MISSION STRATEGIES OF THE EVANGELICAL CHURCH OF WEST AFRICA AMONG THE MAGUZAWA IN KANO AND KATSINA STATES, 1954 – 2007 BY AJAMU, THOMAS KAYODE MATRIC NO: 108788 A Thesis in the Department of Religious Studies, Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, of the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN APRIL, 2013 i UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CERTIFICATION I certify that this work was carried out by Thomas Kayode AJAMU, under my direct supervision in the Department of Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan, in partial fulfillment for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Religious Studies. ………………………………….. ……………………………………….. Date Prof. Deji Ayegboyin B.A. Hons. (Legon), M.A., Ph.D. (Ibadan) Professor of Church History, University of Ibadan, Ibadan. ii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY DEDICATION To my parents, Pa. J.O. Ajamu Aboderin and Madam Mary Ajamu Aboderin. iii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Several people have contributed to the success and completion of this work. It is well-nigh impossible to list the names of all those who contributed in some way to this achievement. However, I wish to acknowledge with gratitude the contributions of the following persons. First and foremost, I take this opportunity to record and enunciate my huge indebtedness to Rev. Professor Deji Ayegboyin who supervised the work with sympathy, patience, encouragement and accessibility, for which I remain eternally grateful. I wish to also gratefully acknowledge the assistance rendered by all the past and present Lecturers in the Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan. They were of immense help to me throughout the period of the study. Specific mention should be made of the present Head of Department, Dr. J.K. Ayantayo, Professor S.O. Abogunrin, Professor M.Y. Nabofa, Professor A. Dzurgba, Dr. G.A. Oshitelu (Late), Dr. (Mrs.) D.O. Akintunde (Late), Dr. S.A. Fatokun, Dr. (Mrs.) H.A. Labeodan, Dr. A.O. Dada, Dr. C.O Jegede, Dr. P.A. Oguntoye, Dr. O.O. Familusi and Dr. S.M. Mepaiyeda. They have remained a source of encouragement and inspiration to me. I do pray and hope that eternity would be their reward. Words are inadequate to express my indebtedness to Dr. S.A. Odebunmi, Sub Dean (Post Graduate) Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, through whose contribution the work has attained its present level of success. I also wish to most sincerely thank Prof. A.B. Musa Gaiya of Department of Religious Studies, University of Jos, and Drs, S.A. Ajayi and Victor Edo, both of History Department, University of Ibadan, Dr. Sunday Adeshina, English Department, University of Ibadan and Pastor Sola Olojede, Deputy Bursar, University of Ibadan, for their various contributions to the success of the study. I would also like to appreciate the staff of Kenneth Dike Library, University of Ibadan, and also the library staff of Baptist Theological Seminary, Ogbomoso. My thanks are also due to the authorities of Arewa House, and National Archives, both in Kaduna and ECWA Archives and Records, Jos. I am also deeply indebted to all those who granted me interview and responded to the research questionnaire. Special appreciation goes to the staff and students of ECWA Theological Trainning Institute, Tofa, and all ECWA ministers, leaders and members in both Kano and Katsina States, who readily gave the necessary information pertinent to the study. In this regard, special mention must be made of Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi, former Katsina DCC Secretary, now with ECWA Theological Trainning Institute, Tofa; Rev. Yahaya Tambaya, Kano DCC Secretary and Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. May the Lord abundantly reward them all. My sincere appreciation goes to the authorities of Federal College of Education, Kano, for their support and encouragement. I equally appreciate my Dean, Mr. C.I. Nwachukwu, colleagues in iv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the Department of Christian Religious Studies, particularly Mr. Tunde Ogundeji who took the photographs, and all other members of staff who showed concern in the course of this study. Dr. M.O. Dare, a former colleague now with Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and Dr. Ambrose Ihuarulam of Chemistry Department deserve special mention here. I would also like to put on record the contributions of my past and present colleagues in the Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan, especially Dr. M.L. Ogunewu, Dr. P.A. Ojebode, Dr. Ayodele Ajayi; Dr. A.A. Adesegun; Rev. Dr. S.N. Tasie, Venerable Dr. I.A. Adeniji and Rev. O.A. Oludele. Mrs. Ruth Oke‟s contribution should be specially commended here. She was in many ways, especially through her constant proddings, instrumental to the completion of this work. I also wish to acknowledge the contributions of Abdulkadir Ahmad and Clement Olawuyi who typed the draft of the thesis. It is with profound gratitude that I acknowledge the unwavering support of my wife, Felicia Abosede, and our children: IyanuOluwa, FiyinfOluwa, SinmilOluwa and TitolOluwa. They solidly stood by me throughout the period of the study. I also wish to appreciate my younger ones, especially Mr. Isaac Taiwo Ajamu and all the Brethren in the Lord, particularly Pastor Tunji Olawale and Bro. Moses Olawuyi who showed concern and with keen interest anticipated the completion of this work. Most of all, I give glory and adoration to God Almighty whose loving kindness and faithfulness saw me through to the end of the programme. v UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY TABLE OF CONTENTS Title Page i Certification ii Dedication iii Acknowledgements iv Table of Contents vi List of Tables x List of Plates xii List of Figures xiii List of Maps vix Abbreviations and Acronyms xvii Abstract xix CHAPTER ONE: GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1.0 Background to the Study 1 1.1 Statement of Problem 3 1.2 Purpose of the Study 4 1.3 Significance of the Study 4 1.4 Scope of the Study 5 1.5 Research Methodology 6 1.6 Organization of the Study 7 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 2.0 Introduction 8 2.1 Christian Missions in Northern Nigeria 8 2.2 ECWA Mission Activities Among the Maguzawa 24 2.3 Conversion in Mission Context 26 2.4 Strategies in Christian Missions 28 CHAPTER THREE: THE MAGUZAWA OF NORTHERN NIGERIA AND THE ECWA MISSION 3.0 Introduction 35 3.1 Ethnographical Survey of the Maguzawa 35 3.2 The ECWA Mission 47 CHAPTER FOUR: ECWA MISSION STRATEGIES AMONG THE MAGUZAWA 4.0 Introduction 61 vi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4.1 Lay Evangelism 61 4.2 Literacy Classes (Karatun Don Kowa) 66 4.3 Medical Services 71 4.4 Women‟s Fellowship (Zumuntar Mata) 74 4.5 Theological Education 75 4.6 Conversion Celebrations (Bikin tuba) 78 4.7 Radio Broadcast in Hausa 79 4.8 Church Programmes and Activities 81 4.9 Rural Development Programme 83 CHAPTER FIVE: THE OUTCOME OF ECWA MISSION WORK AMONG THE MAGUZAWA 5.0 Introduction 85 5.1 Lay Involvement in Evangelism 85 5.2 The Consequence of Using Literacy Classes 88 5.3 ECWA Health Services 92 5.4 Women‟s Fellowship 95 5.5 Theological Education Skills 96 5.6 Conversion Celebrations 97 5.7 Radio Broadcast in Hausa 98 5.8 Church Programmes and Social Activities 100 5.9 Rural Development Programme 105 5.10 Biographies of Some Outstanding Maguzawa Members 106 5.11 Implication on Evangelism and Church Planting 115 5.12 ECWA churches in Maguzawa Communities 118 5.13 Empirical Information and Data Analyses 127 5.13.1 Age of the Respondents 127 5.13.2 Sex Distribution of the Respondents 127 5.13.3 Academic Qualifications of the Respondents 128 5.13.4 Designation of the Respondents 128 5.13.5 ECWA Membership 129 CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION 6.0 Summary 130 6.1 Findings of the Study 131 6.2 Critical Evaluation 133 vii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6.3 Recommendations 135 6.4 General Conclusion 136 Bibliography 137 Appendix I 179 Appendix II 184 viii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY LIST OF TABLES Page No. Table 3.1: The Statistics of ECWA EMS Missionaries in 1967 58 Table 3.2: ECWA EMS Missionaries in Maguzawa Communities in Kano State (2007/2008) 59 Table 3.3: ECWA EMS Missionaries in Maguzawa Communities in Katsina State (2007/2008) 60 Table 4.1: Effectiveness of ECWA Mission Strategies 61 Table 4.2: ECWA Primary Schools among the Maguzawa in Kano State 70 Table 4.3: ECWA Primary Schools among the Maguzawa in Katsina State 70 Table 4.4: Health Centres Established by SIM in Maguzawa Communities in Kano State 71 Table 4.5: Clinics/Dispensaries Established by SIM in Maguzawa Communities in Katsina State 71 Table 4.6: ECWA Dispensaries and Clinics in Kano State 74 Table 4.7: ECWA Dispensaries and Clinics in Katsina State 74 Table 5.1: Lay Involvement in Evangelism 85 Table 5.2: The Consequence of Using Literacy Classes (Karatun don kowa) 88 Table 5.3: ECWA Health Services 92 Table 5.4: Women‟s Fellowship (Zumuntar Mata) 95 Table 5.5: Theological Education 96 Table 5.6: Conversion Celebrations (Bikin tuba) 97 Table 5.7: Radio Broadcast in Hausa 98 Table 5.8: Church Programmes and Social Activities 100 Table 5.9: Rural Development Programme 105 Table 5.10: ECWA Membership Statistics in Maguzawa Communities, Kano State 118 Table 5.11: ECWA Membership Statistics in Maguzawa Communities, Katsina State 121 Table 5.12: ECWA Membership Statistics in Maguzawa Communities, Kano State 124 ix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.13: ECWA Membership Statistics in Maguzawa Communities, Katsina State 125 Table 5.14: Age of the Respondents 127 Table 5.15: Sex Distribution of the Respondents 127 Table 5.16: Academic Qualifications of the Respondents 128 Table 5.17: Designation of the Respondents 128 Table 5.18: How the Respondents became ECWA Members 129 x UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY LIST OF PLATES Page No. Plate 4.1: 2007 Graduating Students, ECWA Theological Training Institute, Tofa, Kano State 77 Plate 5.1: ECWA Primary School, Maikafi, Tsiga LCC, Kafur L.G.A., Katsina State 89 Plate 5.2: ECWA Dispensary, Malumfashi, Malumfashi LCC, Katsina State 94 Plate 5.3: ECWA, Bari LCC, Rogo L.G.A., Kano State 117 Plate 5.4: ECWA, Katsina DCC Secretariat, Malumfashi, Katsina State 126 Plate 5.5: First ECWA, Malumfashi, Katsina State 126 xi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: KATSINANCI: Katsina Maguzawa Tribal Mark 39 Figure 2: KANANCI: Kano Maguzawa Tribal Mark 39 xii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY LIST OF MAPS 1. Map of Nigeria: Showing the Locale of the Study xiv 2. Map of Kano State: Showing Principal Places Mentioned in the Text xv 3. Map of Katsina State: Showing Principal Places Mentioned in the Text xvi xiii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY MAP OF NIGERIA SHOWING THE LOCALE OF THE STUDY xiv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY MAP OF KANO STATE SHOWING PRINCIPAL PLACES (L.G.As) MENTIONED IN THE TEXT xv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY MAP OF KATSINA STATE SHOWING PRINCIPAL PLACES (L.G.As) MENTIONED IN THE TEXT NIGER REPUBLIC xvi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS AMS – African Missionary Society AC – Action Congress ACTS – African Christian Textbooks CAN – Christian Association of Nigeria GRA – Government Reservation Area CMS – Church Missionary Society CRD – Centre for Research and Documentation DCC – District Church Council DE – District Executive EMS – Evangelical Missionary Society ECPL – ECWA Central Pharmacy Limited ECWA – Evangelical Church of West Africa EE – ECWA Executive ETTI – ECWA Theological Training Institute GCA – General Church Assembly GCC – General Church Council JAH – Journal of African History JETS – ECWA Theological Seminary, Jos JNI – Jama‟atul Nasril Islam (Society for the Victory of Islam) LE – Local Executive LCB – Local Church Board LCC – Local Church Council LGA – Local Government Area PSRHH – Promoting Sexual and Reproductive Health and HIV/AIDS Reduction xvii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY R.D – Rural Development Programme SDP – Social Democratic Party SIM – Sudan Interior Mission SUM - Sudan United Mission TEAM – The ECWA AIDS Ministry TEKAN – Tarayya Ekklesiyoyi Kristi a Nigeria (Fellowship of Churches of Christ in Nigeria) WMU – Women Missionary Union xviii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ABSTRACT The Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA) is a church that recorded remarkable proselytising success among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States despite the people‟s resistance to Islam or Christianity. This achievement notwithstanding, little attention has been paid to the history and strategies adopted by the church to Christianise the Maguzawa. This study, therefore, investigated the evangelistic strategies the ECWA deployed in the Maguzawa communities in Kano and Katsina States from 1954-2007, with a view to assessing their impact on the communities. The study was premised on Donald McGavran's People Movement theory which emphasises multi-individual conversion. Data for the study were collected through interviews, church records and questionnaire. Oral interviews were conducted with 80 purposively selected respondents, clergy (40) and the laity (40). Four hundred copies of a questionnaire were randomly administered; out of which 372 were retrieved from 74 Pastors, 36 students of ECWA Theological College, Tofa, and 96 church members in Kano State; and 73 pastors and 93 church members in Katsina State. Qualitative data were subjected to critical and historical analysis, while quantitative data were analysed using percentages. The ECWA adopted seven mission strategies among the Maguzawa. The first was the empowerment of the laity in frontline evangelism, making it possible for the ECWA to reach wider prospective converts between 1954 and 1980. To consolidate the faith of the converts and raise their social level, literacy classes were organised which led to the people‟s social and political mobility from 1954 till date. Third, medical services were introduced as the church‟s response to transmissible diseases, leading to unprecedented improvement in the people‟s health conditions (1954-1990), including awareness about HIV/AIDS (1996 to date). Fourth, to penetrate the social restrictions to Hausa women, Women‟s Fellowship (1954 to date) was organised which increased women participation in grassroots evangelism. Fifth, theological education was introduced in 1970 to professionalise the leadership of the indigenous churches and systematise their church planting strategies. Sixth, to attract new converts, conversion celebrations were introduced in 1977, which consolidated ecumenical ties among the various denominations in Maguzawa communities. Seventh, the church collaborated with Radio Nigeria in 2004 to broadcast the programme, Bangaskiyar Krista to preach to people yet to be reached through personal contact. A total of 86.6% respondents agreed that the empowerment of the laity enhanced the conversion prospects of the ECWA; 93.6% that literacy classes led to a new social order among the Maguzawa; 100% that ECWA medical services complemented government health provisions; 94.6% that women‟s fellowship enhanced women evangelism; 90.9% that theological education broadened the ECWA leadership skills. Also, 95.5% concurred that conversion celebration strengthened the faith of converts; and 85.8% that the radio broadcast provided avenues for mass media evangelism. The seven strategies adopted by the Evangelical Church of West Africa among the Maguzawa, shrunk into evangelistic, educational, medical and media strategies, served as veritable means of Christianising and sensitising the people in social and political terms. The adoption of these strategies by other churches will enhance further proselytisation work in Northern Nigeria. Key words: Evangelical Church of West Africa, Maguzawa, Mission strategies, Church growth, Evangelism, Northern Nigeria Word count: 500 xix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER ONE GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1.0 Background to the Study A cursory observation of the religious scenario in Northern Nigeria seemingly 1 suggests that the whole area is entirely Islamic. Northern Nigeria seems to appear as a monolithic block within the context of the Hausa-Fulani hegemony, with Islam becoming a state religion and the Hausa language widely spoken as unifying factors. Moreover, in the core Hausaland (especially Kano and Katsina States, the locale of this study), church buildings are not allowed within the major cities whereas mosques are conspicuously and imposingly erected all over the places. Even in some cases, Ratibi mosques are attached to 2 residential buildings. The singular event that provided this setting was the violent and decisive revolution of a Fulani Muslim cleric, Usman dan Fodio, at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The movement, which is known variously as the Usman dan Fodio Jihad, Sokoto Jihad and Fulani Jihad, marked a crucial turning point unprecedented in the history of Hausaland. Over the ruins of the numerous polities of this vast area, the Jihad established a new political organization based primarily on Islamic laws and values. Beginning from 1804, the Jihad led to the Islamization of many ethnic groups and large parts of what today is known as Northern Nigeria. Consequently, the ethnic groups that fell under Usman dan Fodio‟s reformist hammer were constituted into the Hausa/Fulani Empire or Sokoto 3 caliphate. Thereafter, the administrative and judicial systems, and the social life of the people were, to much an extent based on the teachings of Islam. It may be said that a common culture prevailed in the predominantly Muslim areas of Northern Nigeria where 4 almost everyone was intimately associated with Islam. Against the above backdrop, Ayandele maintains that Muslims in the mainland of Northern Nigeria were already fossilized in their faith at the advent of the Christian 1 The term Northern Nigeria is a vast area which was brought under British Colonial rule in 1903 as a political entity. It included all the ancient Hausa States, the old Kanem Bornu Empire, the indigenous people of the Plateau and the Middle Belt. Presently, it covers three geo-political zones in Nigeria: North-East (Adamawa, Bauchi, Bornu, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe States) ; North-West (Jigawa, Kano, Kastina, Kebbi, Sokoto and Zamfara States); North-Central ( Abuja FCT, Benue, Kaduna, Kogi, Kwara, Nassarawa, Niger and Plateau States). 2 Ratibi Mosques are by nature neighborhood Mosques in residential areas where Jumat prayers are not supposed to be observed. See F.T. Lateju. 1999. Mosque structures in Yorubaland: their evolution,styles and religious functions. Ph.D. Thesis. Department of Religious Studies. University of Ibadan. 3 For more details on the Jihad and Sokoto Caliphate, see the following: Murray Last, 1967. The Sokoto Caliphate, London: Longmans. R.A. Adeleye, 1971. Power and diplomacy in Northern Nigeria, 1804 – 1906. London: Longmans. Bala Usman, 1982. The overthrow of the sarauta system. Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press; Ibrahim Suleiman, 1987. A revolution in history: The jihad of Usman dan Fodio. London: Mansel. 4 J. N. Paden. 1973. Religion and political culture in Kano. Los Angeles: University of California Press. 391. xx UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY th 5 missionary thrust at the beginning of the 20 century. Be that as it may, it is pertinent to note that there are exceptions to this stance of Ayandele and others. In Northern Nigeria, in spite of the predominance of Islam, there are significant pockets of adherents of traditional religion 6 among some indigenous peoples with their various tribal beliefs. Besides, considerable 7 Christian communities have arisen in some parts of the region, and to date, Christianity is becoming increasingly pronounced in some areas of Northern Nigeria. According to the 1952 8 and 1963 Nigerian census figures, the numbers of Muslims, Christians and others in Northern Nigeria grew tremendously, but while both the Muslims and the „others‟ showed a relative decline between these two periods, the population of Christians grew from 2.7 to 9.7 9 percent of the population. Furthermore, John Paden has argued that Islamic religious integration preceded both 10 social and political integration in Northern Nigeria. Though this argument may be said to be true of Kano city, it is instructive to note that it is entirely not applicable to the whole of Kano and Katsina States. This is premised on the fact that surrounding the cities of Kano and 11 Katsina are villages and communities of the Maguzawa, the indigenous traditionalists, with a substantial population and extended culture. It is observed that the Maguzawa have not been Islamized despite several Islamic expansionist thrusts. These indigenous traditionalists have since the 1950s embraced Christianity. For instance, Abdullah and Hamza, quoting Jibrin Ibrahim have observed that out of about 75,755 Maguzawa living in Kano State, 33,843 had converted to Christianity, 16,533 to Islam, while the remaining 26,005 have in 12 some respects tried to hold on to their indigenous religious practice. 4 E.A. Ayandele. 1966. The missionary impact on modern Nigeria, 1842 – 1914: a political and social analysis. London: Longman Group Ltd. 133. 5 See E.P.T Crampton. 1975. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. Zaria: Gaskiya Corporation Ltd. 11. 6 In various parts of the expanse of land designated as Northern Nigeria, there are considerable numbers of Christians of various denominations. Some examples are among the Jukuns, Tivs, Bachama of Numan division, Kilba of Adamawa etc. Though it is not very certain when these people started having contact with Christianity, it is evident that in the 19th Century, there have been traces of Christianity in these areas. See Richard Gray.1967. Christian Traces and Franciscan Mission in the Central Sudan 1700 – 1711. J.A.H. 8. 383 – 393 (cited by Crampton 9). 8 „Others‟ as used here takes into account adherents of indigenous religion and other world religions and probably some, who might have claimed not to belong to any religion at all. 9 See Crampton 1975. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. 177-178. It should be noted that 1991 and 2006 Nigerian Census did not reflect Religious affiliation. 10 J. N Paden. 1973..Religion and political culture in Kano. 391. 11 The Maguzawa would be discussed in detail in chapter three. 12 Hussaina J.Abdullahi and Ibrahim Hamza. 2009. “Woman need independence ownership rights: woman and land in Northern Nigeria”. Available at http://www.law.edu/wad/WAI-studeints/Nigeria.html.internet. Assessed 6 June 2009. 11. xxi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Prominent among the Christian denominations that worked among the Maguzawa is 13 ECWA. Thus ECWA, an indigenous denomination whose Christianizing activities among the Maguzawa come into focus in this study, is an offshort of the Sudan Interior Mission (SIM). The SIM in its pioneering efforts at Christianization came into Northern Nigeria in 1893. It was, however, not until 1902 that her efforts started yielding fruit with the opening of a mission station in Pategi in present Kwara State. The work eventually spread to the other parts of the region with a tremendous and remarkable success among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. Against this backdrop, this study examines the mission strategies of the ECWA, with the aim of determining how the mission has been able to achieve such a feat in an environment which is generally believed to be Muslim dominated. 1.1 Statement of Problem The Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA) is a church that recorded remarkable proselytising success among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States despite the people‟s resistance to Islam or Christianity. This achievement notwithstanding, little attention has been paid to the history and strategies adopted by the church to Christianise the Maguzawa. This study, therefore, investigated the evangelistic strategies the ECWA deployed in the Maguzawa communities in Kano and Katsina States from 1954-2007, with a view to assessing their impact on the communities. The Maguzawa as a people or group were indigenous Hausa traditionalists who th th refused to be Islamized in the 19 and early 20 Centuries in spite of the predominance of Islam around them and in Hausaland in particular. In recent times it has been observed that there is much incursion of Christian Missions, namely Church Missionary Society (CMS), the Roman Catholic Mission, the Baptist Mission and especially ECWA, into the enclaves of the Maguzawa. Germane to this study, therefore, is the task of highlighting the strategies employed by ECWA, through which it was able to penetrate the Maguzawa communities in Kano and Katsina States, in spite of the prevalence of indigenous religion and Islamic resistance coupled with the colonial legacy of dominance-subordination relationships between the Muslim and non-Muslim groups in Northern Nigeria. 13 “ECWA” an acronym for “Evangelical Church of West Africa”, is the name by which the national church that emerged from the mission activities of Sudan Interior Mission (SIM), an Interdenominational mission organization, came to be known. In 2010 ECWA came to be known as Evangelical Church Winning All, still retaining the acronym „ECWA‟. However, the old name (Evangelical Church of West Africa), which appeared on the consulted archival materials is used in this study. xxii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The pertinent questions arising from the foregoing are: what were the strategies employed by the ECWA in penetrating the Maguzawa community in Kano and Katsina States? In the course of ECWA penetration among the Maguzawa, were there innovations to be emulated or pitfalls to be avoided by other Christian Missions? What were the dynamics and effects of the ECWA mission work among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States? 1.2 Purpose of the Study This work examines the mission strategies that facilitated the evangelistic activities of ECWA among the Maguzawa of Kano and Katsina States; and the outcome of these mission strategies. It is also meant to accomplish the following objectives:  To evaluate the missionary activities of ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States between 1954 and 2007.  To discuss the consequences of the penetration of the ECWA into the Maguzawa communities in Kano and Katsina States. 1.3 Significance of the Study This study examined from the historical perspective the evangelistic strategies of ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. It is significant in the sense that the study would provide information on a group about which little is known, and further analyses the consequences of ECWA mission strategies among an indigenous people in Northern Nigeria. In addition, the study fosters a proper understanding and appreciation of the work of ECWA within the complex traditional and Islamic context of the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. Also, the study would provide understanding of the challenges confronting Christianity in Northern Nigeria. Lastly, the relevance of the study lies in the fact that it has identified the importance of indigenous people in spreading the gospel among their kith and kin. This is hinged on the fact that most of the personnel of the Evangelical Missionary 14 Society (EMS) now working among the Maguzawa are themselves Maguzawa. 14 The EMS is the mission arm of ECWA. This is discussed in detail in chapter 3. xxiii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1.4 Scope of the Study The choice of Kano and Katsina States as the locale of this study is premised on the fact that they are dominant city states in Hausaland. They also form a nexus in the political configuration of Northern Nigeria. Besides, these two states occupy the most favorable geographical positions for external trade and contacts of all Hausa population; therefore their history and development are of particular significance for an understanding of the socio- 15 cultural evolution of Hausaland. As a result, studying these two states is expected to provide an understanding of Hausaland in general. Generally, the Maguzawa (subject of the study) are found in Kano, Katsina and Kaduna States, but over two-thirds of the Maguzawa with an overall population of 150, 000 live in Kano and Katsina States. Therefore, the Maguzawa in Kaduna State are not included in this study. Although, the consensus of opinion among 16 scholars is that Kano is the ancestral home of the Maguzawa, there are probably some who had migrated to Katsina land at the early period who prefer to be known and referred to as Katsinawa (Katsina people). Evidently the Katsinawa have facial marks which distinguish them from those of Kano (Kutumbawa). “Mission Strategies” as reflected in the title of the work underscores the Christianizing activities of ECWA among the Maguzawa. Typical of such activities are evangelism, and Church planting. The choice of ECWA among other missions working in Northern Nigeria is informed by the fact that the SIM, from whose work ECWA emerged, was among the earliest Christian missions in Northern Nigeria, particularly Kano and Katsina 17 States. In later years, it became one of the largest, covering a wider geographical territory. Though there are many other Christian missions in Northern Nigeria, a case study of ECWA provides a wider coverage and lays a deeper mission foundation that forms the heart of 18 Christianity in Northern Nigeria as a whole and Kano and Katsina States in particular. The time scope 1954-2007 is significant in the sense that the national church, ECWA, was 19 founded in 1954. This marked the beginning of indigenous efforts which eventually led to 15 See M.G Smith. “The Kano chronicle as history” in B.M Barkindo (ed.), Studies in the history of Kano. 31- 32. See also, Philip Shea. “Approaching the study of production in rural Kano” in B.M. Barkindo (ed.), Studies in the history of Kano. 93. 16 See the following: Abiodun Akodu. “A review of the origin and identity of the Maguzawa of Northern Nigeria”. 61. J.H. Barkow. “Muslims and Maguzawa in north-central State, Nigeria: an ethnographic comparison”. 59-79. J.H. Greenberg. The influence of Islam on a Sudanese religion. 15 and Reuke Ludger. The Maguzawa of Northern Nigeria: ethnography and analysis of the incipient conversion to catholicism. 69. 17 Accurate statistics are not available but see E.P.T. Crampton‟s map indicating mission spheres of influence in Northern Nigeria in Christianity in Northern Nigeria. 131. 18 Adamu. Confluences and influence. 179-182. 19 See D.I. Olatayo. 1993. ECWA: root, birth and growth. Bk. I. Ilorin: Ocare Publication. 27. See also Yusufu Turaki. 1993. An introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA in Nigeria 1893-1993. Jos: Author. 273 and Yusufu xxiv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the expansion of ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. It is also pertinent to note that it was not until 1967 and 1987 that the area covered by this study 20 became known as Kano State and Katsina State respectively. 1.5 Research Methodology This is a historical study with some reflections on sociological issues. It thus requires a multidisciplinary approach due to the fact that it describes and analyses the interplay of social, cultural and religious forces as they pose challenges to both ECWA mission strategy and the emergent church among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. In the first place, the study, due to its historical nature, profoundly requires documentary research. To ensure the integrity of the study and strengthen its reliability, both the primary and secondary sources are gleaned with the secondary sources employed where primary sources are not available. This involves library and archival research using a historical-descriptive and content-analysis of documents, books and other relevant literature, which demands a systematic plan not only for the collection of data but also for retrieving and analyzing them. Thus, the data collected are organized into useful and meaningful facts for interpretation. The main issue in historical descriptive and content analysis therefore, is not the accumulation of facts, but the interpretation of the facts. Fieldwork for the study covered a period of about thirty months (January 2008-June, 2010), during which visits to Maguzawa towns and villages in Kano State such as: Bari, Kadawa, Karefa, Unguwan Hauta, Gwarzo, Gani, Barbaji, Karaye, Sumaila, Garko, Katsinawa, Kabo, Tsayanwa, Tofa, etc. were made. In Katsina State, some of the towns and villages visited are: Malumfashi, Maikafi, Bakori, Kafur, Matazu, Faskari, Danja, Kadanya, etc. Journeys were made to the above named villages and hamlets with the aim of collecting background information on mission strategies of ECWA. Research assistants who happened to be Maguzawa themselves greatly assisted in the collection of data for the study. They are the Reverend Tambaya Yahaya and Danjuma Kaladdi, Others are: Jauro Abdullahi and Sadia 21 Musa. Turaki. 1999. Theory and practice of Christian missions in Africa: a century of SIM/ECWA history and legacy in Nigeria 1893-1993. Vol. 1. Nairobi: International Bible Study. 286. 20 At Independence, Nigeria was compartmentalized into four regions-Eastern Region, Northern Region, Midwestern Region and Western Region. Shortly before the civil war that broke out in 1967, there was creation of States by the then Head of States, General Yakubu Gowon, and Kano became one of the twelve newly created States. In 1987, the Babangida administration increased the number of states to twenty-one with Katsina as one of them. 21 Rev. Tambaya Yahaya and Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi are the ECWA District Church Council (DCC) Secretaries for Kano and Katsina States respectively. Jauro Abdullahi is a Maguzawa ECWA member from Bari in Rogo Local Government of Kano State, while Sadia Musa is a Maguzawa Roman Catholic member from Refawa, Garin Malam, Local Government Area of Kano State. xxv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Structured oral interviews were conducted with eighty (80) purposively selected ECWA church leaders (40) and members (40) in Kano and Katsina States and some opinion leaders among the Maguzawa ECWA members to elicit direct information from individuals and groups who offered useful pieces of information relevant to the study. Moreover, the researcher was a participant observer in worship services of selected Maguzawa ECWA churches both in Kano and Katsina States in the course of the fieldwork. The data collected in the process were subjected to critical and historical analysis. In addition, a questionnaire was designed and administered to four hundred respondents comprising of 80 pastors, 40 students of ECWA theological institute, Tofa, and 100 church members in Kano State; and 80 pastors and 100 church members in Katsina State; out of which 372 were retrieved. The data gathered through the items of the questionnaire N 100 were analysed using percentages with the formula: /TN x /1. Here „N‟ stands for actual number of respondents and „TN‟, total number of expected respondents per each item of the questionnaire. Donald McGavran‟s People Movement theory, which emphasises multi-individual conversion and established a distinctive strategy of using local cultural systems for mission 22 penetration among indigenous groups, served as the theoretical framework. 1.6 Organization of the Study This work is made up of six chapters. Chapter One provides a general introduction to the study under the following sub-headings: background to the study, statement of problem, purpose of the study, scope and limitation of the study, significance of the study, research methodology, and organization of the study. Chapter Two comprises the review of written works related to the study. Chapter Three provides an ethnographical survey of the Maguzawa as a people and at the same time discusses ECWA as a mission organization. Chapter Four examines the mission strategies used by ECWA among the Maguzawa. Chapter Five focuses on the results of ECWA mission activities among the Maguzawa, while Chapter Six, the concluding part of the study, gives the summary, findings, critical evaluation, recommendations and general conclusion. 22 Donald McGavran, The bridges of God. New York: Friendship Press. Rev. Ed. 1981. xxvi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER TWO REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE 2.0 Introduction This chapter takes us into the review of some earlier works done that are relevant to this present study. This involves examining the foci of these previous studies, identifying the lacuna in them, and at the same time highlighting how this present study fills the gap and consequently advances knowledge. 2.1 Christian Missions in Northern Nigeria This section examines the challenges being faced by Christian Missions in Northern Nigeria right from the beginning of missionary activities to the present. 2.1.1 Islam in Northern Nigeria and Its political Significance Although Islamic missionaries reportedly reached Hausaland around the 11th century, tremendous development of Islam in this region could be said to have taken place in the 14th 4 century. This was the time when Hausaland witnessed the influx of traders and itinerant 5 scholars, among whom were the Wangarawa. To buttress this claim, Al-hajj observed that the Wangarawa came to Hausaland from Mali with Islam under their Leader, Abdul Rahman 6 Zaite, passing through Katsina before settling in Kano. With time, Islam spread to most parts of the present day Northern Nigeria, including 7 its administrative institutions. But as widespread as the religion appeared to be in those areas, the generality of the people did not renounce their traditional religion. People kept their traditional religion while, for pragmatic reasons, they accepted Islam in their concern for 8 “peaceful co-existence” and “assured social harmony” with the conquerors. Islam‟s most rapid and extensive advance in Northern Nigeria as a whole and Hausaland in particular was between 1804 and 1810. This was the period of Jihad - holy war - 4 A.M. Gada. 2010. A short history of early Islamic scholarship in Hausaland. Sokoto: Department of Islamic Studies, Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto. 3. Also see E. Isichie. 1983. A history of Nigeria, (first edition), New York: Longman Groups. 305 5 A.M. Gada. 2010. A short history of early Islamic scholarship in Hausaland... 6 M.A. Al-Hajj. 1968. Asl-al Wangarawiy in: a 17th century chronicle on the origin and missionary activities of Wangarawa. Kano Studies. Vol. 1. No. 4. 1968. 10. 7 M.A. Al-Hajj. 1979. The meaning of the Sokoto Jihad in Studies in the History of the Sokoto Caliphate, The Sokoto seminar papers. Y.B. Usman (ed.) Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University. 7. 8 R. Olaniyan. 1982. Islamic penetration of Africa in R. Olaniyan. Ed. African history and culture. Lagos: Longman. 42. xxvii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY when Usman dan Fodio and his followers embarked upon a reform aimed at bringing the state and its populace to the purity of Islamic religiosity in accordance with the tenets of the Muslim faith. Consequent upon this, the Sokoto caliphate was established, incorporating all the states and towns conquered by dan Fodio and his jihadists. The caliphate was made up of almost the whole of the Hausa states and a large number of territories belonging to other peoples and cultures. Almost in every case, dan Fodio, and more especially his children firmly imposed on the conquered territories an Islamic theocratic state and the application of the 9 shari’a law in all its ramifications. Thus, the ultimate result of Usman dan Fodio Jihad was the extension and expansion of Islamic territories. In spite of problems inherent in the administration of the caliphate, it remained intact at the time of the emergence of British colonial rule. It is a popular opinion among scholars, however, that the British colonial administration gave more political powers to the Muslim rulers than to other rulers because the Islamic rulers were used as indirect agents to extend the influence of the British colonial administration. The situation continued throughout the colonial period. This was because most of the political leaders directly or indirectly promoted Islam, which was regarded as the religion of the ruling class and as a unifying force. The most glaring example of the fusion of Islam with politics could be seen in the activities of Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, a direct descendant of Usman dan Fodio. As a result of the parliamentary election of 1959, he became the Premier of Northern Nigeria. Sardauna, as Premier of Northern Nigeria, adopted 10 an administrative policy referred to as “political ecumenism”, that is, the ability to accommodate all shades of opinions and peoples. In fact, Paden comments that the Sardauna tried to accommodate Christians and minorities and to involve them in the scheme of things. Kukah further enunciates that Ahmadu Bello “put this to great use in his effort of using the 11 apparatus of modern democracy to transform Northern Nigeria into a modern caliphate”. According to Paden, the change in Sardauna came after contact with other Islamic countries where rulers saw Sardauna as a Muslim leader because they did not understand the 12 Nigerian situation. The import of this is that Sardauna‟s frequent contact with Muslim countries, especially in the Arab world, earned him the post of the Vice-President of World 13 Islamic Council. It was the attainment of this international prestige as a world leader of 9 I.M. Enwerem. 1995. A dangerous awakening: the politicization of religion in Nigeria. Ibadan: Institute Francais de Recharche en Afrique (IFRA)/French Institute for Research in Africa. 22. 10 See M.H. Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics and power in Northern Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. x. 11 M.H. Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics... 12 See John Paden. 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto: values and leadership in Nigeria. Zaria: Hudahuda Publishing Company. 570. 13 M.H. Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics and power in Northern Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. 21. xxviii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Islam, the encouragement of Arab countries that partly emboldened the Sardauna to embark on his conversion campaigns. Another factor that partly led to his conversion campaigns was 14 his effort towards the unification of Islam to forge and achieve regional cohesion. Ordinarily, had the Sardauna engaged in his islamization campaign out of sheer religious zeal devoid of self-aggrandizement, his „good intention‟ would probably have escaped indictment from some critical minds and would not have been apprehensive. For instance, Kukah opines that the Sardauna‟s conversion campaign was not without some ulterior motives with its attendant negative implication on Nigeria as a nation. He observed: Although the Sardauna had now come to preside over the political kingdom of dan Fodio, his biggest problem lay in the fact that the real basis of the power, that is the spiritual authority, had now eluded him. What the Sardauna had lost to the Sultan, he sought to gain back through the instruments of political power that he now possessed. The conversion campaigns were set within this context… He therefore resorted to very subtle manipulation of the state apparatus of political power and propaganda as a means of limiting the sultan‟s power base, while extending 15 the frontiers of his own legitimacy. Expectedly, the Sardauna also sought to justify all sorts of encomiums and honours showered on him as a champion of Islam by the leaders of the other Muslim countries and the millions of dollars pouring in for the promotion of Islam in Northern Nigeria. In an attempt to do this, he reportedly announced unsubstantiated numbers of conversions and the existence of 16 a million Koranic schools in Northern Nigeria. He further gave a promise of greater future exploits through his conversion campaigns. In order to carry out his conversion campaigns, the Sardauna adopted some strategies which he used as baits. In the first instance, economic and material benefits were compelling 17 forces for conversion to Islam during the period in question. The Sardauna, on conversion doled out many material gifts to new converts. Also, it was reported that the textile factories 18 in Kaduna supplied the bales of clothes that were distributed to new converts. At the beginning of Sardauna‟s conversion campaigns, he embarked on visiting areas where he was invited to welcome local converts into Islam. These conversion tours continued 14 See John Paden. 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto: values and leadership in Nigeria. Zaria: Hudahuda Publishing Company. 559. Also see Peter B. Clarke. 1991. Religion and political attitude since independence in Olupona J. and Toyin Falola (eds.) Religion and Society in Nigeria: Historical and Sociological Perspectives. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. 223. 15 M.H. Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics and power in Northern Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. 20. 16 M.H. Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics… 21. 17 M.H. Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics …21. See also I.J. Elaigwu, and H. Galadima, 2003. The shadow of sharia over Nigerian Federalism. Oxford Journals. 33. 3: 129. S.A Auta. 2010. The history of Muslim-Christian relations in Katsina State, Nigeria. An unpublished M.A. dissertation, University of Birmingham, p.21 18 M.H. Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics…22 xxix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 19 through 1964 to 1965. After the 1964 election, he however concentrated on the small areas 20 of non-Muslim populations of the far north, including Kano, Katsina and Sokoto. In his various local tours, the Sardauna preached and stressed the importance of Islam as a way of life. On one occasion he was quoted to have enunciated: We are grateful to Almighty God who has graciously brought us to the successful completion of this year‟s Ramadan. I am glad to observe that as time goes on the fraternal outlook of the Religion of Islam continues to be realized throughout the world. Many people now understand clearly that Islam is a Religion of great faith and affection which unites all mankind irrespective of colour, language or economic standing. Islam is the most democratic religion which requires its adherents to like their neighbours as 21 they like themselves and also to share their sorrows and happiness. This pattern of welcoming local converts into Islam as exemplified in the Sardauna was followed by other northern politicians in their home constituencies, and many of these 22 “conversions” were credited to the Sardauna. Apart from the welcoming of the converts into Islam, they were presented with copies of the Qur‟an, pamphlets on Islamic teachings and 23 rosaries. As part of his strategies towards the Islamization of Northern Nigeria, the Sardauna engineered and orchestrated the establishment of an organization known as “Society for the th Victory of Islam” (Jama‟atul Nasril Islam) JNI, which was established on 5 January, 1961. The initiative for JNI was borne out of the Sardauna‟s quest for an organization to assist him in his islamization agenda and the unification of various Muslim groups in the Northern th Region. The organization, which was formally inaugurated on 9 March, 1964 in Kaduna, 24 had Waziri Junaidu of Sokoto as its first Chairman and the Sardauna as the Grand Patron. Though the membership of the organization was said to be open to all Muslims, in essence, the JNI represents a convergence of several Islamic religious groups and sects, traditional 25 rulers, and scholars. The aims and objectives of the organization, which are expressed in its constitution, include the propagation of Islam, the establishment of schools and hospitals, the organization 19 John Paden. 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto: values and leadership in Nigeria. Zaria: Huda huda Publishing Company. 567. 20 John Paden. 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto… 21 John Paden. 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto…566 22 John Paden. 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto…567 23 John Paden. 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto… 568 24 Haruna Wakili. 2009. Religious pluralism... Also see John Paden. 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto...559-560 25 Haruna Wakili. 2009. Religious pluralism and conflict in north western Nigeria, 1970-2000. (Research Report No.2) Kano: Centre for Research and Documentation (CRD). 72. xxx UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY of lectures, seminars, conferences for the promotion of Islam; the production of Islamic literature in Nigerian language; and the unification of the various Muslim sects and groups in Northern Nigeria. From the foregoing, there is no gainsaying the fact that, the JNI provided active support for the Sardauna in his conversion campaigns. In assessing Ahmadu Bello‟s islamization policy, one may be quick to conclude that, given the number of converts he claimed to have made and the catalogue of his successes he 26 had put on record, the policy was successful, but the reverse was the case. Although the Sardauna was said not to have achieved his goal as far as the islamization policy is concerned, it is important to note that it left the plight of Christians and Christianity in Northern Nigeria in a precarious condition and further heightened the degree of distrust between Muslims and non-Muslims. This is premised on the fact that the aggressive islamization campaign did not 27 only create fear among the Christian minority in the region, it was viewed from the 28 perspective of a Jihad and therefore regarded as the “Second Jihad”. 2.1.2 Early Christian Mission Work in Northern Nigeria till 1914 The story of Christian missionary activities in North Nigeria is a contrast to that of the south where their arrival followed letters of invitation from returned freed slaves who by 1842 had settled in good numbers in Badagry and Abeokuta. In the North there was no such invitation. Rather, from the beginning restrictions were imposed on the movements and activities of the missions. The Niger Mission, led by Samuel Ajayi Crowther in 1857, attempted establishing mission stations in the central belt of Northern Nigeria. Crowther‟s approach was conciliatory. He befriended the Emirs and sought their permission and protection for his work. As a result, he established stations at Lokoja, Egga and Kippo Hills. Thus Crampton rightly argues that Christian missionary enterprise in Northern Nigeria began with the Niger 29 expedition. In 1886, the Royal Niger Company received its charter giving it control of the Niger and its banks. This commercial development brought about added facility in the travel of missionaries. The extension of river-steamer trade and the preaching of the gospel went hand-in-hand in this early period. 26 See Sardauna‟s address when he was made the Vice-President of World Islamic Council where he gave a catalogue of his exploits in his conversion campaigns in John Paden, 1986. Ahmadu Bello Sardauna of Sokoto: values and leadership in Nigeria. Zaria: Huda huda Publishing Company. 539-541. 27 S.A Auta. 2010. The history of Muslim-Christian relations in Katsina State, Nigeria. M.A. Project. Department of Theology, University of Birmingham. 21. 28 M.H. Kukah and Falola T. 1996. Religious militancy and self-assertion. England: Avebury Ashgate Publishing Limited. 42. 29 E.P.T. Crampton. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. 17. xxxi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY While one may agree with Crampton in some sense, it is pertinent to reiterate the fact that evangelistic work in Northern Nigeria during the period in question was patchy. Moreover, Islam, we would recall, antedated Christianity in Northern Nigeria, and as it were, constituted a formidable obstacle to the spread of the latter. Consequently, Christian missionary activities could not make any headway, especially in the Islamic enclave of the core Hausaland, but was limited to the central belt. Notable among the Christian bodies in this early period was the CMS. In 1886, a 30 committee was set up in Manchester to finance any attempt to enter the Sudan for the purpose of evangelization. Mr. Graham W. Brook became interested in the project and as a result, in 1889, he decided to reach the Sudan through the Niger Delta so as to evangelize the people. In that year, Brook and ten other young graduates from Cambridge and Oxford left England for this journey. The Rev. J.A. Robinson, who was appointed Secretary of the 31 Nigeria Mission in 1887, was the oldest of them. He was then 29. These young CMS missionaries, known as the Sudan party, were reportedly highly fanatical and expected the conversion of the whole of Northern Nigeria within six months. Unfortunately the Sudan party could not achieve their set objective as the party fell off, either by resignation, invalidation or death. Rev. J.A. Robinson himself died in 1891. Thus Grimley and Robinson rightly describe the period as a “dark period” in the history of the expansion of the gospel 32 into the North. The CMS upon a meeting between the CMS and Lord Lugard received approval to enter Northern Nigeria. He, however, advised that the missionaries should not go beyond 33 areas where the government could give protection. What Lugard wanted was that effective occupation of the territory and missionary enterprises should go side by side. Bishop Tugwell‟s missionary party was warmly received. However, the triumphal reception, of the Hausa party, as they were known, ended in Zaria. Against the advice of the Emir of Zaria and Lugard, the missionaries marched to Kano, an adventure which ended in humiliation. It was not until the 1920s that the CMS was able to establish a mission station in Kano. 30 The word “Sudan” is an Arabic word meaning the land of the Blacks. The central portion of this vast territory th was referred by the 19 century missionaries as „Central Sudan‟, the same as the Hausaland or later Northern Nigeria. 31 Yusufu Turaki, 1993. An introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA in Nigeria… 250. 32 J.B. Grimley and G.E. Robinson, 1966. Church Growth. 40. 33 E.A. Ayandele. The missionary impact on modern Nigeria, 1842 – 1914. London: Longman Group. 129. 34 The Amalgamation has been well documented in some other works. See for example; Michael Crowder, 1978. The Story of Nigeria, London: Faber and Faber Limited, pp. 196 – 206; T.N. Tamuno, 1980. xxxii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In January 1914, the amalgamation of the protectorates of Southern and Northern Nigeria by the British government took effect. Thus the entire country was brought under one 34 single colonial administration. Notwithstanding, not until later did Christianity make any appreciable progress in Northern Nigeria, especially in the Muslim emirates. It would be recalled that the mission to Hausaland in 1903 ended in failure and the subsequent policy of exclusion of missionaries from Muslim emirates hindered the spread of Christianity in Northern Nigeria. Therefore, there was little to show by way of success as far as the Christian enterprise was concerned before and immediately after 1914. However, the conference of all missions in the Northern states held in 1910 at Lokoja and 1926 at Miango was to have significant effect on the spread of Christianity beginning from the late 1920s, and thus, was a landmark in the spread of Christianity in Northern Nigeria.35This was the United Missionaries Conference, with over seventeen 36 missionaries representing at least seven bodies including the CMS, SIM, SUM etc. It was the first time the agencies engaged in the evangelization of the North gathered together to exchange ideas, discuss common problems and decide on areas of cooperation and common action. Despite the conference and the consequent series of resolutions arrived at, the policy of exclusion continued, and so the missions concentrated on the non-Muslim areas with much more success recorded than before. In the middle years of 1920s, the policy of excluding Christian missions from Muslim emirates began to be commented upon unfavourably, 37 especially by those interested in the educational development of the North. By the late 1920s, therefore, Christian missions operating in Northern Nigeria had reached a determined conclusion of entering the Muslim emirates. The SIM took the lead under its General Director, Rowland V. Bingham, and along with the leaders of other missions, opposed the 38 colonial prohibition policy and even took the fight to the British soil in London in 1927. During the historic meeting between the leaders of Christian missions and the Governor of Nigeria and the Lt. Governor of Northern Nigeria, Sir Richmon Palmer, Christian missions put forward their opposition and grievances against the prohibition policy and the anti-Christian attitude of the British colonial administrators of Northern Nigeria. Very soon after, permission was given to open mission stations in the far North. Thus the colonial policy, which prohibited Christian missions from entering the Muslim emirates, was removed 35 T.G.O. Gbadamasi and J.F.A. Ajayi. Islam and Christianity in Nigeria. Ground work of Nigerian history. Obaro Ikime. Ed. 351 – 352. 36 T.G.O. Gbadamasi and J.F.A. Ajayi. Islam and Christianity…352 37 E.P.T Crampton, 1975. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. 65. 38 E.P.T. Crampton, 1975. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. 67. Also see Yusuf Turaki, 1993. Introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA. 126. xxxiii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY in the early 1930s and Christian missions were permitted to enter the earlier forbidden Muslim emirates. It is significant to note that the removal of the policy of exclusion of Christian missions from the Muslim emirates, notwithstanding, the CMS could not make any significant progress among the Hausa. The only significant and genuine Hausa Christian 39 community was the mission station established by Miller in Zaria. Crampton opines that the impact of the SIM upon the Hausa in this period was without apparent significance, taking into consideration the great resources of men, money and equipment invested. He further said that in 1961 most of the four hundred and three members that were in thirty-three SIM mission stations in Kano, Katsina and Sokoto provinces were not Hausa, but other Northern 40 Christians who had come to work in larger towns like Kano. In contrast, Turaki, commenting on the work of SIM in this period, asserts that the mission “opened its massive and expansive mission work in Kano, Katsina, Sokoto and Borno provinces and some parts of 41 Bauchi province. A careful analysis of the seemingly contrasting views of Crampton and Turaki would suggest no contradiction at all. This is because while the former makes his assertion in view of the negligible number of real Hausa converts the latter makes a general assertion, Hausa and non-Hausa inclusive. Moreover, it should be understood in view of the fact that before the removal of the prohibition policy of the exclusion of Christians from Muslim emirates, SIM had concentrated on the non-Muslim emirates with greater success. The Roman Catholic Mission work in this period followed the same pattern. There was a number of Roman Catholic Mission stations in the Hausa towns made up of non-Hausa community who have come to work in these towns from other parts of Northern Nigeria. In the same vein, Baptist work in this period moved into the Northern Nigeria with the shifting 42 of the capital of the Northern provinces from Zungeru to Kaduna in 1917. Though the work extended to other Hausa cities like Zaria, Kano, Katsina etc, it was mostly made up of Yoruba Baptist churches. Thereafter, expansion took place among the ethnic Northerners beginning from the 1940s. Even with the coming of the Baptist missionaries in the 1940s, there was no appreciable success recorded among the Hausa in the Muslim enclaves. 2.1.3 Colonial Administration and Missionary Propaganda in Northern Nigeria The socio-political context in which ECWA operated in Northern Nigeria is relevant to an understanding of the political and religious history of Northern Nigeria as a whole and Kano and Kastina States in particular and this partly explains the historical antagonism 39 See. E.P.T Crampton, Christianity in Northern Nigeria. 113 – 119. 40 E.P.T Crampton. Christianity in… Also see J.B. Grimley and G.E. Robinson. Church growth. 54 – 55. 41 Yusuf Turaki. Introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA. 111. 42 E.A. Bamigboye. History of Baptist work in Northern Nigeria.75 xxxiv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY between Christian missions and Muslim Hausa-Fulani hegemony in the region. To a large extent, this historical antagonism had placed a kind of limitation on the mission activities of ECWA and other Christian bodies, which, inspite of all odds, has attained a certain degree of success in northern Nigeria. One of the most controversial questions connected with Christian missionary enterprise in Northern Nigeria bothers on the relationship between the pioneer missionaries and the British Colonial administrators. Simply put, did the British Colonial administration aid or hinder the progress of Christianity in Northern Nigeria in the early period? It is the contention of some that British occupation in Nigeria was synonymous with Christian evangelism, and that Christian missionaries were able to carry out their mission with the 43 connivance of the British colonial administration. On the contrary, it is a popular opinion that the colonial administration hindered the progress of missionary work and indeed 44 favoured Islam to the detriment of Christianity. It is probably appropriate to echo Boer, an authority in this area. He comments: It is, however, definitely not true that British occupation and Christian evangelism have been “synonymous”… I have just spent one and a half academic years studying just questions as they relate to missions in the North, especially to the British branch of the Sudan United Mission, a mission that entered Nigeria in 1904. At the commencement of this study I entertained a bias…, but have since come to the discovery that, loyal as this mission sought to be to the colonial regime, it was engaged in a bitter and running battle with the government almost from its very inception till the time of independence concerning freedom of religion and proclamation among northern Muslims. The government did not encourage mission work among Muslims; in fact, it prohibited it… calling colonialism and evangelism among the North‟s Muslim population “synonymous‟ is wholly incorrect regardless of the popularity of 45 the emotionally – laden charge. Admittedly, in the 19th century, missionaries worked hand in hand with the British political and commercial interests in the expeditions to the Niger area. Crampton opines that colonial cooperation was not quite so evident in the latter part of the century under the rule of 43 Among the protagonists of this view was Professor A.B. Fafunwa, who wrote on “Educational Backwardness of the North: A Colonial Phenomenon” in New Nigerian July 4, 1974, as cited by J.H. Boer. Christianity and Islam under colonialism in Northern Nigeria. 5. 44 E.A. Oyelade. 2000. Project for Christian – Muslim relation in Africa (PROCMURA) in ecumenical context, Rediscovering and fostering unity in the body of Christ: The Nigerian experience. I.D. Ayegboyin and S.A. Ishola. Eds. Ibadan: Africa Theological Fellowship, Nigeria. 184 – 185. See also Yusufu Turaki. An introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA. 125. Yusufu Turaki. The British colonial legacy in Northern Nigeria. 110 - 111. J.H. Boer. Christianity and Islam under colonialism. 97. E.A. Ayandele. Missionary impact. 151. J.B. Grimley and G.E. Robinson. 53 – 54. J.H. Boer. Christianity and Islam under colonialism. 5051. 45 J.H. Boer. Christianity and Islam under colonialism. 50 – 51. xxxv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 46 the Royal Niger Company and was far less in evidence during the period of British rule. The point being made here is that the fact that there was an alliance on many fronts between the colonial government and the missionaries is not to be disputed, but that at this particular point it had turned sour. Ayandele describes the situation at this time as that of “divergence between Lugard and the missionaries and a redefinition of the relationship between 47 government and missions”. In the same vein, Grimley remarks that even though the British conquest of the Hausa land exemplified in the fall of Kano and Sokoto in 1903 was expected to certainly open the vast area to the gospel, the reverse was the case as there was no 48 significant extension of Christianity in the subsequent years. The reason, Grimley further remarks, was that though the British authorities showed personal kindness to the missionaries, they declined their advance, and in fact, reluctance to allow missionaries to 49 establish Christian work in Muslim areas became a definite policy. To further corroborate this position, Boer asserts that the attitude of the then colonial government officials recorded many instances of rough treatment meted out to Christians which continued right up to 50 independence. A careful observation of the British colonial policy of the exclusion of Christian missionaries from Muslim areas often associated with the then High Commissioner, Sir Frederick Lugard, raises one or two issues. Contrary to the view of some, Lugard may be said to be sympathetic with the course of the missionaries, and even protected their interest at the initial stage. In fact Ayandele comments that the failed move to Kano by Tugwell must have 51 occasioned the strained relationship between Lugard and the missionaries. It is essential here to make reference to Lugard‟s original policy which has been misinterpreted. He was quoted to have said: “The English Government never interferes with religion. Taxes, law and 52 order, punishment of crime, these are matters for government but not religion. The implication, Boer explains, was that it is the right of everyone under the British flag to be left 53 free to peaceably accept and propagate his or her religion. He further rightly states that it is upon a false interpretation of this very proclamation that the government of Northern Nigeria has built its whole anti - missionary propaganda, claiming that these lands were assured that 46 E.P.T Crampton. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. 46 – 47. 47 E.A. Ayandele. Missionary impact. 130. 48 J.B. Grimley and G. Robinson. Church growth. 53. 49 J.H. Boer. Christian and Islam under colonization. 14 & 15. 50 J.H. Boer. Christian and Islam… 15. 51 E.A. Ayandele. Missionary impact. 130. 52 J.H. Boer. Christianity and Islam under colonialism. 56. 53 J.H. Boer. Christian and Islam… 57. xxxvi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY their religion would not be interfered with, and that it involves the exclusion of 54 missionaries. He further advances his argument that it is a group of anti-missionary officials who have been responsible for building up the whole position as we have it today, and a later changed attitude of Lugard himself when he returned to his second period of administration. That Lugard‟s initial policy on the propagation of religion in the Northern Nigeria did not imply an anti-missionary agenda becomes obvious when we consider the fact that nearly 55 all the early missionaries seem to have had a very high regard for Lugard. Indeed, there was considerable mutual trust between Lugard and Miller who became the leader of the C.M.S. in 56 Hausa land. Lugard, in consequence, allowed the latter to preach everywhere in the North. 57 It is little wonder then that Miller‟s first book was dedicated to Lugard. It is instructive to note that the apprehensions of the colonial administrators about the political and economic danger of the missionaries and their propaganda in Muslim areas informed the hostility they suffered. For instance, Ayandele reports that from 1906 onwards the residents would have liked to keep missionaries out of their districts for various reasons. Among such reasons is political, since a missionary was likely to be a rival to the Resident‟s influence and, as a man close to the poorer classes, was likely to be the tribune of the 58 oppressed. The British missionaries in these years were more than religious teachers; they saw themselves as watch dogs of Britain‟s interest and they never hesitated to bring to the notice of either the Colonial Office, or the public, acts of oppression and injustice committed by administrative officers in Nigeria. Closely connected to the above is the colonial policy of 59 Indirect Rule; a policy in which Britain ruled through the Emirs, local chiefs and their councils with advice and assistance of British administrators. That is to say, the colonial administrators retained the existing political structures and governed through them. It was the fear of the colonial government that missionary propaganda in Muslim areas may pose a threat as it could lead to upheavals detrimental to the colonial cause, and so making the vast area ungovernable for it. The Indirect Rule system thus invariably created favorable conditions for trade and commerce, which Michael Crowder rightly observes, is British‟s 60 overriding interest in Nigeria. It is also to be noted that the Colonial government‟s hostility to Christian missions to the advantage of Islam, may also probably not be unconnected with 54 J.H. Boer. Christian and Islam… 30. 55 E.P.T Crampton. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. 57. 56 J.H. Boer. Christianity and Islam under colonialism. 8 – 9. 57 E.P.T Crampton. Christianity… 57. 58 E.A. Ayandele. Missionary factor. 154. 59 For a detailed study on the Indirect Rule system. See Michael Crowder. The story of Nigeria. 199 – 206. 60 Michael Crowder. The story of Nigeria. 190 xxxvii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY the latter‟s opposition to the liquor trade which brought in large profits to the trading interests. Viewed from the antecedent, therefore, the hostile attitude of the Colonial administration to Christian Missions was to the advantage of Islam which by extension has metamorphosed into an apprehensive situation between Christianity and Islam in 61 contemporary times. Though Kastfelt has argued that the historical roots of this tragic development lies in the 1950s with the emergence of constitutional regionalism and regionally based political parties, it is important to emphasize that it should be traced to the colonial period. Kastfelt further comments that this policy did not only affect the missionaries but also created a distinction between traditionalists and Muslims in Nigeria. Yusufu Turaki reiterates this view when he asserts that the colonial administration institutionalized the status and roles of the Muslim and non-Muslim groups, thereby creating two religious communities that were opposed to each other. Muslims were regarded as superior and were the ruling class while non-Muslims including Christians were regarded as inferior and excluded from 62 political participation. This situation has continued to date with Islam remaining the focal 63 veneer for the legitimacy of the ruling class in Northern Nigeria. To advance some conclusions on the relationship of Christian missions and the British 64 colonial government in Northern Nigeria, it is appropriate to reiterate, echoing Boer, that the missionaries almost from the beginning right up to independence, were engaged in incessant battles with the colonial regime because of the many obstacles the regime created to their work. As a result the notion often asserted that the colonial government was supporting Christian missions, thus making them strange „bed fellows” may be said to be incorrect. On the other hand, it would be equally invalid to assert that the colonial government opposed Christian missions in order to aid Islam per se, but rather to enhance the success of Indirect Rule system. This was because the colonial officials of Northern Nigeria seemed to believe as a doctrine that there was an intimate connection between the code of Muslim law and the Muslim religion, and that any action which weakened the authority of the latter would undermine the authority and the prestige of the emir and of the native law. It was therefore feared that missionary activities in Muslim areas would undermine the system of administration of the country through its native rulers and institutions. Thus to encourage 61 See Preface to Niels Kastfelt. 1994. Religion and politics in Nigeria: a study of Middle Belt Christianity. London: British Academic Press. 62 Yusufu Turaki. 1993. The British colonial legacy in Northern Nigeria: a social ethical analysis of the colonial and post – colonial society and politics in Nigeria. Jos: Challenger Press. 186 – 188. 63 See, H.M. Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics and power in northern Nigeria… 64 J.H. Boer. Christianity and Islam under colonialism. 48. xxxviii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Christianity which they thought to be subversive to all existing native authorities, would at that stage have the most disastrous consequences. Little wonder, then, that the colonial regime not only did much to protect Islam from the missionary activities, but in many ways favoured Islam at the expense of Christianity. The bottom line is that Christian missionary activities was greatly hampered as a result of the colonial policy which continues to trail st Christian missionary enterprise in Hausaland till the 21 century, especially Kano and Katsina States, the locale of this study. 2.1.4 Contemporary Issues in Christianity in Northern Nigeria It is deemed necessary at this juncture to discuss some contemporary issues that impinged on the prospect of Christianity in Northern Nigeria. By the mid-1970s, Islam began to make demands on the nation-state with assertiveness that further jeopardised the spread of Christianity in Northern Nigeria. Some of such demands made by Islam and their attendant effects form the basis of our discussion here. From 1977, the Constituent Assembly met to fashion out a Constitution for the Second Republic. In 1978, the Muslim representatives insisted and demanded that the Islamic system of justice be recognized and installed at the federal level in the form of a Federal Sharia court. The non-Muslim members of the Constituent Assembly vehemently resisted this demand which almost affected national stability. In the final analysis, a compromise was 65 arrived at. The compromise was that Sharia Law would not be made to apply to Christians. th However at the return of civil rule in 1999, the Sharia issue was resuscitated when on the 27 October, Ahmed Sani Yerima, the then Zamfara State Governor inaugurated the adoption of th 66 the Sharia legal system, which took effect from 27 January 2000. Eleven other Muslim 67 dominated States subsequently followed suit one after the other. Falola however observes that the demands for Sharia by Muslims in contemporary Nigeria could be said to be a re-enaction of the history of the early Islamic Umma where Idhimmis (Jews and Christians) were expected to be subject to Muslim authority. For 65 A.E. Ekoko and L.A. Amadi, 1989. “Religion and stability in Nigeria”. Atanda J.A., Ashiwaju G. and Abubakar Y. (eds.), Nigeria since independence: The first 25 years, Volume IX, Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books, p. 120. 66 T.K. Ajamu. 2005. Religion and ethnicity in contemporary Nigerian democratic dispensation: a Christian viewpoint. Journal of Language and Literature Teaching (JOLALT). 4. 1: 233-240 67 Other States that followed the Zamfara State‟s example in adopting Sharia are: Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Niger, Sokoto, and Yobe. xxxix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Nigerian Christians, the Umma the Muslims desire to create portends danger because it may 68 exterminate them or make them second class citizens. By the 1980s, conflicts between Muslims and Christians had been public, volatile, and 69 dangerous. There were incidences of violence that erupted in northern Nigeria. Some of the most prominent among these disturbances to be briefly discussed here took place in Kano (1982), Kafanchan (1987), Kano (1991), Jos series (1994 and beyond). In 1982, Muslims protested against the location of Christ Anglican Church, Fagge, Kano metropolis. The Muslim rioters came to destroy the church which had been there since around 1930 because 70 they claimed that it was close to their mosque that was built around 1968 and 1970. The offense felt by Muslims increased when the Archbishop of Canterbury visited the place earlier in the year to lay the foundation stone of a new church building on the same site. Sensing the doom, the church authorities alerted the police, whose immediate arrival averted serious clash. But in frustration, the rioters made for other churches, set some on fire, burnt and severely damaged others, while some people lost their lives. th On the 6 March, 1987, what started as a minor internal misunderstanding among the Muslim and Christian students of the College of Education in Kafanchan, Kaduna State, finally sent sparks of fire whose destruction went beyond Kafanchan to other parts of the State, and threatened the stability of the entire country. The immediate cause of the riots relates to the plan by the Fellowship of Christian Students (FCS) at the College of Education, Kafanchan to hold a weekend of religious activities marking the end of its annual week of Christian activities. This is a common feature in all institutions of higher learning in the country, and it had been going on in the college. But in this case, the FCS seemed to have adopted a rather high-profile approach which was a departure from its usual style. This time, as part of its preparations for the occasion, it hoisted a banner in front of the college which read: “WELCOME TO JESUS CAMPUS”. Some members of the Muslim Students‟ Society (MSS) took offence at this and protested to the school authorities. The FCS leaders were told 68 Toyin Falola. 1998. Violence in Nigeria: The crisis of religious politics and secular ideologies. Rochester: University of Rochester Press. 70-74. 69 Toyin Falola, 1998. Violence in Nigeria. 163. For more details on ethno-religious violence in Northern Nigeria, see also the following: Haruna Wakili. 2009. Religious pluralism and conflicts in Northern Nigeria, 1970-2000, (Research Report No.2)., Kano: Centre for Research and Documentation (CRD); J. H. Boer, 2003. Nigeria’s decades of blood 1980-2002, Volume I, Ontario: Essence Publishing; Matthew Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics and power in Northern Nigeria, Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited; Jonah I. Elaigwu. 2005. Crises and conflict management in Nigeria since 1980. A.M. Yakubu, R.T. Adegboye, C.N. Ubah and B. Dogo. Eds.. Crisis and conflict management in Nigeria Since 1980, Volume 1, Kaduna: Nigerian Defence Academy, Hussaini Abdu. Ethnic and religious crisis in Northern Nigeria: issues in Informal Repression”, http://hussainiabdu.info/mydocs/Ethno-r...%20/Northern%20Nigeria.pdf, Accessed 15/05/ 2012. 70 Jan H. Boer. 2003. Nigeria’s decades of blood 1980-2002, pp. 39-40. xl UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 71 to remove the banner and they acted accordingly. However, it would seem that this event somehow sowed the seeds of distrust and apprehension on both sides of the student bodies as evidenced in the events that followed. The FCS had invited a certain Rev. Abubakar Bako, a Muslim convert to Christianity, as the guest speaker for the occasion. It was in the course of his lecture at the gathering that the said Rev. Bako was alleged to have made certain references to the Koran to illustrate certain points in his sermon. This sparked off reactions among the members of the Muslim Students‟ Society, and the fracas that followed set in motion other events that soon went beyond the campus and the students themselves. In, and around Kafanchan, twelve people were reported to have been killed, with places of worship and private houses damaged. By th March 12 , the spate of violence had snowballed into Kaduna and other northern cities of Zaria, Funtua and Katsina. In 1991, there was a violent reaction by Muslim youths against the government decision to give permission to the Pentecostal Movement in Kano to organize a crusade to be addressed by German Evangelist, Reinhard Bonke and some American preachers. The coming of the Evangelist was massively publicized. Several thousands of handbills and posters were distributed. Adverts were carried out in both print and electronic media. This publicity attracted the attention of Muslims who felt the crusade must not be allowed to hold in Kano. They resented some of the messages in the media adverts: that the Evangelist will 72 “make the deaf hear, the blind see, the cripple walk”, “Jesus for all by the year 2000” etc. Various Muslim groups were said to have sent emissaries to the government to prevail on her to withdraw the permission granted to the Christian body to host the programme at th Kano Race Course. On the 13 October, 1991, the day the crusade was to hold Muslims had a peaceful demonstration in the Emir‟s palace and later had an emergency prayer at the Kofa Mata praying ground. Suddenly, the charged atmosphere sparked into violent crisis. Youths went on rampage destroying churches, looting shops, burning cars, hotels, beer parlours, night clubs etc. the targets were mostly southerners and Christian northerners. Jos, a city where indigenes and non-indigenous people have for decades lived comparatively peacefully together now experiences ethno-religious violence with a monotonous regularity in recent times. The first overt manifestation of ethno-religious 71 Matthew Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics and power in Northern Nigeria. 188 72 Hussaini Abdu, “Ethnic and Religious Crisis in Northern Nigeria: Issues in Informal Repression”, http://hussainiabdu.info/mydocs/Ethno-r...%20/Northern%20Nigeria.pdf, Accessed 15/05/ 2012. xli UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 73 disturbances occurred in April, 1994 with the appointment of a Jasawa member, Aminu Mato as Chairman of the Jos North Local Government by the Muslim Military administrator of Plateau State. Strong, though non-violent, protests on the part of the indigenes prompted the suspension of the appointment. A few days later, the suspension order led to a violent riot initiated by the Jasawa. They made havoc of the town and caused significant burning, looting and killing. th On 7 September, 2001, Jos erupted once again. As in 1994, a Muslim, one Alhaji Mohammed Muktar Usman, was appointed Jos North Chairman as well as co-ordinator of National Poverty Eradication programme. The appointment was once again unacceptable to the indigenes, who regarded Usman as a settler. This led to another round of violence in which weapons were freely used with both lives and properties lost and churches and mosques burnt. The succeeding riots and violence have now taken on a more openly religious character. In May 2002, more killings took place between the two religions. The violence spread to various localities in Plateau State with its concentration in the Langtang-Wase area. Thousands of people were reported to have lost their lives while many displaced. In May 2004, there was another eruption in Jos that spilled over to Kano which also claimed the lives and properties of many. A common feature of all these ethno-religious conflicts is that the Government has not been able to proffer any lasting solution. This has made violence a phenomenon of monotonous regularity in Northern Nigeria. From the foregoing historical account of strained Christian-Muslim relations and the consequent recurrent ethno-religious conflicts in northern Nigeria, some conclusions become plausible. Falola may be right in his observation that ethno-religious riots are probably, part of the scheming of the northern oligarchy to limit the chances of Christianity in the zone in 74 order to Islamize the entire nation beginning from the north. Also commenting on the probable causality of the ethno-religious riots in northern Nigeria, Matthew Kukah‟s observation provides an appropriate summation on the issue. It must be said that one can understand the frustrations of the Muslim fundamentalists who look back at so many centuries of Muslim presence in what is now Nigeria, gauge that against the late arrival of Christianity, and cannot understand why the latter has made so much gains in so short a 73 These were Hausa-Fulani Muslim settlers from Bauchi State who had moved to Jos earlier in the century. 74 Toyin Falola. 1998. Violence in Nigeria. 276 & 296 xlii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY time… But we must admit that this growth is the focus of the emerging 75 intolerance as both sides compete for political space. 2.2 ECWA Mission Activities among the Maguzawa Mission activities among the Maguzawa have been documented by a number of 76 scholars. For instance, Sanni Muhammed Bako, in his assessment of the contact between ECWA and the Maguzawa Religion simply concluded that the impact of ECWA on the predominantly Muslim and Hausa speaking population has been without apparent 77 significance. The pioneering effort of the various Christian missions that attempted 78 establishing mission stations in Kano in the late 1920‟s were documented by Adamu. Incidentally, Adamu extensively discussed the success of the mission activities of ECWA among the Maguzawa. Interestingly, he observed that the Maguzawa became the first conduits through which some Kanawa (Kano indigenes) became Christians. Hussaina Abdullah and Ibrahim Hamza have observed that in the context of the profound economic crisis that has afflicted the Nigerian society and which has ravaged the livelihood of the Maguzawa, they have succumbed to the unyielding pressures exerted by 79 missionaries for their Christianization. They further report that ECWA is the major Christian denomination working in the Maguzawa communities, and has, through its Christianizing activities, made dramatic changes on the lives of the people by forbidding the consumption of alcoholic beverages and smoking, and encouraging monogamy and Christian 80 marriage. In Gaiya‟s supplement to E.P.T. Crampton‟s Christianity in Northern Nigeria, an attempt is made to document the further growth of the church in Northern Nigeria and how 81 this has created a religiously pluralistic Northern Nigeria. In effect, Gaiya examines the growth of the church among the Maguzawa in Katsina State with particular reference to 75 Matthew Kukah. 1993. Religion, politics and power in Northern Nigeria, p. 244 76 S.M. Bako. 1985. The impact of the SIM/ECWA activities on the rural area of Kano State. M.A. Project. Department of History. Bayero University, Kano. 77 S.M. Bako. 1985. The impact of the SIM/ECWA activities…5. 78 M.U. Adamu. 1999. Confluences and influences: the emergence of Kano as city state. Kano: Munawwar Books Foundations. 174-183. 79 H.J. Abdullah and Ibrahim Hamza. 2009. Women need independent ownership rights: women and land in Northern Nigeria. Paper presented at an International Workshop on Women and Land in Africa organized by the Emory University Law School, Atlanta, Georgia in collaboration with Associates for Change, Kampala, Uganda at the Entebbe Beach Hotel. April 24-25, 1998. Available at http://www.law.edu.wad/WAI- studentsNigeria.html.internet. Assessed 6 June, 2009. 80 H.J. Abdullah and Ibrahim Hamza. 2009. Women need independent ownership rights… 81 Musa, A.B. Gaiya. 2004. Further reflections on Christianity in Northern Nigeria… 241. xliii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ECWA which according to him, has 76 Maguzawa Churches in Katsina District Church 82 Council alone. Adeleye Ijagbemi, examined the impact of the SIM on the open communities in the 83 extreme north-eastern Yorubaland. Attention is focused on the activities of the mission in question among the Yagba sub-group of the Okun Yoruba, the western-most group of the 84 Yoruba communities of the Niger-Benue confluence. The work traces the beginnings of the SIM in Nigeria from the activities of the pioneer missionaries to the period of the success of the soul winning enterprise which began in 1908 with the arrival of Thomas Titcombe, the 85 first SIM missionary in Yagbaland. With SIM as the first organized missionary body among 86 the people, Ijagbemi reports, “the enterprise proved a remarkable success”. As it were, the list of the SIM‟s achievements in Yagbaland is long and impressive. Several primary and secondary schools, dispensaries and clinics were opened as adherents rose to over 6000 in the 87 1950s. While discussing the expansion of SIM in Yagbaland, Ijagbemi alluded to the spread of the SIM work in other places including Kano. An insider perspective of the growth of ECWA from its inception in 1954 to the late 1960‟s was undertaken by D.I. Olatayo, first President and General Secretary Emeritus of 88 ECWA. The work catalogues ECWA‟s growth in the various aspects of its mission activities covering areas like the administrative structure, finance, landed property, religious and secular education, and the health-care sector among others. Thus, the growth of ECWA in Kano and Katsina States through the activities of the Evangelical Missionary Society (EMS) of ECWA was extensively documented. In the same vain, Yusufu Turaki lends credence to the fact that the evangelistic work of ECWA in core Muslim emirates, especially 82 Yusufu Turaki. 1999. Theory and practice of Christian missions in Africa: a century of SIM/ECWA history and legacy in Nigeria, 1893-1990. Vol. 1. 83 Adeleye Ijagbemi. 1986. Christian missionary activity in colonial Nigeria: the work of the Sudan interior mission among the Yoruba 1908 – 1967. Lagos: Nigeria Magazine. 84 Okun communities are made up of Owe, Oworo, Bunu, Ijumu and Yagba. They belong to the ecological zone characteristic of the Niger-Benue confluence area. Though basically Yoruba, they share a large number of cultural traits in common with the Ebira, Igala, Nupe, Bassa, and Ede of that general culture area. However, the British colonial arrangements placed North – east Yorubaland in the “North” to form part of the Northern Protectorate. Okun territory was thus administered as part of the former Northern provinces. See Adeleye Ijagbemi, 1981. Christian missionary work and change in north-east Yorubaland, in Orita: Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies. Ibadan. 33-35. 85 For more details on the Yagba sub-group, see Adeleye Ijagbemi. Christian missionary activity in colonial Nigeria. 13 & 14. 86 For more details on the Yagba sub-group, see Adeleye Ijagbemi.1986. Christian missionary activity in Colonial Nigeria . Lagos: Nigeria Magazine. 21 87 See Adeleye Ijagbemi. 1986. Christian missionary activity. 21 88 D.I. Olatayo. Nd. ECWA: the roots, birth and growth, book 2. Jos: Challenge Publications. xliv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 87 among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina has recorded a remarkable success. However, his work dwelt much on the social dynamics of the mission field in Northern Nigeria rather than ECWA mission activities. 90 Bamigboye, meticulously traces the history of how Yoruba traders founded Baptist churches first for themselves and soon after in each case for the indigenous people whom they interacted with, beginning from Jebba with the rail road construction in 1901. Among other things, the work discusses the Baptist missionary activities among the Maguzawa in Funtua axis in Katsina State. He discusses in detail the significant role played by First Baptist Church, Funtua, in the evangelization of the Maguzawa which led to the establishment of Baptist churches at Gangara, Bakori, Dandume, Kadisau among others. 91 Also, Okereke in her discourse of the Roman Catholic Mission among the Maguzawa highlights the several attempt made by a number of religious orders and missionary societies to establish the catholic faith in Kano from the earliest period to the present. She stressed the positive response of the people to the catholic faith which has resorted in the ordination of some Maguzawa people as catholic priest. From the foregoing, all the works cited above examined Christian mission among the Maguzawa. However, the focus of the present study, that is, ECWA mission strategies among the Maguzawa was not addressed in their discourses. 2.3 Conversion in Mission Context Conversion is a concept central to missionary activity and to the influence that Christianity has exerted in a variety of fields; its consideration in the present study is therefore germane. The concept embraces a wide range of meanings, viewed from various perspectives. Robin Horton, in his classic work devoted attention to the conversion process from the view points of the Africans. He examines the rationality of religion and the forces 92 promoting conversion from indigenous religions to world religions. Horton argues that traditional religions are not necessarily less rational than world religions, but rather than address topics of universal relevance, traditional religions concentrate on smaller, more local 87 Adeleye Ijagbemi. 1986. Christian missionary activity in colonial Nigeria: the work of the Sudan interior mission among the Yoruba 1908 – 1967. Lagos: Nigeria Magazine. 90 E.A. Bamigboye. 2000. The history of Baptist work in Northern Nigeria 1901 – 1975. Ibadan: Powerhouse Press and Publishers. 115 – 122. 91 Ann Okereke. 2003. The history of Catholic Church in Kano, 1922 – 2003. Kano: Social Communications Department, Kano Catholic Diocese. 34 – 37. 92 Horton, R., 1971. “African conversion”. Journal of the International African Institute. 41.2. 85-108. xlv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY array of problems. Horton also observes that most peoples in Sub-Saharan Africa already had a concept of a supreme diety before their contact with Christianity or Islam. He explains that their religious cosmologies often had two tiers, a lower level of local spirits and a higher one of supreme God or gods. Brendan Carmody in his study of Catholic mission work at Chikuni Mission, southern 93 Zambia, largely confirms, though modifies Horton‟s thesis. He enunciates that though developments within traditional cosmology seemed to enhance movements to a more „universalist‟ belief system and practice, socio-cultural factors nonetheless proved to predominate over traditional cosmology as the main reason for conversion. Carmody attributed a very significant role to schooling in the conversion process. The central thesis of his study is that the Chikuni principally converted to the Catholic faith because of the socio- cultural inducements which the mission presented. According to him, conversion in the African context generally meant a change from the traditional to a universal religion entailing a psychological transformation through which the converts‟ underlying assumptions about the 94 world are reconstructed, accompanied by a socially recognized display of change. Also buttressing Horton‟s view, Humphrey J. Fisher in his discourse on conversion to Islam in Black Africa, stresses that acceptance of Islam is associated with a remarkable degree of mobility exemplified by the hajj or pilgrimage which is an indication of religious 95 change, of a new cosmology. He comments further that a wider continuum of interaction 96 draws converts into the “macrocosm of Islam”. Robert Hefner‟s work on Christian conversion in Muslim Java, explains that politics 97 has always deeply affected Christian proselytization. According to him, conversion is a process of change which reshapes social commitment and sense of cultural priorities. The import of this is that converts compare their old beliefs with the new and then convert to world religions, because they provide ready-made answers to the intellectual change of the larger world. 93 Carmody, B., 1988. Conversion and school at Chikuni. Journal of the International African Institute. 58.2.193-209 (193). 94 Carmody, B., 1988. Conversion and school at Chikuni… 193. 95 Fisher, H.J., 1985. The juggernauts apologia: conversion to islam in a black Africa. Journal of the International African Institute. 55.2. 153-173. 96 Fisher, H.J., 1985. The juggernauts apologia:…159 97 Hefner, R.W., 1993. Of faith and commitment: Christian conversion in muslim java. Conversion to Christianity: historical and anthropological perspectives on a great transformation. Robert W. Hefner. Ed. California: University of California Press. 99-125. xlvi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Donald McGravan, in his People Movement theory of church growth discusses multi- 98 individual conversion through kinship relationship. The theory stresses the fact that important people within kinships clans should be the target of evangelistic endeavours. This is because if such people are converted others in the kinship group would follow suit. This approach is opposed to individualistic approach of Western societies. He further explains that people movement is not a mass movement and so should not be seen as an “undigested masses of human beings moving instantaneously into the church”. People movement does not rest on group conversion, but it is the decision of many individuals taken in mutual 99 affection. From the foregoing analyses, it has been shown that there are different perspectives under which the phenomenon of conversion can be considered. However, McGavran‟s people movement theory is more relevant to this present study. This is premised on the fact that McGravan‟s theory deals with conversion within non-western ethnic groups and his arguments relate conversion to church growth among the indige-ous people groups. Since the theory emphasizes conversion through kinship relationships, its importance to this work is exemplified in the ECWA‟s use of the early indigenous converts in lay evangelism through which the converts were able to reach their kith and kin with the gospel. 2.4 Strategies in Christian Missions The success or otherwise of any venture, to a greater extent, depends on the method of approach and the activities involved. Christian mission is no exception. By and large, various strategies have, over the years, been reportedly adopted by different Christian bodies and denominations in their Christianizing efforts. Some of these strategies are here by examined below. In his analysis of the contribution of women in mission, Ayegboyin discusses the 100 activities of Women‟s Missionary Union (WMU) in the Nigerian Baptist Convention. The work focuses on the activities of the Women‟s Missionary Union among the Sunbeam, Girls‟ Auxiliary and Lydia, with the strategic use of “Catch them young” programme to reach the children (Sunbeam). Among the Girls‟ Auxiliary and Lydia, emphasis was accorded secular and moral education with the view of preparing the young girls and ladies for the challenges 98 McGavran, D., 1981. Bridges of God. New York: Friendship Press, Rev. Ed. 99 rd McGavran, D. 1990. Understaanding church growth. 3 Edition. Grand Rapids: Eerdnans Pub. Co. 223. 100 Deji Ayegboyin. 1990. “Women in mission: a case study of the women missionary union in Nigeria Baptist. Ph.D. Thesis. Ibadan: University of Ibadan. xlvii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY of womanhood in their future marital lives. Visitation, counselling and prayer for the felt needs of these young people were also used. Some of the strategies employed by the European and American missionaries at the 101 inception of the church in Africa were highlighted by Peter Falk. First is evangelism. According to him, the early missionaries, in obedience to the Great Commission, demonstrated dedication and commitment in proclaiming the gospel through much publicity and prayer cells. Falk, however, hints: “Just how much these campaigns have contributed to 102 church growth depends on the follow-up, which may vary for different areas”. Another is the use of mass media. In the earlier period, Falk reports that slide projectors and Christian literatures were used. Furthermore, many African languages were reduced to writing and widely distributed. The radio came later, which made it possible for the gospel to be transmitted into the remote villages. Three, since music is part of everyday life in Africa, Christian songs were used in services which greatly enhanced the diffusion of the gospel. Four, Western education was introduced to produce a literate laity that would contribute to church growth and equip the people to participate in the activities of the society. Five is medical services. Most missionary societies saw the need to offer medical services to help the sick and alleviate the sufferings of the people as a result of ravaging sickness and diseases. The church considered healing the sick and helping the needy as an integral part of its redemptive ministry. The medical services thus helped the early missionaries to establish relationship with the Africans, which enhanced the penetration of Christianity among them. From the foregoing, Falk generally highlights some of the strategies employed by the European and American missionaries in the emergence of the church in Africa. About Six strategies employed by the Aladura for mission and conversion in 103 Yorubaland, were discussed by David Olayiwola. These include power and authority of prayer which formed the internal factor with which the church was able to gain converts from among the traditional worshippers, Muslims, and even European denominational churches. Power and authority of prayer was acknowledged as the “bulldozer” against malevolent forces such as witches, wizards, sorcerers, familiar spirits etc., a common feature in African 103 cosmology. Little wonder then that the strategy was said to have been effectively utilized 101 For more details see Peter Falk. 1997. The growth of the church in Africa. Jos: African Christian Textbooks (ACTS). 429 – 451. 102 31 For more details see Peter Falk. 1997. The growth of the... 432. 103 For details, see D.O. Olayiwola. 1987. The aladura: its strategies for mission and conversion in Nigeria. Orita: Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies. XIX/June/1987. 103 In African societies, nothing harmful happens ordinarily. Evil is „caused‟ by someone directly or through the use of mystical power. Thus African people feel and believe that all the various ills, misfortunes, sickness, xlviii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY by Aladura in Yorubaland. Another strategy of conversion employed by the Aladura is what Olayiwola calls “prayer aid”. These are activities that are believed to reinforce prayer-power like ceremonial pilgrimage to sacred mountains, burning of candle and incence, use of “holy water”, and so on, which provide a kind of psychological solace for troubled souls. The use of charismatic gifts is one other strategy. This involves the manifestation of charismatic gifts like prophecy, dreams and visions with their interpretation which are cherished values in most African societies. Healing of bodily diseases was also a strategy for missionary success in the Aladura church in Yorubaland. Since sicknesses and diseases are common experiences of man for which solution is always being sought, it was natural that people were being converted to Aladura Christianity due to some reported cases of miraculous healing during Aladura‟s formative years. The Aladura accompanied their songs with Yoruba musical instruments which, in effect, produced a charged-up spiritual 104 atmosphere. This is because the hilarity and dynamism in Aladura worship invariably accommodates the spiritual emotionalism of the Yoruba. One other strategy used by the Aladura is what Olayiwola designates as “effective propaganda machinery”. Other strategies which Olayiwola calls “miscellaneous factors” are indigenization of church leadership, accommodation of some African cultural practices like polygyny etc. In his survey of the various strategies employed by churches in planting Christianity in South-Eastern Nigeria, Adiele identifies and discusses seven strategies which he considers 105 as the principal ones. They are: conventional church services, door to door preaching, open air preaching, the Christian village, the wards system, use of medical care and allied institutions. Lastly was the school (formal or western education) which the missions regarded as an indispensable handmaid of evangelism, since it paved the way for the penetration of 106 Christianity into some localities where it ordinarily would have been rejected. Based on the implications of the use of the aforementioned strategies, Adiele asserts: “there are elements of continuity and change”. The import of this assertion is that though the accidents, tragedies, sorrows, dangers and unhappy mysteries which they encounter or experience are caused by the use of mystical power in the hands of the sorcerer, witch, wizard or familiar spirit and other malevolent spirits. For more details see J.S. Mbiti, 1969. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann, 194 – 203. 104 Generally, God is often worshipped through songs in African societies; and African peoples are very fond of singing. Many of the religious gatherings and ceremonies are accompanied by singing which not only helps to pass on religious knowledge from one person or group to another but also helps create and strengthen corporate feeling and solidarity. Thus, music and dancing reach deep into the innermost parts of African peoples, and many things come to the surface under musical inspiration which otherwise may not be readily revealed. See, J. S. Mbiti. African Religions and Philosophy. 66 – 67. 105 For details see S.N. Adiele.1986. Early Strategies of Proselytization in south-eastern Nigeria. ORITA, Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies. 106 S.N. Adiele. Early Strategies… 97. xlix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY various strategies served the desired purpose in the beginning of missionary activities in South-Eastern Nigeria, some of these strategies have been overtaken by contemporary 107 realities which necessitates that the missions look elsewhere in their expansionist thrust. Strategies that aided the activities of the Deeper Life Bible Church were identified by 108 Matthews Ojo. Firstly was the retreat programme where free accommodation and feeding were provided. These incentives were said to have attracted large audience to the retreat, as well as spreading the fame of the group. The next was the use of literature which involved the printing of thousands of tracts which were distributed far and wide and free of charge. Later on, pamphlets on various Christian themes were also produced and sold at affordable prices. Another strategy was the use of recorded cassettes of gospel messages which conveyed the doctrinal emphases of the group to the people. Emphasis on miracles and healings were reported also to have attracted people into Deeper Life Bible Church. Ojo, however, comments that those healing and miracles could be regarded as material incentives which were ideally suited to the contemporary Nigerian milieu. Lastly Ojo sees the church‟s emphasis on evangelism as providing the vehicular framework for reaching people with the incentives discussed above. Members of Deeper Life Bible Church, in obedience to the Great Commission, were very persistent in preaching to people as well as inviting them to their church programmes. In the write-up on a workshop on “Reaching the unreached people group”, Deeper 109 Christian Life Ministry examines some common strategies in Christian missions. These are: mass evangelism, personal evangelism, music evangelism, pulpit evangelism, power evangelism and literature evangelism. There are also others that are described as “crucial relevant strategies”, which are employed with peculiarities of the target group, put into consideration. First in this category is learning the indigenous language so as to be able to effectively communicate the gospel message. Secondly is the training of the indigenous ministers so that they can be equipped to reach out to their people. Third, there should be willingness on the part of the evangelist to adapt to the culture of the target group so that he can be accepted as part of the community in which he ministers. Fourth, the gospel should be related to the felt needs of the people. This involves embarking on hospitality project like provision of clean water etc. Fifth is the development of house churches, especially in communities where land is not easily provided for church building. Last is the fact that 107 S. N. Adiele, Early Strategies of Proselytization… 100. 108 S. N. Adiele, Early Strategies of Proselytization… 100. 109 Deeper Christian Life Ministry. 1993. Deeper Life leadership strategy congress booklet. 127 – 128. l UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY churches should be made indigenous to the communities where they are suited so that the converts might have a sense of belonging. Furthermore, Hopkins and Gaiya have identified some mission policies and strategies which the Sudan United Mission (SUM) adopted in their analysis of the mission activities of 110 TEKAN. According to them, these strategies include: cooperation, comity agreement, establishing contact with the local people, cultural studies, slow admission to baptism, lay involvement, free ministry and the organization of the local church within the local community. These strategies can be grouped under three main headings namely; cooperation, partitioning of the mission sphere, and “Nigerianization” of the church. Apart from the above, the mission was also said to have strategically adopted social services such as education, medical services and agriculture, as a means of attracting the local people and also of communicating and interpreting the gospel in a practical manner. As it were, Hopkins and Gaiya‟s work focuses on the mission strategies of the S.U.M, and therefore does not capture this present study, which examines the mission strategies of ECWA among the Maguzawa. Ogunewu examines the use of the media and communication technologies as 111 proselytization strategies in Deeper Christian Life Ministry. Though he acknowledges the fact that various strategies can be employed to ensure the success of evangelistic endeavours, his work focuses only on the media and communication technologies as employed by the Deeper Christian Life Ministry, and this he examined under two broad headings namely; the Print media and Electronic media. According to him, tracts, Bible study outlines, books and pamphlets, magazines, devotional materials, hand bills and posters fall under print media, while audio cassettes, video cassettes, films, video compact disc, radio broadcast, television transmission, internet website and life satellite transmission come under the electronic 112 media. In a biographical note on J.C. Taylor, Tasie stressed the efforts and endeavours of the former towards a successful missionary enterprise of the CMS in the Niger area in general, 110 TEKAN is an acronym for Tarayyar Ekklesiyoyi Kristi a Nigeria, that is, the Fellowship of Churches of Christ in Nigeria. It is a union of several churches founded in 1955 under the auspices of Sudan United Mission (SUM), an interdenominational faith mission. At its formation there were six autonomous denominations constituting TEKAN. Later on, other six joined at varying dates, making a total of twelve denominations constituting TEKAN. For more details,see Mark Hopkins and Musa Gaiya (eds.) 2005. Churches in fellowship: the study of TEKAN. Jos: African Christian Textbooks. Chapters 6 and 7. 111 M.L. Ogunewu. 2008. The media and communication technologies as strategies for evangelization and teaching in the Deeper Life Christian Life Ministry in Lagos 1975 – 2005. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Ibadan. 112 M.L. Ogunewu. 2008. The media and communication technologies... 82-85. li UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY and Onitsha in particular. He reports that Taylor, through practical experiences, understood that it would be impossible to convey the Gospel message effectively to any people unless the evangelist himself was able, not only to master the local tongue of the people, but also to 113 understand their thought pattern and value system. It is against this background that Taylor, as part of his strategies, effectively communicated the gospel, using the local Igbo language. Another strategy employed by Taylor was his appreciation of the fact that the Christian religion was not being introduced into a vacuum, but upon some already existing 114 cultural situation, especially the traditional religious culture. His appreciation of some cultural issues was well illustrated by his acceptance of Christians taking the ozo title, which, 115 according to him, was to mark their status in society. Also, Taylor used education as one of his strategies with the opening of the first Anglican Day School in the area and through this wormed his way into the hearts of many, especially those who desired the mission more for 116 its temporal benefits than for its spiritual significance. In order to be able to reach the Indians, who according to him, have a great capacity 117 for belief and religion, Ezra Sargunam explores some strategies. Firstly, focus on the common people, even the depressed classes. He stressed the need for multiplication of churches among the Harijans and the other depressed castes of India who are estimated to be responsive communities. Secondly, Sargunam emphasized the strategic importance of making conversions within the social structure. The implication of this is that people need not be asked to change their social customs and other traditional behaviours. Men and women may be asked to follow Christ, still being proud of their culture or caste to which they belong. Efforts should therefore be made to make conversions with minimum social dislocation. Thirdly is strategizing people movements. According to Sargunam, the most effective and successful way to evangelize is through the families and caste groups who are responsive to the Gospel. Converts in such caste groups should therefore be mobilized to bring their relatives to Christ. Lastly is indigeneity in theology, worship, and mission. This involves using new national methods to reach the nationals or using indigenous methods to disciple the indigenous population. 113 G.O.M. Tasie. 1981. John Christopher Taylor missionary strategist and pioneer… 57. 114 G.O.M. Tasie. 1981. John Christopher Taylor missionary strategist and pioneer… 58. 115 G.O.M. Tasie. 1981. John Christopher Taylor missionary strategist and pioneer… 62. 116 G.O.M. Tasie. 1981. John Christopher Taylor missionary strategist and pioneer… 63. 117 Ezra Sargunam. 1992. Strategy for India in Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne (eds.) Perspectives on the world Christian movement: a reader, Pasadena California: William Carey Library. lii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 118 In another development Peter Wagner enunciates that a positive attitude toward strategy planning for world missions among others involves the following: Contextualization, mission power and fresh awareness of worldview. Contextualization in this sense means making the concepts and ideals of the Gospel relevant in a given situation with a view to spreading the good news of salvation through Jesus. Mission power deals with the workings of the supernatural and the miraculous in reaching the unreached people with the gospel. Thus power and power encounter is a crucial factor in missions today and in participating fully in contemporary world evangelization. A fresh awareness of worldview underscores the fact that Western missionaries need to understand the worldview of most non-Westerners that deals with spirits, demons, magic, fetish, witches, ancestors etc. There is, therefore, the need for a paradigm shift which will be very helpful in bringing missionaries more in touch with the worldview of the men and women to whom they are attempting to communicate the gospel. A critical examination of all the works reviewed above on “Mission Strategies” reveals that though almost all the strategies adopted by ECWA among the Maguzawa are reflected by the various authors, none of them could be said to have addressed the issue at stake in this present study, which is the mission strategies adopted by ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. This study therefore is a worthwhile venture. 118 See C. Peter Wagner. 1992. On the Cutting Edge of Mission Strategy in Ralph D. Winter and Steven C. Hawthorne (eds), Perspectives on the world Christian movement: a reader. Pasadena, California: William Carey Library. 45-59. liii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER THREE THE MAGUZAWA OF NORTHERN NIGERIA AND THE ECWA MISSION 3.0 Introduction This chapter provides an ethnographical survey of the Maguzawa as a Hausa sub- group. At the same time, it examines ECWA as a mission organization through a historical analysis of its origin and evolution. This is done with a view to giving a brief description of the subjects of the study. 3.1 Ethnographical Survey of the Maguzawa The Maguzawa were said to be the original and early settlers of Kano who centred 1 their lives around the shrine of Tsumburbura. This shrine was said to have been destroyed by th 2 the 9 Sarki of Kano, Tsamiya. In effect, the worshippers (Maguzawa) were said to have fled to surrounding villages, and thus become a dispersed and dominated minority. The Maguzawa, in Krusius view, are real Hausa people and real “pagans” who refuse to have any 3 dealings with salla and azumi (ritual prayer and fasting) . Arguing along the same line, Goriawala describes the Maguzawa as the Hausa-speaking people in Kano and in the south of 4 Katsina who refuse to accept Islam and still continue to practice their ancestral cult. In view of the shades of opinion about the identity of the Maguzawa, it may be summed up that they are not separate people but indigenous inhabitants of Kano and Southern Katsina who rejected Islam and thus became a dispersed and dominated minority. The appellation Maguzawa has as its singular Bamaguje. In an attempt to explain where Bamaguje originates from, Krusius quotes a native „scholar‟ to have said: In the beginning when Fulbe and Habe accepted Salla, Bama, the latter brother separated from them. Who is the one who always separates from 1 See M.S. Zahradeen. 1983. The place of mosques in the history of Kano. Studies in the history of Kano. B.M. Barkindo. Ed. Ibadan: Heinemann. 57. For more information on Tsumburbura see The Kano Chronicle. H. R. Palmer, 1967. Ed. Sudanese memoirs 3 volumes in one. London: Frank Cass. 97 – 98. 2 See. The Kano Chronicle in H.R Palmer Ed. 103. 3 Paul Krusius. Die Maguzawa (The Maguzawa) Hartfold, USA in Archive far Anthropologic, N.F. Vol xiv. 1. Translated into English by Gisela Seidensticker. 4 M. Goriawala, 1970. On the Maguzawa. Orita 10.2: 115-123, M. Goriawala. 1985. Maguzawa: the influence of the Hausa Muslims on the beliefs and practices of the Maguzawa, the Traditional Religionists of Kano and Katsina in Emefie Ikenga-Metuh(ed) The Gods in retreat: continuity and change in African religions: the Nigerian experience. Enugu: Fourth Dimension. 47. liv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY those who gather to pray? People ask. The reply is, Bamaguje Salla (Bama 5 runs away from prayer). Conceding that the word Maguzawa is correctly used of the un-Islamized Hausa and that the usage is based on popular etymology, Krusius further explains: The word Bamaguje contains – as every Hausa speaker easily detects – the prefix „ba – used for a people‟s name, like Ba-haushe, the Hausa, Bature 6 the European, Ba-larabe, the Arabs. The plural (of Bamaguje) is formed 7 correctly Maguzawa corresponding to Hausawa, Turawa, larabawa. Krusius further argues that if the word Hausa is explained with hau + sa, meaning “climbed the ox”, and the word arna, meaning pagan was suggested to originate from ar, na, ki, so, salla which means “Away, I don‟t want salla”, why then not Bamaguje (Bama runs away from prayer) as well? In all probability, the foregoing explanations combine real tradition and real conceptions in unearthing the etymology of the word Maguzawa. Thus the result of the findings of Krusius reveals that Habe and Maguzawa are both convinced that they originated 8 from the same root. Ludger Reuke was quoted as saying that the Maguzawa were of blacksmiths‟ origin. He was said to have been referring to the Kano Chronicle, which also refers to the blacksmiths people who are Maguzawa and were seen as the unclean dwellers of Kano. He was also said to have mentioned that Gijigiji was the blacksmith and Guganzau was the one that begot Maguzawa and was the miner and shelter. But in Kano Chronicle, there is neither the issue of blacksmiths nor the unclean dwellers of Kano. In other places where the Maguzawa were mentioned, they are never referred to as „smiths”. It is therefore appropriate to observe that this reference is probably for the pleasure of an interesting formula, which 9 hardly rests on sound information, since all of the Maguzawa are farmers. In one of the interviews during the fieldwork, it was made known that the appellation “Maguzawa” is derogatory, and so the Maguzawa prefer to be addressed as Hausa 10 Christians. Corroborating this view, Bamigboye asserts that, they hate to be called 11 Bamaguje. However, interview with the Maguzawa themselves reveals that even among the 5 Paul Krusius. 1982. The Maguzawa...1 .6 Parenthesis mine. 7 Paul Krusius. 1982. The Maguzawa..1. 8 Paul Krusius. 1982. The Maguzawa…2. 9 Abiodun Akodu. 1993. A review of the origin and identity of the Maguzawa of northern Nigeri in Savanna Journal of the Environmental and Social Sciences 14. 1 & 2: 62 – 63. 10 An interview conducted with Dr. A.U. Dan Asabe, a historian in Social Studies Department, Federal College of Education, Kano, an indigene of Katsina. On 11th April, 2008. 11 E.A. Bamigboye. The history of Baptist work in Northern Nigeria, 1901 to 1975. Ibadan; Power House Press & Publishers. 117. lv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Christian converts, some proportion still regard themselves as Maguzawa in spite of the fact 12 that it is a derogatory term. It is probably the consensus of opinion among some scholars that Kano can be safely 13 said to be the ancestral home of the Maguzawa. They were believed to have originated in Kano, from where they spread over to other parts of Hausaland. We are not, however, 14 unaware of some dissenting voices on this view. Some have argued that two groups were distinguished with their mutual place of origin close to Rogo, along the border between Katsina and Kano land. The implication here is that the ancestry of the Maguzawa is neither Kano nor Katsina, rather a border line between the two and from there, they spread to other places. In this regard, Krusius asserts: Up to date most of the Maguzawa are living here (the border between Katsina and Kano land). They would have expanded towards Katsina town on the one hand and to the north-east towards Kano and southwards into Zazzau country on the other. Today Maguzawa are found in these areas: Katsina, Kano and Zazzau. They are able farmers and number around 15 100,000 people. It has also been clearly expressed by Goriawala that the Maguzawa originated from both Kano and Katsina. He comments: The Hausa-speaking people of Kano and in the south of Katsina who have not yet accepted Islam and still continue to practice their ancestral cult are 16 known as Maguzawa. He further explains that Kano Maguzawa are known as the Kutumbawa while those of Katsina are known as Katsinawa, with their tribal marks as their distinguishable features, though in general culture the two groups are indistinguishable. This view finds corroboration 17 in Barkow and Akodu. In fact, citing Greenberg, Akodu writes: 12 A typical example is Rev. Samuila Kogo of the Hausa Section of the ECWA Headquarters church in Kano. Also see Abiodun Akodu, Arts and Crafts of the Maguzawa. 64. 13 Among others, these scholars seem to share this view: M.U. Adamu, 1999. Confluences and Influences: The Emergence of Kano as a City State, Kano: Munawwar Books Foundation. 37. J.H. Barkow. 1973. Muslims and Maguzawa in North Central State, Nigeria: An Ethnographic Comparison in Canadian Journal of African Studies 7. 63; J.H. Greenberg. 1946. The influence of Islam on a Sudanese religion: monographs of the American ethnological society. New York: University of Washington Press. J. Hogben and A.H. M. Kirk– Greene, 1966. The emirates of Northern Nigeria. London. 370. M.S. Zahradeen. 1983. The place of mosques in the history of Kano. Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books. 57. Musa A.B. Gaiya. Further reflections on Christianity in Northern Nigeria 1975 – 2000 in E.P.T. Crampton. 2004. Christianity in Northern Nigeria. Bukuru. Africa Christian Textbooks (ACTS). 243. 14 See, for example, M. Goria Wala, Maguzawa. 47. See also Pau Krusius. The Maguzawa. 3. 15 Paul Krusius. 1982. The Maguzawa...3 16 M. Goriawala. 1985. Maguzawa: the influence of the Hausa Muslims…47. 17 J.H. Barkow, 1978. Muslims and Maguzawa in North Central State. 62 – 63. lvi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY About the Maguzawa, Greenberg (1946), says that in the rural districts, there is a group of pagans who call themselves Katsinawa and, their tribal marks are distinct from those of the Kutumbawa. These katsinawa, who inhabit the eastern part of Katsina Emirate and extend into Kano, continues Greenberg, do not differ at all culturally from the Kutumbawa. This population is referred to collectively as the Maguzawa, a term used by the 18 Hausa to designate all Hausa-speaking pagan. The tribal marks identified among the Kutumbawa and the Katsinawa have been illustrated in 19 his work. 18 Abiodun Akodu. Arts and Crafts of the Maguzawa. 2. 19 Abiodun Akodu. Arts and Crafts… 81. lvii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Fig 1: KATSINANCI: Katsina Maguzawa Tribal Marks Fig 2: KANANCI: Kano Maguzawa Tribal Marks Source: Grace Abdu, unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Jos, 1990 lviii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY In spite of all the foregoing, it is inappropriate to assume that the controversy surrounding the identity of the Maguzawa has been completely resolved. This is because, since the Maguzawa were said to have been dispersed from their ancestral home, some scholars have concluded that they are found in various locations of such states as Sokoto, 20 Borno, Niger, Bauchi, Gongola, Kano and Kaduna. The corollary of this is the tendency to conclude that all non-Muslim Hausa in all these states are Maguzawa. We tend to disagree with such a postulation on the ground that there are only two Hausa states (Kano and Katsina) 21 whose non–Muslim populations are called Maguzawa. Other Hausa states call their non- 22 Muslims Arna. In fact, U.N. Umar, a one time secretary to Sokoto State Arts Council was cited to have said that as far as he is concerned, and with his knowledge of Sokoto where he 23 hailed from, the word Arna or Azna is used to describe the pagan Hausa in the state. It is thus possible that every territorial unit has its own terminology for their non-Islamised. This is the position maintained in this work. The largest political unit among the Maguzawa is the gida, the extended household, and the highest office holder is the maigida, the oldest man and head of the gida (household). The gidaje (households), counting an average of 36 inhabitants, are scattered in the vicinity of hamlet and villages inhabited by Muslim Hausa. The village (Kasa) is the smallest political unit in the system of Native Administration, and the village head (maigari or magaji) of Muslim Hausa or Fulani origin, is the political link between the Maguzawa and the Emir. The village head formally recognizes the Maguzawa Maigida, collects taxes from him and intervenes in a few cases, such as land sale or theft. Otherwise, the Maguzawa are left to themselves and regulate their own affairs within their gidaje. Greenberg states, “Before anything, religion comes first among the Maguzawa”. This assertion is particularly true of virtually all indigenous African societies. The same opinion is expressed by Bolaji Idowu in his discourse on the religion of the Yoruba. He writes: “The keynote of their life is their religion. In all things they are religious. Religion forms the 24 foundation and the all- governing principle of life for them”. Be that as it may, Maguzawa religion revolves around an infinite number of spirits which they call in Hausa Iskoki (singular, iska). There are about 3,000 spirits in the religion, though six are said to be the 20 Abiodun Akodu. Arts and Crafts…12. Also see A.I. Okereke. History of the Catholic Church in Kano, 1922 – 2003. Kano: Social Communications Department. Kano Diocese. 2603. 34 & 36. Also see Ludger Reuke. The Maguzawa of Northern Nigeria. 21 Information from Dr. A.U. Dan- Asabe. A seasoned historian from Katsina. 22 Information from Dr. A.U. Dan- Asabe… Arna simply means pagans. 23 Cited in Abiodun Akodu. A review of the origin and identity of the Maguzawa in Savana. 65. 24 E. Bolaji Idowu. 1996. Olodumare. God in Yoruba Belief. Ikeja: Longman. 5. lix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 25 26 major ones . In his study, Goriawala gives as many as 3013 Iskoki. However, Krusius 27 opines that the number of spirits is limited; according to him, they are exactly one hundred. The divergent views about the exact number of spirits not withstanding, it has been established that the Maguzawa are satisfied in invoking spirits because it seems that Allah is 28 remote for them and uninterested in their affairs. There are two kinds of spirits: the „white‟ and „black‟ ones, that is, friendly, good ones and unkind, evil ones. The black spirits are also called dodo (plural dodani) an expression describing the frightful. The leader, father of the other spirits and of Bama, is Kure. He is the patron of all Maguzawa. Kure is the Hausa word for a male hyena and its worship goes back to totemistic conceptions. The hyena is thus the sacred animal of the Maguzawa. It may not be killed and its meat is not eaten. If it intrudes into a compound it is chased out but not killed. Only if it does too much damage is it hunted down but not without singing her praise song prior to the hunt. The hunter who has shot her turns away silently. But, if he would say Na harba ta (I killed her), he would be punished and never stop talking anymore, meaning that he would go mad in some way. Meat of a hyena killed in this way is eaten but some medicine is added, as otherwise, it is believed that the people would suffer a 29 fatal disease . Kure‟s symbol at the place of sacrifice is a stick with a handle (Kere) bent sidewise and to which a little bell is attached. It also plays a role in the manifestation of a bori person‟s spirit. Kure guards the house, blesses the farm and family with children and in case of need he also protects. As noble men in Hausaland are praised with certain songs and formulas, the spirits have their Kirari, their conventional praise song. Thus Kure is praised on the occasion of potential and/or offering sacrifices, and while he is praised, he possesses a medium to discover himself. Among the Maguzawa as well as in the whole of Hausa land, Bori is the cult of being spirit-possessed. It is mainly practised by women. A woman who practices this cult is called „yar bori in Hausa, that is, daughter of bori. Sometimes a man also becomes a bori devotee and is called dan bori, son of bori. Bori performance is accompanied by drumming, singing and dancing in ecstasy. When a spirit wishes to manifest itself, it possesses yar bori. In the state of being possessed by the spirit the medium of the spirit, which is yar bori, dances and 25 J.H Greenberg. The influence of Islam on Sudanese religion….. 26 M. Goriawala. Maguzawa…50. 27 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…10. 28 M. Goriawala. Maguzawa…50. 29 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…9. lx UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY her actions become a manifestation of the distinctive characteristic of the spirit. The spirit speaks through her. Similarly when yar bori wishes to be possessed by a spirit, appropriate verses are sung to the accompaniment of appropriate drumming, and thus the spirit is invoked. In the case of being possessed, the spirit tells, in the case of a sick person, what spirit has caused the illness and what sacrifice is to be given and what herbal remedy is to be taken along with it. Apart from invoking the bori spirit for therapeutic purposes, there is yet another medical professional very popular among the Maguzawa. He is known as boka, a native 30 doctor, the healer or medicine man. The Maguzawa‟s boka gives more the impression of a physician than medicine-man. Though he farms like everybody else, he reserves a few days to gather healing herbs and to execute his special profession. He does not wear fantastic costumes nor does he dance, nor does he go into ecstasies. He walks like everybody else, perhaps a bit more dignified because of his wisdom. The „medicine‟ he brews is often an 31 extract of herbs, roots, bark, fruit etc many of which certainly have healing qualities. Fighting the disease, he fights the evil spirit said to be behind the disease, and essentially his 32 method of healing is magic. Incantations and sacrifice both play an important role. In order to diagnose difficult cases which he cannot cure due to lack of experience and knowledge, the boka uses iskoki and bori. The Bamaguje fights sickness and soul – trapping in many ways but in the end he does not have a cure against death. Death comes when the soul leaves the body finally. However, as in many other African traditional societies, the Maguzawa believe in ancestors‟ spiritual world. The relationship between the deceased and the living is not destroyed. On the contrary, the ancestor has considerable influence on the bereaved fate and they in turn have to offer him sacrifices. Traditionally, the Maguzawa are farmers. Agriculture, therefore, constitutes the main stay of their economy and the running of the house is centred around it. The little child just strong enough to hold farming tools, as well as the old person, – man or woman – whose 33 strength is failing, everybody works on the farm. Crops that are found on Maguzawa farms are: millet (gero) maize, sugar-cane, guinea-corn, groundnut, rice, cotton and beans. A simple hoe (hauya) and a furrow-like one, the garma, are the major farming tools. Depending on family tradition, either before or after sowing, the Maguzawa offer their spring sacrifice, begging for blessing of their fields. At first Kure and Dan Galadima are 30 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…9 31 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…9. 32 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…25 33 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…25. lxi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY remembered. Their place of sacrifice is in the centre of the compound, and their offering for a rich crop are made to Kure and Dan Galadima. Relatives from far and near are invited. Beer is brewed and as on all occasions of sacrifice and feast, – poured out under the sacrificial tree (Jigu) or into the little jug before anybody has tasted it. Early on the morning the sacrificial animals are slaughtered and prayer is offered: 34 Kure, ga kayanka, Ga shi, an zuba giya, Ka gyarta mamu gida Yayi kyau. Ka ba mu dawa Ga kayan ka etc. Kure, here is your share, Look, beer is poured; Put our house in order that everything shall be good. give us sorghum here is your share etc. Hereafter, people partake of the sacrificial meal. Everybody receives a piece of the sacrificial animal. People drink beer, and eat the national dish made of flour, tuwo. Akodu notes that what has made farming a special craft among the Maguzawa is its 35 unique nature of traditional organizations, and a high level of economic power. The traditional organization of farming among the Maguzawa is the same as obtains among the traditional Hausa people. This is known as Gandu. It is a system of farming which allows a 36 collective ownership of a farm by a number of brothers and relations. According to Krusius, 37 Gandu is the large family-owned farmland whose caretaker is the head of the family. The farm is considered a legacy placed in the hands of whoever is the oldest brother. He, the eldest brother, would have the full control of the land, to the extent that, sometimes he sells it out without the consent of other relations. When any of the brothers or all the brothers need any portion of the land, it is freely given because the land is jointly owned by the brothers in the family. Apart from this jointly owned land, there is the Gayyauna which is a private acquisition of any of the brothers. An average Maguzawa family could not go to his farm to work, he must have farmed on the general farm for the major parts of the days in a week. In fact, Krusius states that four days of Gandu work is done by the head of the family and his 34 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…27. 35 Abiodun Akodu. Arts and Crafts of the Maguzawa. 58. 36 Abiodun Akodu. Arts and Crafts... 59. 37 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…29. lxii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY own family, his wives and children and their wives and children as well as sometimes his 38 young brothers and their families. The whole gandu harvest is said to be stored separately in a large granary, next to the 39 hut of the Gandu head. Out of the harvest, taxes are paid, visitors are fed, beer brewed, 40 children‟s weddings prepared and celebrated. Furthermore, everybody of the family feeds from the gandu cow, that is, all who have contributed from the beginning of the rainy season up to the harvest. The crops of the remaining day are lived on from harvest until the beginning of the rainy season. Also, current expenditure - for dresses, shawls, jewellery etc. is paid for out of this. Women who farm for themselves -some of them are said to have up to three personal farms–contribute to the household during this time; the remainder, however, 41 they may use freely. It is appropriate to note at this point that the Gandu system of farming among the Maguzawa probably underscores, and is typical of, communal living that often characterizes African societies. Also to be noted is the issue of farming among Maguzawa women. This independent economic activity of the Maguzawa women is in striking contrast to the condition of their Hausa Muslim counter-parts who do no farm work, and are kept in seclusion. In his work, Akodu attributes this issue of farming among Maguzawa women to the exorbitant dowries paid by men which make them vow to make their wives work for them 42 on the farm after marriage. It is also to be noted that six working days are reported among the Maguzawa. Indeed, the seventh day is a day to rest. Surprisingly this seventh day coincides with the Christian Sunday. Krusius, however, argues that the coincidence can 43 hardly be related to any Christian influence either directly or indirectly. This notwithstanding, it is most probable that the conversion of the Maguzawa to the Christian faith in recent times may not be unconnected with this coincidence, since Sunday, Christians day of worship coincides with their day of rest. For the Maguzawa, the time of real harvesting is determined by the queen of crops, dawa. After dawa is harvested and people are prepared to store it, the harvest sacrifice is made. It is similar to the spring sacrifice at the beginning of planting season. Kure and Dan Galadima are remembered. The offering song says: Kure, ga kayanka, 38 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…31 39 Abiodun Akodu, Arts & Crafts of the Maguzawa…60. 40 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…31. 41 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…31. 42 Abiodun Akodu, Arts and Crafts of the Maguzawa….6. 43 P. Krusius, The Maguzawa…32. lxiii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Dawa ta yi albarka, Mu tsi ta lafia, Gida yayi kyau, A samu aure, Iyali su zauna lafia. Kure, here is your share, May this dawa bring blessing, let us eat it in well – being, let the house be well, may there be the opportunity to marry may the members of the house live in peace. During this time the ancestors are also gratefully remembered. After the sacrifices, the 44 grain is stored in rumbuna. There are two major shapes, one is conical, and is closed with a thatched roof on top. The other type is also conical but arches upwards into a roof which has a relatively small, round opening in the centre. The latter type is more fireproof in case of fire accidents. Apart from these common granaries there are others of individual family members which can be tiny; only dependent members with little crop store their grains with relatives. Once dawa is harvested the Bamaguje can enjoy a life of festivities and relaxation. However, this rainless period is not a time of absolute rest. In the house many things have to be put in order. Among other things, a hut has to be repaired, a new one to be built, the fence around the compound has to be mended or even renewed. Some embark on spinning and weaving, the blacksmith looks for iron ore used in making farming and other tools. So, during the dry season there is again no lack of activities. However, its significance are the festivities, especially towards the end of this period. The dry season is also the time to travel. Not only festivities but also friendship and business call out of the narrow circle of the immediate surroundings. If the trip shall be successful, the correct day has to be chosen. Everyday is appropriate for celebrations but Fridays and Sundays are avoided. Only utmost necessity will make a Bamaguje determine to travel on one of these days. Without any ills, it is possible to return home everyday. Apart 45 from festivities and travelling, hunting is also a welcome past time during the dry season. There are professional hunters but basically, every Bamaguje is a hunter. A special occasion is a situation where a large area is surrounded, the grass lit and the fleeing animals are expected to be killed with bows and arrows, clubs and dogs. This usually takes place towards the end of the dry season, and all people of the district participate, Muslims not excluded. 44 These are large mud containers resting on stones because of termites. 45 It has however been reported that hunting is fast disappearing among the Maguzawa. See Abiodun Akodu. Arts and Crafts of the Maguzawa. 75. lxiv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Apart from all the above, many other things are still done before the arrival of the rains. A Bamaguje‟s life is patterned around this annual circle. It is a consensus of opinion among scholars that the way of life of the Maguzawa has 46 been heavily overlaid by Islamic influence. This becomes evident from the fact that their several beliefs are altered and modified or formed under Islamic influence. The most 47 conspicuous is their conception of God, Allah. In the pre-Islamic period, generally, Arabs believed in Allah as the Supreme Being, and they knew him even by the name Allah. Their conception of Allah however, was very vague. They did not directly worship Allah but invoked their deities who were the immediate concern. Very similarly, the Maguzawa admit the existence of Allah and they believe that He is the Supreme Being, who created the whole 48 universe and controls it. But he is not the central being for them as He is for the Muslim. They neither worship Him, nor seek His help, nor invoke Him in prayers. No Maguzawa rites are connected with the worship of God. They, however, share with their Muslim neighbours in saying the name of Allah where it is commonly and frequently used, like mentioning his 49 name in taking an oath; but they use it less frequently than do Muslims. In view of all the above, the fact that Islam has wielded a considerable influence on the Maguzawa is obvious. This, in all probability, is not unconnected with the fact that they are surrounded by an overwhelming Muslim population, and of course, their political subservience to the majority Hausa Muslim hegemony. This is appropriately enunciated by Goriawala thus: The larger the religious community the stronger becomes its influence on a minority. On the other hand, a community which, even though in a minority, possesses the political power, normally influences its inferior majority. For these reasons probably, one notices why Maguzawa were so 50 much influenced by the Hausa people and their faith. It is instructive to note, however, that the Islamic influences notwithstanding, the majority of the Maguzawa are being converted to Christianity in recent times. 46 See for example: M. Goriawala. “Maguzawa”, J.H. Greenberg, The Influence of Islam on a Sudanese Religion. 1915. Retrieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/maguzawa, J.C. Kenny, Adaptation for Christian Marriage among the Maguzawa, in Neue Zuitschrift fur Mission wissenschaft. Xxiv. Jahrgang Heft 2. 1968.133. Ludger Reuke. The Maguzawa of Northern Nigeria. 47 Mu‟izz Goriawala. Maguzawa...50. 48 Mu‟izz Goriawala. Maguzawa…53. 49 Mu‟izz Goriawala. Maguzawa…54. 50 Mu‟izz Goriawala. Maguzawa. 55. lxv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3.2 The ECWA Mission This aspect of the work traces the root of ECWA, its birth, its doctrinal emphases and its organizational structure. It finally examines the emergence of the Evangelical Missionary Society (EMS) which marked the beginning of the effective penetration of ECWA into the Maguzawa communities. 3.2.1 The Beginnings of ECWA The beginning of Sudan Interior Mission (SIM) whose activities gave birth to the national church, ECWA, can be traced to the pioneering efforts of Walter Gowans, a Scottish Canadian from Toronto; Thomas Kent, an American from Buffalo, New York, and Rowland 51 Victor Bingham, an English Canadian who migrated from England to Toronto. Mr. Gowans was the leader of the three pioneer missionaries. He was the first of three SIM pioneers to receive vision for Africa‟s Central Sudan (Northern Nigeria). The missionary training he received from Dr. Simpson‟s Missionary Training College in ew York in 1892 and 1893 invariably strengthened the vision. In consequence, Gowans‟ burden for the Sudan kept on burning in his heart until the two other young men, Kent and Bingham, who shaped his vision, joined him in England in preparation for the Sudan. In December 1893, the three young missionaries – Walter Gowans, Thomas Kent and Rowland Bingham arrived in Lagos, intent upon taking the Good News to the Sudan. They were said to have received discouraging words from the Superintendent of the Methodist Mission in West Africa, who told them, “young men, you will never see the Sudan, your 52 children will never see the Sudan, your grand children may”. However, these words did not stop the determined gospel pioneers on their mission to the Sudan. Being in Lagos for only a little over three weeks, Bingham became weakened by fever. Notwithstanding, Walter Gowans and Thomas Kent took off on their journey to the interior while Bingham stayed at the coast to recuperate, and to also maintain contact with friends in their homeland to get supplies from them for the work. In November, 1894 Walter Gowans (the initiator and leader of the group) died at Girku, a little town near Zaria. Thomas Kent also died of malaria at Bida in December 1894. This double tragedy turned Bingham homeward. Rather than being discouraged, Bingham decided to see what could be done to arouse interest and form a Board; 51 See the following: Rowland V. Bingham. 1943. Seven sevens of years and a Jubilee. Toronto: Evangelical Publishers. 13 – 17. D.I. Olatayo. 1993. ECWA: the root, birth and growth. Book1. Ilorin: Ocare Publications. 1-2. Yusufu Turaki. Theory and Practice. 89 – 91. 52 See Rowland Bingham. Ibid. 19. John B. Grimley. Church growth in central Nigeria. 40. D.I. Olatayo. ECWA…3. Yusufu Turaki. Theory and practice. 98. lxvi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY also to raise both human, and material support for the enterprise. After several difficult years 53 Bingham succeeded in organizing what was to become the Sudan Interior Mission. In the meantime, Bingham did not sit down idly rather, with the experience in Africa, he felt the need for further training in order to fully prepare him for what he esteemed to be his life ministry. He therefore took some medical training in a Cleaveland Hospital. He also took more theological training in the later part of 1895 at the Bible College where Messrs 54 Gowans and Kent had graduated in New York. In 1900, Bingham, with two other young men, Messrs Moline and Taylor set out again to open up the Sudan to the gospel. On landing at Lagos once more, the other missionaries they met there still opposed and discouraged them. Unfortunately, within three weeks of their arrival at Lagos, Bingham was stricken down with fever and had to be taken to the Government Hospital. The doctor there advised Bingham to return home and in April 1900, he set out from Lagos for England; leaving his colleagues in Lagos to proceed to the Sudan. Discouraged by the dark picture painted by the missionaries in Lagos of the enterprise, Bingham‟s two companions followed him home on the next boat that sailed out of Lagos. Thus, ended the second attempt. Undaunted by the seeming previous failures, Bingham presented other candidates to the Council of the Mission. They were E.A. Anthony, Charles Robinson, Albert Taylor and th A.W. Banfield. The party sailed from Liverpool on the 30 of October, 1901 and entered the Nupeland, building their first station at Pategi on the Niger in 1902 and the second at Wushishi in 1904. Thus the Sudan Interior Mission made its third, and this time successful, attempt to establish work in Northern Nigeria. Less than a year after their arrival at Pategi 55 they welcomed to the field, the Mission‟s first medical man, Dr. Andrew Park Stirrett. During this period the missionaries compiled the first Nupe dictionary and also translated the four Gospel into the Nupe language. They established a printing press which enabled them to print portions of the scriptures in several local languages. However, within the first two years of stay, two of these four (initial) missionaries Messrs Anthony and Robinson took ill and were sent home, never to return. Mr. Taylor died at Bida. Rev. A.W. Banfield was the sole survivor of the four (initial) third party. Despite the physical achievements with loss of lives, the period produced no converts among the nationals. However, the Mission was, through 53 See John B. Grimley. Church growth in central Nigeria. 41. 54 D.I. Olatayo, ECWA… 3. 55 Rowland V. Bingham. Seven sevens… 32. Also see D.I. Olatayo. ECWA… 6. lxvii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY subsequent efforts, able to break the ground for the foundation of what is known, today, as Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA). 3.2.2 The Birth of an Indigenous Church–ECWA Beginning from the 1940s there was a general trend towards political self–rule in Africa, especially in West Africa. There were agitations virtually everywhere. The agitation was so loud and widespread that the foreign missions were afraid of their future should these countries eventually become independent. The SIM therefore became apprehensive about what would become of her, and her properties should Nigeria gain her independence. This apprehension, coupled with the desire and request of the churches to have some of their national leaders ordained, as was being done in other denominations, prompted the mission to think of uniting the SIM churches with the purpose of forming them into one indigenous self- supporting, self–governing and self propagating corporate organization, legally recognized by 56 the Nigerian Government. This was to enable such an organization to inherit the properties of the founding mission and continue the work in case of any expulsion of the Mission from the country. To this end, series of meetings of representatives of the SIM churches in the entire West African sub–region were arranged in the 1950s. The first of these conferences, known 57 as All SIM Conferences was held at Kano in 1950. At the fourth conference in 1953, the drafting of the constitution of ECWA by a committee of both missionaries (white) and 58 Nigerians in the majority began. The draft constitution was read and corrected at the SIM 59 council meeting at Kagoro in January 7–9, 1954. Various names were suggested for the indigenous church, but after much discussion, it was agreed that it be called and registered 60 with the name, “The Association of Evangelical churches of West Africa.” The fifth of the All SIM Conference and first of the Association of Evangelical Churches of West Africa (ECWA) Council meeting came up at Egbe (now in Kogi state) th th between 18 and 20 of May, 1954. The name “The Association of Evangelical Churches of West Africa (ECWA) was finally adopted. The ground idea and the explanation given was that each church is an Evangelical Church in West Africa. These independent churches as 56 D.I. Olatayo. ECWA: the root, birth and growth. Book 1. 21. 57 D.I. Olatayo. ECWA: the root, birth and growth. Book 1. 21. 58 For the names of Nigerian delegates and some white missionaries in attendance. See D.I. Olatayo. ECWA: … 22. 59 ECWA Archives and records. Jos. ECWA. 41. 60 Ibid. Also see the following: D.I. Olatayo. ECWA: Root, Birth and Growth Book 1. 27. Yusufu Turaki. An introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA in Nigeria. 273. lxviii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY joined together form the Association to be called the Association of Evangelical Churches of 61 West Africa (ECWA). Thus the hitherto loose organization of the SIM churches came together to form as an indigenous church with the name, “The Association of Evangelical Churches of West African (ECWA) in 1954, and became incorporated in 1956. However, the work of the ECWA reviewed committee resulted in a new ECWA Constitution and Bye-Laws in 1989. As a result, the Emergency General Church Council of October 1989 adopted a new name for the 62 church that is, The Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA). Commenting on what should be the mode of relationship between SIM and ECWA, Turaki expresses the mixed views held by both missionaries and Nigerians on what Mission- Church relationship should be. He explains that some held extreme radical views on moratorium, implying, for instance, that the SIM should pack out of Nigeria or that the SIM has finished its work in Nigeria and should not over stay. Others, he continues, held moderate views of partnership, that is, that there is still the need for the SIM to work alongside of ECWA in specialized areas of needs until ECWA is able to replace the missionaries in such professional areas, and that there is nothing wrong in a missionary not only working alongside ECWA but also working under ECWA. The second view enunciated above probably conforms with the principles that led to the formation of ECWA as an indigenous church, and perhaps, capable of engendering Mission-Church relations as have been expressed in different forms by some SIM/ECWA leaders. For example, Rev. B.H. Kato, one time General Secretary of ECWA, in an SIM/ECWA Strategy Proposal Meeting observes: …neither the SIM can say to ECWA, “I have no need of thee”, not can ECWA say so to the SIM. We are workers together first of all with God, then among ourselves, partnership should be the guiding principle in every 63 aspect of our future strategy. In the same forum, Rev. David O.Brien, the then Acting SIM Director explains that in SIM‟s relationship with ECWA, “an SIM missionary can act as a Medical Director for 64 ECWA if the best available person for the position happens to be an SIM missionary.” He further says: 61 D.I. Olatayo. ECWA: root, birth and growth. 30. 62 Yusufu Turaki. An introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA in Nigeria. 286. 63 ECWA Archives and Records. Jos. Strategy: SIM-ECWA” /701/. 10/08/95. 64 ECWA Archives and Records, Jos, Occupy Till I Comes: A view of SIM‟s future in Nigeria. Prepared for ECWA/SIM Consultation on Strategy. 10/08/95. lxix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Missionaries in Nigeria are not interested in turning back the clock. We are interested in the future and we hope that both SIM and ECWA have matured beyond the “us-them” way of thinking. Our concerns, our hopes, and our strategies are motivated by a desire to “occupy”. From the foregoing, one may probably conclude that both the SIM and ECWA have always shown the desire for solving relational problems with the view of enhancing the progress of the work. From the 1986 cooperative agreement between ECWA and SIM International up to the 1990s, both organizations have, reportedly, been at work in ensuring good relations between them. However, it is necessary to point to the fact that both SIM and ECWA have not been able to develop a mutual and effective working relationship beyond the 65 historical Mission–Church relationship. The processes of handing over were gradual, beginning from 1954 when ECWA was formed and the SIM churches handed over to the nationals. Other various institutions were 66 subsequently handed over one-after-the-other through the years. The process was completed 67 on the 10th of November, 1976, with ECWA assuming full responsibility for the work of SIM in Nigeria and all its missionaries in Nigeria. The corollary is that the SIM missionaries in Nigeria were to be known as ECWA personnel, and should report to ECWA through their respective departments which include: “Evangelism, Church Growth Education (including Theological and Christian Education), Media, Medical, Resources and Stewardship (Rural 68 Development), Services, Finance”. To sum up, it is interesting to note that in all, the formation of ECWA has brought good results. It has awakened the indigenous people to the consciousness and the responsibility of reaching the various “unreached” people around them with the Good News of salvation through Jesus Christ. 3.2.3 Doctrinal Emphases of ECWA ECWA has about sixteen articles of faith and practice that are fundamental to 69 attaining its membership at the various levels. To be a recognized and bonafide member of ECWA, one is required to, among other things, subscribe to these articles of faith. It is to be noted that ECWA articles of faith and practice is patterned after the conventional evangelical 65 This position is maintained based upon information gathered during field work. 66 For details on other institutions and properties handed over. See Yusufu Turaki. Theory and Practice of Christian Missions. 614-615. 67 ECWA Archives and Records. Jos. ECWA/SIM strategy proposal meeting. 10/08/95. Also see Yusufu Turaki. Theory and practice of Christian missions. 621. 68 Yusufu Turaki. Theory and practice of Christian missions. 625. 69 See Article IV. The constitution and bye – laws of ECWA. 4 – 11. lxx UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY tradition with probably some little variations. Therefore, aspects of ECWA teachings to be examined in some detail here are those ones elaborated on in ECWA constitution, which are also relevant to this study. These are the ordinances, namely, Water Baptism and the Lord‟s Supper. Others are: marriage, participation in partisan politics and church discipline. ECWA recognizes baptism by immersion, which should be conducted only by ECWA 70 authorized pastors. ECWA believes in baptism by immersion which symbolizes death, burial and rising with Christ, but do not believe in infant baptism. Instead, a candidate for baptism should be above eleven years of age. It is believed that baptism “is not a guarantee for salvation” but a “public witness before the world that one has trusted the Lord Jesus Christ.” In addition to being baptized, members are expected to hold the ECWA baptismal certificate. This qualifies them as full members of the ECWA church at large. All full members are required to have a fellowship card too. This full membership could, however be forfeited if the person falls into sin. The certificate is taken from him for safe keeping in the custody of the church, until such a time when the person repents and is restored. Christians baptized in other denominations “who may be seeking membership in ECWA shall be required to observe the rules and regulations governing baptism in ECWA”. Secondly, ECWA believes that the bread and wine, which are taken at the Lord‟s Supper, do not change into actual flesh and blood of the Lord as opposed to transubstantiation 71 held by some Christian denominations. While this ordinance also is not necessary for salvation, it is worthwhile for the Christian to partake of it since Christ commanded it. It is also expected that all the partakers of the Lord‟s Supper would have placed their faith in the Lord Jesus Christ and to have been baptized in water. Every church in ECWA is encouraged to hold communion service monthly or every quarter where there is no one to do it on a 72 monthly basis. Thirdly, ECWA believes that Christian marriage is a holy and honourable estate 73 instituted by God. It is a union between two persons – male and female who, having accepted Jesus Christ as their Lord and Saviour, voluntarily enter into a permanent and life- 70 For ECWA teachings on water baptism, see ECWA. 2002. Minister’s handbook (Revised), Jos: ECWA Headquarters. 71- 75. 71 Transubstantiation is the belief by some denominations, especially, Roman Catholic, that after being consecrated by the priest, the bread and wine which are taken at the Lord‟s Supper table automatically change into actual flesh and blood of Christ. 72 For more details on ECWA teachings on the Lord‟s Supper, see ECWA minister’s handbook. 76 – 78. 73 For a detailed information on ECWA marriage principles see The constitution and bye-laws of ECWA. 153 – 157. Also see ECWA Minister’s handbook. 88 – 94. lxxi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY long bond, cleave to one another as long as both shall live. In recognition of marriage as a holy matrimony, ECWA frowns at all forms of pre-marital and post-marital infidelity. ECWA teaches against divorce and re-marriage. In effect, two persons, one or both of whom have once been divorced, and whose previous marriage partner or partners are still living would not be joined in Holy Matrimony. Also, no person or persons in ECWA who have previously divorced or have been divorced, shall on any ground or grounds while remaining in ECWA, be permitted to contract another marriage whether inside or outside of ECWA while the previous partner or partners have re-married. A divorcee who re-marries while the previous partner is still alive shall be committing adultery. No divorcee is allowed to hold any elective post in accordance with ECWA policy. However, in the event of the death of one of the two parties in a marriage, the living partner shall be free to contract another marriage, which if solemnized in ECWA shall follow the provisions governing its marriage. Polygamy is not allowed in ECWA. It believes that Christian marriage is a one– flesh union between two persons–one man, one woman. As a result, ECWA does not grant full membership to polygamists in the church. Fourthly, ECWA believes that politics and government are institutions established by God for His glory and betterment of mankind. ECWA, therefore, encourages its individual members to actively participate in partisan politics. Such participation may include endorsing 74 political office and accepting political and traditional honours or titles. Nevertheless no ECWA officer at the L.C.B, L.C.C., D.C.C. and G.C.C. levels is allowed to become active partisan politician while remaining in office. Rather, any officer who desires to go into active politics can resign his or her appointment or take a leave of absence otherwise such officer 75 risks dismissal. Fifthly, in ECWA, church discipline is administered “to maintain the purity of the 76 body of Christ and also restore those who have sinned to repentance and fellowship”. A member of the church who falls into sin or indicted of heresy is dealt with according to the following principles:  There must be witnesses  Before bringing the matter to the church, two attempts should have been made privately to bring about the repentance of the sinning member. 74 The constitution and bye- laws of ECWA…157. 75 The constitution and… 76 ECWA Minister’s handbook…80. lxxii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY  If the problem concerns two members, the one who feels he is in the right is expected to have personally discussed the issue with the other member.  If private attempts fail, the matter is then brought before the church.  In a situation whereby bringing the case before the church does not lead to repentance, appropriate disciplinary measure is taken against such an individual who persists in sin. The disciplinary measure is, however, meted out as prescribed by the appropriate disciplinary committee after the case has been adequately investigated. In some cases excommunication is taken as a step of last resort by the GCC against individuals, groups and bodies within ECWA who persist in acts like holding membership in secret societies or cults and 77 persistence in teaching heresy. Sins requiring discipline are: adultery, fornication, stealing, beating of parents/ husband/ wives, lying and writing of defamatory letters. Others are: drinking or selling wine, beer or any alcoholic beverages and going to law court with a fellow believer. Others like polygamy, obtaining a divorce on grounds other than that of adultery, receiving and giving of bribe, fraud, embezzlement, misappropriation and mismanagement of Church funds etc also 78 lead to disciplinary action. The disciplinary action is usually for an unspecified period of time during which evidence of repentance is assessed. However, the lifting of disciplinary action is said to be contingent upon genuine evidence of a change of heart and attitude. Whenever such an individual gives evidence of true repentance, he is expected to be restored, and treated with love and humility. 3.2.4 ECWA Organizational Structure At the inception of the indigenous Church ECWA in 1954, its organizational structure followed the hierarchy below: i) General Church Assembly (G.C.A) ii) District Church Council (D.C.C) iii) Local Church Council (L.C.C) iv) Local Church Board (L.C.B) However, the organizational set up of ECWA has since undergone several structural changes. For instance, between 1961 – 1970, through a constitutional review, the General Church 77 See The constitution and bye – law of ECWA. 164. 78 See ECWA Ministers’ Handbook. 83 – 84. lxxiii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Assembly (G.C.A) was changed to General Church Council (G.C.C). Below is the sketch of 79 the present organizational structure of ECWA. G.C.C. D.C.C. D.C.C. L.C.C. L.C.C. L.C.B. L.C.B. At the apex of ECWA‟s administrative hierarchy is the GCC which is constituted of three representatives from each of the Districts. The representatives are made up of one layman as delegate in addition to the Chairman and Secretary of the district. The Executive Body of the GCC, known as ECWA Executive (E.E.) is made up of the President, Vice President, General Secretary, Assistant General Secretary, Treasurer and Incorporated 80 Trustees as Ex-Officio members. The GCC is the final authority in all matters concerning 81 ECWA Constitution, Rules, Regulations and policy making. Its businesses are those of general interest to the churches and particularly, matters referred to it through the DCCs. The decisions as they affect the churches are to be advisory to the DCCs. The council also presents a united front to outside bodies, and has power to appoint and remove Trustees according to ECWA constitution. In other words, the GCC is entrusted with the general management of ECWA in pursuance of ECWA goal and objectives. The D.C.C is next to G.C.C in the administrative hierarchy of ECWA. It consists of three delegates made up of the Local Overseer, Secretary and one layman from each LCC in the District. The District Executive Council (DE) is made up of the Chairman, Vice 79 For more details see, D. I. Olatayo. ECWA: The roots, birth and growth. Book 2. 40. Also see Turaki. Theory and practice… 542 – 544. Also see http://ecwahqtrsnigeria.org/churchsite/ecwastructure.php. 80 For more information on ECWA officers, see The constitution and bye-laws of the evangelical church of West Africa (ECWA). (Revised 2000). 13, 27, 53-55. 81 An Annual General Convention made up of ECWA Executive and three delegates from each DCC holds to serve as a means of improving communication between the church membership and the church leadership. This Annual General Convention is not, however, designed as a policy making body to supplant the GCC in any way. For more details see the Constitution and bye-laws. 53. lxxiv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Chairman, Secretary, Assistant Secretary and Treasurer. Seven Local Church Councils with 3,500 baptized ECWA members come together under a D.C.C. The DE is entrusted with the responsibility of overseeing the general management of the local churches constituting the DCC by implement the policies and directives of the G.C.C. It also coordinates and supervises through its Secretary, the activities of the L.C.Cs under it, and represents ECWA at the District Level in accordance with policies, practices and regulations laid down in the 82 Holy Bible, and the ECWA Constitution and Bye-Laws. Next to the D.C.C is the L.C.C which consists of three representatives made up of a Pastor, Church Secretary and a layman from each Local Church Board. The Local Church Council Executive (LE) who constitutes the L.C.C Executive are: Local Overseer, Assistant Local Overseer, Secretary, Treasurer and Financial Secretary. Seven Local Church Boards in a particular locality come together under an L.C.C which represents ECWA at an intermediate level between the District and the Local Church Board levels. Among other things, the functions of the L.C.C include providing, through the Local Overseer, pastoral care over local churches, overseeing and coordinating, through its local overseer, activities of the Local Church Boards under it. It also arbitrates disputes between congregations, members and officials of Local Churches under it; and organizes seminars on 83 discipleship and outreach, and fellowship meetings among the Local Churches under it. The Local Church (L.C) consists of at least seven baptized believers who unite in worship of God and have been received into membership of the local church as stipulated in ECWA Constitution. Its functions are to glorify God through public worship, edification of one another, carrying out the Great Commission, teaching sound doctrines, Christian charity and other objectives of ECWA. The Local Church Board (L.C.B) serves as the governing body at the Local Church Level. It consists of the Pastor(s) of the Local Church and elders among whom are the Secretary, Treasurer, Financial Secretary, etc. Thus, Local Church Board (L.C.B) refers to the Pastor(s) and elders of the Local Church (L.C). The functions of the L.C.B include, shepherding the flock by teaching, preaching, 84 counseling, admonishing, rebuking as necessary and administration of the Local Church. It also facilitates all functions at the local church level for the realization of ECWA goals and objectives of glorifying God through meaningful worship. It implements policies and directives of the G.C.C communicated through the L.C.C. It also submits to the L.C.C office 82 See, ECWA constitution and bye-laws. 19 and 90. 83 ECWA constitution and bye-laws. 97. 84 ECWA constitution. 98. lxxv UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY periodic reports, information and financial contributions required of it for the operations at the L.C.C, D.C.C and G.C.C levels. The above hierarchical arrangement provides the administrative patterns of ECWA at different levels and spheres of church government for the purpose of executing policies formulated by the General Church Council and for general administration of the Church. It is, therefore, an insight into the operational modalities of ECWA, and hence provides an understanding of its set-up. 3.2.5 Evangelical Missionary Society (EMS) and ECWA Penetration of the Maguzawa Communities The Evangelical Missionary Society (EMS), the evangelism and missions department of ECWA, played an important role in articulating the strategies of mission work among the Maguzawa from the mid-twentieth century. It is, therefore, essential to say a few things about the formation and activities of the EMS before considering other strategies used. SIM started the work of reaching the non-Christian ethnic groups in Nigeria with the formation of the African Missionary Society (AMS) in 1949, which later became Evangelical 85 Missionary Society (EMS) in 1966. Dr. Douglas Percy, the founder of Billiri Bible Training 86 Institute originated the idea of forming this mission society in 1948. The primary purpose of founding the society was to train evangelists who would reach the unreached peoples of Northern Nigeria. Soon after its formation, the leadership of the society was handed over to the indigenous churches with just one missionary as its secretary. Sequel to the emergence of the indigenous church in 1954, Pastor Musa Jibo was appointed as the first indigenous Director in 1958 with the role of the SIM finally discontinued in 1962. The EMS, therefore, has the responsibility of training the indigenes on how to carry on the evangelistic work among their own people. By 1967, the EMS had grown tremendously. It had about 90 missionaries 87 located in the following provinces in Northern Nigeria and in Niger Republic: 85 D.I Olatayo. ECWA: The roots, birth and growth. 60 – 61. 86 Turaki. SIM/ECWA: theory and practice of Christian missions. 491. 87 D.I Olatayo, ECWA: the roots, birth and growth. 61. lxxvi UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 3.1 The Statistics of ECWA EMS Missionaries in 1967 Field of Operation Number of Missionaries Bauchi Province 10 Benue Province 20 Borno Province 7 Kano Province 8 Katsina Province 4 Niger Province 5 Niger Republic 2 Plateau Province 11 Sokoto Province 20 Zaria Province 2 Total 89 Source: D.I. Olatayo, nd. ECWA: The roots, birth and growth, P. 61 It is on record that within the period under discussion, the SIM founded many vernacular Bible training schools and other theological institutions with the primary purpose of developing indigenous Bible teachers, evangelists, and pastors who would form a crop of indigenous church leaders and thereby providing the base for reaching the unreached indigenous people with the gospel. It is against this background that beginning from 1977, a sizeable number of EMS missionaries were drafted to work among the Maguzawa, the 88 indigenous people of Kano and Katsina States. As at 2007, EMS missionaries working among Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States number up to about 80. After being evangelized by the EMS missionaries, the LCC makes arrangement for baptismal class and 89 they are baptized in water. Thereafter, the converts are constituted into what is called 90 “Prayer Houses”. Thus, the activities of the EMS led to the emergence of indigenous ECWA missionaries whose tremendous efforts accentuated the penetration of the Maguzawa by ECWA. 88 Information from Rev. Sumaila Sallau. Chairman Kano D.C.C. Interview Respondent… 89 Interview with Rev. Rabo Nakanti. Interview Respondent. EMS Coordinator for Kano – Jigawa D.C.C. 90 Prayer House in ECWA organizational structure connotes a church in embryonic stage, not yet fully constituted into a local church. In principle, they should number up to seven baptized members. But most of the time this is not practicable because the seven baptized members may not be able to financially support the resident pastor. In effect, such prayer houses are constituted into a Local Assembly (LCB) if they are deemed to be capable to financially support the pastor. For more details see The constitution and bye – laws of the Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA) (Revised). 2000. 13 – 16. lxxvii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 3.2 ECWA EMS Missionaries in Maguzawa Communities in Kano State (2007/2008) S/N Name Field of Operation 1 Rev. & Mrs. Rabo Nakanti Co-ordinator 2 Rev. & Mrs. Ali Garba Rumo, Gani LCC 3 Pastor & Mrs. Amos Maisamari G/Manye, Gani LCC 4 Pastor & Mrs. Markus Bala Tunbushi, Gani LCC 5 Pastor & Mrs. Bulus Sallau G/Gizo, Kureni LCC 6 Pastor & Mrs. Danladi Maikasuwa Maya, Kureni LCC 7 Pastor & Mrs. Maidoki Zakara Fanko, Kureni LCC 8 Pastor & Mrs. Habila Sunday K/Maikayi, Nasarawa LCC 9 Pastor & Mrs. Haruna Musa Yar Tofa, Karaye LCC 10 Pastor & Mrs. Ibrahim Shawai Itipan, Kadawa LCC 11 Pastor & Mrs. Ishaya Diga G/Tsoro, Kadawa LCC 12 Pastor & Mrs. Ibrahim Audu Rinji, Gani LCC 13 Pastor & Mrs. Garba Abdu Katirje, G/Kureni LCC 14 Pastor & Mrs. Matthew Danbaba Falgome, Sumana LCC 15 Pastor & Mrs. Sha‟aibu Baso Hayingada, Gani LCC 16 Pastor & Mrs. Mu‟azu Danlami Sharboyi, Gani LCC 17 Pastor & Mrs. Saidu Hashimu Nataala, Katsinawa LCC 18 Pastor & Mrs. Sabo Ali Kokiya, Karaye LCC 19 Pastor & Mrs. Saminu Dando G/Marke, Gani LCC 20 Pastor & Mrs. Shehu Diga G/Marke, Gani LCC 21 Pastor & Mrs. Dauda Badau Gidan Malgu, Gazobi LCC 22 Pastor & Mrs. Musa Mota G/Duba, Kureni LCC 23 Pastor & Mrs. Yusuf Nayaro G/Madadu, Kureni LCC 24 Pastor & Mrs. Sani Garba Sumana B, Sumana LCC 25 Pastor & Mrs. Inuwa Umar Gala, Gani LCC 26 Pastor & Mrs. Yusuf Auwalu Maje, Gani LCC 27 Pastor & Mrs. Gambo Mato Yuri, Kadawa LCC 28 Rev. Sani Garba G/Karshi, Karshi LCC 29 Pastor & Mrs. Dogari Anchau B/Haske West LCC 30 Pastor & Mrs. Emmanuel Adamu Kayarda, Gani LCC 31 Pastor & Mrs. John D. Kyari H/Mangu, Gani LCC 32 Pastor & Mrs. Thomas Adamu Gurnabus, Gani LCC 33 Pastor & Mrs. Samaila Hamma Mallam Madori, Hedeja LCC 34 Pastor & Mrs. Yakubu Sani Kwarin Tagwai, Karaye LCC Source: Evangelical Missionary Society of ECWA Prayer Calendar (2007/2008) lxxviii UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 3.3 ECWA EMS Missionaries in Maguzawa Communities in Katsina State (2007/2008) Katsina DCC S/N Name Field of Operation 1 Rev. & Mrs. Istifanus G. Haladu Co-ordinator 2 Pastor & Mrs. Adamu Usman Yantumaki, Kankara LCC 3 Pastor & Mrs. Wada Ibrahim Jauga, Kanki LCC 4 Pastor & Mrs. Bitrus Dawuda Gidan Sulhu, Malamawa LCC 5 Pastor & Mrs. Bulus Yusufu Tsayan, Katsina 6 Pastor & Mrs. Hussaini Gajere Majifa, Kankara LCC 7 Pastor & Mrs. Ibrahim Hashimu Dankwando, Kankara LCC 8 Pastor & Mrs. Isuwa Audu Marabar Kanya, Gozaki LCC 9 Pastor & Mrs. Musa Mato Ingawa Kankiya LCC 10 Pastor & Mrs. Yakubu Umaru Kankara, Kankara LCC 11 Pastor & Mrs. Usman Haruna G/Biris, M/Fadi LCC 12 Pastor & Mrs. Inusa Kado Gidan Sabo, Yammaci LCC 13 Pastor & Mrs. Danjuma Sani Rimaye, Kankia LCC 14 Pastor & Mrs. Yusufu Musa Mashigi, Malumfashi LCC 15 Pastor & Mrs. Yusufu Garba Karaci, Matazo LCC 16 Pastor & Mrs. Adamu Daniel Gidan Gyabo, Yammaci LCC 17 Pastor & Mrs. Yahaya Tambai Yargabas, Malamawa LCC 18 Pastor & Mrs. Mazadu Thomas Dayi, Malumfashi LCC 19 Pastor & Mrs. Lawai Dauda L/Minister, Maraba LCC 20 Pastor & Mrs. Maikudi Lado S/Layi, Matazu LCC 21 Pastor & Mrs. Yusufu Haruna Gingin, Malumfashi LCC 22 Pastor & Mrs. Ali Leko Charanci, Kankia LCC 23 Pastor & Mrs. Mamuda Musa U/Shaleke, Matazo LCC 24 Pastor & Mrs. Dauda Kabir Dandagoro, Katsina LCC 25 Pastor & Mrs. Habila B. Idris Mari, Katsina LCC 26 Pastor & Mrs. Lawai I. Yaro Mashi, Katsina LCC TSIGA DCC 27 Pastor Mamman Ishaku Co-ordinator 28 Pastor Dauda Bala Dungun Ma‟azu, Funtua LCC 29 Pastor Dan‟asibi Usman Danja, Funtua LCC 30 Pastor Iliya B. Mato Dandume, Funtua LCC 31 Pastor Ishaya Usman Gidan Boka, Tamarke LCC 32 Rev. Yohana Yargoje Gidan Danbana, Sadau LCC Source: Evangelical Missionary Society of ECWA Prayer Calendar (2007/2008) lxxix UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER FOUR ECWA MISSION STRATEGIES AMONG THE MAGUZAWA 4.0 Introduction This chapter discusses the various strategies employed by ECWA, most of which enhanced its evangelization activities among the Maguzawa of Kano and Katsina States. The first seven strategies used are: lay evangelism, literacy classes (karatun don kowa), medical services, women‟s fellowship (Zumuntar Mata), theological education, conversion celebrations (bikin tuba), and radio broadcast in Hausa. Others are church programmes and activities and rural development programme. Table 4.1 Effectiveness of ECWA Mission Strategies S/N The following strategies have greatly Yes No Neutral Total enhanced ECWA work among the Maguzawa 1 Lay Evangelism 370 02 0 372 (99.5%) (0.5%) (0%) (100%) 2 Literacy Classes (Karatun don kowa) 342 13 17 372 (91.9%) (3.5%) (4.6%) (100%) 3 Medical Services 372 0 0 372 (100%) (0%) (0%) (100%) 4 Women‟s Fellowship (Zumuntar Mata) 340 12 20 372 (91.4%) (3.2%) (5.4%) (100%) 5 Theological Education 346 14 12 372 (93.0%) (3.8%) (3.2%) (100%) 6 Conversion Celebrations (Bikin tuba) 324 0 48 372 (87.1%) (0%) (12.9%) (100%) 7 Radio Broadcast in Hausa 350 10 12 372 (94.1%) (2.7%) (3.2%) (100%) 8 Church Programme and Social Activities 358 03 11 372 (96.2%) (0.8%) (3.0%) (100%) 9 Rural Development Programme 348 08 16 372 (93.5%) (2.2%) (4.3%) (100%) Source: Field survey, January 2008 – June, 2010. 4.1 Lay Evangelism Lay evangelism refers to ECWA involvement of ordinary Maguzawa Church members in evangelism. As a result, tireless efforts were made by the early converts in spreading the gospel among their own people. The idea behind involving lay people in evangelism was to get them to accept the Church as their own rather than seeing it as the 80 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 missionaries‟ property or the property of a few leaders who were trained by the missionaries. As such, most of the indigenous converts were used as evangelists, and thus were involved in reaching the Maguzawa, a people group in Hausa land, especially in Kano and Katsina States who fit into a classification which Donald McGavran, father of the Church Growth 2 Movement designates as “homogenous units”. 3 During the era of Christian missions in the nineteenth century, many people thought that missionary goals were reached when there was a Christian mission in every “nation”. Yet political and geographical boundaries do not necessarily represent the “people” of this world. Actually, within the boundaries of most “nations” there are many different cultural groups. Therefore, the church growth movement proposes that the Great Commission does not really speak about “nations, but the peoples” – cultural tribes, tongues, groups. Consequently, the church has not fulfilled the Great Commission until disciples are made of each group of peoples or homogenous units. McGavran illustrates the homogenous units thus: The world‟s population is a mosaic, and each piece has a separate life of its own that seems strange and often unlovely to men and women of other places. Like the United States, most nations are composed of many unmeltable ethnics. India, for example, has more than 3,000 ethnic units (castes and tribes) each of which practices endogamy. Highly educated and politically powerful Indians are members of tightly structured segments of humanity, each of which has a stout wall built around it. Afghanistan, often thought of as one country and one people, is in fact composed of many 4 different peoples, with different languages and customs. This describes the obvious fact that human beings are born into thousands of very different societies, classes, castes, tongues etc. separated from each other by many barriers. Thus Kent Hunter simply defines a homogenous unit, “as a group of people who see 5 themselves alike and who view others as different”. He further explains that a person can best define his homogenous unit by asking the question, “Are these my kind of people?” The differences, he argues, may or may not be along the lines of race or colour. “Often they are on the basis of economics, worldview, education, likes and dislikes”. In the same vein, 1 Rev. Istifanu Haladu. Interview Respondent. EMS Coordinator for Katsina DCC at Malumfashi. Interviewed on 03/04/2008. 2 For more information, see Donald A. McGavran. 1990. Understanding church growth. 3rd Ed. Grand Rapids: Ferdinans Pub. Co. 163-168. 3 It would be recalled that the Evangelical Revivial in Europe in the 18th century gave an impetus to the activities of Christian Missions. For more details on the formation of missionary societies in the 19th century, see C.P. Groves. 1948. Planting of Christianity in Africa. 1. London. See also Lamin Sanneh. 1983. West African Christianity: the religious impact. London: C. Hurst and Co. 59-65. 4 Donald A. McGavran. 1990. Understanding church growth. 3rd Edition. Grand Rapids: Ferdinans Pub. Co. 163-164. 5 Kent R. Hunter. Foundations for church growth...179. 81 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Charles Brock sees a homogenous unit as “a section of society, a group, a language group etc. 6 or other groups, in which all members of the group have some common characteristics”. Applying the homogenous unit principle to church growth, McGavran says: “people 7 like to become Christians without crossing racial, linguistic or class barriers”. Therefore conversion, he argues, should occur within a minimum of social dislocation. The import of this is that evangelism by a church within its own ethnic, cultural group is the most effective, and as a result, churches should be planted in all tribes and nations, with people being evangelized by their own people as far as possible. The bottom line is that each homogenous unit (a people‟s group with a distinctive culture, language, class or self-image) should have its own church for that type of people. Thus Hunter rightly asserts that sensitivity to homogenous units for evangelistic strategy is very important for church growth. He further underscores this fact thus: The homogenous unit principle of church growth reflects the importance of planting churches within cultures, rather than across cultures. When people are won to Christ, they are not immediately torn out of their own culture by being placed into a church where the people are different. Instead they become the base of a new church. They are the bridge to the new culture. They are encouraged and trained to go back to their own people. When they share the Gospel with friends and relatives, they will spread the Good News of Jesus Christ by using the natural bridges that exist within the 8 homogenous unit. When many people within the homogenous unit start becoming Christians in a short amount of time, the church growth that results is called a “People Movement”. Therefore, a 9 corollary of the homogenous unit principle is the People Movement Theory. McGavran‟s People Movement Theory recognizes the fact that decision making processes are frequently quite different from one culture to the other. In many non-western cultures, important decisions are usually community decisions whereas most western missionaries and their converts were preaching an individual gospel. People movement occurs where a tribe, a caste or any homogenous unit moves into Christianity as a wave of decisions for Christ sweeps through the group mind, involving many individual decisions. In an attempt to define people movement McGavran says: 6 Charles Brock. 1994. Indigenous church planting: a practical journey. Neosho Missouri: Church Growth International. 267. 7 Donald A. McGavran. 1990. Understanding church growth. 3rd Ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Pub. Co. 163. 8 Kent R. Hunter. Foundations for church growth...180. 9 People Movement Theory was first discussed in The Bridges of God, Donald McGavran‟s landmark volume on the Church Growth Movement published in 1955. It is developed in detail in his understanding church growth, first published in 1970. For more information on the People Movement Theory, see Donald A. McGavran. 1990. Understanding church growth. 221-247. 82 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY A people movement results from the joint decision of a number of individuals all from the same people group, which enables them to become Christians without social dislocation, while remaining in full contact with their non-Christian relatives, thus enabling other segments of that people group, across the years, after suitable instruction, to come to similar decisions and form Christian churches made up exclusively of members of 10 that people. He further explains that people movement is not a mass movement and so, should not be seen as an “undigested masses of human beings moving instantenously into the church”. On the contrary, what frequently happens “is that relatively small, well instructed groups – one this month and one several months later – become Christians” with numbers achieved usually only with the passage of time. People movement does not rest on group conversion. 11 There is no group conversion but multi-individual, mutually interdependent conversion. It is 12 decision of many individuals taken in mutual affection. Thus people movement results from the joint decision of a number of individuals all from the same people group, which enables them to become Christians without social dislocation, while remaining in full contact with their non-christian relatives who may come to similar decisions. The implication is that Christian churches are made up exclusively of members of that people group. Through the use of indigenous converts, ECWA got the much desired evangelists, even though without formal professional training who served as links between the white missionaries and the local people. This use of lay evangelists was product of, and directly connected with, SIM formation of self-governing, self-supporting and self-propagating 13 indigenous Church–ECWA. The development of self-governing congregations was seen as a necessary and inevitable step. It was also seen as an advantage in case the missionaries had to leave, since the mission as a foreign body could be expelled whereas an indigenous 14 Nigerian Church could not. There was thus an important connection then between missionary political expectations and their formulation of this strategy. 10 Donald A. McGavran. 1990. Understanding church growth. 3rd Ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Pub. Co. 223. 11 Donald A. McGavran. 1990. Understanding church growth. 3rd Ed. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Pub. Co. 223. 12 Multi-individual conversion is a situation where many people participate in the act of deciding for Christ in which each individual makes up his own mind and if he believes, then he joins those who are becoming Christians. Mutually interdependent conversion occurs when those making the decisions are intimately known to each other and take the step in view of what the other is going to do. 13 Self-governing, self-supporting and self-propagating policy was a mission policy based upon the principles most famously formulated by Henry Venn, the CMS Secretary in Nigeria for 30 years, 1842 – 1972 and later adopted by most other European Protestant Missionary Societies in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. 14 As a result of the wind of nationalism that blew on Nigeria in the 1940s, Christian missions became apprehensive concerning what may likely become of the missionary enterprise and the indigenous Christians 83 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The evangelists taught the converts to know more about the Church and as well as propagating the gospel while remaining akin to the community round them. They were encouraged to keep their place in the social structure, face the same social, political and economic problems as other members of their society, while at the same time still engage in 15 farming to support themselves and their families. In order to gain acceptance of the Maguzawa, ECWA indigenous missionaries employed friendship and frequent visitations coupled with acts of mercy in reaching them with the gospel. First and foremost, the missionary surveys a particular Maguzawa community. Having identified the needs of the people in such a community, the missionary would pay constant visits to the community portraying himself as merely having interest in their affairs. Prayers were often offered in respect of sick persons and referrals were made where necessary. Sometimes the missionary would offer items like food, cloths, and other 16 things depending on the needs. Toilet and potable drinking water were also provided where necessary through the assistance of the DCC. In some occasions, missionaries do help the 17 Maguzawa on their farms to enhance their receptivity to the gospel message. Gradually, the missionary would establish rapport and cordial relationship with his targeted audience to the extent that he could freely share the gospel with them. Apart from the fact that such humanitarian gestures reveal ECWA‟s concern for the welfare of the Maguzawa, they were also meant to forestall their islamization, which often would have made it very difficult if not impossible to be reached with the gospel. The reason being that Islamic preachers do also visit Maguzawa enclaves to distribute food items and other 18 materials so as to get them converted to Islam. In the morning, the evangelist would conduct prayers, in the evening would teach all who wish to learn how to read and write. On Sundays all members of the Church would attend service where further instruction would be received. As the Churches grew, elders were appointed to run Church business, take decisions concerning purity of Church life and should Nigeria gain her independence from the British. This led to the indigenization policy adopted by SIM in the 1950s that resulted into the birth of ECWA. 15 D.I. Olatayo. ECWA first indigenous President stressed the fact that since farming is considered very important in Northern Nigeria, the missionary was encouraged to do some farming, otherwise he could spoil his Christian testimony as he could be considered one who is not willing to work. See D.I. Olatayo, ECWA: the roots, birth and growth. 60. 16 Rev. Itsifanu. Interview Respondent. Katsina DCC EMS Coordinator interviewed at Malumfashi on 03/06/2008. 17 Rev. Yakubu Ayuba. Interview Respondent. The Tsiga DCC Secretary, confirmed helping the Maguzawa on their farm at Malamawa, Katsina State, in 1992, as a result of which some of them got converted. Interviewed at Tsiga on 03/06/2008. 18 Rev. Rabo Nakanti. Interview Respondent. Kano, Jigawa DCC EMS Co-ordinator. Interviewed on 02/06/200. 84 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY discipline of deviant members. They also received complaints from members. The members on the other hand were taught to continually evangelize and to give to and support the new Church. Lay involvement was one of the most effective evangelistic strategies adopted by ECWA for the planting of an indigenous Church among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina 19 States just as it was used in other places. It was a most successful method, especially in the beginning, because every convert was taught to evangelize and support the Church. All such dedicated indigenous lay evangelists worked tirelessly without pay. Lay evangelism was thus the real self-sustaining and self-supporting role played by the early indigenous ECWA converts who greatly enhanced the growth of the Church among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. As regards the effectiveness of ECWA‟s use of lay evangelism as a mission strategy, item 1 of the above table reveals that 370 respondents (99.5%) were of the opinion that the strategy has been quite effective, while only 02 respondents (0.5%) disagreed. An appraisal of the two responses reveals that the use of lay evangelism among the Maguzawa has proved as one of the most effective evangelistic strategies employed by ECWA for the planting of indigenous churches. 4.2 Literacy Classes (Karatun Don Kowa) Fundamental to ECWA education programme is karatun don kowa (literacy classes). In the beginning, it was the first step of developing missionary education in the main mission stations and out-stations; some of which are Karaye, Gidan-Bukka, Gani, Tofa, Karefa, all in Kano State. In Katsina State, they are Malumfashi, Wagini, Matazu and Sadau. By 1954, literacy classes were conducted in the various Maguzawa Church locations as opposed to the early period when they were held in the mission stations and out-stations. The primary goal and objective of ECWA literacy programme is to introduce the converts to the elements of reading and writing. The Programme was meant to teach converts how to use the Bible in both teaching and preaching. It was also used to ground the converts in the knowledge and teachings of the Bible and some basic Christian doctrines. Quite early in the literacy programme, the indigenous converts were trained on how to propagate literacy in Maguzawa villages. Many of these early converts became voluntary teachers to the non-literates, teaching them just how to read and write without bringing in 19 Lay evangelism has been successfully employed among some indigenous people of Northern Nigeria. Apart from ECWA among the Maguzawa, TEKAN Churches in the Middle Belt also strategically made use of lay evangelists. See Samuel Dali, “Church Organization”, in Mark Hopkins & Musa Gaiya (eds.) Churches in Fellowship: The Story of TEKAN, Jos: African Christian Textbooks. 37 – 53. 85 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY religious issues until later when they would have established good rapport with them. Having established a rapport with the people through literacy classes, the preaching of the gospel 20 followed with tremendous results in most cases. Thus karatun don kowa contributed immensely in the beginning, and is still working as a veritable strategy of conversion, and still contributes to the growth of ECWA Churches among the Maguzawa. This is because the early indigenous converts grew in the knowledge of the Christian faith, since they had access to scriptures and the rudiments of Christian doctrine in their vernacular. It is interesting to note that a greater percentage of those interviewed in the course of this study made reference to the fact that they were converted to Christianity through ECWA literacy programme. The implication is that most of the present ministers and key 21 figures in ECWA Churches among the Maguzawa fall into this category. Moreover, ECWA realization of the strategic role of karatun don kowa in the Christianization of the Maguzawa led to its making it an integral aspect of the curriculum for ECWA theological institution 22 among the Maguzawa, even in contemporary times. However, it is pertinent to note that though ECW greatly employed karatun don kowa as a conversion strategy among the Maguzawa, it was not to the exclusion of the establishment of regular schools, realizing its potency and effectiveness in fostering rapid social transformation. To truly appreciate the efforts of the Church to provide Western education, one must understand the background of the social conditions prevailing in Northern Nigeria. It must be pointed out that in the context of the Muslim mind, European culture and civilization were synonymous with Christianity. Besides, the early colonial educational policy did not help matters, either. For instance, it did not encourage advanced and massive education because the colonial administration was also highly suspicious of missionary education, which she viewed as subversive, and so mission education at that time 23 was not encouraged. However, the SIM and subsequently ECWA did not forego the challenge because of the difficulties associated with these educational developments but embarked upon establishing educational institutions. In effect, the 1960s witnessed the 20 Rev. Murtala Mati. Interview Respondent. One time Principal of ECWA Theological Training Institute, Tofa. Interviewed on 3/11/2008. 21 This fact was attested to in the course of the fieldwork by Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi, a Bamaguje who was converted through ECWA literacy programme and thereafter enrolled in the regular school and sat for his School Certificate Examination. He later attended ECWA Theological Seminary, Igbaja, for his certificate and Diploma in Theology Programmes; and then to ECWA Theological Seminary, Jos, for his Bachelor and Masters‟ Degrees. He was interviewed in Malumfashi, Katsina State on 07/07/07. 22 A typical example is ECWA Theological School in Tofa where literacy education is given to some young adults who come for theological education but not literate. 23 For more details on Colonial policy on education in Northern Nigeria, see S.F. Graham. Government and mission education in Northern Nigeria 1900 – 1901. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. 86 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 24 establishment of primary schools among the Maguzawa. As at the time of this study, some of such primary schools were still in existence. In Kano State, they are found in Gidan Kurau in Tudunwada Local Government Area, Gidan Jurau and Gidan Soro in Rogo Local Government Area, and Gani in Sumaila Local Government Area. In Katsina State, they are located at Malumfashi, Maikafi, Shudi, Sadau, Fillo and Matazu. The literacy programme, coupled with the establishment of the regular schools, have, no doubt accelerated ECWA activities among the Maguzawa. Another important aspect of the ECWA educational programmes is the hostel system began when children were brought from Maguzawa villages by ECWA into Kano metropolis for their primary and (or) secondary education. Hostel accommodation was provided for such children by ECWA, who also ensured that they were kept under the care of a chaplain who supervised their activities, supervised their movement, sent the sick ones among them to the hospital and reported back to the DCC. However, there was a matron who is in-charge of the 25 girls‟ hostel. This idea of hostel system initiated by Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora in 2002 26 during his tenure as Kano DCC Secretary was said to be informed by a number of reasons. Firstly, in some Maguzawa villages, schools were not available at all. The children stood the risk of not being educated should they remained in such villages. Secondly, even in villages where there were schools, the standard was often very low. Lastly, in some villages where 27 government schools were found, there was usually the danger of the pupils being Islamized. 28 By 2007, the Hostel, known as “Kundila Hostel”, had more than 200 children who 29 cut across the thirty-eight local governments outside Kano metropolis. At the beginning of the programme, ECWA went round the Maguzawa villages to look for children from both members and non-members in order to actualize the vision. With the awareness already created, later on in the scheme, intending pupils and students would apply for admission into the Hostel through ECWA Local Pastors. Thereafter, they were offered admission based on the Pastors‟ recommendation. 24 Rev. Sama‟ila Sallau. Interview Respondent. DCC Chairman in Kano. Interviewed on 03/06/2008. 25 Initially, both boys and girls were accommodated in the same compound, though in different hostels. For the sake of decency, the boys are presently accommodated in one compound and the girls in another under the care of their matron – Asibi Mudi. Interview Respondent. A widow ECWA member. Interviewed on 04/06/2008. 26 Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent. Former Kano DCC Secretary. Interviewed at Kano 13/1/2008. 27 Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent… 28 Pastor Markus Ahmadu. Interview Respondent. Chaplain of Kundila Hostel. Interviewed at Kano on 04/06/2008. 29 Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent. Interviewed on 13/01/2008. 87 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Each child admitted into the Hostel was expected to pay a token of three thousand Naira (N3,000.00) throughout his or her stay from primary school till they complete their secondary education. There were, however, some who chose to enroll in the Hostel only for their secondary education after which they were free to leave for their tertiary education whereever they wish. On getting admitted into the Hostel, arrangements were often made by the Chaplain towards enrolling the children in primary or secondary schools deemed to be of good standard in the neighbourhood of the Hostel. The children‟s school fees and feeding 30 were, however, their parents‟ responsibility. Nonetheless, provision was made by ECWA 31 for those children whose parents are incapable of sponsorship. To enhance the spiritual and social welfare of the children in the Hostel, various activities and programmes were scheduled for them. The day began and ended with a devotional service in the morning and in the evening respectively. Furthermore, the children were attached to various ECWA churches in their vicinity for Sunday worship and other weekly church programmes. At times, guest speakers were arranged to speak to them on 32 various subjects ranging from their spiritual, moral, social to academic life. In view of the above backdrop, the Hostel System as adopted by ECWA, though peculiar to Kano State, was not to only ensure that Maguzawa children were given sound education but also to ensure that they were established in ECWA, rather than being 33 Islamized. The larger implication of the vision for this Hostel System was to, “in the nearest future, produce doctors, engineers, accountants, top military personnel, renowned politicians 34 etc.” so as to enhance the social mobility, as well as the socio-political status of the Maguzawa, a hitherto marginalized group. 30 Since Maguzawas are predominantly farmers, the children bring food items along with them as they come from their various villages for preparing their meals. 31 Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent. Interviewed in Kano on 13/11/2010. 32 Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent… 33 Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent… 34 Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent… 88 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 4.2: ECWA Primary Schools among the Maguzawa in Kano State S/N Location L.G.A. D.C.C L.C.C 1 Barbaji Rogo Kano Bari 2 Gazobi Rogo Kano Gazobi 3 Gani Sumaila Kano Gani 4 Tofa Tofa Kano Karaye 5 Gidan Mari Karshi Kano Karshi Source: Field survey January 2008- June 2010. Table 4.3: ECWA Primary Schools among the Maguzawa in Katsina State S/N Location L.G.A. D.C.C L.C.C 1 Malumfashi Malumfashi Katsina Malumfashi 2 Katsina Katsina Katsina Katsina 3 Shukau Kafur Katsina Kafur 4 Algaitu Kankara Katsina Kankara 5 Malamawa Kafur Katsina Malamawa 6 Gidan Fillo Bakori Tsiga Tamarke 7 Shudi Bakori Tsiga Tamarke 8 Maikafi Bakori Tsiga Tsiga 9 Sadau Kafur Tsiga Sadau 10 Girbau Kafur Tsiga Sadau Source: Field survey January 2008- June 2010 The effectiveness of literacy classes (karatun don kowa) as one of the strategies employed by ECWA has also been affirmed. Item 2 of the above table indicates that 342 respondents (91.9%) agreed to this, 13 (3.5%) were of the contrary opinion, while 17 (4.6%) chose to remain neutral. It may therefore be safely concluded that karatun don kowa has been effectively utilized by ECWA as conversion strategy among the Maguzawa. 89 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 4.3 Medical Services Table 4.4: Health Centres Established by SIM in Maguzawa Communities in Kano State S/N Location L.G.A. Date of Establishment 1 Garko Garko 1933 2 Karaye Rogo 1939 3 Tofa Tofa 1939 4 Albasu Albasu 1948 5 Kabo Kabo 1948 6 Tsanyawa Tsanyawa 1948 7 Gani Sumaila 1952 8 Karefa Tudun Wada 1952 Source: Yusuf Turaki, 1999. Theory and practice of Christian missions in Africa: a century of SIM/ECWA history and legacy in Nigeria, 1893-1993, p. 314 Table 4.5: Clinics/Dispensaries Established by SIM in Maguzawa Communities in Katsina State S/N Location L.G.A. Date of Establishment 1 Katsina Katsina 1937 2 Malumfashi Malumfashi 1937 3 Matazu Matazu 1939 4 Fago Fago 1945 5 Kadanya Danja 1953 Source: Yusufu Turaki, 1999. Theory and practice of Christian missions in Africa: a century of SIM/ECWA history and legacy in Nigeria, 1893-1993. 314 In the 1930s, the medical work of SIM was just as vast as the spread of mission stations in the mission field. This explains why mission medical work had great impact upon the targeted societies and was indeed the largest mission activity. The medical activities of the SIM were concentrated in the provinces of Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, Borno, Bauchi, Niger, Zaria, Benue, Ilorin, Kabba and Plateau. Those activities can be classified into two broad areas, namely, general medical practice which treated various diseases and physical ailments, and the second, leprosy work which involved combating leprosy epidemic and the treatment of lepers, their medical care, and social well-being. The SIM Eye Hospital, which was established in 1943, played a significant role in combating eye diseases and blindness which were quite prevalent in Northern Nigeria then. 35 The hospital was the first of its kind in the whole of West Africa. It witnessed rapid growth 35 Turaki. Theory and practice of Christian missions. 315. 90 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 36 soon after its opening, and recorded great successes among the people of Kano. Increasingly, the mission‟s activities were focused on this area. Rural people were referred from mission clinics and dispensaries to the hospital. As Hausa-speaking evangelists itinerated around Kano, the SIM was steadily consolidating its activities. In collaboration with the Native Authorities of the Northern Provinces, the Colonial Administration had a joint leprosy work, which was developed in the early 1930s. Provincial Leper Settlements were established in some provinces, such as Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, Zaria, Bauchi, and Borno. Between 1936 and 1937, the Leper Settlements were handed over to mission agencies probably because of the financial burden. As a result, the Leper camps of Sokoto, Kano, Katsina and Bauchi were taken over by the SIM. Kano Provincial Leprosarium was established in 1937 and the settlement at Sumaila was taken over by the SIM with the Emir of Kano‟s consent. The mission, however, chose to site the Leper Settlement at 37 Yadakunya, where they were to build a Chapel, a school and children‟s home. Segregated villages were established at various places; outpatient clinics were also designated and scattered at various places. In the course of preaching the gospel, first aid treatment was often provided to the sick while the wives of the indigenous missionaries also render maternity services to women. At the inception of ECWA in 1954, there were twelve dispensaries and treatment centres in the Maguzawa areas of Kano and Katsina States. In Kano State, ECWA Clinics and maternity centres are located in Gani, Karefa, Kargon-kuki, Karaye, Tofa, Kabo, Tsanyawa, apart from the main branch in Kano metropolis. In Katsina State, they are found in Malumfashi, Maikafi, Fillo, Sadau and Kartau. These clinics and dispensaries have chaplains whose responsibility was to evangelize the patients who come for medical assistance. In the main, missionary medical work and services were primarily tools for evangelization. They gave the ECWA a very good opportunity to penetrate the resistant Maguzawa areas with the gospel of Christ. To further strengthen the existing ECWA health institution, a Medical Auxiliary Training School was opened in 1959. The school which was attached to the SIM hospital in Jos, ran a two year course for dispensary attendants. Those who successfully 38 completed the course became qualified dispensers. This enhanced the provision of the needed manpower to boost services in the then existing ECWA health institutions among the Maguzawa and elsewhere. The health facilities were further developed into Community 36 Shobana Shankar, 2003. Children of the mission in Kano emirate: conflicts of conversion in colonial Northern Nigeria, C 1899-1953. Ph.D. Dissertation of the Department of History, University of California. 235. 37 Turaki, SIM/ECWA. 325. 38 See D.I. Olatayo. ECWA:the roots, birth and growth. 67. 91 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 39 Health Programme in the 1970s. This Community Health Programme has been of tremendous assistance by inculcating good health habits and hygiene apart from general medical treatment. These health institutions are still being used by ECWA to expand the frontiers of the church among the Maguzawa. Closely connected with the above is the Central Drug Store in Jos, which was responsible for distributing drugs at minimal cost to the dispensaries in the districts. This drug store was later developed into a pharmacy manufacturing unit by 1954. With this unit fully developed, both the procurement and distribution of drugs to the dispensaries and clinics were centralized and controlled. This enhanced the medical work of the ECWA, particularly 40 among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. Another significant development in this regard has been the response of ECWA to the dreaded and deadly disease, HIV/AIDS. In partnership with Action Aid Health International, Nigeria, and Promoting Sexual and Reproductive Health and HIV/AIDS Reduction in Nigeria (PSRHH), ECWA has an outreach Ministry known as “The ECWA AIDS Ministry (TEAM)”, working especially in the area of awareness and care and support of victims among Church members. The ECWA AIDS Ministry (TEAM) was established in 1996 “to 41 further mobilize and galvanize the Church‟s response … to the epidemic”. In recent times, ECWA indigenous missionaries employ TEAM to evangelize the Maguzawa. In the process of creating awareness about HIV/AIDS and the need to take necessary precaution, the gospel 42 message is often sandwiched as part of the solution to this pandemic. In sum, ECWA medical services in Maguzawa villages were usually daily commenced with devotional services. Singing, prayers, and preaching take place before any medical services were rendered. Quite early during the pioneering period, SIM missionaries were the chaplains, but by the 1980s this responsibility has been taken over by the indigenous Maguzawa ECWA ministers. In situations where there are no chaplains, rosters are made which makes provision for each staff to lead the devotional service. Expectedly, conversions and professions of the Christian faith resulting from the ECWA medical work do occur since the medical services are not limited to only ECWA members but extended to the various individuals in the communities including Muslims. There is, therefore, no doubt that ECWA medical work contributed immensely to the growth and development of Christianity among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. 39 See Turaki. Theory and practice of Christian missions. 408-409. 40 Abdullahi Suleiman Jurau. Interview Respondent. Gidan Bukka, Bari DCC… 41 See ECWA Policy on HIV/AIDS a publication of the ECWA AIDS Ministry (TEAM). 2004. 42 Rev. Sama‟ila Sallau. Interview Respondent Chairman, Kano DCC at the DCC Office Kano. 92 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 4.6: ECWA Dispensaries and Clinics in Kano State S/N Location L.G.A. D.C.C L.C.C 1 Gani Sumaila Kano Gani 2 Karefa TundunWada Kano Karefa 3 Kargon Kuki Bebeji Kano Kargon-Kuki 4 Karaye Rogo Kano Karaye 5 Tofa Tofa Kano Karaye Source: Field work, 2008-2010. Table 4.7: ECWA Dispensaries and Clinics in Katsina State S/N Location L.G.A. D.C.C L.C.C 1 Malumfashi Malumfashi Katsina Malumfashi 2 Maikafi Bakori Tsiga Tsiga 3 Gidan Fillo Bakori Tsiga Tamarke 4 Sadau Kafur Tsiga Sadau 5 Kartau Danja Tsiga Tamarke 6 Girba Bakori Tsiga Sadau Source: Field work, 2008-2010. The provision of medical services as a strategy for conversion employed by ECWA among the Maguzawa may be said to be quite effective. This position is informed by the fact that item 4 of the table at the beginning of the chapter shows that all the 372 (100%) respondents were in the affirmative. 4.4 Women‟s Fellowship (Zumuntar Mata) The origin of Women‟s Fellowship (Zumuntar Mata) in ECWA probably dates back 43 to the Missions‟ Conference of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria at Miango in 1926. In the meeting, the formation of Women‟s Christian Union was proposed to the various Christian Missions represented at the meeting given the strategic position of women in the society. In effect, SIM took up the challenge to establish Women‟s Fellowship which came to be known as Zumuntar Mata. ECWA believes that Christian Women in Northern Nigeria should participate in the task of witnessing to the saving and transforming power of Jesus Christ in making him known to their people. It therefore strategically employed Zumuntar Mata among the Maguzawa. Thus Turaki probably rightly opines that the story of the founding of 43 The Miango Conference of 1926 was one of the meetings of the various Christian Missions working in the then Provinces of Northern Nigeria. The meeting involved Christian missions coming together to work and cooperate with one another in forging a common front and adopting a common approach to many issues which affected them. For more information, see, Samuel Dali, 1943. “The Setting up of TEKAN”, in Mark Hopkins and Musa Gaiya (eds) Churches in fellowship: the story of TEKAN. Bukuru: African Christian Textbooks. 60-61. 93 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Zumuntar Mata was another case study of how the SIM implemented aspects of its 44 indigenization policy. Among the Maguzawa, Zumuntar Mata is meant to help the women to be true 45 followers of Jesus Christ, true wives and mothers at home. It also helps in upholding the sanctity of marriage, by guiding in making of Christian homes, especially in the upbringing of children and in the general betterment of home life. Through the activities of Zumuntar Mata, Maguzawa ECWA women reached their fellow women folk with the gospel. This was done through a number of ways. About 4 LCCs could come together to go for bishara (evangelism) in Maguzawa enclaves, reaching their fellow women through personal 46 evangelism. The women also laid emphasis on the importance of visitation in the rural areas called ziyara, a Hausa word derived from Arabic meaning “visit”. In the context of ECWA Zumuntar Mata, their visits were sometimes meant to give items like clothes, food, etc to their prospective converts. At other times, they visited their fellow women during child birth to share the joy of the new born baby or during bereavement to commiserate with the bereaved. All these were done with the intent and purpose of reaching them with the gospel; and in many cases the Zumuntar Mata has been instrumental in opening up new Church 47 locations. It is thus probably the most powerful Church agency within ECWA, since its 48 activities are said to have been a great challenge to the menfolk. Zumuntar Mata (women‟s fellowship) has greatly enhanced ECWA work among the Maguzawa. This inference may be drawn from item 9 of the table above which reports that 340 (91.4%) of the respondents are in agreement with this assertion, 12 (3.2%) disagreed with only 20 (5.4%) who chose to remain neutral. 4.5 Theological Education As the bulk of the mission schools were taken over by the State Governments in 49 1970s, ECWA turned its attention to theological education as a conversion strategy. This assertion is buttressed by Rev. James Awoniyi, the Principal of ECWA Theological Training 44 See Yusuf Turaki. 1999. Theory and practice of Christian missions in Africa: a century of SIM/ECWA history and legacy in Nigeria, 1893-1993. Vol. 1. Nairobi, Kenya: International Bible Society Africa. 505. 45 Rev. Sama‟ila Sallau. Interview Respondent. Interviewed in Kano on 04/06/2008. 46 Saratu Bawa. Interview Respondent. Wife of the resident Pastor at Sabon Sara, Kiru Local Government of Kano State. Interviewed on 13/11/2008. 47 Saratu Bawa. Interview Respondent… She reported of how eight people got converted in one of their outreaches. 48 See M. L. Ogunewu. The media and communication technologies. 59-60. 49 It would be recalled that in the early 1970s, State Governments, as a matter of National Policy, took over schools and hospials from Voluntary Agencies. 94 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Institute (ETTI) in the newsletter of the institution. He said: “ETTI Tofa was founded as Kano Bible School (KBS) in 1948 with the primary objective of discipling the new converts 50 to have them grounded in the word of God and be productive in the faith”. He further stressed: ECWA Theological Training Institute, Tofa, is strategically positioned in Tofa Local Government Area of Kano State to provide the needed theological training for the evangelization of the core north …and God is preparing men and women He will use for His work in the zone. ETTI Tofa is more relevant now than ever before to bring to pass God‟s plan for the 51 north in particular and for Nigeria in general. In-view of the above, the focus of the theological education is the training of indigenous Church leadership as indigenous converts are taught in the arts of evangelism, itineration Church planting, pastoral work and Bible teaching in the vernacular. The first of such vernacular Bible Training Schools was the one established in Tofa, which is responsible for 52 training ECWA workers in Kano, Katsina and Sokoto DCCs. The Bible Training School, which started with a certificate programme, is presently running a Diploma in Theology Programme. After the establishment of the Bible Training School at Tofa, other Branch Bible Training Schools were opened among the Maguzawa so as to facilitate ECWA work among them. These Branch Bible Schools run a three month course during the dry season using the indigenous language to prepare absolutely non-literate believers for literacy programme and eventually in a full fledged Bible Training Programme. The first of such Branch Bible Schools to be established was that of Karefa in Tudunwada Local Government Area of Kano State, which opened in the late 1970s. It has produced a considerable number of workers that accelerated the work of ECWA among the Maguzawa. In 1989, fifty-two (52) workers passed out; 64 in 1990, and 90 in 1991. EMS newsletter reports: More than ten years ago, the Branch Bible School at Karefa in Kano State was established to teach new Hausa (Maguzawa) converts. Each year from January to March new Christians come from many different villages bringing their sleeping mats and enough food for the three months‟ course. The 1991 class had more than 90 men and women who were taught reading, writing, Maths, primary health care, life of Christ and basic doctrines of the Christian faith. They learned Christian songs and 53 memorized scripture… 50 See ECWA TTI Tofa Newsletter. December 2007. 1. 51 Also see ECWA TTI Tofa Newsletter. November 2008. 52 See Kano DCC report to the GCC 17th – 21st April 1989, in ECWA Archives and Records. Jos. 53 EMS Newsletter. No. 1 1992. 2. 95 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Three other Branch Bible Schools are located at Gani, in Sumaila Local Government Area, also at Karaye in Karaye Local Government Area and Karshi in Rogo Local Government 54 Area, all in Kano State. These Branch Bible Schools greatly enhanced the expansion of ECWA Churches among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. Plate 4.1: 2007 Graduating Students, ECWA Theological Training Institute, Tofa, Kano State 54 Rev. Sama‟ila Sallau. Interview Respondent. DCC Chairman, Kano DCC… 96 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ECWA‟s use of theological education as conversion strategy among the Maguzawa has, no doubt, proved effective. This position finds corroboration in the fact item 3 in the above table shows that 346 (93.0%) respondents are in the affirmative, while only 14 (3.8%) disagreed and only 12 chose to be neutral. Apart from the establishment of regular schools, this is perhaps another area where the greatest impact of ECWA education programmes among the Maguzawa can be seen. 4.6 Conversion Celebration (Bikin tuba) Another veritable strategy employed by ECWA among the Maguzawa is what, in Hausa, is known as bikin tuba, which started in 1977 and has proved very effective as it has 55 led to mass conversion of the Maguzawa to the Christian faith. The idea here is that the conversion of the head of a family may lead to the conversion of others under him. This is moreso since in most traditional societies, people are from the childhood oriented towards group action as opposed to the individualistic tendency in Western societies. This is probably 56 parallel to McGavran‟s “People Moverment” theory. When a family head happens to be converted, bikin tuba is quickly arranged so that those who may wish to also become Christians as a result of the conversion of the head of the family can hear the gospel and genuinely decide to be Christians. On the other hand, bikin tuba is a kind of celebration organized after the conversion of about ten people in a particular community. It is a formal way of receiving new converts into the Christian community. The celebration is often characterized by feasting, singing of choruses and preaching designed to encourage the new converts so as to make up their minds 57 to stand firm on their decision to follow Christ. Sometimes, bikin tuba features discipleship class where the new converts are exposed to some basics of the Christian faith like water baptism, fasting, removing of cap when praying, etc. Also, new converts are given Christian 58 names during the celebration. However, bikin tuba was not meant for new converts only, it was equally targeted towards the non-Christians present at the celebration so that they might be converted. For instance, in early 1990, in a village called Gidan Maigada in Tudun Wada Local Government 55 Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi. Interview respondent. Secretary. Katsina DCC in Malumfashi. Interviewed on 07/06/2008. 56 For more information on McGavran‟s “People movement” theory. See Donald, A. McGavran. 1979. Understanding church growth (Third Edition). Grand Rapids Michigan: William B. Eerdmans. 223-237. 57 Rev. Sama‟ila Sallau. Interview Respondent. Chairman, Kano DC. Interviewed at Kano on 04/06/2008. 58 Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi. Interview respondent. Secretary. Katsina DCC. Interviewed in Malumfashi on 07/06/2008. 97 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Area of Kano State, 240 people were said to have publicly declared their faith in Jesus, 59 followed by another large conversion of about 54 people in the same area. It is noteworthy, however, that problems do sometimes occur during bikin tuba. The programme is sometimes interrupted by Islamic authorities. As a result, necessary precautions are taken by informing the village or district heads and the law enforcement 60 agents. It is interesting to also note that bikin tuba cuts across denominational divide. All 61 the Masihiyawa (Hausa Christians‟ Community) are often invited for the celebration. In other words, Maguzawa Christians from other denominations often attend the celebration which strengthens ecumenical ties among the various denominations. The effectiveness of bikin tuba (conversion celebration) as one of the conversion strategies employed by ECWA among the Maguzawa has also been affirmed. Item 5 of the table above overwhelmingly indicates that 324 (87.1%) of the respondents agreed to this, none disagreed, while 48 (12.9%) chose to remain neutral. The conclusion may therefore be made that bikin tuba has been a veritable conversion strategy used by ECWA among the Maguzawa having led to their mass conversion. 4.7 Radio Broadcast in Hausa 62 SIM was said to have established the first Christian Radio Station in Africa in 1954. The radio station known as Radio ELWA – Radio Eternal Life Winning Africa – which was located in Monrovia, Liberia, broadcast the gospel message across Africa for several years. In Nigeria, ECWA was the first to blaze the trail in establishing a Christian radio station known as Radio ECWA, located in Igbaja, Kwara State, as a sub-station of Radio ELWA. Radio ECWA made broadcasts of the gospel message in English and some indigenous languages. Through it, millions of both rural and urban dwellers in Nigeria had the opportunity of listening to the gospel from their localities. Radio, being the commonest of the mass media available to rural dwellers, ECWA substantially employed this medium to reach the Maguzawa with the gospel through its Hausa broadcast. It is, however, important to mention here that, by the late 1990s, the Hausa broadcast through Radio ECWA had ceased since the 59 See Kano DCC report to the GCC April 1990. 60 Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi. Interview respondent. Secretary. Katsina DCC. Interviewd at Malumfashi on 07/06/2008. 61 Masihiyawa may also mean “Messianic People”. 62 Rev. Mati Mustapha Dangora. Interview respondent. Interviewed at Kano on 06/04/2008. 98 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Liberian civil war which affected Radio ELWA, which, according to Ogunewu, is in a stage 63 of rehabilitation. Interestingly, another Hausa Radio broadcast has been commenced by ECWA since 64 2006. The initiative for the new Hausa radio broadcast came in 2004 when ECWA requested the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) to cover her ordination service which was 65 televised for thirty minutes. Thereafter, it was thought necessary to have another Hausa radio broadcast since the one in Radio ECWA has stopped. Several unsuccessful efforts were made to television and radio houses in Kano until 2006 when Pyramid Radio, a branch of Federal Radio Corporation 66 of Nigeria (FRCN), Kaduna, made the first broadcast. The first broadcast which lasted for fifteen minutes attracted responses from not less 67 than seven people who wanted to know more about Christ. This radio programme which later aimed at covering the whole of Northern Nigeria is presently transmitted in Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Kaduna and Adamawa states. Also, arrangements are concluded for its take- 68 off in both Katsina and Zamfara States. This new Hausa radio broadcast, titled “Bangaskiyar Krista”, meaning, “Christian Beliefs and Practices”, started as expositions on a book written by William M. Miller, a 69 missionary who served in Iran for forty years. This ninety-one page booklet with fifteen chapters discusses the fundamentals of Christian faith and doctrines which appeal to Muslims. Each broadcast which now lasted for thirty minutes successively treated portions of the booklet. After exhausting the contents of the book, the radio broadcast featured the exposition of each book of the Bible one after the other. Listeners to the radio programme were given copies of the books, Bangaskiyar Krista 70 and “Why I became a Christian” on request. Appreciable number of Maguzawa in Rogo and Tudun Wada Local Government Areas of Kano State have reportedly been converted 63 M. L. Ogunewu. The media and communication technologies. 60. 64 Rev. Mati Mustapha Dangora. Interview Respondent. The Coordinator of the Programme at ECWA Headquarters, Kano. Interviewed on 06/04/2008. 65 Rev. Mati Mustapha Dangora. Interview Respondent… 66 In most cases, Christian evangelistic programmes are not allowed in both State and Federal Radio and Television houses in Kano. This case of Pyramid Radio may be said to be sheer divine providence. 67 Rev. Mati Mustapha Dangora. Rev. Mati Mustapha Dangora. Interview Respondent. Interviewed in Kano on 06/10/2008. 68 Rev. Mati Mustapha Dangora. Rev. Mati Mustapha Dangora. Interview Respondent… 69 The Book was originally written in English and published in Pakistan with the title, “Beliefs and Practices of Christians” with the title, “Bangaskiyar Krista da Aikatawa – Wasika zuwa ga Aboki” by Amazing Grace Publications, Kano, Nigeria. 70 “Why I Became a Christian”, is another book written by a Muslim convert. See Sultan Muhammad Paul, Why I Became a Christian, Rikon/Switzerland: The Good Way and Voice of Truth, Kano. 2008. 99 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 71 through this radio broadcast. Some Pastors of ECWA local congregations in these areas, 72 especially, that of Karefa, were assigned to disciple the converts. Also established is the fact that radio broadcast in Hausa language had been an effective strategy employed by ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. From item 10 of the table above, a total number of 350 (94.1%) respondents were in the affirmative, 10 (2.7%) disagreed while only 12 (3.2%) chose to remain neutral. 4.8 Church Programmes and Activities ECWA has various programmes and social activities which are both evangelistic and consolidating. Such activities are Bible study, mid-week prayer meeting, early morning devotion and the various fellowship groups‟ meetings. Bible study sessions take place on Mondays between 4pm and 6pm; mid-week prayer sessions take place on wednessday also between 4pm and 6pm. The various fellowship groups meeting takes place on a particular day of the week. For example, the choir meets on Thursdays and Saturdays in the evening morning from 5am to 6am except on Sundays. During the morning devotion, bible passage is read and shared after which prayer requests are entertained and prayers are offered. All these programmes are meant to enhance the growth of ECWA. Another aspect of ECWA‟s use of church programmes and social activities as conversion strategy is the use of sports and games among the youths. It is our guess that ECWA‟s use of games and sports as conversion strategy is probably informed by the attitude of some early SIM missionaries and some indigenous leaders of the Church. For instance, Rev. Guy W. Playfair, one of the early SIM mssionaries who came to Nigeria in 1911, and started the first SIM mission station in Igbomina land was said to be an outstanding athlete, 73 who encouraged games and sports among his converts and all those who came his way. Describing Playfair‟s interest and exploits in athletics before his call into the gospel ministry, Bingham comments: In Canada, his outstanding characteristic was that of a great athlete. In the province of Manitoba he won the championship in the mile race and then carried off the honours in cycling. His ambition was not only to be a leading athlete in his own Province, but to win world honours and he might have won them, but God laid His hand upon that life… With the same care 71 In the course of Interview, the Coordinator of the Programme gave me some text messages from some of the converts to read from his mobile handset. 72 Rev. Mati Mustapha Dangora. Interview Respondent. Interviewed on 12/11/2008. 73 See, D. I. Olatayo, ECWA: the roots, birth and growth. Book 2. 71. 100 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY he had shown in his preparation to run the race for championship, Guy 74 Playfair began to prepare for soul-winning. Also, the first President of ECWA, Rev. D. I. Olatayo, not only reported his involvement in football as a youth, but also gave great encouragement towards sporting activities among ECWA youths. He enunciates: Sports was introduced, encouraged and played important part in ECWA schools at their various levels. ECWA youth programmes have had some sports and sporting content in them. However, since sport is a uniting factor, even among the nations of the world, the author suggest that ECWA improve its attitude to and -engage in - actual sporting activities. For instance, it can improve and organize intra and inter-Church and denominational sporting activities among Churches, schools and various Christian Youth Groups and fellowships, to bring about part of Christ‟s 75 philosophy of Christian oneness. John 17:21. From the foregoing, it is abundantly and unmistakably clear that ECWA accorded a very significant place to games and sports. Little wonder then that it was adopted as a conversion strategy among the Maguzawa youth. On getting to a particular location among the Maguzawa where there were a sizeable number of youths, the missionary constituted a football team by meeting the young people one after the other about his intention. Once the missionary succeeded in enlisting the interest of the young people, coaching would commence. After several weeks of coaching and 76 practice, inter-village matches were scheduled. In the process of the coaching as well as inter-village matches, the missionary made use of available opportunities in sharing the gospel with the youths in a subtle and unsuspecting manner. For example, before coaching would commence, the missionary often led the team in prayer to God for protection; and also after coaching, a thanksgiving prayer was offered. During inter-village football matches, the team was also led in prayer for victory and protection. Through these activities, some 77 Maguzawa youths have been converted to Christianity. In respect of the use of games and sporting activities as ECWA‟s strategy for reaching the Maguzawa of Kano and Katsina States with the gospel, item 7 of the above table shows that 348 (93%) of the respondents agreed that it was effective. 14 (3.8%) did not subscribe to 74 Rowland V. Bingham. 1943. Seven Sevens of years and a jubilee: the story of the Sudan Interior Mission. Toronto: Evangelical Publishers. 44. 75 D. I. Olatayo. ECWA: The Roots, Birth and Growth. Book 2. 71. Parenthesis Mine. 76 In the course of the field work, the researcher met with some Maguzawa youths who came to meet the Katsina DCC Secretary, Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi for transportation arrangement for a football match already scheduled to take place, 03/04/2006. 77 Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi. Interview Respondent. The Katsina DCC Secretary at the DCC Office, Malumfashi. Interviewed on 03/04/2008. 101 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY this opinion, while 12 (3.2%) chose to be neutral. The above, therefore suggests that among the effective strategies used by ECWA in reaching especially Maguzawa youths was games and sporting activities. 4.9 Rural Development Programme Agriculture as evangelization strategy did not receive much attention from the SIM 78 missionaries. Though a few experimental farms were said to have been established, the venture was not sustained. By the 1970s, however, ECWA came to terms with the need for a rural development programme among the Maguzawa, a predominantly agrarian people. The Rural Development (RD) unit located at ECWA Headquarters, Jos, has different sections with experts in agriculture–related fields–veterinary doctors, agriculturalists in animal production, crop production, etc. From the headquarters, these experts visited Maguzawa 79 areas from time to time as occasions demanded. Besides, the Maguzawa were sometimes invited to Kano for training on modern methods of poultry farming, fish farming, animal husbandry, etc. At other times, the teams of experts visited the Maguzawa villages to offer services ranging from administering vaccine to offering counseling on agricultural matters as the case may be. Furthermore, the RD unit not only sold chickens to Maguzawa farmers but also sold feeds from its feedmill. The farmers often came from the villages to book ahead for their consignments which they also came back to collect. As the RD unit interacted with farmers, mutual confidence was often established, and the opportunity was often used in sharing the good news of salvation with those that have not been Christianized. For those who were already Christians, the RD programme was meant to enhance their economic power. Interestingly, the first Pastor of Baba Alhamdu, ECWA Church, in Kano, Rev. Ishaku Bello, was said to have been converted through this RD 80 programme. 78 At the inception of the Protestant Missionary Thrust in West Africa, Thomas Buxton‟s “Bible – Plough” Programme was meant to combine evangelization work with orientation in modern methods of farming. This was significantly the objective of the Niger expeditions embarked upon by the CMS in conjunction with the th British Government in the mid 19 century. This Bible-Plough Programme subsequently received patronage from the various mission bodies that came to Africa. The SIM pioneering missionaries were, however, less sympathetic with this method. . 79 Rev Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent. Interviewed on 13/11/2008. 80 Rev Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent... 102 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY From the antecedents, it seems reasonable to surmise that ECWA conversion strategies among the Maguzawa in the locale of the study have all been effective and rewarding. The rural development programme of ECWA had been strategically employed among the Maguzawa, and has contributed to their conversion. This assertion becomes plausible based on the fact that item 11 of the table at the beginning of the chapter reports that 348 (93.5%) of the respondents agreed to this. Only 08 (2.2%) disagreed, while 16 chose to remain neutral. 103 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER FIVE THE OUTCOME OF ECWA MISSION WORK AMONG THE MAGUZAWA 5.0 Introduction This chapter examined the consequences and implications of the strategies employed by ECWA in its mission work among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. The biographies of some outstanding Maguzawa ECWA members are also discussed. 5.1 Lay Involvement in Evangelism Table 5.1: Lay Involvement in Evangelism Below are the Opinions of the respondents on the influence of the above strategy in impacting the lives of the Maguazawa Lay involvement and church Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total indigenization used by ECWA Number % Number % Number % Number % led to the following: 1. Church Indigenization 340 91.4 21 5.6 11 3.0 372 100 2. Reaching wider prospective 342 91.2 28 7.5 02 0.5 372 100 converts 3. Use of indigenous music and 340 91.4 21 5.6 11 3.0 372 100 tunes during worship 4. Use of the Hausa version of 316 84.9 51 13.7 05 1.3 372 100 Bible names instead of the English ones 5. Wearing of indigenous flowing 313 84.1 41 11.0 18 4.8 372 100 gowns Aggregate 322 86.6 37 9.9 13 3.5 372 100 Source: Field survey, January 2008 – June 2010. 5.1.1 Church Indigenization It is evident from the table above that 340 respondents; representing 91.4% concurred that ECWA‟s use of the laity in evangelism led to the indigenisation of the church. Twenty- one of the respondents, representing 5.6% disagreed while 11, that is, 3% were undecided. The resultant effect was that the Maguzawa, the indigenous Hausa population found it comfortable and expedient to identify with ECWA as they were being evangelized by their kith and kin rather than the white missionaries. This was followed by other features of indigenization as discussed below. 104 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.1.2 Reaching Wider Prospective Converts From the above table, 342 respondents representing 91.2% agreed that the involvement of the laity in evangelism has made it possible for ECWA to reach a wider prospective converts. Twenty eight (28) of the respondents representing 7.5% disagreed, while 2 representing 0.5% were undecided. The implication is that ECWA‟s use of the indigenous converts enhanced the evangelization prospect. This is because the prospective converts saw the indigenous people used as their people and therefore accepted the gospel message from them. 5.1.3 The Use of Indigenous Music and Tunes during Worship The above table shows that 340 respondents representing 91.4% agreed that the involvement of the indigenous people in evangelizing their kith and kin and the consequent indigenization of ECWA among the Maguzawa resulted into the use of indigenous music and tunes during worship. Twenty-one of the respondents representing 5.6% disagreed while 11, that is, 3% were undecided. It is pertinent to emphasize that the above scenario has been painted as part of Maguzawa ECWA Christian‟s re-interpretation of Maguzawa traditional cultural beliefs and practices. This was reflected through a growing interest about introducing local Maguzawa tunes, instruments and songs into the church and to use them during church service. This re- 1 interpretation of indigenous Maguzawa music made it to be acceptable. Invariably, this has greatly accelerated the indigenization of the church, which, among other things, implies the ability of the universal Christian faith to embody the forms and symbols of indigenous culture 2 so that it becomes the church of the indigenous people indeed . The idea of indigenizing the church was thus one of the best policies of the SIM. 5.1.4 The Use of the Hausa Version of Bible Names The table also indicates that 316 respondents representing 84.9% agreed that lay evangelism and indigenization of the church has encouraged the use of the Hausa version of Bible names among the Maguzawa ECWA members. However, 51 respondents representing 13.7% disagreed, while 5, representing 1.3% were undecided on the issue. 1 See, Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA) http://ecwahqtrsNigeria/Churchsite/history.php (pages 3 of 3). 2 For more details on indigenisation policy, see Samuel Doli, in Church in fellowship: the story of TEKAN. 45 - 46. 105 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The implication here is that Maguzawa ECWA members now do name their children using the Hausa version of Bible names. Though there is no change in language the Maguzawa ECWA members still speak the typical language with probably little dialectical differences, there is a little change in their system of naming. Some Maguzawa Christians prefer and still use traditional names. However, there is presently a drive towards using Bible names for their children. In most cases, the Hausa versions of such Bible names are borne. For instance Hausa version of John is Yahaya; Abraham is Ibrahim, Elijah is Iliya; Rachael is Rahila; Elizabeth is Alisa etc. it should however be noted that due to persecution and discrimination being experienced by the Maguzawa as a result of using Bible names which makes them to be easily identified as Christians, they are now reverting to using traditional names or even Islamic names. This recent development is meant to avoid the persecution and 3 discrimination often meted on Christians in Northern Nigeria . For instance, a Maguzawa student of Federal College of Education, Kano bears Patrick at home, whereas in the school 4 he is known as Adamu Hamza . 5.1.5 Wearing of Indigenous Flowing Gown by Men As regards the use of indigenous flowing gowns by male Maguzawa ECWA members 313 respondents representing 84.1% agreed, 41 respondents representing 11% disagreed while 18 were undecided. From the above data, it is evident that despite their conversion into Christianity, the indigenization policy has encouraged the Maguzawa ECWA members to continue making use of traditional attires. In some African societies, certain types of dress were associated with certain types of social and religious status. For example, in some Christian communities in Northern Nigeria, some missionaries at the initial stage probably felt it was wrong for a Christian men to wear riga, long gown, since it was seen as the dress of the Muslims. The Maguzawa Christians do not in any way share this opinion. They still wear riga as their Muslim counterparts with the same type of caps, hula. Their women still carry veil like Muslim women except some 5 educated young ladies among them . The overall aggregate indicates that 322 respondents representing 86.6% agreed that ECWA indigenization policy has resulted into the use of indigenous music and tunes during 3 Rev. Itsifanu Haladu. EMS Co-ordinator for Katsina DCC. Interview Respondent. Interviewed at Malumfashi, Katsina State. 12/08/2008. 4 Adamu Hamza. Interview Respondent. Indigene of Kargon-Kuki, Bebeji Local Government Area, Kano State. Interviewed on 03/02/2008. 5 The information gathered from the above data was complemented by the researcher‟s personal observation in the course of the fieldwork. 106 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY worship services, the use of the Hausa version of Bible names, wearing of indigenous flowing gowns, and radio broadcast in Hausa Language. 5.2 The Consequence of Using Literacy Classes Table 5.2: The Consequence of Using Literacy Classes (Karatun don kowa) ECWA‟s use of karatun don Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total kowa has brought about the Number % Number % Number % Number % following among the Maguzawa 1. A new social order in which 352 94.6 18 4.8 2 0.5 372 100 the Maguzawa now seek to achieve social mobility through Western education 2. Political awarenesses 344 92.5 28 7.5 0 0 372 100 Aggregate 348 93.6 22 5.9 02 0.5 372 100 Source: Field Survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 5.2.1 Achieving Social Mobility through Western Education The table above reveals that 352 respondents, that is, 94.6% agreed that Karatun don kowa, ECWA literacy programme has impacted positively on the Maguzawa thereby leading to the latter‟s seeking to achieve social mobility through Western education. 18 of the respondents representing 4.8% disagreed while only two chose to be undecided. The import of this is ECWA has effectively used Karatun don kowa to bring about new intelligentsias who now see social and individual achievements being based on educational attainments rather than on birth. 107 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 5.1: ECWA Primary School, Maikafi, Tsiga LCC, Kafur L.G.A., Katsina State 108 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY It should be noted that the pioneering work in the area of education, which was done by SIM through the introduction of literacy classes, and was followed by ECWA has left a lasting impact on the life of people in Northern Nigeria, the Maguzawa in particular. The religious classification, which Muslims used as a mark of superiority was replaced with a new structure based on the criteria of achievement rather than birth. This replaces the traditional social structure of Northern Nigeria where the sons of chiefs by virtue of their birth are to be the natural heirs of both political and administrative offices. This new social order is regarded as a great asset among the Maguzawa ECWA members, the majority of whom now see individual efforts and achievement as being based on educational progress rather than on birth. This new social structure brought into place a paradigmatic shift in the relationships between Muslims and non-Muslims. The process of educational development has created a new intelligentsia among the Maguzawa, which seeks to achieve social mobility not on the basis of birth but on the basis of new structure of Western education. Some Maguzawa who have passed through the literacy 6 programme have pursued their education even up to degree level and even beyond . It is noteworthy that the dynamic elements in ECWA educational programmes among the Maguzawa is an ongoing process, especially with the increasing level of awareness being witnessed in recent times. Thus for ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States, the future holds great promise in spite of the present tentative limitations posed by Islamic and political domination. In sum, ECWA education programmes among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States have no doubt positively impacted upon the socio-cultural lives of the people. 5.2.2 Political Awareness The above table also indicates that 344 respondents representing 92.5% agreed that ECWA educational programme has achieved great success by creating political awareness among the Maguzawa. However, the rest 28, which is 7.5% of the respondents, disagreed. The conclusion that can be made from the above data is that ECWA education programme has resulted in political awareness among the Maguzawa. 6 This assertion is partly based on my personal experience in the course of the field work. For example, Abdullahi Jauro, from Bari DCC in Rogo Local Government of Kano State, an NCE graduate, is making efforts towards his admission for a degree programme. Also, Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi, after his Bachelor in Theology degree, enrolled for a PGDE programme which has been completed. He has also completed his Master‟s degree in Theology. Interviewed on 12/09/2008 at Malumfashi, Katsina State. 109 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY That the socio-political and religious context of Northern Nigeria as a whole, has 7 favoured the Hausa/Fulani Islamic hegemony since the colonial period is obvious . As it were, the non-Muslim groups were assigned an inferior status and position. They are thought to be unfit to govern themselves, and so were denied political participation. Worse still, political consciousness and self-determination were considered as enemies of colonial progress, law and order, while the challenge posed by Christianity and education to Hausa- Fulani hegemony was viewed as subversive. Sadly, this colonial legacy of imbalance, oppression and victimization and deprivation still continues in some states in Northern Nigeria where state apparatus are wrongly used as an instrument for promoting sectional interest or granting state powers to some groups and denying same to others. This is the context in which ECWA operates among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. Against the above backdrop, it becomes significant to examine the political implication of ECWA activities among its Maguzawa members. The notion of SIM and its early indigenous Christians about politics was probably that of “moral ambivalence”, to use 8 Niels Kastfelt‟s term . On the one hand is the negative view since it was seen as being potentially tempting and subversive to the faith of the Christian. In spite of this type of critique of political activism, many tend to accept that Christians could help the cause of the Church through political activism. In effect, ECWA constitution makes allowance for 9 member‟s participation in partisan politics . This constitutional provision in favour of partisan politics by ECWA may, however, not be unconnected with the contemporary socio- political realities in the Nigerian political landscape, given the fundamentalist stance of its parent body-SIM. Thus ECWA dilemma concerning politics and political power might probably have been resolved by adopting the principle of expediency. It is, therefore, a matter of expediency that Maguzawa ECWA members involved themselves in the political development of Nigeria, Kano and Katsina States in particular, in order to be able to advance the cause of both the church and that of the Maguzawa as a 10 people group . Given that there are close links between church institutions and political change, especially in Northern Nigeria, there is no doubt that ECWA activities among the Maguzawa has led to a rise of general awareness, new identity and political consciousness and aspirations among this almost-neglected and marginalized group. For instance, as far 7 This fact has been well-documented in Matthew Kukah. Religion and Politics in Northern Nigeria; and Yusufu Turaki, The British colonial Legacy in Northern Nigeria. 8 Niels Kastfelt. Religion and politics in Nigeria...132. 9 See, The Constitution and Bye-Laws of evangelical church of West Africa...157. 10 Rev. Murtala Mati Dangora. Interview Respondent. Interviewed at Kano on 26/11/2008. 110 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY back as 1992, a Maguzawa ECWA member, Iliya Kanti, of Gidan-Bukka in Bari D.C.C., Rogo Local Government Area, Kano State, won an election as a councillor under the banner 11 of Social Democratic Party (SDP) during the Babangida administration . In 2007, another Maguzawa ECWA member, Emmanuel Garba from Taringe, also in Bari D.C.C. contested for the office of a Councillor under the auspices of Action Congress (AC), though he lost the 12 election . Also, some few years ago, in Bebeji Local Government Area of Kano State, a Maguzawa ECWA member, Lawal Musa, was elected as a councillor as the Christians mobilized themselves to ensure that a fellow Christian is voted into power. Presently, another Maguzawa ECWA member, Joshua Abdu is a councillor in Tudun Wada Local Government Area of Kano State. Also in Katsina State, two Maguzawa ECWA members, Sumaila Mati and Yusufu Dandelu have been elected as councillors in Malumfashi Local Government Area. Such ECWA members elected into political offices above are local political leaders whose political aspirations received impetus through ECWA mission activities. The few instances cited above are only meant to buttress the fact that Maguzawa ECWA members are now responding to the socio-political challenges of their milieu. On the overall aggregate 348 respondents representing 93.6% agreed on seeking to achieve social mobility through Western education and political awareness as consequence of ECWA mission work in Maguzawa communities. 5.3 ECWA Health Services Table 5.3: ECWA Health Services ECWAhealth services have led Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total to the following: Number % Number % Number % Number % 1. Complemented the pharma- 372 100 0 0 0 0 372 100 ceutical efforts of the government 2. The ECWA AIDS Ministry 372 100 0 0 0 0 372 100 (TEAM) has created awareness about AIDS Aggregate 337 100 0 0 0 0 372 100 Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 11 Iliya Kanti. Interview Respondent. Gidan Bukka. Interviewed on 12/04/2008. 12 Suleiman Jurao. Interview Respondent. Giddan Bukka. Interviewed on 12/04/2008 111 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.3.1 The Pharmaceutical Efforts of Government Complemented The table above indicates that 372 respondents, that is, 100% were of the opinion that ECWA health services among the Maguzawa have greatly complemented government‟s inadequate efforts and thereby leading to unprecedented improvement in the people‟s health conditions between 1954 and 1990. No one disagreed with this notion and none was undecided. The implication is that an overwhelming majority subscribed to this idea. ECWA medical services rendered in Maguzawa areas through dispensaries, clinics and maternity centres have positive consequences on the lives of the people. These medical facilities are found in locations like Gani, Karefa, Kargon-Kuki, Karaye, Tofa, Kabo, Tsanyawa, etc. all in Kano State. In Katsina State, they are found in Maikafi, Fillo, Sadau, Kartau and Malumfashi. Medical services were introduced in Maguzawa communities by ECWA as the church response to transmissible diseases like night blindness, leprosy etc., that were prevalent in northern Nigeria as a whole then. The health facilities were further developed into Community Health Programme in the 1970s. This Community Health Programme has been of tremendous assistance by inculcating good health habits and hygiene apart from general medical treatment. Directly, ECWA is contributing to the pharmaceutical efforts of the nation; particularly among the Maguzawa through her ECWA Central Pharmacy Ltd (E.C.P.L.) whose mission is the procurement and distribution of drugs to her 13 medical units and institutions. 5.3.2 Awareness Creation about AIDS through TEAM The table above reveals that all the respondents, that is, 100% subscribed to the idea that the ECWA AIDS Ministry (TEAM) has positively impacted on the Maguzawa by 14 creating awareness about AIDS, a deadly disease ravaging the lives of many in recent times . The ECWA AIDS Ministry (TEAM) in partnership with Action Aid International, Nigeria and Promoting Sexual and Reproductive Health and HIV/AIDS Reduction in Nigeria (PSRHH), has been able to sensitize the Maguzawa members in the area of awareness, care and support of HIV/AIDS victims among church members from 1996 to date.In one way, this corroborates the initial attitude of SIM to the societal problems of health, which indeed opened the way for its penetration into the Muslim dominated areas of Northern Nigeria. In 13 In the course of the field work, some Maguzawa ECWA members testified that they became members of ECWA through the medical assistance they received through ECWA medical services. A typical example is Rev. Murtala Mati from Dangora, Kiru Local Government Area of Kano State. 14 This view has also been corroborated by Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi, the DCC Secretary. Katsina DCC, Malumfashi, Katsina State. 12/08/2008. 112 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY another sense, partnership with PSRHH has made ECWA to respond with a more meaningful and pragmatic approach to shared humanity rather than the historic fundamentalist stance of the SIM, which was suspicious of partnership with other groups for the purpose of common 15 societal interest . From the foregoing, it is obvious that the overall aggregate on the impact of ECWA health services is positively overwhelming. In fact, all the respondents, without any dissenting voice affirmed that ECWA through its health services has not only effectively complemented government‟s effort among the Maguzawa, but has also created awareness about AIDS and other health-related problems. Plate 5.2: ECWA Dispensary, Malumfashi, Malumfashi LCC, Katsina State 15 For more information on SIM‟s relationship or cooperation with any church, Christian organisation, mission agency and other groups, see, Turaki. An introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA. 93-94. Also see, Turaki. Theory and practice of Christian mission. 153-155. 113 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.4 Women‟s Fellowship Table 5.4: Women‟s Fellowship (Zumuntar Mata) ECWA Zumuntar Mata has Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total positively impacted on the lives Number % Number % Number % Number % of Maguzawa women in the following: 1. The penetration of social 351 94.6 21 5.4 0 0 372 100 restrictions of Hausa women 2. Family stability 351 94.6 21 5.4 0 0 372 100 3. Provided alternative means of 369 99.2 01 0.3 2 0.5 372 100 economic empowerments Aggregate 367 98.7 02 0.5 3 0.8 372 100 Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 5.4.1 The Penetration of Social Restrictions of Hausa Women The above table indicates that 351 respondents (94.6%) corroborated the fact that women fellowship in ECWA enhanced the penetration of the social restriction of women, while 21 (5.4%) disagreed. The conclusion can therefore be made that women‟s fellowship in ECWA has been strategically employed to reach the womenfolk in Maguzawa communities, thereby, not only enhancing women participation in a task of evangelisation but also increased women involment in grassroots evangelism. 5.4.2 Family Stability The above table underscores the fact that 351 respondents which constitutes 94.6% agreed that ECWA Zumuntar Mata has positively impacted on the lives of Maguzawa women by enhancing their family stability, while 21(5.4%) respondents disagreed. From the above, it may be safely concluded that Zumuntar Mata is a veritable instrument of enhancing family stability among the Maguzawa. Women occupy strategic position in home-making, and indeed, in nation building, therefore, the activities of Zumuntar Mata, comes to focus here. Zumuntar Mata in Maguzawa ECWA churches organizes seminars and conferences for women from time to time. In such seminars and conferences, women are taught to take care of their children and 16 husbands, a situation that brings about family stability . 16 Rev. Murtala Mati. Interview Respondent. Hausa Radio Programme Co-ordinator, in one of the interview sessions reported that there have been cases of some Non-christian coming to him secretly to inquire more about Christianity and how they can become Christians due to radio broadcast in Hausa which they have listened to. Incidentally, the researcher was with Rev. Mati on a particular day when one of such people made a phone call describing himself, the spot he was standing and how he could be located. 114 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.4.3 Provision of Alternative Means of Economic Empowerment The above reveals that 351 respondents representing 94.6% agreed that the activities of ECWA Zumuntar Mata among the Maguzawa has provided alternative means of economic empowerment. Twenty-one respondents, that is, 5.4% disagreed. The bottom line is that the activities of the Zumuntar Mata, has positively influenced the lives of the Maguzawa women and their families. Apart from helping Maguzawa women in the general betterment of the home life they are also taught basic skills in weaving, knitting, poultry farming, pomade making, etc. with the intent and purpose of their economic empowerment by providing alternatives to their means of livelihood rather than depending solely on farming which is their traditional 17 occupation . The overall aggregate puts it that 367 respondents representing 98.7% buttressed the fact that ECWA has not only used Zumuntar Mata to enhance family stability among the Maguzawa but has also provided alternative means of economic empowerment among their women folk. 5.5 Theological Education Table 5.5: Theological Education ECWA‟s theological education Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total among the Maguzawa has led Number % Number % Number % Number % to the following evangelistic, spiritual and moral development 1. Training of church workers 338 90.9 34 9.1 0 0 372 100 and Development of Leadership Skills 2. Systematizing church Planting 338 90.9 34 9.1 0 0 372 100 Strategies Aggregate 338 90.9 34 9.1 0 0 372 100 Source: Field Survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 5.5.1 Training of Indigenous Church Workers and Development of Leadership Skills The Table above indicates that 338 respondents, that is 90.9% subscribed to the idea that ECWA, through its theological education has produced pastors and missionaries for the evangelization of the Maguzawa. Twenty-four (24) that is 9.1% disagreed. 17 Rev. Sumaila Salau. Interview respondent, DCC Chairman… 115 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The implication is that the training of indigenous church workers and development of leadership skills have broadened the knowledge of the leaders, thereby enhancing their evangelistic potentials. 5.5.2 Systematising Church Planting Strategies It could be deduced from the table above that 338, that is, 90.9% respondents corroborated the fact that theological education employed as a mission strategy by ECWA enhanced the systematization of their church planting strategies. Thirty-four (9.1%) disagreed to the view. The inference that can be drawn from the foregoing is that ECWA theological education which produced about 315 pastors and missionaries for ECWA mission work provided a considerable number of workers that accelerated mission activities among the Magazawa between 1970 and 2007. 5.6 Conversion Celebrations Table 5.6: Conversion Celebrations (Bikin tuba) Bikin tuba has enhanced the Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total following among the Number % Number % Number % Number % Maguzawa ECWA: 1. Conversion of Souls and 352 95.5 20 0 0 4.5 372 100 Stregthening of Converts 2. Communal solidarity and 352 95.5 20 0 0 4.5 372 100 Development of ecumenical ties Aggregate 352 95.5 20 0 0 4.5 372 100 Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 5.6.1 Conversion of Souls and Strengthening of Converts It is evident from the above table that 352 respondents (95.5%) subscribed to the fact that conversion celebration as ECWA mission strategy led to the conversion of souls and strengthening of the converts, while twenty disagreed, that is, 4.5%. This substantiates the report of the conversion of about 300 people in Maigada, a village in Tudun Wada Local Government Area of Kano State in 1990. 5.6.2 Communal Solidarity and Development of Ecumenical Ties The above table shows that 352 respondents representing 95.5% affirmed that ECWA has successfully used bikin tuba as a strategy to engender communal solidarity and 116 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ecumenical ties among the Maguzawa, while twenty (4.5%) disagreed. Apparently, the majority of the respondents are of the opinion that ECWA Christianization activities among the Maguzawa has resulted into the development of communal solidarity. However, among the Maguzawa, bikin tuba, a conversion strategy employed by ECWA provides opportunity for group or community rather than individual conversion, which in all probability, strengthens the monolithic structure and solidarity of the community. In effect, social ties among the converts often increase in a community of worship and common Christian concerns based upon their new found faith. The point being emphasized here is that bikin tuba, as opposed to the individualistic stance of the early missionary enterprise in Nigeria forges strategic alliances and communal affinity among Maguzawa ECWA converts. It is interesting to note that there are no sharp denominational differences in the practice of bikin tuba in Maguzawa communities. The resultant effect, therefore, is that Masihiyawa (Hausa Christian Community) often make use of the opportunity to further advance the cause of their ecumenical activities. The corollary is a kind of renewed and concerted effort geared towards resisting islamization. This is because in their attempt towards Islamization, the Islamic preachers do visit Maguzawa villages, offering gift items like food, clothes etc. There are reported cases of physical assault on their prospective 18 converts when they put up a resistance . On the overall, an aggregate of 352 respondents which constitutes 95.5% affirmed the fact that through bikin tuba, ECWA has enhanced communal solidarity, ecumenical ties and concerted efforts towards resisting Islamization. 5.7 Radio Broadcast in Hausa Table 5.7: Radio Broadcast in Hausa Radio Broadcast in Hausa Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total has led to the following: Number % Number % Number % Number % 1. Provided awareness for 319 85.8% 41 11.0 12 3.2 372 100 mass media evangelism 2. Reaching people who could 319 85.8% 41 11.0 12 3.2 372 100 not be reached through personal contact with the gospel Aggregate 319 85.8 41 11.0 12 3.2 372 100 18 Rev. Rabo Nakanti. Interview Respondent. E.M.S. Co-ordinator, Kano- Jigawa, Kano DCC Office. Interviewed on 02/06/2008. 117 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.7.1 Provision of Avenues for Mass Media Evangelism From the above table, it has also been revealed that 319 respondents, that is, 85.8% affirmed that the radio broadcast in Hausa has provided avenues for reaching the teeming indigenous population in Maguzawa areas with the gospel. However, 41 respondents representing 11% disagreed while 12, that is, 3.2% chose to remain undecided. From the foregoing, it has been established that ECWA tremendously used the radio broadcast in reaching the indigenous Maguzawa communities in its mission activities. At the beginning of ECWA mission activities among the Maguzawa, literacy level among this indigenous people was still very low. As such the print media (Magazines, tracts etc) as used by the SIM in carrying out the work of evangelization among other Nigerian people could not apply among the Maguzawa. In effect, the radio broadcast in Hausa became a veritable instrument employed by ECWA in penetrating Maguzawa communities. 5.7.2 Reaching People Who Could Not Be Reached Through Personal Contacts The above indicates that 319 respondents, that is 85.8% affirmed that the radio broadcast in Hausa has made it possible for people who could not be reached through personal contacts to be reached with the gospel. Forty-one respondents, 11%, disagreed while 12, making 3.2% were undecided. The implication is that ECWA has greatly utilized its Hausa Radio Broadcast in reaching non-christians, who could not be reached through personal contacts and who were reckoned to be violent and antagonistic to Christian mission work. For instance, through listening to programme, Bangaskiyar Krista many non-christians reportedly privately came to 19 inquire more about Christianity. 19 Rev. alau. Interview Respondent. DCC Chairman, Kano DCC. Interviewed on 18/06/2008. 118 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.8 Church Programmes and Social Activities Table 5.8: Church Programmes and Social Activities ECWA Church Programmes and Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total social activities have engendered Number % Number % Number % Number % the following: 1. Full integration into ECWA 3 5 2 94.6 12 3.2 08 2.2 372 100 churches and doctrinal soundness 2. Succour and relief fom problems 360 96.5 10 2.7 2 0.5 372 100 3. Sports and games as part of 290 78% 50 13.4 3.2 8.6 372 100 social activities assisted in reaching the youths 4. Parallel cousin marriage is being 342 91.2 28 7.5 02 0.5 372 100 phased out 5. Infantile bethrothal is being 330 88.7 40 10.8 02 0.5 372 100 phased out 6. Divorce rate now drastically 337 90.6 32 8.6 03 0.8 372 100 reduced 7. Burukutu is being substituted 345 92.7 23 6.2 04 1.1 372 100 with soft drink during festivities 8. Going about bare-breasted by 336 90.3 30 8.1 06 1.6 372 100 women has given way to feminine modesty Aggregate 334 89.8 28 7.5 10 2.7 372 100 Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 5.8.1 Full Integration into ECWA Churches and Doctrinal Soundness The table above indicates that 362 respondents, that is, 97.3% subscribe to the idea that ECWA, through its church programmes and activities has achieved full integration of its members. 8 respondents which constitute 2.2% disagreed while only 2, that is, 0.5% were undecided. Based on the above, we may safely conclude that church programmes and social activities of ECWA among the Maguzawa have enhanced full integration of it members. It is difficult to argue against the fact that church programmes and activities in Maguzawa ECWA churches do provide solutions to some socio-psychological and economic problems of members. For example, the weekly Bible Study sessions have undoubtedly enriched the religious lives of members. Religiously, it makes them to be fully integrated into the church system and at the same time doctrinally sound. Closely connected with the above are the social functions and activities like naming ceremony, wedding and burial programmes. The activities of Zumuntar Mata become very significant as they are often used to reach out to prospective converts. Members of the church especially the women do take it upon themselves to take care of fellow women who give birth to new babies and also assist 119 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY such during naming ceremonies. Also during wedding and burial ceremonies, they gravitate around their fellow members and prospective converts to offer support and assistance. These activities do not only lead to the conversion of non-Christians, but also do forge alliances and increase social ties among members. They do engender a sense of belonging, especially of belonging to a group that is elitist in nature, a notion which not only boosts members morale but also strengthens their individual self-concept apart from getting them fully integrated in the church. 5.8.2 Succour and Relief from Problems According to the above table, 360 respondents, that is, 96.8% were in agreement that through ECWA Church Programmes and social activities, among the Maguzawa, members have received succour and relief from problems as a result of fellowship and corporate prayers. 10 respondents representing 2.7% disagreed while 2 respondents who constitute 0.5% were undecided. The obvious implication here is that Church Programmes do provide succour and relief from problems among the Maguzawa ECWA members. Also, the mid-week prayer meetings do provide avenue for church members having one problem or the other to share their problems with other members, after which corporate prayers are offered. The hope of receiving answers to their requests often brings relief to such 20 individuals, since a problem shared is said to be half-solved. Also, the regular weekly Bible study programme offers members the opportunity of sharing the Word of God together. In situations where the subject “faith” becomes the focus of the Bible study discussion, troubled 21 souls receive hope while the discouraged are encouraged . 5.8.3 Sports and Games as Part of Social Activities in Reaching Maguzawa Youths From the table above, 290 respondents, that is, 78% are of the opinion that ECWA has, as part of social activities reached the Maguzawa youths with the gospel. 50 respondents constituting 13.4%, do not, however, share this opinion while 32 respondents, that is, 8.6% were undecided on the issue. In view of the above, we may safely conclude that sports and games were positively used by ECWA among Maguzawa youths. From the overall aggregate 334 respondents representing 89.8% underscores the fact that ECWA Church Programmes and social activities have positively impacted on the 20 Rev. Sumaila Sallau. Interview Respondent, DCC Chairman Kano … 21 Rev. Sumaila Sallau. Interview Respondent, DCC Chairman Kano … 120 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Maguzawa by ensuring members‟ integration in the church, provision of succour and relief from problems and reaching the youth with the gospel message. 5.8.4 Parallel Cousin Marriage Being Phased Out From the above table, 342 respondents representing 91.2% agreed that parallel cousin marriage is being phased out among the Maguzawa as a result of spiritual and moral development occasioned by ECWA theological education. 28, that is, 7.5% disagreed while only 2 reprsenting 0.5% were undecided. The table invariably reveals that parallel cousin marriage is being phased out among the Maguzawa through ECWA theological education among them. Parallel cousin marriage is a cultural practice among the Maguzawa in Kano and 22 Katsina States whereby marrying one‟s cousin is culturally allowed. Though Barkow, in his study of the Maguzawa of Wurinsalla village around Zaria, in Kaduna State reports that parallel cousin marriage is incest, among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States, the 23 practice is acceptable . The difference only reveals the fact that some of the marriage, customs are slightly different from one Maguzawa locality to another. However, the practice has changed in recent times as a result of the activities of ECWA among them, since the 24 Bible forbids marriage with a close kin . 5.8.5 Infantile Betrothal Being Discouraged From the above table, it has been observed that 330 respondents representing 88.7% agreed that the practice of infants being bethrothed against the future is being greatly discouraged among Maguzawa ECWA members due to the influence of church programmes and activities. Forty, that is, 10.8% disagreed while 2 representing 0.5 were undecided. In sum, we may conclude that through the spiritual and moral development received as a result of pulpit preaching in ECWA, infantile bethrothal is being discouraged. Infantile betrothal is a traditional cultural practice of the Maguzawa whereby infants are betrothed to one another by their parents. It did happen that when a Maguzawa woman gave birth to a baby girl, a neighbour who already had a baby boy would register his or her desire to marry such a child to his or her son. When such children are old enough to get 22 See. H. Barkow. Mulsims and Maguzawa in North Central State, Nigeria. 66. 23 Sadiya Musa. Interview Respondent. A Muguzawa lady from Refawa in Garin Mallam Local Government Area of Kano State. Interviewed on 02/05/2008. This fact was also confirmed by Mrs. Tambaya Yahaya, ECWA member, Bari, Rogo Local Government Area, Kano. 24 See Leviticus. 18: 6, 9-13. 121 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY married to one another, the marriage would then be consummated. This practice deprived Maguzawa youths of the freedom to choose marriage partners based upon love and personal decision. With the influence of Christianity, the situation has changed drastically. Young people now have the freedom of choosing marriage partners on their own, even though parents get involved at one time or the other. 5.8.6 Divorce Rate Drastically Reduced The above table shows that 337 respondents representing 90.6% agreed that ECWA church programmes and activities have reduced the rate of divorce among the Maguzawa members. Thirty-two respondents, that is, 8.6% disagreed while only 3 representing 0.8% were undecided. The bottom line is that the spiritual and moral development experienced by the Maguzawa ECWA members through pulpit preaching and conselling have drastically reduced the rate of divorce among them. 25 The big problem with Maguzawa Christian marriages will be permanency. But the problem is not insurmountable. Given that Islamic marriage practice favours divorce, the temptation of seeking divorce in marriage is often high, even among Maguzawa Christians through the influence of Islamic culture. For instance in Islam, if a man pronounces, “I divorce you” three times to his wife, there is no reconciliatory move that can bring the 26 couples together again, such a divorce is total. This Islamic way of divorce is being borrowed by some Maguzawa Christians who make such pronouncements to their wives. Conversely, such cases of divorce among ECWA Maguzawa Christians are being resolved 27 through reconciliatory moves by Ministers and church elders. 5.8.7 Burukutu Being Substituted With Soft Drinks According to the above table, 345 respondents representing 92.7% are in agreement that as a result of ECWA mission work among the Maguzawa, burukutu, an alcoholic beverage traditionally used during ceremonies is being substituted with non-alcoholic beverages. Twenty-three respondents, that is, 6.2% disagreed while 4 respondents representing 1.1% were undecided. This implies that the Christianizing activities of ECWA have positively impacted the lives of the Maguzawa given that burukutu, an intoxicant, is 25 J.C. Kenny. 1968. Adaptation for Christian marriage among the Maguzawa in Neve zuischrift fur mission wissenscheft, xxiv. Jahrgang. Heft 2. 133. 26 For more details on Hausa marriage customs, see, I, Madauci I. Isa and Daura, B. 1968. Hausa customs. Zaria: Northern Nigerian Publishing Company. 27 Rev. Sumaila sallau. Interview Respondent. DCC Chairman, Kano DCC Office. Interviewed on 18/06/2008. 122 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY being substituted with soft drinks and other non-alcoholic beverages in social functions. Intoxication is common among Maguzawa, and millet beer (burukutu) is the sine qua non of 28 a social gathering. The good host offers his guest beer. So strong is the Maguzawa adherence to beer that it is said: …a convert to Islam provokes no sanctions and may even rise in prestige, due to his familiarity with the powerful Quran, but let him forsake drinking beer and he is ostracized to the extent that he must either return to the fold 29 or move to a Muslim village. Strong as Maguzawa attachment to beer drinking is, it is now being substituted with non– alcoholic beverages. This is because the consumption of burukutu and the effect on consumers after intoxication often results into some kind of misbehavior. Therefore substitution of burukutu with non-alcoholic beverages is undoubtedly, a cultural and moral 30 transformation resulting from the Christianizing activities of ECWA. However, it is deemed necessary to consider the short fall of this particular strategy on African indigenous initiatives as well as the attendplant economic implication. Instead of entirely substituting burukutu with soft drinks and other non-alcoholic beverages, it may be suggested that the fermentation period of burukutu could be reduced so that the alcoholic content can be minimal to avoid intoxication. 5.8.8 Women Going About Bare-Breasted Giving Way to Femine Modesty The table above indicates that 336 respondents, that is, 90.3% subscrive to the idea that as a result of ECWA mission work, Maguzawa women folk who were engaged in the habit of moving about bare-breasted, have ceased doing so after becoming members of ECWA. 30 respondents, that is, 8.1% disagreed while 6 representing 1.6% were undecided. Premised on the foregoing, we may conclude that as a result of ECWA‟s church programmes and activities, Maguzawa ECWA members have adopted feminine modesty as opposed to those still in their traditional setting. Typical Maguzawa women and girls habitually go about bare-breasted. Maguzawa girls strip down to a brief undergarment when they dance, and then do so in a manner which emphasizes movement of breasts and buttocks. Among Maguzawa ECWA members all these have given way to Christian modesty and comportment. 28 J.H. Barkow. 1973. Muslims and \Maguzawa in North-Central State. Nigeria. 72. 29 J.H. Barkow. 1973. Muslims and \Maguzawa… 72. 30 ECWA views drinking or selling beer or any alcoholic beverages as sin; and therefore requiring stern disciplinary action. For more details on this see ECWA Ministers Handbook. 83. 123 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The overall aggregate shows that 338 respondents representing 90.9% agreed that ECWA theological education has tremendously boosted the moral and spiritual lives of the Maguzawa members who are now jettisoning parallel cousin marriage in obedience to biblical injunction. They also approach the issue of marriage in a more mature way as opposed to infantile betrothal with divorce rate very minimal. Furtherstill, burukutu the traditional alcoholic beverage is being replaced with non-intoxicating drinks. 5.9 Rural Development Programme Table 5.9: Rural Development Programme ECWA rural development Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total programmes have positively Number % Number % Number % Number % impacted on the lives of the Maguzawa as can be seen below 1. Exposure to modern poulty 328 88.2 24 6.5 20 5.4 372 100 farming 2. Improved agricultural 320 86 16 4.3 36 9.7 372 100 productivity and enhanced socio- economic lives Aggregate 324 87.1 19 5.1 29 7.8 372 100 Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 5.9.1 Exposure to Modern Poultry Farming The table above reveals that 328 respondents representing 88.2% agreed that as a result of the ECWA rural development programme, the Maguzawa members have been exposed to modern poultry farming. Twenty-four respondents who constitute 6.5% disagreed, while 20 respondents, that is, 5.4% were undecided. Apparently, the overwhelming response is that ECWA rural development programme has exposed the Maguzawa members to modern poultry farming techniques. From time to time, ECWA members do come from Maguzawa villages to the rural development programme unit at the Headquarters in Kano to book for day-old chicks and to collect when the consignments arrive. Those who already have their chicks do come to the 31 unit to purchase feeds. 31 The researcher on several occasions has met with ECWA members from Maguzawa villages at the rural development programme unit at the ECWA headquarters in Kano. 124 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.9.2 Improved Agricultural Productivity and Enhanced Socio-economic Lives Based on the above table, 320 respondents representing 86% agreed that ECWA rural development programme enhanced improved agricultural productivity and the socio- economic lives of the Maguzawa. 16 respondents who constitute 4.3% disagreed on this issue while 36 respondents, that is, 9.7% were undecided. The bottom line is that agriculture, the main occupation of the Maguzawa has greatly been enhanced through ECWA rural development programmes. Consequently, the quality of life of the Maguzawa has greatly improved as a result of increase in their agricultural productivity, thereby strengthening their economic power. 5.10 Biographies of Some Outstanding Maguzawa Members Here, case studies of brief biographical accounts and profile of some educated Maguzawa ECWA members are provided to exemplify that the resultant transformations through ECWA activities among them are real. 5.10.1 Tambaya Hassan Malumfashi Tambaya was born in 1930 into a polygamous family of Mallam Hassan Malumfashi in Ruwan Shayin district of present day Malumfashi local government area of Katsina State. 32 His uncle, Kassim, was the Chief Priest of his community. He was the Chief Priest of Shaffi (a traditional god among the Hausa). The man was renowned as powerful priest in the community. People from various places, far and near came to the family compound of the Tambayas for one spiritual help or the other. Mallam Kassim picked special interest in Tambaya and always preferred to send him on special errands. Tambaya always assisted his uncle in administering native herbs and concoction to patrons who always besieged their compound. The moral and spiritual environment that moulded Tambaya Hassan Malumfashi was a very strict one. They were taught from childhood strict obedience to the rules and regulations of the gods. The Hassan‟s family was forbidden from doing many things which some people could do at this time. They were brought up with good moral virtue, lying, cheating and other unethical practices were totally forbidden in their homes. And because of this strong and stringent upbringing, the family was held in high esteem in the community. 32 This biography of Rev. Hassan Tambaya Malumfashi was adapted from O.O. Owoade, n.d., The Biography of Tambaya Hassan Malumfashi. An unpublished paper. 125 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Tambaya Hassan Malumfashi married Maryam in 1951 and the marriage was blessed with five children. Their marriage was done in the traditional way. The two of them were relatives. They were closely related and also they married each other. This type of marriage is known as “Auren Dangi” in Hausa. It is an ancient custom whereby relatives can marry each other and it is still practised even today among the Hausa. The Tambayas had their new home in Ruwan Sayin, Malumfashi and they were farmers. The marriage suffered some problems when they lost their first son to a devastating sickness. Tambaya and his wife Mariam got converted the same day in 1952 through the activities of the SIM around Malumfashi. The missionaries enrolled them in adult class, they were taught how to read and write. The new converts were discipled in basic things of Christianity like repentance, salvation, faith in Christ etc. This discipleship took about eighteen months and they were baptized together with other converts in 1953. The Tambayas were baptized by the SIM missionary, Rev. Charles F. Beizen, who was nick-named Mallam Musa because they could not pronounce his name. It was from this discipleship and adult education programmes that the raw talents of Tambaya were first discovered by the missionaries. After his baptism he could read Bible and lead prayer programme. He was under the tutelage of Charles F. Beizen till 1958. During his interaction with this missionary and others who came for one programme or the other, he grew very rapidly. When Rev. Charles F. Beizen was going back to America in 1958, he wrote in his report that he had seen an able native and indigene that will be able to carry on the work in Malumfashi axis. He submitted this report to the District Church Council (DCC) with the headquarters in Kano. The literacy education received by Tambaya through the missionaries arouses his interest to enroll in Malumfashi primary school in 1954. He was the oldest in the class and even older than some of his teachers. It was said that the teachers were always embarrassed to see him in the class. Owing to the remedial training he received from the missionaries, he was able to perform well in his primary school. When he was in primary four, in 1959, the missionary advised him to discontinue his primary education in order to assist him in reaching other Hausa and Fulani in that area. This made him to be an interpreter and hospital evangelist for missionaries. After some months of working with the missionaries, he was sent for further training in Sudan Interior Mission Bible School in Tofa, Kano State. He graduated in this school with excellence. The school wished to retain him but he had unusual passion for his home town, Malumfashi. He managed to serve the school for one year before he got back to Malumfashi, his heart place for passion. At Malumfashi he resumed the pastorate of the Church and worked for five years 126 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY before he returned to Evangelical Christian Church of West Africa Advance Bible School, Zobolo, Plateau State 1965. Upon completion of the course, he returned to his place of primary duty. His effectiveness in the work of ministering among the core Hausa in Malumfashi axis attracted and endeared him to many missionaries. Some of them recommended and paid for several seminars and leadership programmes he attended both outside and within the country. He was nominated for one year training programme in English Language in the United States of America. This training in United State of America, gave him a lot of honour and prestige among his peer and parishioners because going to overseas at this particular point in time was regarded as a rear privilege among the Hausa, especially among the semi literates or the illiterates. The prediction of Rev. Charles F. Beizen came to pass about Tambaya Hassan. After his training in the Bible School in Tofa, he taught for a year and some months. The missionaries assumed he could fulfill his calling in training of others in the school but Tambaya has another vision. His passion was always to see his people converted. The management of school in Tofa persuaded him with many incentives which he bluntly declined. He came back to Malumfashi with a lot of passion and drives to win the natives who were traditionalists and Muslims. He always traveled with the missionaries every weekend on evangelism and witnessing in and around the Malumfashi axis. At a point in time, he was acting as hospital evangelist. Owing to the fact that he was a Hausa man, he was of tremendous blessing to the local people. He was the first person people would first ask after before seeing the medical personnel. The indigenes believed then that he would help them to translate their medical history better to the medical personnel. This enabled Tambaya to share his faith with many patients in the hospital. The leadership of first Evangelical Church of West Africa in Malumfashi at this time required the leadership of a courageous man. The reason being that Islamic authority was using anything at their disposal to prevent people from converting to any other religion. Conversion to Christianity at this time attracted all kinds of punishments ranging from seizure of property to even death penalty in extreme cases. Christian leaders were threatened with beating, assaults, denial of rights and arrests. Due to aforementioned facts, evangelism in and around Malumfashi was brought to a standstill. Some Christians who could not renounced their Christian faith relocated to safer zones while some who remained were nominal Christians. When Tambaya resumed duty as Pastor of the Church in 1965, he came with a lot of courage. He started bold evangelism. He treaded areas where evangelism was 127 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY forbidden. His passion and courage was unmatched for the Islamic authorities, who did all they could to prevent him but without success. Tambaya‟s extra-ordinary courage was infectious on the members and the new converts, as many of them stood their ground against the then feudal authority. His exploits were reported in various quarters and various means were used to curtail him he remained undaunted. He was arrested, molested, threatened and challenged but remained courageous as he had been from youth. At a point in time, he became a rallying point for Christians in the entire Katsina Emirate. Whenever any convert was made anywhere and he or she was been threatened, the next they would do was to relocate him to Malumfashi. Sometimes he traveled to different parts of Northern Nigeria to warn the feudal rulers of the right of the people to practice any religion of their persuasion. One of those things that gave Hassan Tambaya a cutting edge was that, apart from being a full time Pastor, he was also a big time farmer. It is on record that he was the first person to adopt the use of inorganic fertilizer in Ruwar Sayin District of Malumfashi. Going big and large scale farming for Tambaya was adopted to gain financial freedom to cater for the converts and his evangelistic exploits. Majority of his farm products were always shared among the less privileged of his church and other churches. He sent some children of new converts to school at its own expense. It is said that he denied himself some luxuries of life so that he could expand the course of Christ among his people. He was a generous man per excellence. His generosity even endeared him to some Hausa Muslims because he usually shared with some of their widows. Reverend Tambaya launched a bold step to various interiors in his evangelistic efforts. Though he was a church pastor, his evangelist effort was note worthy. He established sixty churches in and around Malumfashi for Evangelical Church of West Africa. He co-operated with other agencies in planting many other churches as well. He partnered and encouraged other mission agencies such as Baptist, Anglican Church, Church of Christ in Nigeria, the Great Commission and other agencies in evangelizing Malumfashi axis. It must be noted here that Malumfashi, axis of Katsina State, has good sizeable number of Christians than any other part of Katsina State. This result has been partly attributed to the singular effort of Tambaya Yahaya. His partnership with Great Commission International was great importance to Hausa Christians. He was one of the major interpreters of The Jesus Film. This film has been of great blessing to many indigenous Christians in the northern parts of the country. 128 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY The role played by Tambaya was unique in old Kaduna State of Nigeria. At a point in time he was nick named “Maiyakin Ubagiji” in Hausa language which means defender of the Christian faith. He rose to challenge all the aggressions and oppressive stands against Christian and Christian faith – on many occasions, he was appointed as a member of the committee that represented Christians‟ interests in the state and the North in general. His boldness and courage made him to be a force to be reckoned with in the state. His personal influence prevented the spilt over of during his life time. When Katsina State was created from the then Kaduna State, the whole Christian community, unanimously elected him as the state chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN). His contagious character of honesty, courage, generosity and integrity marked him out as a true leader. The last phase of Tambaya‟s life was characterized by trouble, betrayer, accusation and criticism. Some of the members of his church, Evangelical Church of West Africa, Malumfashi, where he pastored for more than twenty years accused him of mismanagement of foreign funds. They blindly accused him of not sharing the booties he was gaining from foreign donors. They felt he was taking an unusual advantage of their literacy level. This accusations and troubles took toll on Tambaya and this orchestrated his degenerative disease. He was hospitalized several times before he finally died 1992. 5.10.2 Haruna Auta Haruna Auta hailed from Ruwansanyi, a small village about 10 kilometers south west st of Malumfashi, Katsina State, where he was born on 1 April, 1958. The parents were traditionalist, who after conversion became members of ECWA. As a result of the awareness created through ECWA educational programmes among the Maguzawa, Haruna Auta was enrolled in the ECWA Mission Primary School located in the mission compound at Malumfashi in 1963. After his primary education, he was admitted to Government College, Kaduna, in January 1972. Later, he was transferred to Basawa Teachers College, Zaria, where he completed his Teachers Grade II course in 1976. After obtaining his Grade II certificate, he taught in various primary schools in Malumfashi Local Government Area between 1976 and 1979, when he was admitted into the school of General Studies, Bayero University, Kano. In 1981, Haruna Auta commenced his degree programme and graduated in June 1984 with a second class lower division in Bachelor of Arts in (Education) Geography. After his university education, he taught at Government College, Katsina from 1985 to 1986, and thereafter he was employed as Lecturer III at 129 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Kaduna State College of Education, Gidan Waya, Kafanchan, where he served between 1986 and 1989. With the creation of Katsina State, Haruna Auta was deployed to the new State which happened to be his home state. He taught in various secondary schools after his deployment till 1995 when he gained employment as Lecturer I to Federal College of Education, Katsina, where he is presently a Senior Lecturer in the Social Studies department. Based upon his wealth of experience as a teacher educator, Mr. Haruna Auta has at one time or the other served as secretary or chairman of founding committees of various primary schools established by ECWA in Malumfashi and environs. He has also served as a member of Board of Governors of ECWA Theological Seminary, Jos (JETS) between 1996 and 2002. Between 2003 and 2005, he was appointed chairman of the same board. 5.10.3 Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi Rev. Danjuma Danmallam Kaladdi was born to traditionalist parents, Mr. and Mrs. th Kaladdi on 14 December, 1961 at Lamuntani in Malumfashi Local Government Area of 33 Katsina State. His conversion dated back to 1979 through the house-to-house evangelism by an ECWA indigenous missionary. After his conversion, Rev. Kaladdi attended ECWA 34 vernacular Bible School, then at Malumfashi between 1983-1986. At the Bible School Rev. Kaladdi combined theological education with literacy classes since he was not opportuned to attend regular school. The challenges he received at the Bible School served as impetus for his aspiration for further education. Therefore, in 1987, Rev. Kaladdi enrolled for his school certificate examination with an appreciable success. Thereafter, he enrolled for a Diploma in Theology Programme at ECWA Theological Seminary, Igbaja, Kwara State, which spanned between 2000 and 2002. He later completed his Bachelor in Theology programme at ECWA Theological Seminary, 35 Jos, between 2003 and 2005. Kaladdi‟s preaching career spanned between 1987 and 2006. He started as an indigenous ECWA missionary in Ugwan Palali, Niger State, in 1987. He has since then pastored a number of ECWA churches in Katsina State; Ugwan Kyambo, 1988; Mailambu, 1989; Dansarai 1990-1994; Matazu, (1994-1995); Tamarke (1996-1998); Malumfashi (1999- 2000) and Dutsenma (2005-2006). Since 2006 Kaladdi has served as the Secretary, ECWA Katsina DCC. He is married with four children. 33 Interview with Rev. Danjuma Kaladdi, Malumfashi, 12, September, 2008. 34 Presently, the Bible School at Malumfashi has been closed down. 35 In the course of the fieldwork, Rev. Kaladdi discussed his aspiration for a Postgraduate Programme with the researcher. 130 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY It is pertinent to note however, that Rev. Kaladdi‟s further ambition to pursue a master‟s degree in Theology at ECWA Theological Seminary Jos, (JETS) was not without some challenges. He had to leave the office as the Katsina DCC Secretary to pursue the programme after which he was posted to ECWA Theological Trainning Institute Tofa, Kano. 5.10.4 Pastor Iliya Danlami Luka Danlami, the fourth in the family of seven, was born in 1971 to Christian parents, Mr. and Mrs. Luka at Gidan Maikafi Barde, in Bakori Local Government Area, Katsina State. He converted to Christianity after hearing the gospel preached to him by one Rev. Yunusa 36 Galadima in 1980. He had his primary education at Zangon Marke Primary School, Katsina State; after which he attended Tsiga-Funtua Secondary School. Danlami had his theological education at ECWA Theological Seminary, Kagoro, Kaduna State, where he obtained both his Diploma and Bachelor in Theology in 2004 and 2007 respectively. Danlami has served ECWA in various capacities. After his Diploma in Theology education, he taught briefly at ECWA Theological Training Institute, Malumfashi. Between 2005 and 2006, he pastored the ECWA Church, at GRA Katsina. Presently, he is the Pastor of First ECWA Church, Malumfashi. Pastor Iliya Danlami Luka is married with children. 5.10.5 Rev. Sadauki Aliyu Auta Sadauki Aliyu Auta was born of ECWA parents in Ruwansanyin, a Maguzawa village in Malumfashi Local Government Area, Katsina State on 29th August, 1959. His parents migrated from Shanono, a Maguzawa village in Shanono Local Government Area of Kano State, to settle in Ruwansanyin about a century ago. His parents were traditional worshippers who converted to Christianity as a result of the activities of the SIM missionaries. As a result of the enlightenment already received by the parents through ECWA missionary activities, Sadauki began his educational pursuit by attending Tinau Primary School, Malumfashi between 1970 and 1975. After his first leaving certificate, Sadauki proceeded to Government Secondary School, Musawa, Katsina State, from 1975 to 1980. Between 1981 and 1984, he attended the College of Education, Kafanchan where he studied English Language combined with Christian Religious Studies. After teaching for about three years, he attended ECWA Theological Seminary, Jos between 1987 and 1990 for his Bachelor in Theology degree. Between 2006 and 2007, Sadauki enrolled at the Katsina Centre of National Teachers‟ Institute (NTI) and obtained his Post Graduate Diploma in Education (PGDE). Thereafter, he 36 Pastor Iliya Danlami Luka. Interview Respondent. Malumfashi, 12 September, 2008. 131 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY proceeded to University of Birmingham, UK where he bagged his Master‟s degree in Theology. Sadauki Aliyu became a licensed pastor in ECWA in February, 1993 and was ordained into the Full Gospel Ministry in November, 2001. After working briefly with Katsina State Ministry of Education from 1985 to 1987, he became a full-time pastor in ECWA in 1990. Apart from his pastoral work, Sadauki, has also served ECWA in various capacities. In 1991 he was ECWA Education Secretary, Katsina District Council, 1991 – 1993, he was the Secretary to Katsina District Church Council (Katsina DCC) and the Vice Chairman, Katsina DCC. Presently, he is the resident pastor of ECWA, Dutsin-ma, Katsina State. Rev. Sadauki Auta is married to a staff nurse with Katsina State Hospital Management Board, Malumfashi, Katsina, with three children. 5.10.6 Rev. Istifanu Nagazau Istifanu Nagazau was born in Batsari in Batsari Local Government Area, Katsina State in 1946. He became converted in 1958 under the ECWA missionaries and was baptized in 1960. Though Itsifanu did not have the opportunity for formal education, he became literate through ECWA literacy classes. In 1972, he was admitted to the Bible Training School, Tofa, in Tofa Local Government Area, Kano State. He went for further theological studies at Advanced Bible School, Zabolo, Plateau State after which he spent a year at the Bible College, Aba. Since then he had served as a pastor in one ECWA church or the other until 1987 when he was ordained. Immediately after his ordination, he was elected as the DCC Chairman in Katsina DCC, Malumfashi where he served for four years. Thereafter, he was successively posted to various ECWA Churches. First, to Kankia, Kankia Local Government Area Katsina State, Kartau in Danja Local Government Area, Katsina State and then to ECWA, GRA Katsina, Katsina State. In the year 2000, he was re-elected as Chairman, Katsina DCC, Malumfashi where he spent another four years. He was then posted to First ECWA Malumfashi, then back to ECWA, Kankia in 2003 where he retired in 2005 after serving for 35 years. During his years of active service, Rev. Nagazau was instrumental to the establishment of a number of ECWA Churches, for example, ECWA, Dan Kwando, Katsina State. As a result of his versatility he was elected the Chairman, Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) in Dutsinma Local 132 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Government Area, Katsina shortly before he retired from active service. Rev. Istifanu Nagazau was married and blessed with six children among whom we have university graduates. One of them is a Mr. Andrew Nagazau who is a lecturer in the Department of Christian Religious Studies, Federal College of Education, Katsina, Katsina State. 5.10.7 Mrs. Hadiza Tambaya Yahaya Hadiza Tambaya Yahaya, was the first girl in a family of six children. She was born th on 16 October1966 in Bari, a Maguzawa village in Rogo Local Government Area, Kano 37 state. Though the parents were traditional worshippers, Hadiza became converted to Christianity in1978 when she was in her final year in the primary school. Her decision to become a Christian was as a result of the influence of her elder brothers who had already embraced Christianity in ECWA, Bari. Hadiza attended Bari Primary School between 1972 and 1978. Women‟s Teachers College, Gezawa, Kano State, 1978-1983. Having completed the Grade II course, Hadiza got nd married to Rev. Tambaya Yahaya, an ECWA minister on December 22 , 1984 at Bari. After the marriage which is blessed with three children, Hadiza proceeded in her educational pursuit by gaining admission into Kano State College of Education, Kumbotso, Kano, where she studied Home Economics from 1985-1988. After her Nigerian Certificate in Education programme, Hadiza served Kano State Government as a Home Economics teacher at Government Girl‟s Secondary School, Jogana between 1989 and 1992. Thereafter, she was admitted to Ahmadu Bello University (A.B.U) Zaria, to pursue her degree programme in Home Economics Education from 1992-1995. As a graduate teacher, Hadiza taught Home Economics at Government Girls‟ Secondary School, Maikwatashi, Kano, from 1996 ontill she was employed as a lecturer in the Department of Home Economics in Federal College of Education, Kano in 2005, and has been there till date. In 2007, she enrolled for her Master‟s degree in Home Economics still at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. According to Hadiza, her educational achievement has been as a result of the inspiration she received from her husband who persistently encouraged her to pursue her education to a level that would enable her to take care of the family should he die unexpectedly. As an ECWA minister, the husband, Rev Tambaya Yahaya was not ignorant of the need to be educated in order to enhance social and economic mobility. In view of this, he made a lot of sacrifice for the wife to get to her present status. 37 All the information on Hadiza Tambaya Yahaya were got from personal interview held in Kano. 03/06/2010. 133 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY As a pastor‟s wife, Mrs Hadiza Tambaya has been very active in the Women‟s Fellowship where, among other things, she has been able to encourage the womenfolk to be productive by getting involved in some petty businesses so as to help them in the upkeep of their respective families. 5.11 Implication of ECWA Strategies on Evangelism and Church Planting This section examined the implication of ECWA strategies among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States in terms of the successes recorded in evangelism and church planting. It is important to bear in mind that accurate statistics are not readily available. Attempt was, however, made to reflect the present strength of ECWA churches among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. But before then, few available statistics relating to the beginning of the national church, ECWA is hereby presented. At the time of the founding of the national church in 1954, the total membership of the SIM churches that formed ECWA 38 was 10,409 with only 7 DCC. By 1975 ECWA had 600,000 members, 900 Pastors and 39 evangelist, 16 DCCs and 116 EMS missionaries. In 2003, ECWA had 74 DCCs and a 40 membership of over 6 million. In view of the foregoing, ECWA, has since its incorporation grown tremendously throughout Nigeria, especially in the central regions. Be that as it may, it behoves us to focus specific attention on Kano and Katsina States the locale of the study. At the time of the founding of the national church in 1954, Kano and 41 Katsina were combined as a DCC with a total of 175 members. By 1982 when Kano DCC 42 was separated from Katsina, there were about 3,000 members in Kano DCC alone. In 1989, there were 8 LCCs in Kano State, and 128 LCBs with 108 LCBs having ministers, while 20 were without resident ministers. Only few of them were manned by EMS missionaries while 43 the rest had only lay leadership. Presently, Kano State has a total of 126 local congregations made up of 15 LCCs, 100 44 LCBs and 26 Prayer Houses . In Katsina State, there were 125 local congregations made up of 16 LCCs, 81 LCBs and 38 Prayer houses. In effect, the total membership of ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano State in all the 15 LCCs as at 2007 totals up to 22,273 and in Katsina 38 See http://ecwahqtrsnigeria.org/church_site/future.php. 39 ECWA archives and records, Jos, 41, p. 4. 40 http://ecwahqtrsnigeria.org/church_site/future.php. 41 Yusufu Turaki: An Introduction to the history of SIM/ECWA, p. 304. 42 nd See Minutes of a meeting of Kano DCC and ECWA Executive from Jos, 22 October, 1982, p. 2, ECWA archives. 43 Kano DCC Report, April, 1989, ECWA archives Jos. 44 Presently in Katsina State, ECWA has two D.C.Cs-Katsina and Tsiga which was carved out of Katcina D.C.C in 1996. 134 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY State, the total membership in all the 16 LCCs are 16,546. 45 It is instructive to note however that the statistics given took into account only the baptized members of the church and not the entire worshippers since ECWA recognizes only those that are baptized as members. It is appropriate to reiterate here that the problem students of church growth in Nigeria often face is lack of statistics. Few churches keep accurate census of members. Many churches did not keep records of their members, which made getting accurate statistics difficult. There has however been remarkable growth in ECWA in Kano State, particularly among the Maguzawa. This is premised on the fact that as at 2007 there are 126 congregations, which were Maguzawa churches in Kano District Church Council alone. These churches are located in Bari, Barbaji, Gani, Gazobi, Kadawa, Karaye, Karefa, Kargon- Kuki, Karshi, Katsinawa, Kureni, Nassarawa, Sumana, to mention few. In Katsina State the two DCCs – Katsina and Tsiga DCCs have 125 congregations among the Maguzawa which were located in Katsina, Malumfashi, Kafur, Kankara, Matazu, Malamawa, Kankia, Daura, Gozaki, Sabuwar Kasa, Yammachi, Maraba, Tamarke, Funtua, Tsiga, Sadau, etc. The tables below show the list of ECWA Churches in Kano and Katsina States. 45 Katsina/Tsiga D.C.C. Office 135 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 5.3: ECWA, Bari LCC, Rogo L.G.A., Kano State 136 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.12 ECWA churches in Maguzawa Communities Table 5.10: ECWA Churches in Maguzawa Communities, Kano State. Kano DCC S/N LCC LCB Prayer House 1 Kano West Katsina Road 2 Danbatta 3 Tsanyawa 4 Hausa No. 2 5 Bichi 6 Yoruba Section 7 Challawa 8 English No. 2 9 Babban Haske 10 Karaye Gidan Tuwo 11 Yar Tofa 12 Kokiya 13 Gidan Rinji 14 Gidan Danduna 15 Tofa 16 Gwarzo 17 Karaye 18 Mainika 19 Kwarin Tagwai 20 Kabo 21 Karefa Uguwar Maigada 22 Gidan Koli 23 Uguwar Kamfa 24 Karefa 25 Rugu-Rugu 26 Gidan Nahirma 27 Sabon Gari 28 Sumana Sumana 29 Gidan Gero 30 Dogon Kawo A 31 Gidan Madaki 32 Dogo Kawo 33 Falgore 34 Tundun Wada 35 Gidan Bawa 36 Gidan Wada 37 Sumana B 38 Bari Gidan Gauda 39 Gidan Lolo 40 Gidan Bukka 41 Taringe 42 Gidan Yaji 43 Dorayi 44 Kargan Kuki Kargan Kuki 2 137 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 45 Ruwa 46 Kargan Kuki 1A 47 Kargan Kuki 1B 48 Katsinawa Jitta Dutse 49 Beguwa 50 Gidan Naddi 51 Gidan Koko 52 Gidan Kuzuntu 53 Uguwar Marere 54 Nataala 55 Gidan Madadu 56 Gidan Sale 57 Katsinawa 58 Kureni B/Rafi 59 Maya 60 Gidan Kureni 61 Shiwo 62 Fanku 63 Gidan Sule 64 Banga 1 65 Baure 66 Yaraka 67 Dogaye 68 Gigizo 69 Katirje 70 Gidan Duba 71 East Na‟ibawa 72 T/Murtala 73 Hausa No.1 74 Dakata Hausa 75 Giginyu Hausa 76 Minjibir 77 Badawa 78 Gani Kayard 79 Rumo 80 Gidan Marke 81 Bayan Dutse 82 Gidan Labuje 83 Gidan Dukurusu 84 Maje 85 Gani 2 86 Gani 1 87 Gabare 88 Gidan Manye 89 Tunbushi 90 Ruwan mji 91 Bakin Laraba 92 Sharboye 138 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 93 Gurnabus 94 H/gada 95 Mangu 96 Gala 97 Kadawa Bagauda 98 Gidan Dagazau 99 Tiga 100 Rano 101 Kadawa 102 Tsoro 103 Sabon Sara 104 Itifan 105 Sabon Garin gun Dutse 106 Gidan Babe 107 Nasa rawa Kafin Maiyaki 108 Tashar Baure 109 Yarganji 110 Madachi 111 Nasarawa 112 Barb aji Gidan Jurau 113 Nasarawa 114 Gidan Danbakahe 115 G/Doki 116 Kars hi G/Karshi 117 G/Mari 118 G/Tsoro 119 G/Bajida 120 G/Baki 121 H/Nuna 122 Gazo bi Tuku 123 G/Auta 124 G/Danlalo 125 G/Korau 126 G/Malagu Source: Field work, June 2008 – October, 2010 139 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.11 ECWA Churches in Maguzawa Communities, Katsina State Katsina DCC S/N LCC LCB Prayer House 1 Katsina ECWA GRA Katsina 2 ECWA Mashi 3 ECWA Dutsinma 4 ECWA Tsayau 5 ECWA Babbar ruga 6 ECWA Jibia (Magama) 7 ECWA Mani 8 ECWA Dandagoro 9 Malumfashi Malumfashi 10 ECWA G/Hadari 11 ECWA Kuka Sheka 12 ECWA Lamuntani 13 ECWA Dansarai 14 ECWA Tuge 15 ECWA Mashigi 16 ECWA Gingin 17 ECWA Dayi 18 ECWA Gidan Buris 19 Kafur ECWA Kafur 20 ECWA Shukau 21 ECWA Danyawa 22 ECWA NaMata 23 ECWA Jangali 24 ECWA Kube 25 Kankara ECWA Algaitu 26 ECWA kadangare 27 ECWADankwando 28 ECWA Tabo 29 ECWA Yantumaki 30 ECWA Dangude 31 ECWA Majifa 32 ECWA Tudu 33 ECWA Wawar Kaza 34 ECWA Kankara 35 ECWA Kadabuki 36 ECWA G/Sarki 37 Matazu ECWA Matazu 38 ECWA Dogon Dawa 39 ECWA Tagwabawa 40 ECWA Bauraji 41 ECWA G/Maidoki 42 ECWA Musawa 43 ECWA Kuru 44 ECWA Kakilaawa 45 ECWA Karachi 140 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 46 ECWA Jimfi 47 ECWA Sabon Layi 48 ECWA Shalele 49 Malamawa ECWA Malamawa 50 ECWA Bugawa 51 ECWA Sulhu 52 ECWA Bori 53 ECWA Zaki 54 ECWA yartsamiya 55 ECWA Kyambo 56 ECWA G/Dogo 57 ECWA Yargabas 58 ECWA Jargaba 59 ECWA Ung/Magani 60 Kankia ECWA kankia 61 ECWA U/Mayan 62 ECWA Ingawa 63 ECWA Charanchi 64 ECWA Rimaye 65 ECWA Kadanya 66 ECWA Duza 67 ECWA U/Dogo 68 Daura ECWA daura 69 ECWA Kwangolom 70 ECWA Fago 71 Gozaki ECWA U/Magaji 72 ECWA G/Sabo 73 ECWA U/Umma 74 ECWA Maraba Kanya 75 Sabuwar Kasa ECWA Dandade 76 ECWA Doka 77 ECWA Korau 78 ECWA Bawa 79 ECWA Mantau nd 80 Yammachi 2 ECWA Malumfashi 81 ECWA Kyabo 82 ECWA Kwakware 83 ECWA Takalafiya 84 ECWA G/Sabo 85 Maraba ECWA Maraba 86 ECWA Tafkin Jage 87 ECWA G/Gambo 88 ECWA Layin Minista 89 ECWA Yanmayu 90 ECWA Ruwan Sanyi 141 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 91 ECWA G/Damo Tsiga DCC S/N LCC LCB Prayer House 1 Sadau ECWA G/Sadau 2 ECWA G/Tama 3 ECWA G/Garba 4 ECWA G/Girbau 5 ECWA G/Soda 6 ECWA G/Mazadu 7 ECWA Kanya Fako 8 ECWA G/Danbana 9 ECWA G/Bala 10 Tsiga ECWA G/Maikafi 11 ECWA G/Sukola 12 ECWA G/Danbirni 13 ECWA G/Dawaki 14 ECWA Dantige 15 ECWA S/gida 16 ECWA G/Balimi 17 Funtua ECWA Funtua (E) 18 ECWA Funtua (H) ECWA Danja 19 ECWA Dandume 20 ECWA D/Mu‟azu 21 ECWA Sabuwa 22 ECWA G/Kartau 23 ECWA Bakori 24 Tamarke ECWA G/Fillo 25 ECWA U/Kwara 26 ECWA U/Mato 27 ECWA G/Danmallam 28 ECWA G/Gula 29 ECWA Dokoki 30 ECWA G/Boka 31 ECWA G/Wula 32 ECWA G/Lakace 33 ECWA G/Shudi 34 ECWA G/Maimai Source: Field work, June 2008 – October, 2010 With the number of churches given above, the total membership of ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States is therefore well over 38,000. The figures are hereby presented in the tables below: 142 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.12: ECWA Membership Statistics in Maguzawa Communities, Kano State Kano DCC Name of LCC No. of LCB No. of Prayer Houses Total membership in each LCC Bari 6 - 1,970 Barbaji 4 - 460 Gani 8 10 1,821 Gazobi 5 - 710 Kadawa 8 5 1,105 Kano East 5 - 5,087 Kano West 6 1 2,198 Karaye 9 2 743 Karefa 7 - 1,136 Kargon Kuki 4 - 1,011 Karshi 6 6 752 Katsinawa 9 1 1,520 Kureni 10 5 1,835 Nasarawa 3 2 462 Sumana 10 1 1,463 Total 100 33 22,273 Source: Field work, June 2008 – October, 2010 143 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 5.13: ECWA Membership Statistics in Maguzawa Communities, Katsina State Katsina DCC Name of LCC No. of LCB No. of Prayer Houses Total membership in each LCC Katsina 5 3 1916 Malumfashi 5 5 871 Kafur 6 - 986 Kankara 7 5 897 Matazu 5 9 549 Malamawa 10 1 1237 Kankia 5 4 480 Daura 3 - 240 Gozaki 3 1 578 Sabuwar Kasa 5 - 684 Yammachi 3 3 576 Maraba 5 3 1,011 Total 62 34 10,025 Tsiga DCC Name of LCC No. of LCB No. of Prayer Houses Total membership in each LCC Tamarke 10 1 2,558 Funtua 7 1 1,095 Tsiga 5 2 1,245 Sadau 7 2 1,623 Total 29 6 6,521 Grand Total 16,546 Source: Field work, June 2007 – October, 2010 144 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Plate 5.4: ECWA, Katsina DCC Secretariat, Malumfashi, Katsina State Plate 5.5: First ECWA, Malumfashi, Katsina State 145 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.13 Empirical Information and Data Analyses Introduction Our task in this section is the analyses of the data collected in the course of the research. It is, however, deemed appropriate to reiterate here that a total of 400 copies of the questionnaire were administered while 372 were retrieved. The analysis is hereby given below. 5.13.1 Age of the Respondents Table 5.14: The Age of the Respondents Variables Frequency Percentage (a) 18 – 30 years 17 4.6 (b) 31 – 40 years 39 10.5 (c) 41 – 50 years 94 25.3 (d) 51 – 60 years 151 40.6 (e) 61 years and above 71 19.0 Source: Field Survey, January 2008 – June 2010. From the above table showing the age distribution of the respondents, 17(4.6%) are of the age range 18 – 30 years‟ 39(10.5%) are of the age range 31 – 40; 94 (25.3%) are of the age range 41 – 50; 151 (40.6%) are of the age range 51-60; while 71 (19%) fall within the age range 61 years and above. Apparently, therefore, the majority of the respondents fall within the age range 51-60 years. 5.13.2 Sex Distribution of the Respondents Table 5.15: The Sex Distribution of the Respondents Variables Frequency Percentage (a) Male 258 69.4 (b) Female 114 30.6 Total 372 100 Source: Field Survey, January 2008 – June 2010. The above table indicates that 258 respondents who constitute 69.4% were male, while 114, that is, 30.6% were female. Going by the above, the majority of the respondents were male. 146 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5.13.3 Academic Qualifications of the Respondents Table 5.16: The Academic Qualifications of the Respondents Variables Frequency Percentage (a) No certificate 61 16.4 (b) Primary School Certificate 89 23.9 (c) Secondary School Certificate 42 11.3 (d) Diploma/NCE Certificate 141 37.9 (e) Degre and above 39 10.5 Total 372 100 Source: Field Survey, January 2008 – June 2010. The above table reveals that 61 respondents, that is, 16.4% were without any formal certificate; 89 respondents, 23.9% were with primary school certificate, while 42, that is, 11.3% were secondary school leavers. Those with Diploma/NCE certificate were 141 representing 37.9%; while those with a degree and above were 39, that is, 10.5%. From the foregoing, the bulk of the respondents were Diploma or NCE certificate holders. It should be noted that those categorized as “no certificate” are not stark illiterates. Some of them are literate to some extent and could communicate even in English Language. 5.13.4 Designation of the Respondents Table 5.17: The Designation of the Respondents Variables Frequency Percentage (a) Pastor 118 31.7 (b) Pastor‟s Wife 29 7.8 (c) Elder 21 5.6 (d) DCC Secretary 03 0.8 (e) DCC Chairman 03 0.8 (f) Ordinary Member 198 53.2 Total 372 100 Source: Field Survey, January 2008 – June 2010. The table above indicates that 164 respondents, who constitute 44.1% were pastors, 29, that is, 7.8% were pastors‟ wives while 21, that is, 5.6% were elders. 3 that is, 0.8% respondents were DCC Secretaries and another 3, that is 0.8% were DCC Chairman. The 147 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ordinary members were 152 representing 40.9%. From the foregoing, the majority of the respondents were ordinary members. 5.13.5 ECWA Membership Table 5.18: The Respondents became ECWA Members Variables Frequency Percentage (a) By birth 169 45.5 (b) By conversion 203 54.6 (c) Others - - Total 372 100 Source: Field Survey, January 2008 – June 2010. The above table shows that 169 respondents who constitute 45.5% became members of ECWA by birth while 203, that is, 54.6% were converted to ECWA. From the foregoing, the majority of the respondents were members of ECWA by conversion. 148 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CHAPTER SIX CONCLUSION 6.0 Summary This concluding part of the work takes into account the main issues in each of the chapters. In addition, it highlights the findings of the study and at the same time provides the critical evaluation, recommendations and general conclusion of the study. Chapter One, the beginning part of the study, provides the fundamental pieces of information on the study. Issues discussed here come under the following subheadings: background to the study, statement of problem, purpose of the study, significance of the study, scope of the study and research methodology. Chapter Two is a review of previous works of scholars relevant to the study. Such scholars include: T.M. Naniya, C.K. Meek, M.H. Kukah, John Paden, Haruna Wakili, Yusufu Turaki, J.B. Grimley, E.A. Ayandele, E.P.T. Crampton, E.A. Bamigboye, J.H. Boer, Michael Crowder, Niels Kastfelt, A.M. Gada, M.A. Al-Hajj, R.O. Olaniyan, I.M. Enwerem, I.J. Elaigwu and H. Galadima, S.A. Auta, T.G.O. Gbadamosi, E.A. Oyelade, H.J. Abdullah and I. Hamza, S.M. Bello, D.I. Olatayo, A. Okereke, A.Ijagbemi, B. Carmody, H.J. Fisher, R.W. Hefner, R. Horton, D. Ayegboyin, Peter Falk, D.O. Olayiwola, S.N. Adiele, M.A. Ojo, M. Hopkins and M. Gaiya, M.I. Ogunewu, G.O.M. Tasie, E. Sargunam and Peter Wagner. A thematic discussion of these works was done under three broad sub-headings: “Christian Missions in Northern Nigeria” “ECWA Mission Activities among the Maguzawa”, “Conversion in Mission Context” and “Strategies in Christian Missions”. A critical review of these works reveals that the majority of the authors have made significant contributions relevant to the study of ECWA Mission among the Maguzawa; however, none of them focused on the history and strategies of penetration of SIM/ECWA among the Maguzawa of Kano and Katsina States, which is the subject-matter of this work. Chapter Three examines the ethnographical survey of the Maguzawa. In doing this, it provides background information on the Maguzawa, who are described as Hausa-speaking people in Kano and South of Katsina, who refused to accept Islam, but still continue to practice their indigenous religion. Again, it traces the beginnings of ECWA, its doctrinal emphases and organizational structure. Finally, it examines the emergence of the Evangelical Missionary Society (EMS) which marked the beginning of the effective penetration of ECWA into the Maguzawa community. 149 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Chapter Four examines the various strategies used by the ECWA in penetrating the Maguzawa community with the gospel. These strategies were considered under the following sub-headings: lay evangelism, (literacy classes) karatun don kowa, medical services; women‟s fellowship (zumuntar mata), theological education; conversion celebrations (bikin tuba); radio broadcast in Hausa; church programmes and activities and rural development programme. Chapter Five provides an evaluation of ECWA strategies among the Maguzawa. It examines the consequences, implications and the outcome of the use of those strategies; that is, their developmental significance. The following sub-topics are considered; consequences of ECWA educational programmes; implication of ECWA medical services; political awareness among Maguzawa ECWA members; religious and socio-cultural consequences; socio-economic implications, numerical strength of Maguzawa ECWA churches; biographies of some outstanding Maguzawa ECWA members and data analysis. Chapter Six is the concluding part of the work. It provides the summary of the cogent issues discussed in each chapter. It highlights the findings of the study with a critical evaluation, recommendations and general conclusion. 6.1 Findings of the Study The success of ECWA mission work including the strategies used among the Maguzawa has been revealed through the following. In Kano State, ECWA has 126 churches with a membership of 22,273, while in Katsina State, 125 churches with a membership of 1 16,546, making a total of 38,819 in both States within a period of fifty years. This suggests a remarkable success given the fact that the total population of the Maguzawa in the entire 2 Northern Nigeria has been estimated to be 149,000 going by the available statistics. It is deemed appropriate here to stress the fact that ECWA‟s success among the Maguzawa based on the statistics given above may be said to be remarkable, considering the socio-religious and political context in which it operates. The region is fossilized in Islamic religion which made penetrating it with the gospel a herculean task for Christian missions. For instance, narrating the ordeals and travails of ECWA missionaries in Northern Nigeria, Rev. D.I. Olatayo, and first ECWA President reported: For example during the ECWA General Church Council (G.C.C. meeting, January 1966), almost all the representatives from the North gave report of 1 From the Statistics generated in the course of the field work. 2 See Joshua Project - Maguzawa of Nigeria ethnic people profile. http://www.joshuaproject.net/people. profile.php?peo3=18835&rog3=N1 150 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY one persecution or the other, and the denial of human rights. As a body and as individuals, members were denied rights to parcels of land to locate and build church property and buildings respectively, denied freedom of proclamation of one‟s faith and so forth. Moreover, there was a report that a political leader had decided he would campaign at a certain village and threatened he would burn up the church there: the church and worshippers in it if they dare open for service on that 3 date… Apart from the numerical growth, the study has highlighted the impact of ECWA mission activities on Maguzawa socio-cultural milieu and religion. For instance, the study maintained that the use of the laity accelerated the planting of indigenous churches among the Maguzawa. Also, Karatun don kowa (literacy classes) have led to a new social order among the Maguzawa who sought to achieve social mobility through western education. Furthermore, the study affirmed that ECWA theological education produced a considerable number of workers that accelerated mission work among the Maguzawa. At the same time it has led to moral and spiritual development among the Maguzawa. Besides, the study stressed that ECWA medical services among the Maguzawa had instilled good health habits, thereby complementing government health provisions. The establishment of The ECWA AIDS Ministry (TEAM) has also created awareness about HIV/AIDS. Again, the study revealed that bikin tuba (conversion celebration) has strengthened the faith of the converts and equally consolidated ecumenical ties among the various denominations working in Maguzawa areas. In addition, the study asserted that zumuntar Mata (Women Fellowship) has greatly contributed to family stability among Maguzawa ECWA members through its activities which included helping women to be true wives and mothers at home. Lastly, the study also revealed the fact that Rural Development Programme introduced by ECWA served as a veritable means of economic empowerment among the Maguzawa. The huge success so recorded may not, however, be divorced from the activities of the Evangelical Missionary Society (EMS) a mission arm of ECWA, which greatly enhanced ECWA‟s work among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. The drafting of a large number of the EMS missionaries into the Maguzawa areas in Kano State in the late 1970s brought about an upsurge in the conversion of the Maguzawa. More importantly, the mission strategies employed greatly contributed to and made it possible for the Maguzawa to be effectively evangelized. 3 See D.I. Olatayo. ECWA: the roots, birth and growth. 73. 151 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6.2 Critical Evaluation It need be stressed at this juncture that the overall perception of Hausa Chistians in particular and other Christian groups in general is that there are official discriminatory 4 policies against religious minorities in most Northern States especially, Kano and Katsina. The discrimination suffered by Hausa Christians revolves aound the denial of the land for the erection of churches and schools; the inability to teach Christian Religious Knowledge in public schools, the denial of access to state owned media to broadcast religious messages, the denial of state scholarships to Christian students and discrimination in the recruitment of 5 Christians at both state and local government levels. Furthermore, though the findings of this study suggest that ECWA activities among the Maguzawa has been with great success, tension existed in some aspects. A typical example is the issue of polygamy, a very pervasive socio-cultural practice among the Maguzawa, and indeed, in almost all African societies. It is a matter of pride for a man to have several wives, because it means that he is prosperous and resourceful. Also, it means that he will have extra help on the farm. Bearing in mind that ECWA vehemently opposed the practice of polygamy among its members, it is not surprising, then, that it is a major 6 source of disaffection between the Maguzawa converts and ECWA. This probably explains why some Maguzawa prefer to identify with Islam where polygamy is expressly 7 accommodated. Another area of tension is in connection with instituting court case against fellow church member. It would be recalled that among the sins clearly spelt out as attracting 8 disciplinary action in ECWA is going to law court with a fellow believer. It is essential to note that among some Maguzawa ECWA members, redress is still sought in the law court against fellow church members, not minding the doctrinal position of ECWA on this issue. This practice has been greatly discouraged in recent times as pastors, as much as possible, 9 wade into such matters for amicable settlement. Another issue worth examining here is the issue of water baptism, which is a basic requirement for full membership of ECWA church at large. As a baptized member of ECWA, committing sins like adultery, fornication, stealing, drinking or selling wine, beer, or any alcoholic beverage etc. leads to a disciplinary action. In view of this, some Maguzawa 4 Haruna Wakii 2009. Religious pluralism and conflict in North Western Nigeria, 1970. 70. 5 Haruna Wakii 2009. Religious pluralism and conflict in North Western Nigeria, 1970. 70. 6 Rev. Sumaila Sallau. Interview Respondent, Chairman, Kano D.C.C. Interviewed on 6 June, 2008. 7 Suleiman Jurao. Interview Respondent, An ECWA member at Gidan-Bukka in Bari DCC. 8 See ECWA minister’s handbook. 83. 9 Rev. Sumaila Sallau. Interview Respondent. Interviewed on 03/06/2008. 152 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY members of ECWA do show reluctance in observing this important ordinance because of fear of disciplinary action. The corollary is that such an unbaptized church member can afford to live his or her life anyhow since the issue of discipline is out of the way. A close examination of this scenario makes it doubtful whether such church members actually assimilate ECWA teachings in all its ramifications. In spite of all the above, all the areas of tension were being resolved as church members were coming to terms with ECWA teachings and practices. This does not, however, rule out the possibility of some non-conformists. Again, from the antecedents, literacy classes are one of the major strategies through which ECWA penetrated the Maguzawa. Pathetically, till the new millenium, the bulk of ECWA‟s educational programmes among the Maguzawa still centred around literacy classes and theological education just as it was in the pioneering days. In terms of standard regular schools, the number of ECWA educational institutions could be considered grossly inadequate in view of the contemporary realities. Also, infrastructural development and provision of other necessary facilities are in dire need. It appears that in almost all ECWA institutions among the Maguzawa visited in the cause of the fieldwork, the bulk of the infrastructural facilities presently on ground are those provided long ago, probably by the SIM. It is only in some cases that new structures have been put up in recent times. In some instances maintenance culture is lacking, as signs of dilapidation were evident. Shortage of personnel also constitutes a problem to ECWA mission work among the Maguzawa. This lack of personnel may be linked to what may be described as the problem of over-indigenization. The indigenization policy is meant to involve the indigenous Maguzawa converts in the work of evangelization for maximum success. It needs to be stressed, however, that the policy needs to be executed with utmost caution and sense of expediency. This is because there are some strategic posts being manned by some Maguzawa who are non-literates which could have been successfully manned by some other Hausa-speaking people of Northern Nigeria. For instance, a situation where an EMS coordinator is not literate portends danger as great limitation would invariably be placed on his effectiveness. At the background of most of the problems highlighted above is inadequate funding. The challenge before ECWA now is to develop the existing structures and institutions into such a capacity that will continue to enhance its relevance in contemporary Nigeria, particularly among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States. 153 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6.3 Recommendations i) Among other things, there is an urgent need for a paradigm shift from the initial policy of the SIM which emphasized literacy and theological education primarily for evangelistic purposes to „secular‟ education, a necessary vehicle for social advancement. ii) The financing of the churches in Maguzawa areas should not be left to Kano and Katsina DCCs alone. Rather, it should be seen as ECWA‟s national responsibility in view of the peculiarity of the region. This is because if Kano and Katsina States, predominantly Islamic enclaves, would indeed be saturated with the Christian gospel, concerted efforts in Maguzawa communities become very strategic. iii) Lastly, this work serves as an introduction to further research and study of the various aspects of the mission work of ECWA. Also, there is the need to research into the activities of other Christian organizations among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States and those of other neighbouring States. Finally, the challenges of Christian missions and evangelism and Christian-Muslim relations in Northern Nigeria must receive attention in subsequent studies. This study offers the following contributions to knowledge: (i) The study examined the mission strategies of ECWA among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States, and thus serves as reference material for missiologists, church planters and all those interested in knowing the plight of the church in this Islam- dominated region. (ii) The work unveils the distinctive strategies which the church in Nigeria could employ in containing contemporary challenges towards her survival in Northern Nigeria as a whole, and in Islamic enclaves, Kano and Katsina States in particular. (iii) The study serves as a catalyst to churches and para-church organizations in Northern Nigeria on the need for resilience in carrying out the mandate of the Great Commission, especially in reaching all people groups in spite of all odds. (iv) In discussing the roots and sustainable expansion of Christianity, particularly in both Kano and Katsina States, much hope lies on the Maguzawa, the indigenous Hausa people who refused to be Islamized. This study therefore serves as an impetus to other Christian missions and denominations working in Northern Nigeria to concentrate on the Maguzawa. 154 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6.4 General Conclusion In view of the highlighted problems coupled with the combined forces of traditional religion, Islamic resistance and the inherited colonial legacy of dominance–subordination relationships between the Muslim and non–Muslim groups, the sum total of ECWA‟s achievement among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States over half a century may not appear very great. The bottom line is that ECWA has, no doubt, recorded a significant success among the Maguzawa in Kano and Katsina States in spite of Islamic resistance, persecution, victimization and socio-political deprivations. This shows the resourcefulness and ingenuity of the indigenous people in taking new initiatives in the gospel ministry. It needs be stressed at this point that for almost two centuries, the Maguzawa valiantly resisted efforts aimed first at Islamizing and then Christianizing them. As a consequence of their resistance, they have been essentially marginalized from the mainstream of the economy and politics of contemporary Nigeria. Ibrahim reports that recent statistical evidence suggests that in the context of the profound economic crisis that has afflicted the country and which ravaged the livelihood of the Maguzawa, they are succumbing to pressures exerted towards 10 their Christianization. The larger implication is that Christianity has not only transformed the religious perspective of the Maguzawa, it has also changed their status. Their movement to Christianity has led to the emergence of new social structures and offers them new social networks into the global Christian community which their traditional religion does not. In a nutshell, Christianity is seen to possess the potentials of providing access to the global world; 11 consequently, a movement towards modernity. Also, the Maguzawa could be said to have seen in Islam a religion of oppression and subjugation, while Christianity was seen as a religion of liberation and empowerment. Therefore, in spite of the late coming of Christianity into Northern Nigeria, it was embraced by the Maguzawa since it seems to offer a platform to challenge their subjugation; thereby offering them a kind of social empowerment. 10 See Jibril Ibrahim. 1997. Structural adjustment and social provisioning among a marginalized minority: the Maguzawa of Kano, Nigeria. Mimeo. 25. 11 See E. A. Ayandele. Missionary impact. xvii. 155 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Archival Materials CALL MARK DATE PARTICULARS/DESCRIPTION LOCATION SNP1/25/185 4/7/1918 Letter from the District Officer in charge of Kano Arewa House, Kano Division to the Resident, Kano, on the general question of Christian Missionary activity in Kano Emirate. SNP1/8/46 23/06/1927 Minutes of International Missionary Council Sent Arewa House, Kaduna to Sir Graeme Thomson by the Secretary, J. H. Oldham SNP1/8/40 21/10/1927 Copy of Letters Sent to Missionary Societies by Arewa House, Kaduna the Secretary, International Missionary Council SNP1/8/40 10/02/1930 Letter from J. H. Oldham, Secretary to Arewa House, Kaduna International Missionary Council to Sir Graeme Thomson on the Position of Missionary Position on the Policy of Exclusion in Northern Nigeria SNP1/8/40 3/10/1930 Memorandum from the Resident, Kano Province Arewa House, Kaduna to the Secretary, Northern Provinces, Kaduna on Religious Toleration SNO1/14/77 06/08/1931 Report of interview between the Governor of Arewa House, Kaduna Northern Provinces and Representatives of Certain Missionary Societies held at Kaduna SNP1/33/259 27/04/1933 Memorandum on spheres of influence of Arewa House, Kaduna missionary societies from Secretary, Northern Provinces, Kaduna. NAK Kano Prof. 15/10/1935 List of returned mission schools in Kano Province National Archives, Kaduna 159 NAK Kano Prof. 14/5/1936 Memorandum on Application by Sudan Interior National Archives, Kaduna 1931 Mission (SIM) to open class for Religious Instruction from the Provincial Superintendent of Education to the District Officer NAK Kano Prof. 29/4/1938 Approval for Opening Schools at Yadakunya and National Archives, Kaduna 156 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY CALL MARK DATE PARTICULARS/DESCRIPTION LOCATION 2823 Roni NAK Kano Prof. 4/12/1941 Approval to the Application of Sudan Interior National Archives, Kaduna 4191 Mission (SIM) to open a class for Religious Instruction at Tofa. NAK Kano Prof. 16/01/1943 List of Lepers who left SIM Leper Settlement at National Archives, Kaduna 5161 Yadakunya which was Sent to the Resident, Kano Province. NAK Kano Prof. 17/10/1945 Memorandum on Conditions under which Mission National Archives, Kaduna 159 Schools may be opened in Kano from John H. Grow, the Resident to the Secretary Northern Provinces, Kano NAK Kano Prof. 20/8/1947 Letter of Appreciation from Sudan Interior National Archives, Kaduna 6523 Mission (SIM) to the Resident, Kano Province for the Approval of the Elementary School at Roni April, ECWA/SIM Evangelism Department Strategy for ECWA Archives and 1970 Unreached Communities Records. Jos 15/03/1978 Report on Isawa and Maguzawa by Gerald O. ECWA Archives and Swank Records. Jos 11/1/1982 Seminar on „The Church and its Approach to ECWA Archives and Muslims in Nigeria”, by Panya Baba Records. Jos 22/10/1982 Minutes of a Meeting of the Kano DCC and the ECWA Archives and ECWA Executive from Jos Records. Jos 842 20/12/1984 ECWA and SIM Relationship/Strategy ECWA Archives and Records. Jos 3/2/1986 Kano DCC Report ECWA Archives and Records. Jos 16/4/1987 Discussion on Establishing EMS/ECWA Mobile ECWA Archives and Clinic Records. 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Jos on Strategy by David Evans O‟Brieth SNP3/2/10 Sudan Interior Mission Leprosy Work in Northern Arewa House, Kaduna Provinces SNP8/3/28 Kano Sabon Gari, Organization of Arewa House, Kaduna ************* SNP1/31/241 Memorandum on Religious Propaganda Arewa House, Kaduna SNP1/25/191 Missionary Enterprise in Muslim Districts of Arewa House, Kaduna Northern Provinces SNP1/25/187 CMS Application to be allowed to undertake Arewa House, Kaduna Works in Kano SNP1/14/79 Sabon Gari in Township, Absolution of General Arewa House, Kaduna Policy 158 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Oral Interviewees S/N NAME DESIGNATION PLACE AGE DATE 1. Abdu , L. ECWA Minister at Gudan Tofa 55 08/12/08 (Rev.) Tuwo, Shanono Local Government, Kano State. 2. Abdu , S. (Mrs.) ECWA member, Sabon Sara, Kano 35 21/10/2008 Kiru L.G.A, Kano 3. Adam u, ECWA member at Shanono, Tofa 42 16/05/2008 Danjuma Shanono Local Government, Kano State 4. Ahma du, M. ECWA Kundila Hostel Kano 38 21/10/2008 (Pastor) Chaplain, Kano 5. Auta, Haruna An Elder in ECWA Malunfashi Kano 52 05/04/2009 (Elder) and Lecturer in FCE Katsina 6. Auta, Irmiya ECWA member at Tundun Tofa 36 23/05/2008 Bala (Pastor) Wada, Tundun Wada Local Government, Kano State nd 7. Auta, S. (Rev.) Pastor, 2 ECWA Church Malumfashi 55 09/06/2008 8. Awon iyi, J. Principal, ECWA Theological Tofa 40 21/11/2008 (Rev.) Training Institute, Tofa, Kano State. 9. Ayub a, A. ECWA member at Tofa, Kano Tofa 23 21/11/2008 (Mal.) State. 10. Ayub a, ECWA member at Rogo, Rogo Tofa 41 16/05/2008 Samaila H. Local Government, Kano State (Pastor) 11. Ayub a, Y. Tsiga D.C.C Secretary Maikafi Maikafi 40 11/03/2008 (Rev.) 12. Ayub a, Yohana Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 46 16/05/2008 (Pastor) of Kibiya, Kibiya Local Government, Kano State 13. Barau , Daniel Resident Pastor, ECWA, Tofa 40 02/05/2008 (Rev) Musawa, Katsina State 159 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/N NAME DESIGNATION PLACE AGE DATE 14. Bawa Dangora Resident Pastor, ECWA, Sabon Sabon Sara 58 11/05/2008 (Rev.) Sara, Kiru Local Government Area, Kano State 15. Bazay , I. ECWA member from Rurum, Kano 52 21/10/2008 (Mal.) Rano L.G.A, Kano 16. Bello , H. Dawakin Kudu L.G.A, Kano Kano 39 06/06/2008 (Mal.) State. 17. Bond o, D. A. Chairman, ECWA Hausa Kano 55 08/12/2008 (Mr.) Protestant Chapel, Federal College of Education, Kano 18. Dan‟A sabe, A. ECWA member at Malunfashi, Kano 61 11/04/2006 Katsina State. 19. Danju ma, I. ECWA EMS Regional Tofa 55 21/11/2008 (Rev.) Coordinator for Northern Region 20. Danju ma, ECWA member at Rogo, Rogo Tofa 34 16/05/2008 Yakubu Local Government, Kano State 21. Danla mi, Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 26 09/05/2008 Samaila of Matazu, Matazu Local (Pastor) Government, Katsina State 22. Daud a, Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 48 23/05/2008 Zakariya of Tundun Wada, Tundun Wada (Pastor) Local Government, Kano State 23. Dodo , Ayuba ECWA member at Dutsenkina, Dutsenkina 27 09/05/2008 Kafur Local Government, Katsina State 24. Dogo , Yakubu ECWA member at Gani, Tofa 38 16/05/2008 Sumaila Local Government, Kano State 25. Gaiya A. ECWA member at Sumaila Kano 20 05/05/2010 Local Government Area, Kano State. 160 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/N NAME DESIGNATION PLACE AGE DATE 26. Garba , Adamu ECWA member at Gani, Tofa 28 16/05/2008 Sumaila Local Government, Kano State 27. Halad u, I. G. Katsina DCC ECWA EMS Malumfashi 50 09/06/2008 (Rev.) Coordinator 28. Hamm ach, T. SIM Representative in Kano Kano 65 08/12/2008 (Mr.) 29. Ibrah im Mati ECWA member from Gibia, Katsina 44 14/02/2009 Katsina State 30. Ibrah im Usman ECWA member, Katsina Katsina 55 15/2/2008 (Mrs.) 31. Ibrah im, Dauda ECWA member at Kiru, Kiru Tofa 47 23/05/2008 Local Government, Kano State 32. Ibrah im, Elisha Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 23 23/05/2008 (Pastor) of Kiru, Kiru Local Government, Kano State 33. Ibrah im, Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 35 09/05/2008 Lawan (Pastor) of Tundun Wada, Tundun Wada Local Government, Kano State 34. Iliya, Adamu ECWA member at Tundun Tofa 29 09/05/2008 Wada, undun Wada Local Government, Kano State 35. Iliya, U. ECWA member, Kano DCC Kano 38 09/06/2008 Driver 36. Ishay a, Habila ECWA member at Gidan Tofa 26 02/05/2008 Sukola, Tsiga, Bakori Local Government, Katsina State 37. Jurao ,A. (Mal) ECWA member, Gidan Bukka, Gidan Bukka 25 02/06/2008 Rogo L.G.A, Kano State. 38. Kabir , Dauda Student ETTI, Tofa, from Tofa 45 02/05/2008 (Pastor) Kwakware, Kankara Local Government, Katsina State 161 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/N NAME DESIGNATION PLACE AGE DATE 39. Kabir , Dauda Student, ETTI, Tofa,indigene of Tofa 47 02/05/2008 B. (Pastor) Kwakware, Kankara Local Government, Katsina State 40. Kalad di, D. Katsina DCC Secretary Malumfashi 45 09/06/2008 (Rev.) 41. Kalad di, From Malumfashi, Katsina State Katsina 45 10/06/2008 Magajia (Mrs.) 42. Kogo , S. (Rev.) Associate Pastor, Hausa Kano 45 14/03/2006 Section, ECWA Headquarters Church, Kano 43. Kube , Yahaya Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 53 09/05/2008 (Pastor) of Gidan Kube, Kafur, Kafur Local Government, Katsina State 44. Kube , Yahaya Resident Pastor, First ECWA, Malumfashi 55 11/03/2009 (Rev.) Malumfashi 45. Lado , Ibrahim Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 45 09/05/2008 (Pastor) of Malumfashi, Malumfashi Local Government, Katsina State 46. Maga ji, Umar ECWA member at Bebeji, Bebeji 26 16/05/2008 Bebeji Local Government, Kano State 47. Maik udi, ECWA member at Tafkinjage, Tofa 23 09/05/2008 Nasiru Kafur Local Government, Katsina State 48. Mant au, Likita ECWA member at Mararaba Tofa 38 09/05/2008 Kankara, Malumfashi Local Government, Katsina State 49. Mati Dangora Co-ordinator, ECWA Kano 52 12/03/2009 (Rev.) Bangaskiya, Krista 50. Mati, Samaila Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 46 09/05/2008 162 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/N NAME DESIGNATION PLACE AGE DATE (Pastor) of Kiru, Kiru Local Government, Kano State 51. Mato , Magaji ECWA member at Tundun Tofa 26 23/05/2008 Wada, Tundun Wada Local Government, Kano State 52. Mbw ahnche, J. Pastor, English Section, ECWA Kano 53 14/03/2008 (Rev.) Headquarters Church, Kano 53. Musa , Kofar ECWA Archives and Records, Jos 51 28/03/2008 ECWA Headquarters, Jos. 54. Musa , N. ECWA Theological Seminary, Kagoro 42 05/12/2008 (Rev.) Kagoro, Kaduna State 55. Musa , Yakubu Student, ETTI, Tofa, Indigene Tofa 25 09/05/2008 (Pastor) Of Jimfi, Matazu Local Government, Katsina State 56. Naka nti, R. Kano DCC ECWA EMS Kano 55 16/06/2008 (Rev.) Coordinator 57. Nakw ari, Ali Tsiga DCC Chairman Tsiga, 46 23/05/2008 (Rev.) Katsina State 58. Naya ro, M. Resident Pastor, ECWA No. 2 Kano 32 08/12/2008 (Pastor) English Section, Nomandsland, Kano 59. Nuhu , Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 53 23/05/2008 Bikiyaminu of Rogo, Rogo Local (Pastor) Government, Kano State 60. Nuhu , Ibrahim ECWA member at Tofa Tofa 23 02/05/2008 61. Rabo , Bako ECWA member at Tundun Tundun 45 23/05/2008 Wada, Tundun Wada Local Waka Government, Kano State 62. Sallau , S. Kano DCC Chairman Kano 60 21/10/2008 (Rev.) 63. Sama ila, Inusa Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 32 16/05/2008 (Pastor) of Sumaila, Sumaila Local 163 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/N NAME DESIGNATION PLACE AGE DATE Government, Kano State 64. Sama ila, Y. Pastor, ECWA, Maraba Malumfashi 58 09/06/2008 (Rev.) Kankara, Malumfashi 65. Sani, Samaila ECWA member at Rogo, Rogo Tofa 28 23/05/2008 Local Government, Kano State 66. Sarat u Bawa Wife of the Resident pastor, Sabon Sara 51 11/05/2008 ECWA, Sabon Sara, Kiru Local Government Area, Kano State 67. Sulei man, Iliya ECWA member at Rogo, Rogo Tofa 38 23/05/2008 L. Local Government, Kano State 68. Tamb aya ECWA member from Bari, Kano 48 03/06/2010 Yahaya (Mrs.) Rogo L.G., Kano State 69. Tela, Bala ECWA member at Sumaila, Tofa 27 23/05/2008 Sumaila Local Government, Kano State 70. Usain i, S. ECWA member at Bari, Rogo Kano 21 03/06/2009 Local Government of Kano State. 71. Usma n A. ECWA member from Dutsin Katsina 38 14/02/2009 Ma 72. Usma n, H. ECWA member at Nassarawan- Kano 21 03/06/2009 Kuki, Bebeji Local Government, Kano State. 73. Usma n, Student ETTI, Tofa, from Tofa 54 02/05/2008 Ibrahim (Rev) Kadanya, Kankia Local Government, Katsina State 74. Yaha ya, S. Head Master, ECWA Primary Malumfashi 28 11/03/2009 School, Malumfashi 75. Yaha ya, T. Kano DCC Secretary Kano 58 16/06/2008 (Rev.) 76. Yaha ya, Student, ETTI, Tofa, indigene Tofa 52 16/05/2008 Yunana of Rogo, Rogo Local 164 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/N NAME DESIGNATION PLACE AGE DATE (Pastor) Government, Kano State 77. Yahy a, H. 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Indiana: National Publishing House. 197 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY APPENDIX I: QUESTIONNAIRE University of Ibadan, Department of Religious Studies, Ibadan, Nigeria Ph.D THESIS ON “MISSION STRATEGIES OF EVANGELICAL CHURCH OF WEST AFRICA AMONG THE MAGUZAWA IN KANO AND KATSINA STATES, 1954 – 2007” Dear Sir/Madam, This is a questionnaire designed to elicit pieces of information necessary for the completion of a thesis whose title has already been specified above. It is purely an academic exercise, so all information provided will be handled confidentially. Therefore, feel free in responding to each item of the questionnaire. I count on your cooperation. Thank you, Yours sincerely, T. K. AJAMU Instruction: Please tick from the available option as deemed appropriate. Section „A‟: Biographical Data 1. Age: (i) 18 – 30 years ( ) (iv) 51 – 60 years ( ) (ii) 31 – 40 years ( ) (v) 61 years to above ( ) (iii)41 – 50 years ( ) 2. Sex: (a) Male ( ) (b) Female ( ) 3. Educational Qualification: (a) No Certificate ( ) (d) Diploma or Certificate ( ) (b) Primary School Certificate ( ) (e) Degree and above ( ) (c) Secondary School Certificate ( ) 4. Designation/Status: (a) Pastor ( ) (c) Elder ( ) (b) Pastor‟s wife ( ) (d) DCC Secretary ( ) (e) DCC Chairman ( ) (f) Ordinary Member ( ) 5. Mode of becoming ECWA Member (a) By birth ( ) (b) By conversion ( ) (c) Others specify ………..… Section „B‟ Table 1: Effectiveness of ECWA Mission Strategies 198 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY S/N The following strategies have greatly Yes No Neutral Total enhanced ECWA work among the Maguzawa 1 Lay Evangelism 2 Literacy Classes (Karatun don kowa) 3 Medical Services 4 Women‟s Fellowship (Zumuntar Mata) 5 Theological Education 6 Conversion Celebration (Bikin tuba ) 7 Radio Broadcast in Hausa 8 Church Programme and Social Activities 9 Rural Development Programme Source: Field survey, January – June, 2010. 199 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Table 2: Consequences of ECWA Mission Activities Lay involvement and church Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total indigenization used by ECWA Number % Number % Number % Number % led to the following: 1. Church Indigenization 2. Reaching wider prospective converts 3. Use of indigenous music and tunes during worship 4. Use of the Hausa version of Bible names instead of the English ones 5. Wearing of indigenous flowing gowns Aggregate Source: Field survey, January 2008 – June 2010. ECWA‟s use of karatun don kowa Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total has brought about the following Number % Number % Number % Number % among the Maguzawa 1. A new social order in which the Maguzawa now seek to achieve social mobility through Western education 2. Political awarenesses Aggregate Source: Field Survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 200 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ECWAhealth services have led to Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total the following: Number % Number % Number % Number % 1. Complemented the pharma- ceutical efforts of the government 2. The ECWA AIDS Ministry (TEAM) has created awareness about AIDS Aggregate Source: Field Survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. ECWA Zumuntar Mata has Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total positively impacted on the lives of Number % Number % Number % Number % Maguzawa women in the following: 1. The penetration of social restrictions of Hausa women 2. Family stability 3. Provided alternative means of economic empowerments Aggregate Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2009. ECWA‟s theological education Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total among the Maguzawa has led to Number % Number % Number % Number % the following evangelistic, spiritual and moral development 1. Training of church workers and Development of Leadership Skills 2. Systematizing church Planting Strategies Aggregate Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2009. Bikin tuba has enhanced the Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total following among the Maguzawa Number % Number % Number % Number % ECWA: 1. Convesion of Souls and Stregthening of Convert 1. Communal solidarity and Development of ecumenical ties and concerted efforts towards resisting Islamization Aggregate Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 201 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Radio Broadcast in Hausa Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total has led to the following: Number % Number % Number % Number % 1. Provided awareness for mass media evangelism 2. Reaching people who could not be reached through personal contact with the gospel Aggregate Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. ECWA Church Programmes and Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total social activities have engendered the Number % Number % Number % Number % following: 1. Full integration into ECWA churches and doctrinal soundness 2. Succour and relief fom problems 3. Sports and games as part of social activities assisted in reaching the youths 4. Parallel cousin marriage is being phased out 5. Infantile bethrothal is being phased out 6. Divorce rate now drastically reduced 7. Burukutu is being substituted with soft drink during festivities 8. Going about bare-breasted by women has given way to feminine modesty Aggregate Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. ECWA rural development Agreed Disagreed Undecided Total programmes have positively Number % Number % Number % Number % impacted on the lives of the Maguzawa as can be seen below 1. Exposure to modern poulty farming 2. Improved agricultural productivity and enhanced socio-economic lives Aggregate Source: Field survey, January, 2008 – June, 2010. 202 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY APPENDIX II: INTERVIEW GUIDE University of Ibadan, Department of Religious Studies, Ibadan, Nigeria Ph.D THESIS ON “MISSION STRATEGIES OF ENVAGELICAL CHURCH OF WEST AFRICA AMONG THE MAGUZAWA IN KANO AND KATSINA STATES, 1954 – 2007” Preamble: The interview guide is designed to elicit information towards a thesis as specified above. It is purely an academic exercise. All information provided will be handled confidentially. Therefore, feel free in responding to the items of the interview. 1) Are you an ECWA member? 2) If yes, how did you become a member of ECWA? 3) What post do you hold in ECWA? 4) What strategies were used by ECWA to penetrate the Maguzawa communities with the gospel? 5) In your own opinion, in what ways has ECWA mission work impacted on the lives of their Maguzawa members? 6) Do you have any of your children or relatives in primary, secondary or tertiary institution? If yes, give the name of the school. 7) Do you have access to ECWA medical services in your community? Specify. 8) As a Maguzawa ECWA member, is there any of the teaching of the Church you find difficult to cope with? Give reasons. 9) How have ECWA teachings influenced some traditional practices of the Maguzawa members? 10) Do you know of some ECWA members who are involved in politics? 11) Give the names of Maguzawa ECWA members you know that have been elected into political offices. 12) Apart from monetary gains, what other benefit(s) can be derived from getting involved in politics as a Maguzawa member of ECWA? 13) What will you consider to be the future prospect of ECWA mission work among the Maguzawa? 203 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 14) What are the challenges facing ECWA mission activities among the Maguzawa? 15) What suggestions do you have for better performance of ECWA in Maguzawa areas? 204 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY