) p. 91. 109. S. Bello, 1982, State And Economy ...ibid p. 136 97. S. A. Albasu, The Lebanese In Kano...Op. cit p. 267. 110. RDC/ BUK, Kano Native Administration, 41, Income Tax: Sabon-Gari 1943, p.256. 98. Interview with Daniel Olaniran, 60, Managing Director, D. Rex Bakery, 30 111. RDC/BUK/G/14. Vol 2/279: Mr. J. O. Ajayi "Registered Contractor" (Kano Airport Road, Kano on 13lh December, 2000. Aerodrome) 14th November, 1943 and RDC/B.U.K./G.14 Vol 2 /1942: Income Tax-General Tax 1943-1944. 99. T. Forrest, 1994, The Advance of African Capital...Op. d tp . 208. 112. KHCB/LAB/20: Labour Office Kano, Reports: Labour Condition, 1950 and KHCB/LAB/ 100. I. A. Kiyawa, 1981, Indigenous Enterpreneurship... Op. d tp . 98. "Gorsuch" Report: Increase Salary, July - September, 1955. 101. I. A. Kiyawa, 1981, Indigenous Enterpreneurship ...Ibid. 113. KHCB/LAB/12: Labour Disputes Kano Province, 1955. 102. Interview with Daniel Olaniran and Mrs. I. Adedotun, 59, Managing Director 114. S. O. Fadahunsi, 1989, "Construction And Construction Materials Industries, Oredola Bakery, Niger Road, Sabon-Gari Kano on 9th in A. Fadahunsi and B. U. N. Igwe, (eds.), Capital Goods! December, 2000. Technological Change And Accumulation In Nigeria (London: CODESRIA Book Series) p.108. 103. A comparative fieldwork experience in metropolitan Dakar between October and November. 2000. 115.1. L. Bashir, 1983, Politics Of Industrialisation...Op. cit p. 270. 104. Interview with Mr. Daniel Olaniran at No.30, Airport Road, Kano on 13lh 116. A. N. Shehu, 1997, Kano State Under The Administration Of Audu Bako 1967- 1975 (M. A. History Dissertation, Kano, Bayero December, 2000. University) p. 117. 105. Interview with Mr. Daniel Olaniran on 13th December, 2000. 172 173 UNIVERSITY OF IBADA LIBRARY 117. A. N. Shehu, 1997, Kano State Under... Ibid CHAPTER FIVE ' " i,h ch l‘i, ° - A - Gi"= - ChW J. A. Akosile, M,. R.O. Akeloko. Alhaji q 4 yORUBA ENTERPRISE IN TECHNICAL SKILLS AND URBAN SERVICE INDUSTRIES Bello and Mr. E. A. Adeyanju between 1999 and 2001. IN METROPOLITAN KANO C.1945 TO 1999 M'» Interview with Mai. Kabir Usman at Warn Road, Sabon-Gari. Kano. 5,h Introduction February 2001. Among the Yoruba in Kano, there existed ethnic or sub-group specialisations. This was largely due to the influence of the pioneers who encouraged people from their kinship 120. interviews with Elder F. Ogunmogun, 75. and Mr. Benson Idowu. 77, a. No networks to learn the skills. Equally, some people were encouraged by the success of their 30 Ijebu Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano on 12lh February kinsmen or women in particular skills and consequently sent their wards to learn such skills. 2001 and Interviews with Alhaji Sanusi Musa and In this process, enduring chains of migration developed from extended family networks, as Alhaji Suleiman Oria at No.353, Sarkin Yaki by Court Road, Sabon-Gari Kano on 6lh March 2004. succeful artisans induced relatives and townsmen to join their business enterprises. In Kano, the Egba Yoruba dominated the electrical engineering services. The Ijebu Yoruba dominated the turning of crankshafts and the fabrication of industrial machines. The .. 1. Interviews with Alhaji Sanusi Musa and Alhaji Suleiman Oria at No.353, transport industry was pioneered by the Egba Yoruba but later dominated by the Oyo Sarkin Yaki by Court Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano on 6,h Yoruba. The Ijebu, Ijesa and Oyo Yoruba dominated the corn mill business. March, 2004. This chapter analyses the historical development of selected modem technical industries pioneered or dominated by the Yoruba in Kano. It investigates the commercial competition that existed among the various ethnic groups in Kano and the processes leading to the * transfer of technical skills among communities in Nigeria. Some of the modern technical skills had their origins in Lagos where the liberated African slaves who had acquired the r skills in America, Brazil, Liberia and Sierra Leone had introduced them from the 1850s. In the 1880s, the Christian Missionaries established technical institutes as part of their methods for the spread of Christianity in Nigeria. The British and expatriate commercial firms established technical departments where apprenticeship schemes were operated for the training of skilled artisans. The Yoruba artisans who were trained by these technical institutes or commercial firms spread the skills through migration and apprenticeship schemes. This chapter discusses the origin and development of eleven selected technical industries in Kano, namely spraying and painting, photography, road transport, motor 174 175 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY were attracted by his wh° Morris His workshop became a nursery for the Egba painters repair, tyre soles rethreading, electrical engineering, lathework, corn milling. goldsmithing entrepreneurial accomplishment. v aluminum smithing, electronics repair and tape recording. f spread the art in Kano getween 1952 and 1970, he trained over 30 apprentices who f u ^ by Unde show 5. 1: Yoruba Enterprise in Spraying and Painting Services in Kano and elsewhere. Mr. Shitt,}' Gbadebo, an Egba Yoruba who w *5^ Sabon.Gari Kan0 Painting was one of the many technical skills introduced by the liberated African slaves who painting Works established Gbadebo Painting Institute at E nug^ ^ ^ between settled in Lagos and Abeokuta after the 1850s. The liberated African slaves were mostly in 1965. Alhaji Nurudeen Adeoye, an Egba Yoruba, was train*? ^ gs & pajnter on Yoruba who were called the Saro (freed slaves from Sierra-Leone), the Amaro (freed 1969 and 1973.5 In 1976, he joined the services of Tripoli MO& g month)y wage slaves from America), and the Aku (freed slaves from Cuba and Haiti).' They brought with W60.00 salary per month. In 1977, he joined Nabegu Motors and ^ B(.jscoe Limitedt Kano them artisan skills which they found profitable in Yorubaland. The freed slaves were the 0f N70.00. Between 1978 and 1979 he worked as a painter at P ̂ workshop at Hadejia pioneer painters in Nigeria. They equally aided its spread. In fact, from the second half of and earned N120.00 per month. In 1980, he established a Edo and Yoruba. the 19th century, liberated African slaves introduced various skills into Yorubaland. |gb°o„ori Kann He trained over eiaht apprentices, including Hausa In the 1850s, Christian Missionaries established technical institutes for industrial training. ^o rks . After five years Typical examples were the Abeokuta Industrial Institution in 1856, the Hope Wadell In 1963, Mr. Idowu Adebisi joined Uncle Show Painting where apprentices Training Institution, Old Calabar in 1894, and the Church Mission Society Training School. apprenticeship, he established a painting workshop at Enug^ ig75 and jojned hjs ^ Lagos in 1896/ Painting was part of the curriculum in the apprenticeship schemes. Some were trained. Mr Akingbade Idowu from Abeokuta came to K 3 ^ ope-Olu Automobile ~ of the graduates 'from these missionary institutions worked with European firms, cousin Mr. Gbolahan as an apprentice. In 1980, he establ'5^ jn 1963 at Court government departments or operated their own workshops. Enterprises. Ajani Painting Works was established by Mr. Kol0W ^ apprentices were Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano and became a leading workshop Commercial painting began in 1920 when Brazilian types of houses were built in Sabon- trained.6 Gari, Kano. The Spraying and painting of vehicles in Kano began when Rochie Company was established in 1933. In 1942, the Frideen Technical Company established a painting e f aS a skill and enterprise. firm at Farm Centre, Kano. During the same period. G.B. Ollivant opened a painting section Before the 1970s, spraying and painting were combined togetHe isans [0 specialise in • ujny in Kano. These expatriate firms introduced apprenticeship schemes for the training of The early 1970s oil boom led to more construction prefects, m0 ^ pain,ing workshops artisans in the construction projects during the Second World War. In 1943, there were over either spraying or painting. By 1985, there were over 200 spraV n,_ Many of them 40 painters, mostly Yoruba. in Sabon-Gari, Kano.3 One of the trained painters who worked in metropolitan Kano, about 100 of whom were of Egba Yor" gas sprayers. The Egba with the G. B. Ollivant. Kano was Mr. Shokunbi Gbolahan, an Egba Yoruba.4 Mr. Gbolahan began their enterprise with manual equipment and later acqu're yps such as the Edo, was trained as a painter at Abeokuta before he came to Kano in 1944. In 1952. after an Yoruba painters experienced stiff competition from other eth*1' eight year career in G.B. Ollivant, he established Uncle Show Painting Works at Katsina Hausa and Igbo some of whom they had trained. Road, Kano. He painted lorries and cars such as Citron, Coomber Diesel. Hustin and 177 176 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Yoruba Photographers in Kano Christian Missionaries, European explorers and a few educated Africans with the purpose of keeping records, took early photographs in Nigeria. Commercial photography began in Lagos, Abeokuta and Calabar in the late 19th century by liberated African slaves Photography trade developed rapidly among the Yoruba due to the existing tradition and cultural practices of figurative art. In the 1920s, many photographers established portrait studios in western Nigeria for commercial enterprise and the training of apprentices. Some photographers migrated to places where photography was a new skill in order to avoid competition and for the benefit of a wider market. For example, by 1943, there were six photographers in Kano Metropolis.7 Pioneer photographers in Kano were Sierra-Leonians. Prominent among them was Mr. T. P. Barllatt Hughes, a professional photographer. After almost a decade career in photography he was appointed as the Executive Head and President of the Sabon-Gari Mixed Court in 1938. One of the pioneer Yoruba photographers in Kano was Alhaji G. M. A. Otun.8 After his apprenticeship in Ikirun (now in Osun State), he came to Kano in 1938. In 1940, he established Otun and Sons Photo Studio at No.66, Niger Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano. His studio became a nursery where most Yoruba and Hausa photographers began their careers as apprentices. His business witnessed a boom during the Second World War due to the increased >' migration of educated elite to Kano. In 1946, he bought a photo enlarger at th:. .cost of £75 and introduced wooden frames for portrait pictures. He was engaged in studio photography as well as outside services, including social functions such as marriages, anniversaries and naming ceremonies. What made photography lucrative in the 1940s was partly the social activities of the Yoruba and other immigrant communities in Kano. Mr Matthew A. Adesinmirin Proprietor of Highness Photo Studio 400. Hausawa Qtrs. Kano. Source: Fieldwork in 2001 I 179 178 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In 1949. ne became a photojournalist (or the Comet Press and Daily Times, Kano. H;s photo productions were in black and white, processed manually with chemicals and printer in the studio. Between 1948 and 1980, a period of thirty-two years, Otun and Sons Photo \ o produced many photographers in Kano. They included the proprietors of Babatunde X Photos, Kunle Koya Photos, Kings Photos, Funso Photos, St. Hope Photos, Garba Photos Nasara Photos, Rex Photos and Alheri Photos. In 1999, there were over 200 professional photographers in Kano metropolis, 150 of whom were Yoruba, twenty Igbo, ten Edo. ten Hausa, five Ebira and five others.9 Over 50 per cent of these photographic studios were located in Sabon-Gari, Kano. Mr Peter Babatunde ( d. 1996). Bnbntundo Photo* 8*bon-0«rl. Knno. Source: Bnbntundo * Family . i 180 181 i UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Trade in Photographic Materials m April 1964, he went to the United States of America where he acquired modem ' In Kano, Igbo and Yoruba traders and photographers such as Bams Photo Materials knowledge and technology in photography. He attended the New York Institute of Olufemi Photos, Babatunde Photos, Yakubu Photos, Range Photo Materials Enterprises photography between 1964 and 1966. In 1966, he was employed by the American Radio Omope Photos and Sammy Photos sold photographic materials. Most of the Igbo and Corporation where he was further trained in television and camera operations. In 1967, he Yoruba traders were sales agents of Fototek Limited owned by a Yoruba photographer joined the New York University for Motion Pictures where he acquired experience in Alhaji Suleiman Adegbuwa. shooting films. By 1968, he resigned and joined 50E Colour Labouratory, New York receiving $250 per week, later increased to $500. While he was working in the various The Development of Colour Laboratory in Kano organisations, he accumulated capital of about $11,000 through savings. He purchased Coloured pictures were introduced in the 1960s. In Nigeria, the Kingsway Chemist, a photographic equipment, such as colour enlarger, colour drier and processing kits.12 subsidiary of U. A. C., G. B. Ollivant and A.I.E Colour Laboratories carried out its production. Appointed agents of the companies carried out the collection of the films for On July 29ttl, 1971, he established the first indigenous colour laboratory in Nigeria called colour processing. One of such agents was Alhaji Suleiman Adegbuwa who was the Supreme Colour Laboratory of Nigeria at 49E Hughes Avenue, Lagos. By 1972, he had proprietor of Bola Ogun Photos. In 1978, Hamzat Bello, a professional Yoruba acquired more capital and thus purchased automatic machines. In 1978, he employed two photographer and the proprietor of Hamzat Photos, Agadazawa quarters, Kano used a Italian technicians and ordered for the production and supply of 3M films from Milano, Italy. locally fabricated colour enlarger for the printing of coloured pictures on a small-scale. In the same year, he started importing automatic colour processing machines from Germany. He employed more workers and relocated to Ebute Meta, Lagos. ■yf In the 1980s, Yoruba entrepreneurs and photographers competed with expatriate colour In 1980, he opened a branch of Supreme Colour Labouratory at No.28 Freetown, Kano. It laboratories. The pioneer colour laboratory in Kano was Supreme Colour Laboratory, was the first indigenous colour laboratory in Northern Nigeria. The colour laboratory started established by a professional photographer. Chief Joe Gbenle Depo, in 1980. The with manual machines, which he had earlier discarded for automatic machines in Lagos. laboratory was established at No.18 Freetown, Sabon-Gari, Kano and later relocated to The branch began operation with two workers. In 1985, the branch was relocated to a No.35 New Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano in 1985 due to expansion.10 He was born in 1943 at storey building at No.35 New Road, equipped with modem machines and about 27 staff Hero town. In 1957, after his secondary education, he joined the Nigerian Police Force. In rthat attended to over 200 professional and amateur photographers on shift bases in the 1958, after a brief service in the Police Force, he registered as an apprentice at Onaolapo morning, afternoon and evening. Before the end of the year, he opened another branch in Omope Photos 27A Isokun Street, llesa. He finished apprenticeship in I960.11 Maiduguri. In 1961, he established Depo Photos at Takie Square in Ogbomoso. He was the first The Kano branch used and sold Italian products which were tagged Supreme Colour Films photographer in Ogbomoso to introduce the Night Shooting wit$ the electric power. As a and Papers. The branch was equipped with six printers and 167 processors that processed % result, he was patronised by social elite, families and youths. Between 1961 and 1964, 1,500 copies of pictures per hour. In 1985, he introduced new photographic products: Tura Depo Photos became popular in Ogbomoso. Depo made an average daily income of £25 films and papers. Photggraphers formerly used Agfa and Kodak. Similarly, in 1986, he from the services. 183 182 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY introduced Kranz film made in Hamburg, Germany into the Nigerian market. Before th med Murtala Way. Kano. In 1997. Alphine Colour Laboratory, a subsidiary of of 1986, he procured modern automatic equipment for the various branches for qu- ' * * MOha,T1 • was established at No. 7E Ibrahim Taiwo Road, Kano, eotoklioic w efficient services. In 1987, he diversified into other business ventures, includin'" ^ Supreme Colour Industries, Supreme Colour Advertisement, Sicar Industry, Jab 8 Chief Michael Ayeni, a photographer in Lagos, established Uncle Eagle Colour Industry (precious stones and mining in Jos), Star farm and poultry at Hero a n d T ^ ' 10 1 atory at Galadima.^Kano. In the same year, Mr. M. Rasaki, an llonn technician Conduct! (Engineering Industries Limited). By 1993, however, the commercial empir S Lab in the mechanical engineering workshops located in Lagos, Kaduna and Port Harcourt. 192 193 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Similarly, the British colonial administration established seven Government Trade Centres 1970s, more motor mechanic workshops were established by the Yoruba in Kano suburbs. lor the training of skilled artisans through apprenticeship courses that lasted between two Most of the mechanic workshops employed other Yoruba artisans who performed a wide to-five years. For example. Mechanical Training Centre was established by the Public range of auxiliary technical services such as panel beating, electrical services, painting Works Department at Abeokuta. Apprentices received £3 to £5 allowance per month.39 and vulcanising. The Yoruba motor mechanics trained people of other ethnic groups such aS Igbo and Edo as mechanics. After the Second World War, the United African Company Limited established vehicle In 1985, the Kwakwachi Mechanic Village was established as part of the policy for repair workshops in the U.A.C. Motors Divisions. In the early 1950s, the U.A.C. environmental sanitation. Yoruba mechanics that specialised in the repairs of various established Kano Technical School for staff training and recruitment in Mechanical and vehicles such as trucks, cars and buses operated their workshops in the village.42 In 1990, Electrical (automotive) skills. Twenty-seven apprentices were trained in the five-year course. the Kwakwashe Technical Association was formed with Edo, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba as members. Other expatriate commercial firms that engaged in the sales of motor vehicles similarly established vehicle repair workshops and operated apprenticeship schemes for staff Odutola Tyresoles Company, Kano training. Such commercial firms included the SCOA Motor, UTC Motors, Mandilas Motors, C.F.A.O. Motors. J. Allen and Company Limited and Leventis Motors Limited. Yoruba In 1950, an Ijebu Yoruba. Chief Adeola Odutola, established Odutola Tyresoles Retreading wore mostly employed and trained as mechanics by the government departments as well Company in Ibadan.43 The Kano Plant was set up in 1952 at No. 139/140 Mission Road. as commercial firms. Yoruba mechanics later established their own motor repair The Plant witnessed tremendous growth due to the expanding transport industry and little workshops. In Kano, Kekere and Hussein Funso, former staff of the U.A.C., were the competition. Odutola Tyresoles engaged in tyre-retreading and the recaping of worn out pioneer commercial auto mechanics.41 threads with camel back compound supplied by the Goodyear Company, United States of America. Other raw materials such as rubber crumbs were processed at the Odutola Tyre and Rubber Company, Ibadan. The Plant was equipped with heavy machines for buffing, By 1959, the expansion in the transport industry led to the migration of many Yoruba building, curing moulds and chemical mixers.44 mechanics who established their own workshops in Kano. The Yoruba motor mechanics r further spread the skill through apprenticeship schemes. In 1960, there were more than The workforce of about twenty was recruited from amongst Edo, Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba 100 Yoruba mechanic workshops that emerged in auto maintenance services and engine technicians. An industrial strike was carried out by the workers on 20lh September, 1955 overhaul. against the refusal of the employer to increase their salaries.45 For almost a month, the industrial strike affected the production process and the supply of the company's products. Tho apprentices trained by the Yoruba mechanics provided part of the workforce for the large-scale motor repair workshops such as Niger Motors Limited, R.T. Briscoe Nigeria During the Civil War, 1967- 1970, the company's production was boosted when a major I Irnltod, Tripoli Motors, B.E.W.A.C. Limited and the National Motors Limited. By the early competitor. Michelin Plant, Port Harcourt. closed down. During the same period, the I'M 195 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY company produced new items such as soles and heels for shoes as well as bicycle tyres in 1957, the company relocated to an expansive workshop at No. 21B Festing Road, and tubes. Equally, the oil boom of the early 1970s and the indigenisation decree promoted Sabon-Gari, Kano. It had five sections: the productive capacity of the company. By 1975, Odutola Tyresoles. Kano produced an (a) The Machinery Section average of 150,000 to 180,000 vehicles tyres and cycle tubes per annum.46 The soles and (b) Automobile Section heels of shoes produced by the company provided raw materials for the shoe factories jn Kano. By 1986, Odutola Tyresoles witnessed competition from Dunlop Roadmaster ( c) Injector Pump Section Michelin and GMO tyre manufacturing companies, which affected its scale of operation (d) Battery Charging Section, and The Structural Adjustment Programme and the economic crises from the mid 1980s (e) Spare Parts Shop. affected the supply of imported raw materials, maintenance of the industrial machines and thus, the production capacity. In 1993, a major industrial strike led to the closure of the The Company became a training ground for Egba and Oyo Yoruba apprentices who Kano Plant when the Management could not pay workers salary for almost six months enrolled due to their kinship links with the founders. By 1958, each of the sections had an Between 1993 and 1999, production process ceased at the plant and was virtually average of eight apprentices including women who were trained in lighter services. abandoned. Apprenticeship was free and they received about £1.10d as allowances per month. Some of the apprentices were absorbed as staff after their graduation with £5 salary per month. Electrical Engineering Services Before the end of 1958, there were three Workshop Managers, two Salesmen, three In Kano, the Egba and Oyo Yoruba dominated the electrical engineering services. The Clerks, one Driver and fourty Apprentices in the Company. services included the rewinding of electrical motors, transformers, electrical plants, fixing In 1959, the Company became a dealer for the U.A.C. Motor spare parts. The company and repairing of electrical parts of vehicles such as electronic starter, security system, sold new batteries, auto spare parts and auto cables. Before the end of 1959, the company alternator, wiring, air conditioning, the injector pump, diesels engines and nozzles as well had two vehicles for delivery purposes and a car each for the two directors. Estates were as the charging of batteries. In the 1940s, the expatriate commercial firms that sold acquired for commercial purposes in Sabon-Gari, and Brigade quarters in Kano as well as vehicles performed these services. Yoruba artisans who were trained by these companies pioneered the commercialisation of the electrical engineering services. The Northern in Lagos. Electrical Engineering Company was the first commercial engineering company in Kano At independence in 1960, the Northern Electrical Company was registered as Electrical established in 1955 at No.21 New Road. Sabon-Gari, Kano. It was established as a joint Engineering Company (ELECO). By 1965, two branches were established in Kaduna and venture by two technicians and partners, Chief M. O. Abodurin from Ibadan (Oyo Yoruba) Lagos. In 1970, the company recorded a down ward trend due to competition from its and Alhaji M.A. Ajibulu from Owu (Egba Yoruba).47 Alhaji Ajibulu was directed by the former apprentices and other Yoruba electrical mechanics that had migrated to Kano during company to open a branch of the company in Jos. The project could not survive due to low the Civil War. In the same period, there was disagreement between the partners on patronage and competition from European firms. In 1956, Alhaji Ajibulu was sponsored by the Company for a one-year training in Electrical Machinery in England. financial indiscipline and mismanagement. Thus in 1975, the two partners shared the assets. The company's estates in Kano and Lagos were sold. Alhaji Ajibulu took over the 196 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY I iigos workshop and later became a politician. Chief Abodunrin took over the Kano Alhaji Raufu, a brother of Alhaji M. A. Ajibulu established the Progressive Electrical workshop and was later honoured with the Chieftaincy title of Jagun of Lalupon, Ibadan |n Engineering Company. Mr. M. O. William from Abeokuta and a former staff of the Nigerian 19/6, he changed the company name from ELECO to MOABA Electrical Engineering Airways, Kano, joined ELECO in 1963 as an apprentice. In 1968, he established Company. In 1982, he relocated to Bachirawa quarters, Kano. Before its collapse, ELECO Fadinamun Trading Company (electrical engineering and spare parts), Kano. Mr. Taiwo produced many Yoruba electrical engineers that became prominent and further spread the Koleoso from Abeokuta joined Fadinamun Trading Company in 1972 as an apprentice. skill They included, Mr. Isaac Adebayo Adedirin from Ogbomoso who was one of the first In 1978, he became a journeyman. In 1984, he established Tasco Electrical Engineering Iwolve apprentices of the Northern Electrical Company in 1955. He established Isaac Works, Kano. He further trained some Egba Yoruba electrical mechanics. Adebayo Electrical Engineering Works, at Katsina Road, Kano. 48 Yoruba Lathework Technicians in Kano Alhaji M. A. Buhari joined the Northern Electrical Company in 1956 as an apprentice. In The Ijebu Yoruba dominated the lathework, turning or grinding of crankshafts and 1959, he established Alaafia Electrical Engineering Service at No. 30 Emir Road.49 ThP engines due to the influence of Chief Dapo Oguntuga who was trained as a lathework workshop became a nursery for the training of Yoruba electrical mechanics. One of such technician by the C.F.A.O., Kano, in the 1950s. Dapo Oguntuga was a pioneer lathework apprentices was Alhaji M. O. Yusuf who joined Alaafia Electrical Engineering Service for technician in Kano. In 1956, he came to Kano from Ijebu Isanyin to meet his brother, Mr. apprenticeship training in 1964.50 In 1968, he attended S. A. Oladunjoye Training Institute Afolabi Okunoye, a staff of C. F. A. O. This was after his Standard IV education.53 He (Diesel Fuel Injection Pump) Lagos. In 1970, he established Yusuf Diesel Fuel Technical started turner apprenticeship at C. F. A. O. Technical Department, the only company that Work at No. 12, Enugu Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano. He trained about 25 apprentices most of was involved in the production of Crank Shaft and industrial machines in Kano. After a whom were Ijebu Yoruba. Chief M. O. Abodunrin trained Mr. Caleb Fabode from Ibadan as two year training, he got employed at U.T.C. as a technician. In 1959, he went to Lagos an electrical mechanic at the Northern Electrical Engineering Company. In 1964, he was for further training. In 1961, he established Dapo Technical Industries at Yankura Market, which became a training workshop for Ijebu lathework technicians. He started employed as a staff and earned £4.10d salary per month.5' In 1965, he became the with manual machines in the production of industrial tools. In 1962, he bought a lathe General Foreman and headed the company's l ranch in Kaduna which was closed down in machine. In 1965, he bought a Crank Shaft Grinding Machine. In 1970, he relocated to 1966 due to the military coup and subsequent riots. In 1973, Mr. Fabode established F. A. 32 Yolawa Street, Kano, due to expansion. O. Electrical and Technical Company, Osogbo, but later relocated to Kano in 1976. He trained apprentices free, some of whom later became prominent electrical engineers who He trained many apprentices who further spread the skill in Kano. His younger brother competed with him. For example, Alhaji Murtala Alimi trained at F. A. O. between 1976 and Chief T. Oguntuga, the proprietor of Taso Technical Works, Kano, was one of his earliest 1980 and later established M.A.O. Technical Works. M. A. O. Technical Works emerged as apprentices. Taso Technical Works became a lathework company in Kano where most one of the biggest electrical engineering companies in Kano that was also engaged in the Ijebu young men acquired lathework skills. In 1975, Dapo Oguntuga became the sole sales of electrical motors, generating plants, alternators and electrical cables. importer of crankshaft machines, which he supplied to other lathe work technicians. In 1983, he invested in the hotel business by establishing Hotel De Mikela and Challenge Guest Inn hotels in Sabon-Gari. 198 19 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Corn Mill Trade Among Yoruba in Kano In 1996, there were over sixty-four lathework artisans in Metropolitan Kano, fourty of whom v >' V were Ijebu Yoruba trained by Dapo or Taso technical works.55 Mr. Hassan Sowole from Com mills were introduced in the 1930s by the United-Trading Company and operated by Ijebu Isara, Ogun State was trained at Taso Technical Works, Kano. Hassan Engineering yoruba men in various parts of Kano Metropolis. An Ijebu merchant, Chief F. L. F o w o ra ^ ( was a pioneer in the tfjpde. By the 1940s, he had about five diesel fuel com mills in Sabon- Works became the largest lathework workshop in Kano with over twenty technicians and Gari, City and Fagge quarters, Kano.58 His commercial success and the trading thirty apprentices who received free training.56 opportunities influenced other entrepreneurs who invested in corn mills. In the 1950s, Fowora’s senior brother, Mr. Badejo, a printer, invested in corn mill services. Similarly, in In 1992, Hassan Engineering works invested N100 million in a sister company, Tai the late 1950s, Alhaji Raimi Okeniyi, a transporter bought about six corn mills that were Investment Nigeria Limited that was engaged in the importation and sales of turning and operated in Kano and in the rural areas. industrial machines such as Prince, Lathe, Boring, Milling, Welding and Polishing machines.57 Alhaji Abdullahi Asunmo from Ijebu Isanyin was trained by Taso Technical In 1965, Yoruba merchants started direct importation of corn mills, agricultural machines Works between 1974 and 1979. In 1983, he established Abason Technical Works at and spare parts from India. Two Ijesa Yoruba merchants, Mr. L. K. Ajetunmobi and J. T. Katsina Road, Kano. '. Jegede (Osomaalo) textile trader started the importation. Mr. Ajetunmobi was born in 1937 at Ajara town (now in Benin Republic) where his parents had settled as textile traders. He Yoruba turners in Kano performed a wide range of technical services for the transport and attended Yewa School, Ebute Igboro in Egba Division and graduated with Standard IVV. s industrial sectors of the economy. They engaged in the reboring of engine blocks, the 1949. He could not further his education due to financial difficulties. He therefore started regrinding of crankshafts, the production of iron and Aluminium spare parts, the milling of working as a labourer. In 1951, he registered as an auto-mechanic apprentice at llesa. He gear teeth, the fabrication of grinding machines and welding. The turner trade witnessed a was trained for six years and paid £2 fee for the training.59 boom from the late 1980s due to the scarcity and increased prices of the imported auto as After his graduation in 1957, he went to Gudi railway station near Keffi where he spent well as industrial spare parts during the Structural Adjustment Programme. Yoruba eight months working as a mechr ic. In September 1958, he came to Kano and began lathework artisa. „ ;were patronised for locally fabricated spare parts. Thu;., ^ o s t of the working as a mechanic. In January 1959, he joined Leventis Motors as a mechanic on a artisans acquired substantial capital, which afforded them the opportunity to invest in other salary of £1.1s.0d. per week. In 1960, he joined S.C.O.A. Motors Kano as a motorcycle sectors such as transport, estate ownership, hotels and photography. and motor mechanic. He earned £5.25s.0d. per month. In June 1961, he joined Tripoli Motors as a foreman and received £7 monthly salary. There was a measure of commercial complimentary and competitive relationship between the Yoruba lathework artisans and Igbo auto spare parts traders. First, Igbo traders patronised Yoruba lathework artisans for the production of bolts and nuts as well as auto­ spare parts. Second, some transporters and individuals patronised Yoruba lathework artisans for cheaper locally made auto-spare parts instead of the more expensive imported spare parts sold by Igbo traders. 200 201 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In 1968, he established Messrs Star Senior Trading Company (S.T. C.) located at 28 Court Road, Sabon-Gari and traded in corn-mill machines. He was the first Yoruba entrepreneur in Kano that was engaged in this trade. His enterprise encouraged other entrepreneurs, particularly Ijebu and Ijesa Yoruba traders who became engaged in the corn mill trade. For example, he introduced Papa Kuyoro into the business and influenced J. T. Jegede, both of whom later became prominent in the corn mill trade. “ Mr.-Ajetunmobi exported honey, animal skins, ̂ o6d ilrff€ha ifs "and"baskets to theHJnited States of America. In 1974, he took a loan of N10,000.00 from National Bank for the expansion of his transport business. He bought three taxi cars and four buses, which plied Kano to llesa and lie- Ife roads. He was engaged in producing local spare parts of corn- mills and has trained many people in the skill. In 1970, more entrepreneurs joined the trade particularly Mr. Papa Kuyoro and Alhaji Hamza Albankudi. Mr. Papa Kuyoro from Ijebu-Odogbolu came to Kano in 1943 to meet his brother late Odubanjo who was an accountant with the Electricity Corporation of Nigeria, Kano branch. He attended the Holy Trinity School, Kano and Samaru Teachers Training, College, Zaria, from 1944 to 1956. Between 1956 and 1957, he taught at the Holy Trinity Yoruba Corn millers at Yandoya Market, Kano. Source: Fieldwork in 1999. and received £4. 0s. 8d as salary per month. In 1957, he resigned and joined the Electricity Corporation of Nigeria as a Meter Reade:. He went through an apprenticeship scheme in metre reading. After the training, his salary was increased to £8 in 1958.60 t In 1962, he was transferred to Abeokuta as a Metre Inspector. He resigned from ECN in 1964 due to his transfer, which he did not like. In 1964, he bought a corn-mill for grinding at UTC at the cost of £60, which he installed at Tudun Wada (Dan Kade) town in Kano. By 1970, he started selling corn-mill machines. He expanded the business through direct importation from India almost on a weekly basis. He established Kuyoro & Sons Trading Stores at 24 France road (now Abuja road) a three-storey building used mainly for the V storage of com- mill machines and its spare parts. Kuyoro & Sons was the agent for PML 202 203 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Yoruba Goldsmiths in Kano Diesel engines (8 H. P., 16/2 H. P., 10 H.P. High Speed engines for Alternator), Dasco Diesel engines and corn-mill (6 H.P. and 1A Mill), Rotex Genuine Spare Parts tor engines In 1943. there were tvt/enty-three goldsmiths in Sabon-Gari, Kano, most of whom were Ijebu and corn-mills and Imex Diesel engines. He invested in housing estates, and he has about Yoruba.64 They were concentrated along Church Road (now Awolowo Avenue) and France fifteen houses in Kano and about ten in Lagos. At the initial stage of his business, he often Road (now Abuja Road), Sabon-Gari, Kano. Prominent among them were Alhaji S. I. took loan facilities from the National Bank of Nigeria, W35,000.00 per week, which he Yusuf Pa Oshineike, Alhaji M. O. Kareem, Mr. Y. O. Onagbemiro and Alhaji Bisriu. One of usually refunded after the sales of his products. He has about fifty corn-mills in Kano and in their apprentices was Mr. F. A. Lawal. He was born at Akunu Akoko near Ikare. He attended St. Andrews School Akunu Akoko between 1947 and 1953. From 1953 to 1958. Gezawa thirty-five of which were electric power corn mills.6' he learnt bricklayingiaLAKunu Akoko. After his graduation in 1958, he joined/a-cpns,tructiori firm D. Alberto in Lokoja as a labourer and received £5 as salary per month.65 In 1975, two partners, Alhaji Ibrahim Amukude and John Onakurufe formed Ore Meji 7 " ■ Agricultural Ventures for the importation of corn mills.62 Yoruba entrepreneurs were In 1960, he came to Kano to meet his Uncle, Mr. M. O. Origboye, who had lived in Kano distributors and dealers for Indian Corn Mill Manufacturing Companies such as Nulux, since 1920 as a produce buyer for the U. A. C. In Mr. M. O. Origboye's house at 48 Topex and Lister Diesels. They were concentrated largely at the Yandoya Market, Kano. Church Road, there was a group of Ijebu goldsmiths who practiced their trade. In May Alhaji Adetunji Abiade was a pioneer com miller in the Yandoya Market. In 1978, he bought 1960, Lawal started goldsmith apprenticeship when his uncle refused him practicing his corn mill at the cost of N1,500.00. By 1990, there were about fourty Yoruba corn millers bricklaying, which he learnt from home. He spent three years on apprenticeship and did > in the market. Yoruba women engaged in the sales of yam and cassava flour, corn and not pay any fee since his master was a tenant in his uncle's house. Lawal graduated in ■*" millet and similarly provided the grinding services in competition with their male 1963, he specialised in wedding and engagement rings. counterparts. Raw gold was obtained from Hausa traders in Kurmi Market. Yoruba goldsmiths had In 1995, ijesa men and women who were textile traders dominated the sale of corn mills, various specialisations and techniques of smithing, which they learnt through agricultural machines and spare parts. They were influenced by the commercial success of apprenticeship. They produced jewelries from silver, copper, diamonds and gold.66 The Ijesa traders such as Chief Jegede, Chief Albankudi and Mr. Ajetunmobi, who were jewelries were distributed by Yoruba women in Kano Metropolis and in the rural areas. By pioneers of the trade. In 1996, the Yankura Grinders Association was formed to maintain the 1950s, Ijebu Yoruba goldsmiths faced competition from Ofa Yoruba Muslims and uniform prices and protect the interests of the members in the market. Members Senegalese Muslim goldsmiths who were based in the City and Fagge quarters, Kano contributed a sum of N20.00 per week as dues.63 They formed partnership networks in terms of credit, gold purchase, production and marketing strategies.67 In the early 1970s, the goldsmith trade had declined due to the introduction of indus tria l^ (G.L.) jewelries into Nigeria. The G.L. were more durable and needed no periodic repairs like the locally made jewelries. Thus, some rich Yoruba goldsmiths diversified into the ?()•) - 204 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY importation of jewelry from Saudi Arabia and Dubai.68 Yoruba women who had Electronics Repairs accumulated capital from the sale of locally produced jewelries emerged as importers as well. Some of them operated jewelry shops in the Sabon-Gari Market, Kano where they Radio repair was one of the technical services introduced in Kano in 1948 by the Yoruba. By competed with Hausa jewelry traders. T958 there were fifteen Radio repair workshops in Kano. Among the Radio repair workshops were Baba Mairago, established by a technician from lle-lfe; Josy Ola Electronics, Labari Yoruba Aluminium Pot Makers Electronics, Victory Radio, Venus Electronics and A. A. Olufemi Radio.70 Aluminium pot making was an art that began in the Gold Coast, during the Second World In 1970, the radio repair workshop owners expanded their services with the repairs of War as a device to cope with the scarcity of imported metal pots. In the 1950s, it became an industry and spread to other West African countries including Nigeria. In Kano, it was television sets, fans, stereos,, tape recorders, and other electronics. By 1975, a new introduced by migrant artisans from Ghana, Mali, Burkina Fasso, as well as Hausa from generation of the electronic repairers had emerged. They were former apprentices in the Katsina and Yoruba from Offa. electronic workshops established by the Yoruba in Kano, in addition to those who migrated to Kano. They included the proprietors of Shotronics, Rapid Electronics, Joas Trading and The production of aluminium pots involves the use of local materials particularly sand and Technical Company, Captain Dele Electronics, Ade Ajasco and B. Mamuda. Some of them cement through casting technique. The pots were produced in various sizes with lids for began their careers as journeymen with their masters and later worked with electronic firms domestic and commercial uses. There was a high demand for the aluminium pots due to its or government radio stations as technicians before establishing their workshops. For durability compared to clay or metal pots. In 1975, the Offa Yoruba goldsmiths who could example, Mr. C. A. Adeyemi, the proprietor of Ade Ajasco Electronics Limited, Kano was not obtain the capital for jewelry importation diverted their skill to the production of pots. born in 1946 at Igbara-Odo. He attended St. Andrew's Modern School Igbara-Odo in 1965. This was possible since both skills, goldsmithing and aluminium pot making involved melting as well as casting processes. In 1967, he came to Kano to meet his brother, Julius Adeyemi who was a bricklayer. Adeyemi enrolled as an apprentice at A. A. Olufemi Radio and Television Works located at By ,1985, Hausa artisans from Katsina and Yoruba from Off? had displaced the Ghanaian 22 France Road (row Abuja Road) Sabon-Gari, Kano. He was the first apprentice at the arid other West African pioneers through apprenticeship schemes. They established workshop. The apprenticeship period took him four years and he paid £15 training fees. In production centers at Yandoya Market and Kwanar Ungogo, Kano.69 1971, Adeyemi joined Kings Way Electronic Stores at Murtala Mohammed Way as a technician. In 1972, he established a private electronic repair company -Ade Ajasco In 1987, Hausa and Yoruba aluminium pot makers formed the Kano State Aluminium Pot Electronics. In 1975, he joined the Leventis Technical Company as the Sectional Head of Makers Development Association. The aim of the association was to regulate prices and Radio and Television Workshop. He was at the same time engaged in his private electronic supply of the products. A network of traders mainly Hausa men and Yoruba women served services on a part-time basis. as wholesalers who distributed the aluminium pots. ) In 1976, he was sent on course to Tokyo (Sanyo Factory) 'n Japan. He similarly attended Telerex Electronics llupeju (a Leventis Television Technical Company). It was at these 206 207 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY technical companies that he was exposed to the production and assembly of black and S. A. Trading Store, Kano. By 1965, he had established four additional branches in Sabon- white television and other electronics. In 1977, he attended Sanyo Company at Watford Gari, Kano.73 London, for the technical training in assembling Sanyo Video, fn 1980, he left the company and concentrated on his own workshop. His enterprise involved sales, repairs, services and The early record stores^in Kano were distributors for recording companies in Lagos such assemblage of electronics. In 1986, he relocated the workshop to Bello Dandago Road due as E. M. I. And Decca Record companies. Their major products were record players, eight to expansion. He trained about 27 apprentices who spent between two to four years with track cartridges, gramophone records and audiocassettes. In 1985, there were twenty the payment of N2,000.00 training fees.71 Yoruba recording studios in Metropolitan Kano. They included Alhaji Kehinde Record Store, Sanu Olu Record, Sammy Spaco, Agbi Record and Oyebamire Trading Company. In 1977, the Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decree generated wider commercial opportunities for the electronic repairers. Some of them became dealers or distributors for In 1986, the record studios introduced the sales of videocassettes. They were equally electronic firms such as Thermocool, Philips and Sanyo. Many of them similarly established engaged in video coverage of social gatherings. The recording studios provided electronic assembly workshops. By the late 1980s, the prices of electronics had increased entertainment services at ceremonies. The services linked distant communities of Yoruba due to inflation in the era of Structural Adjustment Programme. The expensive nature of at home and in the diaspora in a network of musical production and consumption. The electronics during the period made many Nigerians to repair old electronics or purchase entertainment industry remained a powerful force in the reconstruction of Yoruba second-hand ones. communal identity in Kano. It brought Yoruba of different sub-groups and religious beliefs together. The profundity between home and diaspora enabled the Yoruba in Kano to be The development led to the formation of the Electronic Services and Maintenance less dependent on the Hausa host culture for their survival. They produced and consumed Association of Kano (ESMA). The Association was formed in January 1987. ESMA was a their own music which enabled them (re) create identity consciousness. multi- ethnic association with Edo, Igbo and Yoruba belonging to the same union. It had about forty members who pai N5.00 membership fee per month but this was later increased to M50.00 in 1999. The association was aimed at maintaining professional Conclusion discipline and unity among its members.72 However, the Association could not function The foregoing discussion indicates that the Yoruba pioneered and dominated some of the effectively due to lack of cooperation between the old and young artisans. modem technical industries in Kano. There existed sub-group specialisation and division of labour among the Yoruba in Kano. Occupational mobility, kinship networks and Yoruba Recording Studio/Record Stores apprenticeship schemes reproduced the artisans and similarly consolidated the domination By the early 1960s, some Yoruba entrepreneurs from Lagos had established branches of of the YorubaJn the modem technical skills. Most Yoruba artisans co-opted their kinsmen their tape recording studios in Kano. For example, Alhaji Rahmonu Awo and Bros Record into their trades to consolidate their commercial base by increasing the workforce as well Store were established in 1962. In 1963, Alhaji Idris Ibrahim from llala town established D. as retaining the skills within an ethnic fold. Over the years, this cultural strategy reproduced generations of artisans who followed similar patterns. 208 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Notes The post Second World War era witnessed the transformation of technical industries that , r S Smith 1978 The Lagos Consulate -1851 -1861 (London: Macmillan Press had been developed earlier. New skills had similarly emerged in the locally initiated 'Limited) pp. 37-40; and M. J. C. Echeruo, 1977, Victorian Lagos: industries in response to the wartime scarcity of imported items. In most of the technical Aspects of Nineteenth Century Lagos Life (London: Macmillan). • industries studied, the Yoruba artisans and entrepreneurs ensured that they kept pace with o E A Ayandele, 1966, The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria 1842 -1914 the development of technology. For example photography has been transformed into an ’ (London: Longman) pp. 298 and 302; and E. A. Ayandele. 1979, African Historical Studies (London: Frank Cass) p. 90. ultra-modern industry using the latest technology. 3 r d c BUK, Kano Native Administration, 41, Income Tax: Sabon-Gari, 1943, p. 256. In African economies, as the case of Kano shows, the employment of labour has been 4 Interview with Alhaji Nurudeen Adeoye, 69. at Hadejia Road, * an° ; ° n 21 commercially reciprocal between the host community and the migrants. The indigenous September, 1999 and Mr. Idowu Adebisi, 57, at No.44, Aba Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano on 28lh July, 2000. Hausa entrepreneurs used the skills of the Yoruba migrant artisans for the development of their own enterprises. On the other hand, the Yoruba migrant artisans or entrepreneurs 5. Interview with Alhaji Nurudeen Adeoye on 21st September, 1999. employed the labour of the Hausa host community to consolidate their commercial base as 6. Interview with Mr. Akingbade Idowu, 52, at Ogoja Avenue, Sabon-Gari. Kano on 9,h well as integrating their business interests with the host community as a survival strategy. October, 1999. In Kano, the cumulative effect of this was the transfer of technical skills from the Yoruba 7 RDC BUK, Kano Native Administration. 41, Income Tax: Sabon-Gari, Kano, 1943, p. migrant artisans to the Hausa host community. Hausa artisans emerged in the industries 256. where they had taken part as workers or keen observers. In the transport industry, the 8 interview with Alhaji Garba Idris. 51. at No.63 Awolowo (Church Roady SabornGari, Hausa transporters commercially displaced the Yoruba. The Yoruba, to a greater degree, Kano and Mr. Daniel Olaniran at No.30 Airport Road, Kano on 13 December, 2000. have been able to retain the monopoly of the technical skills of a more complex nature such as auto-mechanics, electrical engineering, lathe work and electronic repairs. Access to 9 Fieldwork in Metropolitan Kano- Gwamaja, Sabon-Gari, Fagge, Zoo Road, Naibawa, Brigade quarters, Nas-arawa, Hotoro and City (Birm). cheap labour through apprenticeship :sc .ernes, rather than a large amount of capital was more essential to the operation of small artisanship workshops. This commercial orientation ■ 10 Interview with Mr. Francis Iwaloye, 57, at Tudun Wada Road. Kano on 21st October, 1999. .made it convenient for Yoruba artisans to set up workshops with relatively simple technologies. Production techniques were organised around the social networks of kinship 11 interview with Chief Joe Gbenle Depo, 62. at No.35. New Road, Sabon -Gari, Kano, on 23rd May,2000. and co-ethnics. Some of the apprentices who worked for co-ethnics managed to walk their 12. Interview with Mr. Adamu Ehidiamen, Managing Director, Daddy Photos, way into entrepreneurship through hardwork and savings. The next chapter discusses the contribution of prominent individual Yoruba entrepreneurs in the growth of the Kano No.28, Ogoja Avenue, Sabon-Gari, Kano on 23 May, 2000. economy between 1918 and 1999. 13. Interview with Chief J. G. Depo on 23rd May, 2000. ■ ■ \ 14. Interview with Mr. E.G. Adekunle, former General Manager SupremeColour Laboratory, on 23rd May, 2000. it 15. The Dantata Organisation is one of the few indigenous commercial consortium in i 21 1 2I0 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Kano that has invested in industries dominated by the Yoruba in Kano 28 Interview with Alhaji Lamidi Ibrahim, 50, Chairman Road such as, catering and pools services, taxi transport and corn mill. T Transporters' Workers Union, Kwanar Jaba, Brigade, Forrest, 1994, The Advance o f African Capital: The Growth Of Nigeria Kano on 24th March, 2000. Private Enterprise (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press), pp. 205 -209 Interviews with Alhaji Garba Idris and Alhaji Mohammed Mustapha on 4“' 2g. Alhaji Abdul-Rahim j. Ishola (Owodunni) was a prominent Nigerian November, 2003. transporter. He was bom in 1922 in Keffi Yamusa into an Ogbomoso textile (Adire) trading family. He began his trading career as a foodstuff, 16. Interview with Mr. Francis Iwaloye on 21s' October, 1999. cattle and commodity trader. In 1954, he bought a Bedford three tons truck for goods and passenger services. In 1960, he formed Owodunni and Sons for fuel distribution and was a dealer for Shell, Mobil and Esso 17. R. O. Ekundare, 1973, An Economic History Of Nigeria 1860-1960 (U.S.A.: Africana In 1964, he established Owodunni and Sons Motors in Jos and became a Publishing Company), p.143 and A. G. Hopkins, 1973, An Economic motor dealer for J. Allen, Leventis, C. F. A. O. and R. T. Briscoe. By 1973, History of West Africa (London: Longman) p. 204. he had opened branches in Nigerian major cities and commercial centers including Kano. For his biography, see, Alhaji Ustaz A. M. Jamiu, 2000, 18. T. Forrest, 1994, The Advance Of African Capital... Op. cit p. 21 and A. Olukoju. Iwe Itan Igbesi Aiye Alhaji Abdur-Rahim Ishola Ibrahim Owodunni (Jos: "Urban Transport in Metropolitan Lagos," in T. Falola and S. J. Salm! Ehindero Nigeria Limited). (eds.), Nigerian Cities (Trenton: Africa World Press) pp. 211-216. 30. C. O. Adesina. 2002, "Growth And Change In The Ibadan Underground 19. A. M. Fika, 1978, The Kano Civil War And British Over-rule 1882- 1940 (Ibadan: Oxford Foreign Exchange Market During Devaluation," in J. I. Guyer, L. Denzer University Press) p. 256 and A. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History Of and A. Agbaje, (eds.), Money Stmggles And City Life: Devaluation In Sabon-Gari, Kano 1913- 1989 (Ph.D. Thesis, Kano, Bayero University) p Ibadan And Other Urban Centres In Southern Nigeria, 1986-1998 105. (Portsmouth: Heinemann) pp. 87-88. 20. A. G. Hopkins, 1973, An Economic History... Op. cit p. 197. 31. M. Abutudu, 2001, "Globalisation And The Emergence Of Tokunbo, Culture In Nigeria," in The International Journal Of African 21. A. U. Dan Asabe, 1996, Kano Labour and the Kano Poor 1930-1990 (Ph.D. Thesis, Studies, Vol. 3. No.1, p.41. Kano, Bayero University), p. 226. 32. Alhaji Abdulganiyu, a pioneer Egba Yoruba taxi driver, was regarded as 22. A. G. Hopkins, 1973, An Economic History...Op. cit pp. 220-221. one of the founders of the Transporters Unions in Kano. 23. E. A. Ayandele, 1.992, The Ijebu o f Yorubaland 1850-1950: Politics, Economy and 33. A.U. Dan-Asabe, 1996, Kano Labour And The Kano Poor 1930-1990 Society (Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books) p. 205. (Ph. D. Thesis,. Kano, Bayero University) p. 256. 24. A. U. Dan Asabe, 1994, Kano Labour...Op. cit p. 228. 34. The 16 parking units were as follows: Yankaba, Konar Tundun Wada, 25. RDC/ BUK/ Kano N. A. G.14. Income Tax General, 1956 /59: Sabon-Gari Kwanar Jaba, Agip (Airport Road), Bello Road, Ibrahim Taiwo Rich Traders (Direct Tax). The archival material was given to me by Prof. Road, Kwari market. Mohammed Murtala Way, Kano Guest Allan Frishman of the Department of Economics, Hobart and William Inn, Kofar Ruwa, Kabuga, Dorayi Baba, Gadon Kaya, Tundun Smith Colleges, New York, United States of America. He conducted his research on Kano in the 1960s. Bojuwa, Yan Rod and Army Barrack. 26. I. L. Bashir, 1983, Politics Of Industrialisation In Kano: Industries, Oral interview with Mr. Bayo Emmanuel, 56, General Incentives And Indigenous Entrepreneurs 1950-1980 Secretary, Taxi Branch 11, NURTW , at No 16 PortHacourt (Ph.D. Thesis, Boston University) p. 262. (Gold Coast) Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano on 13th March. 2000. 27. I. L. Bashir, 1983, Politics of Industrialisation in Kano... ibid pp.263 -264. 35. Interview with Alhaji Lamidi Ibrahim, 56, Chairman, NURTW, Kwanar 212 213 UNIVERSITY OF IB DAN LIBRARY c Kano State Commercial and Industrial Handbook. 1977 (Kano: Ministry of Trade. Jaba, Kano on 12lh February, 2000. 46' Industry and Co-operatives) p. 83. 36. Interview with Alhaji S.A. Kobomoje, 68, at 5B, Sanusi Street, on 23rd , A , ... 7C 17 Ahpriie Street Sabon-Gari, Kano on \ April, 2000. 47- Interview with Mr. Isaac Acte mn. ^ ^ Fabode at 7A Egbe Road. Sabon-Gari 37. Interview with Mr. Isa Ahmed, 52, Manager, Abodedayo Osun CICS Ltd Kano on 11th June, 2000. ^ at No.144, Sabon Titi, Kano on 29,h June, 2000. 48. Interview with Mr. Isaac Adedirin on 23rd April, 2000. 38. R. O. Ekundare, 1973, An Economic History...Op. cit p.141. 49. interview with Alhaji M. S. Jaji. 62, at No.30 Emir Road, Sabon-Gari. Kano on 25* 39. AHAK/AR3/LI: Annual Report of The Department of Labour for the Year April, 2000. 1952-53 and 1954-55. (Lagos: Government Printer), p.9. 50. interview with Alhaji M.O. Yusuf at No.12 Enugu Road. Sabon-Gari. Kano on 23'd 40. AHAJK/ND/A19: U.A.C. In The North: The United African Company of March, 2000. Nigeria Limited (Zaria: Gaskiya Corporation), pp. 2-10. 51. interview with Mr. Caleb Fabode on 11,h June, 2000. 41. Interview with, Mr. R. A. Adebayo, 81, on 15th April, 2000, at No.7 Ibadan Road, Kano. His father Mr. J. O. Adebayo who was a Telegraphist in the Kano 52. interview with Mr. Taiwo Koleoso. at No.30. Ijebu Road. Sabon-Gari, Kano, on 26* Railway Station brought him to Kano, in 1923. He attended the Holy March, 2000. Trinity School, Kano and later "proceeded to Boys High Scnool Abeokuta between 1944 and 1948. In 1949, he joined the U. A. C. Motor, Gidan 53. interview with Mrs. V. O. Oguntuga. 50 at No.30. Awolowo Avenue, Sabon-Gari. Kano Goldie, Kano as a Transit Clerk. on 6m April. 2000. 54. Interview with Mrs. V. O. Oguntuga on 6m April. 2000. On the commercial activities of Engineer Hussein Funso, see, NAK/Local Authority, 451, Vol. 11: Kano Township Layout, 1950, and NAK/LOA/6: Nigeria Local Development: Application for Loan by Engineer Hussein K. A. Funso, 1950- 55 Fieldwork in metropolitan Kano, 1999 to 2001 57. Interview with Alhaji Moshood Ismaila, 62, at Techanical Village, 56 interview with M, S. Am p. Manager. Hassan Engineering Company. No. 3S4 Amino Kwakwachi Kano on 28* November, 2000. Alhaji Ismaila from Ijebu-Ode attended Baptist School, from Jos 1949 to 1957 and proceeded to Bukuru Kano Way, Kano on 6th May, 2000. Technical School. In 1959, he joined Kasrawani (a Lebanese Transport firm), Jos as a motor mechanic. Between 1962 and 1966, he worked with 57. Interview with M. S. Ango on 6th May. 2000. Arab Transport (a sub: diary of Northern Nigeria Development Corporation). In 1966, he joined INCA Nigeria Limited (an Italian Fiat Trucks Sales 58. Interview with Rev. I. Ola Badejo. 80. at Niger Road. Sabon-Gari, Kano, on 28* Company) Kano as a Workshop Manager. In 1979, he resigned and ; May, 2000. established Alhaji Moshood Ismaila and Sons Motors, Kano. 59. interview with Mr. L. K. Ajetunmobi. at No.28, Court Road, Yandoya Market, Kano, 43. E.A. Ayandele, 1992, The Ijebu Of Yorubaland...Op. cit pp. 162- 168; T. Forest, 1994, The Advance Of African Capital...Op. cit pp. 60-63 and A. L. Mabogunje, on 1st April, 2000. 'Adeola Odutola And Entrepreneurial Leadership In Nigerian Economy," in Thisday Newspaper, July 3rd, 2002, p. 42. 60. intemiewswijh 44. Interview with Mr. Ohiwere Samson, 50, Production Manager at Odutola Market, Kano on 14* April, 2000. Tyresoles Company, Kano on 21st May, 2(^00. i 45. NAK/KANOPROF/LAB/14: “Gorsuch11 Report Increase Salary, July - September, 61. interviews with Chief Papa Kuyoro and Rasidat Babalola on 20* May. • f ' 1955. 215 214 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBR RY 1 2000 . CHAPTER SIX 62. Interview with Mr. L. K. Ajetunmobi on 1st April, 2000. PROMINENT YORUBA ENTREPRENEURS IN KANO, 1918- 1999 ♦ 7 ■) 63. Inteiview with Alhaji A. Abiade, 60. Corn M ile, a„d Chairman.Yandoya introduction Association, Kano, on 23rd March, 2000. Writings on individual rolê s in relation to the varying Yoruba onlorprisos In Kano have never 64. ROC BUK, Kano Native Administration. 41, Income Tax: Sabon-Gari, 1943, p. 256. been attempted. It is therefore appropriate to discuss the role played by the Yoruba 65. Interview with Mr. Felix Ade Lawal, 60, at Awolowo Avenue Kam on i f i 'h m k 66. Interview with Mr. Felix A. Lawal on 18,h March. 2000 March- 200°- entrepreneurs, traders, artisans and professionals in Iho Kano economy. The following discussion demonstrates the roles played by the individual Yoruba entroprenours as well as 67. Interview - S a ip a n Usman. 60.a, Fagge q„ahers, Kano, on 6 * the contribution they have made to the growth of the Kano economy. Yoruba artisans and traders in metropolitan Kano were entrepreneurs who were at the forefront ol many economic ventures in Kano. Their entrepreneurial careers span over eight decados from 68. Interview with Alhaji YeKeen Adeyemi. 62, a, No. 3. Wealhe, Head Ayenue. Sabon. Gari, Kano on 8m May, 2000 1918 to 1999. Most of them began their careers in government establishments, and 69. Inlerview with Alhaji Lamldi Olawoyin, 65, at the Yandoya M a r t* Kano on 16'" expatriate or indigenous firms before founding their own independent enterprises. The Aprii, 2000. artisans went through apprenticeship schemes to acquire the relevant skills. The role of eight artisans and traders and one lawyer in the economy are evaluated (two transporters, nterview with Chief C A -Adeyemi, 54, at Ade Ajasco Electronics, 22 Bello Dandago Road, on 13lh July, 2000. y one woman leader and food seller, four hoteliers and traders and one cargo/clearing and / 71. Interview with Chief C.A. Adeyemi on 13lh July, 2000. forwarding agent and one lawyer). These entrepreneurs were selected based on their 72. Interview with Chief C.A. Adeyemi on 13th July. 2000. prominent roles in the various sectors of the economy and the influential roles they played in Yoruba social networks in Kano. They represent different generations and economic 73. Interview ,h Prince Idris Oyebamire. 50. at Ibadan Road, Sabon-Gar. Kano on phases in the study of Yoruba crmmercial diaspora in Kano. • o July, fiOOO. > 4 216 217 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Chief D. O. Sanyaolu 1896-1960 ganyaolu's career presented a typical example of African labour in European firms, who The career of Daniel Oguntolu Sanyaolu provides a unique study of the Yoruba traders . having acquired the necessary enterprising skill competed with such firms. In 1915, the early colonial period. As an entrepreneur he pioneered large scale enterprises in thl Sanyaolu joined Lagos Stores Limited as a clerk. He was transferred to Kano in 1916. He import/export trade and urban services (hotel and supermarkets).’ D. O. Sanyaolu wa established Olude Stores in 1918.2 The Store dealt in imported general goods, including bom a. Ijeun, Abeoku.a, in 1896. He had his elementary education at Abeokuta from where" cutlery, household utensils, beverages, office equipment, electronics and bicycles. He was he proceeded to Lagos. In Lagos, he continued his education to acquire Standard Four also involved in beer/wine sales and distribution.3 In 1935, Sanyaolu expanded his Certificate. r enterprise by rendering services in mortgage business. He became a government auctioneer, contractor, estate and commission agent. In 1940, he equally became a produce (groundnut) buyer. He acted as a broker, buying produce from itinerant Hausa and Yoruba traders and selling them to the export firms. He employed about fifteen clerks and laborers. He advanced goods and money to other traders who mortgaged their houses and land for loans.4 Olude Stores was equally involved in the export of leather goods purchased from Kano local markets through his agents. Olude Stores was one of the approved cattle dealers.5 Chief D.O. Sanyaolu He railed cattle to Ibadan and Abeokuta in exchange for foodstuffs especially gari and Source: fieldwork in Kano yam flour. 218 2 19 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Jk In 1952, Olude Stores was one of the twenty-three Licensed Buying Agents lor the Nigerian Groundnut Marketing Board.6 Olude Stores purchased groundnut of about 4,489 tons.'r u which represented 1.1 per cent of the groundnut purchased for the year 1953/54.7 During the 1957 produce buying season, an agent of the Olude Stores, Alhaji Sarkin Bai purchased over twenty-f<5ur tons of groundnut for, Olude Stores at Kiyawa.8 Sanyaolu was equally involved in hotel business. In 1939, Sanyaolu established the first hotel in Sabon-Gari named Colonial Hotel9 The hotel employed a resident musical band called Harlem Dandies Orchestra led by Mr. G. A. Ikomi, a trumpeter. Musicians from Yoruba land especially Yusuf Olatunji, Waidi Adio, Haruna Isola and much later, King Sunny Ade and Dele Abiodun frequently entertained at the hotel.'0 Many Yoruba taxi drivers utilised the hotel as a taxi park. Passengers from the Kano railway station went directly to the Colonial hotel to hire taxis and also to meet their kinsmen. The Colonial Hotel had a cinema hall. European and African (Yoruba) films were shown with numerous customers attending. The hotel has been the only hotel where Yoruba films * are periodically shown since the 1940s. The hotel promoted the films of Hubert Ogunde, Duro Ladipo, Baba Sala, Iso Pepper and many others. These services enhanced the popularity of the hotel and Yoruba culture. The hotel engaged the services of the Hakuri Stores, which specialised in catering and hotel services. Olude Stores established by Chief D. O. danyaohr at Church Rd. No» A»olo»o Avenue, Sabon-Gari Kano. Source: Fieldwork in 1999 In the late 1940s, D. O. Sanyaolu invited shareholders from the Holy Trinity Church, Kano that also served as directors of the company for the expansion of business activities. They were, Chief J. S. Adebayo. an Egba Yoruba produce buyer and trader, Mr. Aloba, an Ijebu- jesa trader and Mr. Benjamin O. Sanyaolu (Chief D. O. Sanyaolu’s younger broiher). The Company opened branches in Lagos and Ibadan. 220 2 2 1 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY political meetings and nationalist campaigns during the post Second World War era in Kano were held at the hotel. The historic tour of Herbert Macaulay (1864-1946). founder of the Nigeria National Democratic Party formed in 1922, to Northern Nigeria was concluded with a speech at the Colonial Hotel where he later collapsed and died while descending the hotel staircase on 7m May. 1946. On November 19lh 1950. Mallam Aminu Kano (leader of Northern Elements Progressive Union) delivered a lecture on the British policy of indirect rule at the Colonial hotel. Mallam Aminu Kano used the hotel to deliver an anti-British public lecture: "The Colonial Government Should Import More Machinery and Less Whiskey.”11 In 1953, Chief S. L. Akintola's campaign tour to Northern Nigeria on Nigeria's self- government by 1956 was scheduled to take place at the hotel. The campaign tour caused the first Kano riot of May 1953 and thus the campaign could not hold.12 At independence in 1960, the management changed the name of the hotel to "Paradise Hotel."13 On 27th October. 1960, Sanyaolu died at the age of 65. His death had adverse effects on the company. Mr. B. O. Sanyaolu his younger brother and shareholder of the company took over the leadership. In the early 1960s, the importation of household items and electronics stopped due to inadeguate capital. The Store concentrated on beer distribution, staple foodstuffs, control of the Paradise Hotel and other estates owned by the company .in Kano. Mr. B. O. Sanyaolu also died in June 1969. Mr. Aloba, a shareholder took over control of the company. He concentrated on beer distribution, the foodstuffs trade and leather goods. By 1975, the company was directed by Mr. J. S. Adebayo another r-H Paradise Hotel (formerly Colonial Hotel) established in 1934 by Chief D. O. Sanyaolu sharehplder. Mr. Adebayo died in 1982. In May 1984, Chief Alfred Afolarin Ogunmuyiwa, a at Ogbomoso Avenue, Sabon-Gari, Kano. Source: Fieldwork in 1999 former sales representative of Odutola Tyresole Kano rented the Hotel for N200,000.00 per year paid to the Olude stores. In 1988, he built shops round the Hotel for rentage to Igbo and Yoruba auto spare-part dealers in order to generate more revenue.14 By 1999, the Hotel concentrated on lodging. Indeed, the commercial activities of D. O. Sanyaolu generated employment opportunities and stimulated other entrepreneurial activities in hotel > r and trading businesses. However, after the demise of the owner(s), the company neither ~ - made generational leap nor capital accummulation that could guarantee its expansion. 222 223 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Alhaji Raimi Okeniyi, 1896-1991 Okeniyi equally invested in corn mill. He had com mills in many towns/villages in Kano - Raimi Okeniyi was a promiaen, transporter at Abapia S tree t.Sabon-Gari in the ,940s pambatta, Gezawa.'Gunduwawa and Minjibir. He became an oil marketer and a dealer tar 7 a out Itfteen tomes: He was an oil martteter. produce buyer ana com miller O ken ' Total Oil Nigeria. He established petrol stations at Dambatta and Gezawa. He also had was born Ogbomoso ,896. His grand,a,her was a textiie trade, based in „ a surface tanks for kerosene and diesel oil in Sabon-Gari and Fagge Kano. By the time he died Lagos. Oke-Ogun and Bida. His lather was a tailor as well as a tektiie trade,. ® on 8lh November, 1991 the transport company had collapsed as a’ result of mismanagement. The corn mills and petroleum marketing were the only aspects of his business that remained. Okeniyi came to Kano ,922. He established a provision store a, the Sabon-Gari m ad*, n addition, he was engaged in tailoring and bicycle repairs. A. J. Karoani. a Fagge base Mr. Albert Onayemi Onamusi, 1911-1970 e anesetransport and produce-baying company employed him as a drive, and Albert Onamusi was a prominent trader and baker in Sabon-Gari, Kano, in the 1950s and mechanic He became the head driver oi the company. ,949. he resigned iron, lhe 1960s. He was bom at Ijebu-ltele in 1911. Between 1929 and 1931, he attended St. company and invested in transport As an independent transporter, he used his iorries Andrews College of Education, Oyo.19 In August 1932, he was registered as a teacher at .mdingm goods i „ cl„d i„g t o s , baans. ^ ^ and leather between Kano the Education Office Ijebu-Ode. In 1935, he joined the Nigerian Railway Corporation and was transferred to Zaria and later Kano. He resigned from the wage labour and joined the groundnut trade. He worked for a Lebanese who was an agent of the U.A.C. popularly By , 952. he had about tiheen lorries bought from U. A. c . Motors. Gidan Goldie. Kano His called Bature in Fagge quarters, Kano. In 1945, he established Itele Trading Stores at No. > I rother. Bamideie Okeni* wodted as a driver and mechanic.- He trained other re,a,ions 60, Niger Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano. The Stores dealt in general goods including textiles, such as Mohammed Olatoyan who became a truck driver. tailoring materials and provisions supplied by Chellarams Stores, Kano. He equally operated airport taxi services in Kano. He employed his younger brother, Jonathan Onamusi as the business manager. In 1948, in order to secure loan for business brnTel' 7 S ° ne ^ the ead,eSt f nSPOrterS Kano that 'Produced transport services expansion, he mortgaged his house at No.5 Sanyao’ • Streeb Sabon-Gari to the National at No 2 A ^ ^ Sab0n-Gari' 18 >" 1976, Emir Ado Bayero gave him a plot of land Bank, Kano Branch.20 In 1950, he established Anfam Bakery and empfoyed professional 7 bakers. The bakery had mud oven and employed eight workers, which included Hausa, Street Nos 3 1 5 ' ^ ^ ^ ^ ° f ,he * > ■ * e« Nos. 1. 3. 15 and three others thereby partly solving accommodation problems in Igbo and Yoruba. His business activities were disrupted by the 1966 political crises in metropolitan Kano. „ e „ So had ,am ,a„ds in Bich, and Oambaha. which genem d Kano and the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970. He left Kano in October 1966 and went to employment and food supplies. generated Ijebu-ltele leaving his brother in charge of the business. Every month, he got £50 from five tenants in one of his houses at No. 73, Odutola Street, Sabon-Gari, Kano. His brother who later died after a long illness remitted the rents for the years 1966-1968. The house was taken over by the Caretaker Committee of Abandoned Houses, which had been set up in. 1967 to control and manage abandoned properties during the Civil War. Under the t Chairmanship of Alhaji Usman Ibrahim, the house was rented to one Adamu Gurum and 224 225 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the Pilgrim Welfare Board. In August 1969, he returned to Kano and the house Wa planned to be a lawyer, but could not lurther his education when in 1945 two catastrophes returned to him in 1970 after a court case.21 struck his career. His mother died on 21st January, 1945. This was followed by his father's death on 30th November, 1945.23 In order to modernise and expand his bakery, he had sent his son, Mr. Dele Onamusi (bom in Kano in 1943) to Borough Polytechnic, London to study Baking Technology from ig66. in 1945, he was employed by the U. A. C. as a messenger on a salary of £1 a month with a 1968. However, the money for the study was largely provided by Mrs. Onamusi who was a food subsidy. He worked at Garko, a village noted for groundnut and cotton. As a rich textile trader. In 1969, Mr. Dele Onamusi took over the bakery business. He took a loan of £12,000 from Union Bank, Kano Branch to modernise the bakery. He bought messenger, Abdullahi was provided with a bicycle for his daily trips between Garko and electnc oven, mixing machine, scaling and dividing machines and employed 24 workers Kano in order to deliver or collect mails and run errands. In 1949. he resigned from U. A. who worked on three shifts per day. In 1987. he liquidated the bakery and sold the C„ Gashua. equipment to Better Life Programme at the rate of N200,000.00. 22 He expanded the Anfani Book Store, which he established in 1977 into Amazing Grace Limited, Kano that In 1951. he joined the Leventis Stores in Geidam, buying groundnut, hides and skins and specialised in the importation and distribution of Christian books. gum Arabic for the company. In 1952, he joined A.G. Chattalas and Company and worked for 7 years (1952-1959). In 1959 he left wage labour and became a trader. He invested in Alhaji Abdullahi Salihu Olowo transport between 1959 and 1966. His vehicles were obtained on hire purchase from European companies. He had about four Leyland lorries that conveyed passengers and The family history of Abdullahi Salihu Olowo has been synonymous with the growth and cash crops especially groundnut between Kano and Azare.24 The lorries were equally used development of a migrant settlement in Sabon-Gari, Kano. His father, Mohammed Olowo for the foodstuffs trade in groundnut oil, gari and yam flour. came to Kano as a kolanut and foodstuffs trader from llu-Olomo in llesa. He settled at Unguwar Ayagi, a Yoruba ward in pre-colonial Kano. In 1916, he relocated from Unguwar He became a contractor to Taylor Woori ow (Nigeria) Limited, a subsidiary of the U.A.C. He Ayagi and settled e‘ fto.58 Niger Avenue, Sabon-Gari for closer partic ipa te" in the was a prominent contractor and a member of Sabon-Gari Indigenous Contractors economy. Mohammed Olowo was one of the early community leaders of the Yoruba and a Association. By 1964, he was appointed a representative of Niger Company. He opened an founding member of Yoruba Central Mosque Samori-Adeen, Kano, which was established in 1925. office at 35, Church Road (now Awolowo Avenue). The Niger Company supplied him with Austin lorries purposely for advertisement. He used the vehicles commercially in conveying passengers, groundnut oil. wood, cotton and leather. Much of his profits were invested in Abdullahi Salihu Olowo was bom in 1929 in Sabon-Gari Kano at a time when Sabon-Gari property- buying houses and land. Along Emir Road alone, he had about five modern was transforming into a big settlement dominated principally by the Yoruba, Nupe, Sierra storey buildings for commercial purposes. Ghanaians- F° r his westem education, Abdullahi started very late at the age of ten since he followed his father to farm at Saminaka along Zaria -Jos rail line. In 1939, he enrolled at the Holy Trinity Primary School, Kano (now Dan Waire). Abdullahi had 226 227 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In 1972, his transport business collapsed due to the dishonesty and inefficiency of his drivers.25 Thus, he invested in the hotel business. In that year« he established Bee-Zee- Bee Hotel at No. 35A Warri Road. As the hotel expanded he invited managing partners including Alh. Umaru Na'abba, Alh. Murtala Olayeri and Mallam Nasidi. On 21st December, 1974, Abdullahi was installed by Emir of Kano, His Royal Highness, Alhaji Ado Bayero, as SaskiaJt'opjbawa Kane.26 By the late 1979s;^^ 'cqu ifed j20;acre^jf^ land along Zaria Road with the aim of building a Five Star Hotel. The plan was, however, disrupted by court cases over the ownership of the land. This led to the collapse of his business activities.27 4 229 228 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Chief C. A. Giwa From this humble beginning, she rose to become a commercial and political colossus in the C. A. Giwa. was bom in Akoko. He attended St. John School lloro, llesha. where he Yoruba diaspora. By 1960, she became the food contractor for the Prison Service in Kano. ^ obtained his Standard Six Certificate in 1937. He worked as a teacher between 1937 and She employed about twenty sales girls and boys who also served as cooks. It was during 1940 on a £7. 05. 6d. salary per month. In 1940, S. A. Fajemisin, a prominent groundnut this period that she organised the Yoruba Women Food Sellers Association and became trader based in Kiyawa. invited him to Kano to work as a clerk. He was paid £11 salary per their leader.30 As part of her duties, she inspected food for hygiene and taste.31 In 1974, month. her commercial prowess attracted the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero who appointed her as the Sarkin Mata Yorubawa, Kano State.32 At this period, her prominence embody a fiqure of womanhood characterised by business acumen and political icon. Indeed, the In -1945, Alhaji Nagoda (C.F.A.O.) produce agent employed him as a produce buyer at decisive"appointment of Sarkin Mata Yorubawa Kano repositioriecPthe .stbtus of women Gezawa and Ringim. Alhaji Nagoda provided capital of between £500 and £1,000 as within the leadership structure of Yoruba community and Kano society at large. In 1979, advances to farmers through his agents.28 For his services as a buying agent, Giwa she was an active supporter of National Party of Nigeria (N. P. N.) due to her long time received about £15 commission per delivery of groundnut. relationship with Kano politicians, especially Alhaji Sani Wali and Alhaji Yusuf Maitama Sule.^She had stalls at Fagge Police Station and Yankaba Market. She had seven stalls in In 1948, he joined the U. A. C. as a produce buyer through an Egba Yoruba man, Mr. A. S. Sabon-Gari Market for foodstuffs and two taxi cars.34 During the Civil War, 1967-1970. Coker who was the first African Manager of the company in Kano. In 1953, after the Kano abandoned houses were handed over to a Committee, which appointed Caretakers that riot, he started a private business, buying groundnut for Olude Stores during the produce rented them out. Magajia was a member of that committee and the caretaker of four + buying season. In the dry season, he became engaged in the foodstuffs and livestock trade houses throughout the Civil War.35 Her financial contributions to ethnic associations and between Kano and Ibadan. He railed chicken, guinea fowls and eggs to Ibadan and chieftancy titles prevented her from expanding her business activities. returned with palm oil as well as gari. In 1954, Giwa sold three houses, two in Sabon-Gari, one in Fagge for Olude Stores as a result of his inability to balance accounts arising from the poor returns of the groundnut farmers to whom he had advanced money. In 1960, he invested in the hotel business. In 1966, he established Otolom Prince Hotel, No. 91-92 Yoruba Road (Ogbomoso Avenue) with over W2,000. He employed four workers. By the 1970s, he became a distributor of Guinness Brewery and a general contractor. Hajiya Rabiatu Olatundun Idris (Magajia) Rabiatu Olatundun was a food seller, contractor and the first Yoruba woman leader in Kano. She was bom in 1920 at lie Are-Okuta, Ibadan. In 1943, she became engaged in long distance trade along with other traders and by 1948, she settled in Kano as a food seller at France Road (now Abuja Road), Sabon-Gari.29 230 231 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Alhaji Ganiyu Bello Ganiyu Bello from Ibadan was born in Kano in 1933. He had his primary education in Kano from 1940 to 1945. Between 1945 and 1952, he attended Ibadan Boys High School and Ibadan Commercial Academy. In 1955, he joined the Nigerian Railway Corporation in Kano. In 1960, he joined G. Cappa Construction Company as a foreman.36 In 1970, he resigned and became a businessman. In 1971, he established Criss- Cross Organisation, Kano for caterinq and_hotel services. In 1982, he invested in petroleum marketing as a dealer for Mobil Oil Nigeria Limited. He was a pioneer government licence businessman to operate Bureau de Change in Kano. He served as a member of Kano State Rent Tribunal, Kano Chamber of Commerce, Association of Petroleum Marketers and Nigeria Institute of Public Relations. He is the Grand Patron of Lagelu Society, Patron of ANWAL Islamic Organisation, Kano, Aaregbe Omo Balogun Maiyegun of Ibadanland, Honorary Doctorate Degree in Business Administration by Kenton University Singapore, 2nd May, 1988, and Justice of Peace, the National Association of Kwara State Student Union, Bayero . v > University, Kano. G.A. Bello is a member of Kano Golf Club, Kano Club and Yoruba • Tennis Club, Lagos. ^ • ) Yoruba women enterprenuers at a socia l function in Kano Source: Alhaja Sikiratu Olaiya, 1999 In 1985, the Criss- Cross Organisation expanded with the establishment of GAB Hotel Complex at Ibrahim Taiwo Road, Kano. In 1990, Bello established the Association of Yoruba Residents in Kano (AYOREKAN) as a Pan-Yoruba Association for the protection of Yoruba interests and welfare. In 1995, he founded a Pan Yoruba bank in Kano AYOREKAN Community Bank with a capital base of N5million.37 The bank aided the business activities of its customers, mainly Yoruba, who received soft loans and over draft. In 1998, the bank closed down as a result of low patronage and inability to recover loans. 6. 8: Barrister Jonathan Majiyagbe A senior advocate of Nigeria (S.A.N.) and the President of the Rotary International, Majiyagbe was bom in Lagos in July 1934. Majiyagbe family from Abeokuta had a history o i^ 232 233 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN IBRARY colonial service in Northern Nigeria and the Cameroon.38 His father, Jacob Folorunso Cross and was for many years the Chancellor of the Anglican Diocese of Kano. He is also Majiyagbe, attended Abeokuta Grammar School in 1914. He'joined the Medical a member of the Rotary Club of Kano and Kano Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Mines, Department of the colonial service and worked in Abeokuta, Lagos, Kano, Jos, Kaduna and and Agriculture. In 2003, he was elected as the President of the Rotary International, an ' the Cameroon. His elder brother, James Olatunbosun Majiyagbe (father of Chief Mrs organisation he has served for 36 years. Kuforiji Olubi) served as Police Officer in Hadejia and Katsina before he became an auctioneer. His younger brother S. A. Majiyagbe worked as a clerk in the colonial service < Alhaji Sunmonu Asani in Kano and Hadejia between 1928 and 1950. In 1948, he was paid £7 salary per month and £72 per year. He retired from the colonial service in April 1950.39 Sunmonu Asani, the proprietor and Chief Executive of Conair Cargo Services Limited was born in 1943, at Oranre Oyi. In 1972, he graduated as a Grade II Teacher from Bauchi Jonathan Majiyagbe attended primary schools in Lagos, Kano and Jos. Between 1948 and Teacher’s College. He worked briefly as a teacher and thereafter took up a career in the 1953, he attended Government College, Kaduna and llesa Grammar School. In 1957, he aviation industry. In 1972, he became a member of Institute of Transport in London and joined the British Bank for West Africa, Marina, Lagos as a Clerk. He studied Law at the Institute of Export, London. Alh. Sunmonu Asani joined the Nigerian Airways in 1974 London University, Middle Temple. In 1965, he began his legal career with Barrister F.A. Between 1974 and 1978, he attended many seminars and courses in Frankfurt, Thani (an Ijebu) in Kaduna and they moved to Kano in 1966. Before the end of the year, Amsterdam, London, Spain, New Delhi and Brussels. The courses and seminars gave him Majiyagbe established Majiyagbe Law Firm at Church Road, Sabon-Gari, Kano, which much encouragement and required training needed in clearing and forwarding business. became incorporated in 1971. In 1980, Majiyagbe became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (S.A.N.), being the first in Northern Nigeria and among the first fifteen in Nigeria. In 1978, he joined the International Messengers Nigeria Limited (IMNL). IMNL operated in London for many years before its establishment in Nigeria in 1978. He was appointed as a His legal firm became a training ground for many lawyers in Nigeria. They included. Mr. Station Manager for the Kano zone. The IMNL was one of the first courier companies that Olajide Ayodele (S.A.N.), Mr. Okulaja (S.A.N.), Mr. Yemi Johnson (S.A.N.), Mr. Bankole introduced express delivery services in Kano. Due to his experience and managerial ability, Aluko (S.A.N.), Mr. Orifunmishe (former Attorney General of Niger State), Mr. Mike Ahamba the company expanded with about fifteen branches in Northern Nigeria. In 1986, he was (former Attorney General of Anambra State), Senator Udo Udoma, Mr. Zakari Sogfa promoted to the position of General Manager (Northern Operations). (former Attorney General of Kaduna State), Mr. Sola Ojo (Secretary to the Kogi State Government), Prof. Awalu Yadudu, Justice Sabo Adamu and Justice Ahmed Belgore The Northern Operation, except Benue and Kwara States, made about N3.000.00 a month (Judge in The Gambia). before his appointment as General Manager. From 1986, the Company made over N8.000.00 a month carrying cargo, clearing, exporting and air freighting parcels, hides and Majiyagbe is a member of the Nigerian and English bars, the Honourable Body of skins, gum Arabic, kolanuts, ginger and the personal effects of expatriates from Britain. Benchers, the panel that evaluates qualifications of those seeking to practice law in Nigeria India and far eastern countries.40 In 1987, he resigned from the services of the IMNL I !<• subsequently founded and incorporated his own courier company -Conair Cargo Services and formally calls them to the bar. He is also a member of the Chartered Institute of Limited. On 2nd, January 1987, the Company started business transactions with a capital Arbitrators, London. He is the Chairman of the Kano State branch of the Nigerian Red base of N100,000.00 and five pioneer staff.41 The Company with its Head Office at 7c 234 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY r Murtala Mohammed Way Kano, has branches in Lagos, Port-Harcourt, Kaduna and plosque (now Nurudeen Mosque) Adebayo Street, Jos, He also learnt Qur'an from Alhaji London and engages in clearing and forwarding, shipping agency work, ware housin ^urudeen Aladire at Cole Street.43 haulage, international procurement, freight support services/chartering, import/export consultancy and local supplies. \\e completed his early Islamic education under Alhaji Jimoh. He proceeded to llmi Qur'anic School in Jos under Alhaji Hamzat Salma Agbarigidoma. Between 1948 and 1958. he went along with his teacher on preaching tours to Keffi and Lafia. After his Qur'anic graduation in These services are rendered to numerous manufacturing or processing industries such as 1958. he joined his father in tailoring and textile trading in a workshop located at 25/3 Cole Akkad Tanning Company Limited Kano, Gashash Tannery Limited Kano, Kayfab Industries Street. Jos. In 1960. he became an independent textile trader and tailor. When Alhaji Limited Kano, Algaita Trading Company Kano, The Lee Group Limited Kano, Standard Abdulsalam Ayinla Sarumi set up Madrasatual Adabiya Al-lslamiyya, Jos, he became a Plastics Limited Kano, Bally Plastic Kano and Zenith Containers Company Limited Pop partner. Harcourt. . . . . . JAMV . . . . In 1966, he proceeded to Kano School for Arabic and Islamic Studies. The Plateau State In 1995, the company expanded considerably. The staff strength was 104 and annual Government sponsored and paid his fees with another £6 allowance per month. He turnover was (45 million. The company, in addition, achieved international and local graduated with Merit in 1969. In 1970, he was employed as a teacher by the Kano State recognition. Conair Cargo Limited was one of the clearing agents honoured with awards by Government and was posted to Gezawa but he refused. His refusal was on the grounds ̂ Credit News Lagos in 1995. The company was appointed as the Nigerian Partner by C. K that such posting would affect his Islamic activities in Kano City as well as his trading. Cargo Limited, United Kingdom. Further investment was made by the establishment of Alhaji Jimoh Garba, a staff of John Holt, Kano, offered him initial capital of £50, which he sister companies that were engaged in trading ventures: Shesun Ventures Limited (General refused. He rather engaged Alhaji Garba-as his guarantor for credit goods. Through Alhaji Merchandise) and Jasafa Associates (General Merchandise). Both companies have Garba, Yarda became a distributor and an agent for Nigerlux Paints, Sabadeen Paints, branches in Kano, Lokoja, llorin and Oranre.4* Asani is a member Division Three. Ansar- Nulux, Niger Paints and John Holt. Each of the companies gave him credit goods worth ud-Deen Society of Nigeria; Patron of Jamaat Nasril Islam, Kogi State; Patron, Islamic £100. He established a building materials store at 22 Court Road/Yankura (Yarda Building Youth League, Kano; Otun-Are Musulumi of Okun-Land Kogi State; and the Asiwaju of Materials Stores). In 1975, Nigerlux granted him a credit of (4200,000.00 and by 1976, his Oranre. turnover was N500.000.00.44 Alhaji Suleiman Bello Yarda In 1977, his store became a Limited Liability Company. He opened branches in order towns at Ogbomoso, Sokoto, Maiduguri. llorin and Jos. He maintained about three Alhaji Suleiman Bello Yarda, an Islamic Scholar and businessman, was born in Ogbomoso delivery vans for the distribution of building materials. In the same year, he established in 1940. He began Qur’anic education in Ogbomoso at a very tender age. In 1943, his Zeenat General Enterprises (Electronic Materials) at 15 Court Road Kano. He also r father, Alhaji Mohammed Bello Olaniyi a trained tailor and textile trader migrated and opened branches in Lagos and Maiduguri. settled in Jos. Yarda enrolled as pupil under a Qur'anic teacher, Alhaji Abdulganiyu of Sabo 237 236 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In 1978, with the increase in the trading activities of the Varda Building Materials Limited (narketing. Most of the entrepreneurs began their careers as expatriate and indigenous the company was relocated to an expansive site at 1A Abuja by Besting Road, Sabon firms' workers where they got their enterprising skills. The artisans were trained through Gari, Kano. He became a sole distributor in Kano for PZ. IPWA, Berger Paints, Borno apprenticeship schemes. Wires, Midlan Galvanising Products. He was patronised by the Kano State Government Alhasan Dantata and family. Standard Construction. Isyaku Rabiu Companies, Contractors Some entrepreneurs started with small-scale enterprises and small workshops before as well as individuals. investing in other businesses. Some of them obtained loans from banks and similarly used their network to get goods on credit or hire purchase. Most of them had government patronage. Their principal source of capital was private savings and re­ Ho invested his money in the estate business by building many houses in Kano for rentage investment. With the exception of Onamusi family business, some of the early However, part of his income was spent on the propagation of Islam and philanthropic establishments could not survive after the demise of their founders due to activities, which incapacitated his business expansion. He promoted the establishment of mismanagement and lack of focus by the successors. Olude Stores collapsed after the Islamic associations among the Yoruba community in Kano. Such associations included death of Sanyaolu. Raimi Okeniyi's transport, corn-mills, oil business and many estates Ibadu-Rahman of Nigeria, Nurudeen Society. Kano, Islamic Youth League, Young Muslims were shared among his children. The transition of business ownership and management Association of Nigeria, Kano and Zumratul Ujaj, Kano.45 from the pioneer to tne second generation was often very slow and characterised by family squabbles, intrigues and financial indispline. Majority of what became family firms I rom the early 1980s, the economic downturn and increased competition in the building were either shared or liquidated. materials trade led to the collapse of his flourishing-enterprise. In 1985, he lost his father and was asked to return home to Ogbomoso by the family. He eventually left Kano for Ogbomoso in 1986. The artisans in urban services were in tune with technological development. By acquiring Conclusion modern machines, they were able to expand their business. Economic recession from the These profiles indicate that the Yoruba artisans, professionals and traders constituted part early 1980s and the Structural Adjustment Programmes adversely affected many of the stakeholders in the Kano economy. They pioneered some technical skills and aided entrepreneurs and artisans leading to their bankruptcy. Similarly, ethnic conflicts led to the their spread through the training of apprentices. They invested in a wide range of transfer of some enterprises from Kano. Only enterprises in the urban services, especially businesses in order to widen their enterprise and increase their income. The profiles show hotels, survived after the demise of their owners because of their lucrative nature. that Yoruba traders, professionals and artisans were active in both the formal and informal Entrepreneurs contributed through donations and cash remittance to communal sectors of the Kano economy. Three Yoruba merchants, D. O. Sanyaolu, C. A. Giwa and development and participated in township associations. The reward they derived were A. S. Olowo got their, capital from expatriate produce buying firms. They subsequently chieftaincy titles, which made them, spend much more on non-profitable ventures. Social became independent produce buyers. Raimi Okeniyi became a transporter in the post- functions diminished money from being invested in commercial enterprise. Second World War period. He invested in transport, corn-mills, agriculture, housing and oil 21K UNIVER I Y OF IBADAN LIBRARY Entrepreneurs acted as employers of labour and aided the spread of technical skills among Motes v the host community. Yoruba entrepreneurs in Kano exhibited complex forms of laboUr 1 pieldwork and Interviews in Sabon-Gari Kano, 1996- 2001. employment. At one level, most enterprises, in particular small scale ones, could be described as family firms with the employment of exclusively co-ethnic and family 2 NAK\ KanoProf \4292: JReport on Native Reservation: Kano Township -List * of Small Stores Holders in Sabon-Gari before the establishment of Sabon-Gari members. In many instances on the contrary, Yoruba entrepreneurs hired labour from the Market in 1918, p.17. host community who were considered less threatening in terms of knowing their business 3 interview with Mr. Oladele Awoloto, 87, on 14th December, 1999 and 11th Apnl, 2000 at strategies and who might not necessarily be potential competitors. This was equally an No.5 Tundun Wada Road, Kano. Oladele came to Kano in 1920. attempt by the entrepreneurs to integrate socially and economically into the host society 4 NAK\Kano Prof \6123 A : J.S. Adebayo Plot No. K13 and interview with As shown in the profile of Majiyagbe, Yoruba professionals contributed significantly to the Chief C. A. Giwa, 14lh May, 2000 at No.9. Ogbomoso Avenue Sabon-Gari, development of the formal sector of the economy in Kano. Yoruba entrepreneurs provided Kano. He was a former produce buyer who auctioned about 3 houses for Olude Stores due to his inability to balance account in a poor harvest year. employment, shelter, recreational facilities, transport and investments in oil distribution and agriculture all of which aided the development and growth of the Kano economy. 5 NAK\SNP\17: 14739A Vol. 1: Hides and Skins Regulations: List of Approved Cattle Dealers. 6 J N. Paden, 1968, The Influence Of Religious Elites On Political Culture And Community integration In Kano Nigeria (Ph. D. Thesis, Harvard University) p.l055. 7. NAK7 Kano Prof 70/2/51: minute of meeting 1952/53-1953/54. 8 RDC\BUK\225\418: Direct Taxation of Groundnut Middlemen: District Administration Kano, 20lh January, 1957 and RDC/BUK, Kano NA - G14 Income Tax General: Rich Traders in Sabon-Gari Direct Tax, 1956/59. 9. A. Bako, 1990, A Socio -Economic History Of Sabon-Gari 1913-1969 (Ph.D Thesis, Kano, Bayero University) p. 196. 10. Interview with Mr. A. O. Sanyaolu, 57, (son of Mr. B. O. Sanyaolu) at No. 35, Ogbomoso Avenue Sabon-Gari, Kano on 25th August, 2000 and Olude Stores Limited, 1959 Calendar. 11. A. Abba, 1993, The Politics Of Mallam Aminu Kano (Kaduna: Vanguard Printers and Publishers Limited) p. 18. 12. H. Wakili, 2001, “Inter-Ethnic Violence: The 1953 Riot In Metropolitan Kano," FAIS Journal Of Humanities. Vol. 1, No.4, p. 186. v * 240 241 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIB ARY 27. Interview with Alh. Usman Adenle, 15,h June. 2000 and Odua News p. 13. Interview with Chief J. A. Sotayo, 72, Managing Director of Olumo Hotel, 7. s , Odutola Street, Sabon-Gari, Kano on 12th April, 2000. He was a former 28. Interviews with Chief C. A. Giwa and Dr. A. U. Dan Asabe on 19lh April, 2003. w employee of Olude Stores. Dan Asabe pointed out that some of the groundnut middlemen were ruthless in the collection of their money from their agents in the case of 14. Interviews with A. O. Sanyaolu and Chief G. A. Ogundipe, fraud or inability to deliver groundnut. 60, Chairman Lisabi Club. No.54, Ogoja Avenue Sabon-Gari, Kano 9,h October, 1999. 29. Interview with Alhaja Sikiratu Olaiya, 95. at Brigade Quarters. Kano on 26,h February ,2000. 15. Interview with Dr. A. A. Akanbi. 55, at the Federal College of Education Kano, 25,h June, 2000. 30. Interview with Alhaja Sikiratu Olaiya on 26,h February ,2000. 16. Interview with Mr. Ajiboye J. Ola. 78, Abedie Street, Sabon-Gari, Kano, 23rd May, 2000. He came to Kano in 1938. Interviews with Alhaja Amuda 31 Interview with Prince Adekunle Adelugba, Vice Chairman, Yoruba Community, Kano at Bamidele. 64 at Abedie Street, Sabon-Gari Kano, 2nd April, 2000 and No.69, Sabon-Gari, Kano 14th April and 11,h May,2000. Mrs. S. A. Olusola, 58, at Abedie Street, Sabon-Gari, Kano, 18,h May. 2000 . 32. Interview with Prince Adelugba on 14,h April and 11lh May,2000. 17. RDC /BUK Kano NA : G14 Income Tax General, Rich Traders in Sabon-Gari, Direct Tax 1956/59. 33. Interviews with Prince Adelugba and Alh. Usman Adenle on 14,h April and 11,h May,2000. 18. A. Bako, A Socio-Economic History. ..Op. cit .p.l06. 34. Interview with Prince Adelugba on 14,h April and 11th May,2000. :' W 19. Interviews with Barrister J. B. Majiyagbe (SAN) and Mr. Dele Onamusi, 61, at No. 35. A. Bako, 1990, A Socio-Economic History...op. cit p. 267. 19, Masama Close, Tarauni, Kano on 12,h September, 2004. 20. AHAK/6123A/ Applications for Mortgages, Sabon-Gari. Kano, 1948. 36. Interviews with Prince Ajayi Memaiyetan on 20th January, 2001. 21. Kano State Suit No. K/96/1969: J.A.O. Onamusi Vs. Alhaji Usman Ibrahim and Lawan Tudun Wadan H J.R. Jones, 1971, Law Reports of the Northern 87. Interviews with Alh. G. A. Bello at 42, Ibrahim Taiwo Road, Kano, on 13,h States of Nigeria-N.N.L.R. (Kaduna: Interim Common Services) pp. 1- March, 2001: Prince Ajayi Memaiyetan and Prince Adelugba.. 3. 38. Interview with J. B. Majiyagbe on 10th, 11,h and 13th September, 2004. 22. Interview with Mr. Dele Onamusi, on 12th September, 2004. 39. NAK/Kano Prof/2354/: Mr. Majiagbe S. A. Personal File, 1928-50. 23. Interview with Oba Salihu Olowo on 13th December, 1999. 40. Biz News Magazine, Kano, April to September, 1987 p. 28. 24. Interview with Mr. E. O. Adeyanju, 72, Nnamdi Azikiwe Street, Sabon-Gari, Kano on 4,h February, 2000. 41. Company Profile, Conair Cargo Services Limited, Kano. 25. Interview with Chief Joseph Chukwujugha Ojukwu, 72. No.28 Emir Road, Sabon-Gari, 42. Interview with Chief R. O. Ajiboye, Group General Manager, Conair Cargo Kano on 6th March, 2004. ) Services Limited, Kano on 15** June. 2000. < VJ ---------------------------- _ --- - ---------------------------------------------J__________________ 26. Interview with Oba Salihu Olowo and Odua News: Monthly Newsletter of Yoruba 43. Interview with Alh. Suleiman Bello Yarda. at Warri Road Sabon-Gari. Community Kano State, June 1999 Edition, pp 7-8. 242 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Kano on 5th June 2000 and at Olopemaarun Area, Ogbomoso on 18,h November, 2000. CONCLUSION 44. Interview with Alh. Abdulfatai Beljo Yarda, Managing Director, Varda This work has demonstrated that the pursuit of profitable commercial outlets and access to Building Materials Stores Limited, No. I A, Abuja Road Sabon-Gari, Kano on foreign goods had been the hallmark of Yoruba traders for centuries. It was a common ^ 15th April, 2000. belief that the long distance they covered to reach markets offered more profit. Hence, 45. Interviews with Alh. Suleiman Bello Yarda and Alh. Abdulfatai Bello Yarda economic advancement induced individual migration to Kano within the kinship networks. A diaspora community was created as an anchor of a larger commercial network between Kario and Yorubalana. Throughout most of the period covered by this study, Yoruba commerce featured prominently in the changing economic periods of Kano. This was largely a consequence of competitive spirit, and entrepreneurial skills as well as the flexible economic structure of the Yoruba that encouraged occupational mobility. By this, the Yoruba enterprises in Kano manifested in the two simultaneously expanding commercial frontiers, namely formal and informal sectors of the economy. From 1912, Yoruba provided part of the much-needed skilled labour force in the colonial administration and were as well involved in the foodstuffs and livestock trades. A striking related phenomenon, peculiar to generations of entrepreneurs is that, having gained business or technical experience at government service or expatriate firms, Yoruba entrepreneurs diversified into private enterprise. Indeed, ambitious Yoruba entrepreneurs considered self-employment in private enterprise as the surest route to self-economic advancement, independence and capital accumulation. For most Yoruba entrepreneurs in Kano, migration occurred within the context of kinship oT sub-group connections. Kinship networks served as the centripetal force of considerable influence on Yoruba migration and commercial enterprise in Kano. The pragmatic value of the kinship institution among the Yoruba in Kano was economic co-operation and mutual help that sustained the commercial diaspora. Kinship linkages ensured access to capital and training. These two measures were the major strategies of survival deployed in the highly competitive Kano economy. Entrepreneurial drives of the Yoruba entrepreneurs ^ 244 245? UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY onabled them to recruit labour from kinship networks for the expansion of commercial Throughout the greater part of the period covered in this study, there was a certain degree bases within an ethnic fold. What accounts for the preponderance of the Yoruba in the of ethnic tolerance between the Yoruba migrants and the Hausa hosts due to historical modern technical industries was the deep entrenchment over generations of the linkages and extensive social networks. The horizontal ties of social networks offered a apprenticeship scheme nurtured by kinship networks. Indeed, this mechanism facilitated major strategic truce for peaceful cohabitation between the host and Yoruba migrants but the training of artisans and entrepreneurs. The successful entrepreneurs were equally vital ethnic associations and communal identity among the migrants have weakened this. ns providers of credit and sometimes temporary shelter or employment for new migrants Linguistic and cultural adaptation of the Yoruba ensured their integration, assimilation and Cultural identity and credit schemes, further reinforced bonds of commerce that linked the acceptance and which above all, accounted for their commercial success in Kano. Some Yoruba together and made the diaspora community a resource rich human network. Yoruba Muslims established their settlements in close proximity within the neighbourhood of the host community. Some Muslim members of the two ethnic groups are equally Yoruba in Kano were generally thrift conscious. Business capital was accumulated through adherents of Islamic Brotherhood (Sufi), particularly Tijaniyat and Quadriyat. The informal group lending schemes, especially Esusu, Ajo and Cooperative unions. neighbourhood warmth and reciprocities reinforced unity and solidarity in commercial Incalculable amounts of income were set aside for savings to create a large pool of capital activities but do not often guarantee safety during the ethnic conflicts. Issued out as loans to entrepreneurs both men and women. Though most of the ethnic and township associations provided the platform for business partnerships, they however As commercial migrants, Yoruba in Kano formed part of the consumer population for goods oxponded money on social activities. and services produced in and around Kano. Yoruba commerce and enterprise constitute an important revenue base for the host community through the payment of rents, levies, fees As the diaspora of Yoruba in Kano demonstrates, the commercial activities of the migrant and taxes to the government. The Yoruba commercial diaspora in Kano contributed to the community, to a considerable proportion, reflect their social and cultural values. Patterns of socio-economic transformation of their region of origin through cash remittances by investments and commercial partnerships were influenced by kinship and social affiliations. individuals and or ethnic associations. This process ensured sub-group specialisation. For example, entrepreneurs formed partnerships with their townsmen and religious network linkages. However, such partnerships were most often ephemeral as a result of disparities in capital contribution, This book reconstructs the major phases of the Yoruba commercial diaspora in order to put expenditure patterns and/or* mode of livelihood. Yoruba commerce in Kano was its trajectory in perspective. By 1986, the deepening economic crisis accentuated by the segregated by sub-ethnicity and socio-economic status that undermined entrepreneurs Structural Adjustment Programme had tragic ethnic consequences. The contraction in the from making transition from the informal sector of the economy into manufacturing. economy made governments impose embargos on employment and staff “rationalisation” Nonetheless, migration creates sites for resocialisation processes for the Yoruba in programmes leading to mass retrenchment. Hence, commercial competition was intensified metropolitan Kano. Indeed, the urban context enabled intermarriages across the labyrinth in the informal sector of the economy. Inflation and the devaluation of the national currency of Yoruba subcultural 'groups and constituted the crucial element as cross-cutting solidarity resulted in low profits. Wage earners combined penny capitalism in the informal sector. The i ( structure. Yoruba commercial diaspora in Kano, therefore, saw its frontiers blocked at a time when dissension across the country intensified. Yoruba commercial monopoly in some technical 246 247 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY industries and skilled labour, education and petty trading steadily declined, but its economic the indigenes and immigrants. The year 1999 marked the greatest exodus of the Yoruba value remained considerable. from Kano and therefore manifested in the decline of Yoruba enterprise in Kano. T * As shown in this study, the overriding factor for some Yoruba relocating to their hometowns was the basic desire to return to their roots due to old age or strong pull from family, friends, kinship groups in order to perform leadership and social responsibilities. In recent time, massive relocation has been caused by bankruptcy, occasioned by economic disarticulation and a dramatic rise in the incidence of ethnic unrest that has endangered urban life. From this social and economic history, the Yoruba diaspora exhibits change, flexibility, mobility and continuity. In all, as the work has outlined, the Yoruba commercial diaspora X contributed to the development of the productive base of the economy and constituted a considerable influence on the transformation of Kano into a commercial metropolis in Nigeria. Both Yoruba migrants and the Hausa host community felt ambivalent about the way they lived together. The Yoruba community aspired to integrate into Kano social and v economic framework but they also strove to keep their own cultural values and identities through ethnic associations. The two communities have experienced the ambivalent relationship in the historical, economic and social contexts. The 1999 Sagamu reprisal riot was a crucial moment in the history of the Yoruba in Kano. The Yoruba in Kano who had lived within neighbourhoods dominated by the host community were attacked. In the previous riots in Kano, such Yoruba living in the midst of the host community often enjoyed the confidence and protection of the Hausa neighbours based on the religion of Islam predominantly practiced by both communities. Under socio­ economic difficulties, economic competition degenerated into ethnic hostilities and confrontations. In all, the 1999 riots constituted part of the triggers of structurally distorted ethnic relations that flourished under the British rule, which created a dichotomy between 248 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Postscript several years a large number ol the retrenched non-indigene workers were contract Since the 1999 riots, Kano has witnessed steady influx of new migrants despite the high employees ineligible for government pensions. In 2002. the Kano state purge of at least inte of unemployment, poverty and ethnic and religious conflicts. In spite of the sliding real one thousand ot non-indigene workers, including many teachers in the public schools incomes in the urban economy and diminishing employment in the wage sector, the rendered them socially displaced and adrift. Because the vast maionty of the southerners oxistence of a flourishing urban informal sector continued to stimulate Yoruba migration to were contract employees, they had no legal right to challenge their termination and 'm ost Kano. Indeed, the narrow range of opportunities and resources in their hometowns where of those fired went back to their own state, where they know no one Even, though the some had spent insignificant parts of their lives forestalled some Yoruba migrants' motive purge was earned out to create jobs for the indigenes, there were not enough qualified of migration from Kano. Some of the younger generation of the Yoruba who were either indigenes to fill all of the empty positions, especially in the education sector. I mm or brought up in Kano had a weak link with their original families in Yorubaland. Such Yoruba continued to live in Kano where they have developed extensive social networks willi the Hausa host community. Some of those who relocated to their hometowns find Note: llittir way back to Kano due to their inability to integrate into the socio-economic strata of 1 “They Do Not Own This Place” Government Discrimination Agamst Non-Indigenes in "to society. This trend had a decisive impact oh family life among Yoruba in Kano. Some Nigeria (Human Rights Watch), April 2006, Vol. 18, No. 3 (A) pp. 26-27. , :,•* heads ol households resettled their families in their hometowns while they continued to live nod make money in Kano. Migratory flows between Yorubaland and Kano continued as township/ethnic associations mid roligious institutions received and registered new members. Most of the new migrants wmo young school leavers and artisans seeking employment, educational and market opportunities respectively. Equally important, new associations especially youth clubs and roligious institutions were established. For example, Akbarudeen Mosque, Panel Baptist Church, Sabon-Gari, Kano and Ogbomoso Young Stars, Kano was launched after the 1999 riots. The flow of commerce, particularly foodstuffs and livestocks trades continued botween Yorubaland and Kano.V V In the public sector, this process became more convoluted by the mass retrenchment of Yoruba and other non-indigene workers from the services of Kano State government. For 250 251 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY A P P E N D IX I A P P E N D IX il LIST OF SMALL STORE HOLDERS IN SABON-GARI RESERVATION TRADE ASSOCIATIONS AMONG YORUBA IN KANO, 1980-1999 BEFORE THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SABON-GARI MARKET IN 1918 t Egbe Obmrin Olounje w Egbe Eleran Yoruba ^ Name of Store Location Egbe Agbaiejo Olufade Stores A1 Kano Fashion Designers Association Charity Stores B10 Oredola Cultural club Ola Oluwa Stores B 20 Yoruba Kolanut Sellers Association Omosan Stores C 20 Ewedaiyepo Medical Herbalists Association Ola Oluwa Stores D 20 Egbe Elewe Omo Niger Bank Stores E 18 Yoruba Women Kolanuts Traders Olu Sesi Stores F 10 Gari Sellers Union Elubo Sellers Union Progressive Trading Company G 18 Olude Stores K 13 Source: F ie ldwork in M etropolitan Kano, 1999-2001 Ballat Hughes Stores L1 Ola Oluwa Stores L13 Abacha Maiduguri Stores M 7 Oluwa Nipekoyeni Stores 04 Source: NAK Kane Prof, 4292, R eport on Native Reservation: Kano Township, p. 17 253 252 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY APPENDIX III Ifon Progressive Union I 1ST OF YORUBA ETHNIC, TOWNSHIP, FRIENDSHIP, YOUTH, LABOUR GUILDS AND Iganna Progressive Union CREDIT ASSOCIATIONS IN KANO Igbara Oke Progressive Union 1920-1999 Igbara Oke Progressive Union Igbara-Odo Progressive Union 10WNSHIP/ SUB-ETHNIC ASSOCIATIONS Igbeti Progressive Union Igbomina Descendants Union Abeokuta Descendants Union Igosun Descendants Union Ada Progressive Union Ijabe Progressive Union Ago Iwoye Community Ijagbo Descendants Union Awo Progressive Union Ijebu Igbo Community Awon Progressive Union Ijebu Iperin Progressive Union Itmliigry Progressive Union Ijebu Remo Community 11<)rtp« I Joscendants Association Ijebu Young Men Association I lift Descendants Union Ijebu-Ode Community I ylm Central Union Ijeda Progressive Union I glm Owode Progressive Union Ijesa Progressive Union I gbe Omo Egba Ikire Progressive Union I ybe Omo Eko Ikire Progressive Union I |igbo Progressive Union lie Ife Progressive Union I kill Progressive Union llobu Progressive Union I kill Youth Association Ekiti (Parapo) llobu Progressive Union I pit Progressive Union llora Progressive Union I tin He Progressive Union llorin Descendants Union I npa Progressive Union llorodu Progressive Union I iditi Progressive Union Ipee Progressive Union I iditi Progressive Union Iragbiji Descendants Association ( ilmgura Descendants1 Association Iseyin Progressive Union ( ibongan Progressive Union ^ Iwo Progressive Union Ibadan Elders Progressive Union Lisabi Club Ibadan United Association Lora Progressive Union 4 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Lumesi Progressive Union Ekiti Ifelodun Club Modakeke Progressive Union Ekiti Youth Association Modakeke Progressive Union Elite Ladies Social Club Oba-Osun Progressive Union Ifedapo Friendly Association Odogbolu Community Ijakadi Progressive Club Ofa Descendants Union Ikirun Diamond Members Ogbomoso Descendants Union (Ogbomoso Parapo) Ikirun Standard Club Ogun Waterside Progressive Union Irawo Oluyole Social Club Oke-lho Progressive Union Irawo Owuro Osogbo Dola Youth Social Club Okun Descendants Association Irepodun Society Ondo-Egi Progressive Union Lamondi Club Osogbo Progressive Union Mapo Club Otan Aiyegbaju Descendants Association Ofa Dynamic Club Owo District Union Ogbomoso Parapo Women Wing Owu National Ogbomoso Young Elite Club Oyan Progressive Union Ogbomoso Youth Movement Oyo Descendants Union Okin Club of (Kano) Nigeria Oyo United Union Olalomi Progressive Club Oyo United Union Omolere Social (Women) Club Saki Parapo Osogbo Diamond Yewa Progressive Union Osogbo Dun Society Osogbo Glory Club WOMEN SOCIETIES AND YOUTH CLUBS Osogbo Ten Members 14 Members Social Club Owo United Club Agbale 88 Club Progressive Social Elites Alpha Sisters Club, Kano Soun Social Club Atewogbeja Club Supreme Okiki Elite Club Crown Club Yoruba Community Women's Wing Egbe Friendly Society (Ogbomoso Women) Egbe Odo Ajisaari Egbe Ogbomoso Ajilete 256 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Y O R U B A R E L IG IO U S O R G A N IS A T IO N S , K A N O 1 9 2 1 -1 9 9 9 Y O R U B A E T H N IC A S S O C IA T IO N S YORUBA CHRISTIAN ORGANISATIONS IN KANO Yoruba Community Kano Aladura Church Yoruba Community, Association, Naibawa Branch Baptist Church Yoruba Community. Mariri Branch Cherubim and Seraphim Church Yoruba Community. Tukuntawa Branch Christ Apostolic Church Yoruba Community. Yankaba Branch Holy Trinity Anglican Church Yoruba Community, Zango Dakata Branch Methodist Church Oke-Ayo Cherubim and Seraphim Church STATE ASSOCIATIONS The Apostolic Church Ekiti State Indigene Association WOSEM Church Kogi State Indigene Association Kwara State Indigene Association YORUBA MUSLIM ORGANISATIONS IN KANO Lagos State Association Akbarudeen Society Ogun State Association Ansar-tl-deen Society Ondo State Association An»nr-ul Islam Society Osun State Indigene Association Anwar al-deen Society Oyo State Indigene Association (Oyo Peju) Anwarul Islam Movement of Nigeria lianhrudeon Allah is one Source: Fieldwork in M etropolitan Kano, 1999-2001 { uundl of Muslim Community Young Muslims Association of Nigeria I Hyatul dimn Society ( tanihudoen Society Ibadan Hahaman ol Nigeria lalimlc Youth Loague II A l) Armar Falilat Tijaniyat Nawaml riton Society Ntimdmtn Society flrtinorf-%d*t Kano District by Shittu Arikewuyo, 1957-58. NAK/Kano Prof/LAB/21: Department of Labour Quarterly Review. 274 275 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY NAK/Kano Prof/IOA/95: Mr. F. A. Owo and Sons. 1957. NAK/SNP/17.14739A Vol. 1: Hides and Skins Regulations: List of NAK/Kano Prof/NA/7: Kano Native Administration Works Staff Approved Cattle Dealers. (Africans). 1937-1958. NAK/Kano Prof/NAE/10: Kano Native Administration Electrical and RESEARCH AND DOCUMENTATION CENTRE, BAYERO UNIVERSITY, KANO Water Supply, African Staff Appointment, 1949-1954. NAK/KanoProf/4386/S. 8: Kano Mixed Court, Sabon-Gari Review Cases RDC/BUK: Kano Native Administration, 41. Income Tax, Sabon-Gari, 1943. by Resident, 1949-52. RDC/BUK: Kano Native Authority 13. Control of Assessment Kano City, 1943. NAK/Kano Prof/ 4386/5. /6: Olude Stores Versus C. E. Stober Review RDC/BUK: Local Government: Groundnut Agents, 1945-1959. Case, 1956. RDC/BUK/Kano N.A./13: Control of Tax Assessment Kano City: List of The Most NAK/Kano Prof: Application for Mortgages in Sabon-Gari, Kano, Plots Famous Tradesmen in Sabon-Gari Market, 1948. Held Under Regulations 38 of 1940. RDC/BUK/225/418: Direct Taxation of Groundnut Middlemen : District Administration NAK/Kano Prof/8283: Egba Mining Syndicate, 1953-55. Kano, 20th January 1957. NAK/Kano Prof/6032: Antani Bus Company, 1945-50. RDC/BUK/Kano City District-General Tax Assessment, 1957-58 NAK/Kano Prof/6123: Application for Mortgages In Sabon-Gari, 1948. NAK/KanoProf/8187 British and French Bank for Commerce and RDC/ BUK/Kano Native Authority Tax Assessment Sabon-Gari Rich Traders, 1949.' . ‘ ......... Industry Limited, 1953-55. RDC/BUK: Kano Native Authority Income Tax, Sabon-Gari Rich Traders, 1956/1959. NAK/Kano Prof/IOA/6: Nigeria Local Development: Application for Wr Loan By Mr. Hussain A. K. Funsho, 1950-57. 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