CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF THE YORUBA gjjjgjjj IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY CULTURE AND CUSTOMS OF THE YORUBA Toyin Falola and Akmtunde Akmyemi AUST IN , TEXAS IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Copyright © 2017 Toyin Falola and Akmtunde Aklnyemi All Rights Reserved ISBN: 978-1-943533-18-3 LCCN: 2017941788 p a n - A f r i c a n U n i v e r s i t y P ress Box 618 8650 Spicewood Springs # 145 Austin, TX 78759 Telephone (512) 689 6067 Africa P. O. Box 14458 University of Ibadan Ibadan, Nigeria 234(0808)6392371 www.panafricanuniversitypress.com Printed in the United States of America IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Dedication To four outstanding scholars who have contributed to the understanding of Yoruba culture: Wande Abimbola Adeagbo Akinjogbin Makanjuola Ilesanmi Oludare Olajubu IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Contents List of Tables, Figures and Plates xiii Acknowledgements xvii Contributors xix Introduction 1 Toyin Falola and Aklntunde Aklnyeml Part I: Language, Orature, and Language Use 1. The Language and Its Dialects 31 Akinblyi Akinlabi and Harrison Adeniyi 2. Non-Verbal Communication 47 Clement Adeniyi Akangbe 3. Libation, Homage, and the Power of Words 59 Adepeju Johns on-Bashua 4. “E k u . . Yoruba Greetings - A Protocol 69 Pamela J. Olubimmi Smith 5. Naming, Names, and Praise Names 85 Harrison Adeniyi 6. Idioms, Proverbs, and Dictums 99 Kazeem Adebayd Omofoyewa 7. Ribald Language: Insults, Slangs, and Curses ' 113 Lere Adeyemi - Vll - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba 3. Cognomen and Eulogy 125 Moses Mabaypje A Folklore, Oral Traditions, and Oral Literature 139 Ademold O. Dasylva 10. Songs 159 Sandat Adeblsi Olayide Hamzat Part II: Art and Aesthetics 11. Architecture: Indigenous 171 Bayd Ample and Stephen Folaranml 12. Architecture: Transition from Indigenous to Modem 191 Abimbola O. Asojo 13. Art and Crafts 203 Ademola Azeez 14. Body Adornment and Cosmetics 215 Ayppla Oladimke Arahsl 15. Charms and Amulets 227 Segun Soetan 16. Circumcision and Facial Marks 237 Adekemi Agnes Taiwd 17. Performing Arts 249 Sola Adeyeml 18. Settlement Pattern 259 Abnnbpla O. Asojo and Babatunde Jaiyeoba 19. Signs, Symbols, and Symbolism 269 Philip Adedptun Ogundeji 20. Textiles and Dresses 281 Babasehinde Ademuleya 21. Fashion 295 Adeola Agdke - viii - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Table of Contents Part III: Religion, Festivals, and Belief System 22. Traditional Religious Belief System 309 Segun Ogungbemi 23. Ritual and Sacrifice 325 Ibigbolade Aderibigbe 24. Extra-Mundane Communication: Insights from Festivals and Carnivals 339 Abigail Odozi Ogwezzy-Ndisika and Babatunde Adeshma Faustino 25. Death, Mourning, Burial, and Funeral 355 Mobolaji Oyebisi Ajibade 26. Divinatory Systems 363 Omotade Adegbindin 27. Dreams and Dream Interpretation 379 Steven D. Glazier 28. Masks, Masque, and Masquerades 389 Olawole Famule 29. Music and Dance in Culture and Performance 407 Bode Omojola 30. Myths and Mythologies 421 Sikirii Abiona Yusuff 31. Spirits and Spirit Possession 433 Martin A. Tsang 32. Taboo 445 Olatubdsun Christopher Omolewu Part IV: Economy and Economic System 33. Agriculture and Fanning 459 Adebare Atoyebi 34. Associations: Cultural, Cooperative, and Religious 473 Hezekiah Olufemi Adedsun - IX - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba 35. Cuisines and Food Preparation 481 Olufadekemi Adagbada 36. Drinks: Beverages and Alcohol 495 Duro Adeleke 37. Economy, Commerce, and Wealth 511 Saudat Adebisi Olayide Hamzat 38. Investment, Debt, and Debt Management 521 Mutiat Titilope Oladejo 39. Hunting, Wildlife Destruction, and Preservation 531 Ademola Babalola 40. Livestock: Domestication and Species 537 Gabriel Ayoola 41. Markets, Marketing, and Advertisement 553 Oluwole Tewogboye Okewande 42. Pawning, Pawnship, and Slavery 567 Tosin Akinjobi-Babdtunde Part V: History, Politics, and Governance 43. History and Historiography 579 Bukola Oyeniyi 44. Politics and Government 595 Akin Alao 45. Some Aspects of Royalty and Chieftaincy in a Dynamic World 607 Bdyo Omolola 46. Societal Stratification 619 Adebiisuyi Isaac Adeniran and Tolulope Adetdyo Fdjobi 47. Conflicts and Conflict Resolution 629 Akanmu G. Adebayo 48. War and Diplomacy 647 Nurudeen Olatoye Arogitndade - x - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Table of Contents Part VI: Family, Health, and Education 49. Disease, Health Management, and Healing 661 Fatal Adesina Badru 50. Childbirth, Childbearing, and Child Education 669 Toy in Olaiya 51. Cultural Heritage and Tourism 683 Benjamin Adisa Ogimfolakan 52. Archeology .and Museums 693 Kola Adekola 53. Family, Indigenous Education System, and Discipline 709 Adebola Bolajoko Dasylva 54. Marriage and Marital Systems 721 Enoch Olujide Gbadegesin 55. Numbers and Numerals 733 Foluke Bolahle Adekeye 56. Sports, Games, Recreation, and Leisure 745 Layo Ogunlola 57. Traditional Professions 757 Michael O. Afolayan Part VII: Ethics and Social Control 58. Age Grade and Rites of Passage 775 Adnuoluwapp Fifebo Alafe 59. Cults, Secret Societies, and Fraternities 787 George Olusola Ajibade 60. Inheritance 797 Abideml Olusola Bolarinwa and Martina Mordnmubd Aderlbigbe 61. Ethics, Social Control, and Management Structure 805 Funmilola Olunlade - xi - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba 62. Land: Tenure and Reform 817 Bold Daudd 63. Law and Justice 829 Oluyemisi Bamgbose 64. Sexuality, Sexual Behavior, and Gender Roles 847 Chinyere Ukpokolo and Adepld Lameed 65. Social Customs and Lifestyle 857 Juliet Otsemaye 66. Security and Protection 865 Arinpe G. Adejiimo 67. From the Cosmos to the Society: Worldview as/and Philosophy 877 Adeshina Afolayan Part VIII: Social and Cultural Change 68. Cinema and Films 893 Niyi Coker 69 Media: Exploring Old and New Forms 901 Koleade Odiitola 70 Popular Culture 913 Femi Adedeji 71 Religion II: Islam and Christianity 929 Samson Ijaola 72 Science and Technology 941 Kazeem Kehinde Sanuth 73 The Diaspora and Globalization Effect 951 Akinloye Ojo 74 Time Reckoning 963 Ademola K. Fayemi 75 Writing System and Literature 973 Timothy T. Ajdni Index 983 - xii - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY List of Tables, Figures, and Plates Table 1.1: Yoruba Language Family Tree. Table 4.1: Trade-specific greeting-cwm-prayer codes and their appropriate responses. Figure 12.1: Owo Palace designed based on the Impluvium style architecture with multiple courtyards. Figure 12.2: Mapo Hall, Ibadan, illustrating classical architectural influences. Figure 12.3: The Christ Church in Lagos and Holy Cross Cathedral, two landmarks in central Lagos built in 1869 and 1878. Figure 12.4: University of Ibadan Mosque. Figure 12.5: University of Ibadan, Trenchard Hall illustrating international style influences. Figure 12.6: Dominican Church, Ibadan, illustrating indigenous influences in the form, artwork, symbols and furnishings. Figure 12. 7: Exterior and interior views of Society of African Missions (SMA) Church, Ibadan. Figure 12.8: Osasona House in Ile-Ife. Figure 14.1: Abaja oldwu and Gofibo facial marks. Figure 14.2: Kolo finfin. Figure 14.3: Types of men caps \fila ikari,fila onide, and filet abed aja. Figure 14.4: Men Hairdo: on jifa, afari apakan (ilari oba), aaso oluode, dsit didd. Figure 14.5: Old and modem women hairdo. IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba Figure 18.1: Indigenous Ibadan with contemporary architecture in the background. Figure 18.2: Planning pattern and the architecture of the colonial era juxtaposed against traditional influences. Table 19.1: Some lineages and their emblematic symbols. Plate 20.1: Sdnyan (on'iho). Plate 20.2: Etu (folded). Plate 20.3: Petuje. Plate 20.4: Alactri (bnild). Plate 20.5: Adire (aldkete). Plate 20.6: Adire aldbere. Plate 20.7: Adir? (eleko). Plate 20.8: Adire (dyed with imported synthetic dyes). Plate 20.9: Man in dansiki. Plate 20.10: A woman in iro and gele with lace buba. Plate 20.11: Woman in iro and gele with huba lace. Plate 20.12: Man in embroidered agbdda sanyan. Plate 20.13: Man in enbroidered agbadd with white linen awotele. Figure 29.1: Drumming for Ifa. Figure 29.2: Hexatonic Melody: Laye Olugbon. Figure 40.1: Goats (Ewure). Figure 40.2: Ram and Sheep {Agbd and Agiintdri). Figure 40.3: Naked-neck Fowl (Adiye iguri). Figure 40.4: Frizzled-feathered Fowl (Adiye asa). Figure 40.5: Stork (Ako). Figure 40.6: Peacock (Okin). Figure 40.7: Nocturnal Snake (Ejd monamona). Figure 40.8: Parrot (Ayekooto). Figure 40.9: Crocodile (Ooni). Figure 41.1: A chart showing Yoruba regular market. Figure 41.2: A chart showing Yoruba market flow from producer to the consumer. Figure 41.3: A chart showing Yoruba Advertisement types. Figure 47.1: Typical Bargaining. Figure 47.2: Qyo Yoruba Bargaining. - xiv - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY List of Tables, Figures, and Plates Figure 47.3: The Thomas-Kilmann Conflict Mode. Figure 52.1: Entrance to the house of Imagesin, Esie. Figure 52.2: Entrance to the National Museum, Ile-Ife. Figure 52.3: ita Yemoo Pottery Museum, lle-Ife. Figure 52.4: Potsherd Pavement at Ita Yemoo, Ile-Ife. Figure 52.5: Signpost of the Badagry Heritage Museum. Figure 52.6: Blocks of Buildings of Badagry Heritage Museum. Figure 52.7: Heavy machines on the historic places of Badagry. Figure 52.8: Front Desk of the Teaching and Research Museum. Figure 52.9: The Skeletal Remains from Iwo-Eleru. Table 69.1: Number of Postings to Tiwantiwa, a Yoruba-language Yahoo Discussion Group. Table 69.2: Number of Postings to Yoriibd World, a Yoruba Culture Yahoo Discussion Group. Plate 70.1: Lagos Youth carnival. Plate 70.2: Ankoo from Ijebu-Ode. Plate 70.3: Yahooze Dance. Plate 70.4: Azonto Dance. Plate 70.5: Galala Dance. Plate 70.6: Skelewu Dance. Plate 70.7: National Football team, the Green Eagles dancing Alanta. Plate 70.8: OPC of Gani Adam’s Faction. Plate 70.9: Aluta Demonstration. Plate 70.10: A Yoruba Girl Hairdo. Plate 70.11: Okada Motorcycle Riders. Plate 70.12: Paraga Stuff. - xv - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Acknowledgments A work of this magnitude could not have been successfully completed without the assistance of many other people. We would like to thank those colleagues who aided us and those friends who guided us while the project lasted. We are grateful to Dr. Adeshina Afolayan who served as the link between us, the editors, and many of the contributors based in Nigeria; Professor Olawole Famule and Dr. Stephen Folaranmi who supplied many of the images in the book; Dr. Kazeem Oyetunde Ekeolu who provided illustrations in some of the chapters; and Dr. Stephen Folaranmi and Emmanuel Oyewple Oyeniyi who designed the book cover. We would also like to thank our contributors for their patience in the course of editing the volume, and for putting up with our numerous requests regarding editorial matters. It has been two years since the first request for contributions was sent out. Between then and now the contributors have done so much difficult and taxing work, often at inconvenient times in their own schedules. The contributors, drawn from three continents - Africa, Europe, and North America - have all made this project a huge success. The book publisher, Pan-African University Press, deserves our gratitude for the interest in the project. Specifically, we would like to thank production staff and others at the publisher’s headquaters, especially Dawid Kahts our typesetter and indexer, Tim Colton, the production manager, and others who worked behind the scenes and invisible to us as editors. We are also grateful to Bryan Cooper Owens and Jessica Shenette for copy-editing the original manuscript submitted by contributors. Last but not the least, we would like to thank our employers, the University of Texas at Austin and University of Florida in Gainesville for approving this book project as part of our research assignment. Toyin FalQla and Akintunde Akinyemi - XVII - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Contributors Olufadekemi Adagbada, Olabisi Onabanjo University (Ago Iwdye, Nigeria) Adebare Atoyebi, University of Ilorin (Nigeria) Akanmu Adebayo, Kennesaw State University Femi Adedeji, Obafemi Awolowo University (Ile-lfe, Nigeria) Omotade Adegbindin, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Arinpe Adejumo, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Bolanle Adekeye, University of Ilorin (Nigeria) Kola Adekola, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Duro Adeleke, University of Ibad&n (Nigeria) Babasehinde A. Ademuleya, Obafemi Awolowp University (Ile-lfe, Nigeria) Adebusuyi Isaac Adeniran, Obafemi Awolowo University (Ile-lfe, Nigeria) Harrison Adeniyi, Lagos State University (Nigeria) Olufemi Adeo?un, University of Ilorin (Nigeria) ibigbolade S. Aderibigbe, University of Georgia, Athens Martina Moronmubo Aderibigbe, Federal College of Education (Osiele- Abeokuta, Nigeria) Lere Adeypmi, University of Ilorin (Nigeria) Sola Adeyemi, University of Greenwich (London, UK) Adeshina Afol&yan, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Michael Oladpjo Afolayan, Illinois Board of Higher Education, Springfield Adepla Agoke, University of Wisconsin-Madison Timothy T. Ajani, Fayetteville State University George Olusola Ajibade, Obafemi Awolowo University (Ile-lfe, Nigeria) Mobolaji Oyebisi Ajibade, Adeyemi College of Education (Ondo, Nigeria) Clement Adeniyi Akangbe, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Tosin Akinjobi-Babatunde, Elizade University (ilara-Mokin, Nigeria) Akinbiyi Akinlabi, Rutgers University Akintunde Akinypmf, University of Florida, Gainesville Aanuoluwapo Fifebo Alafe, Adekunle Ajasin University (Akungba-Akoko, Nigeria) Akin Alao, Qbafemi Awolpwo University (Ile-lfe, Nigeria) - xix - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba Bayo Ample, Qbafemi Awolpwp University (Ue-Ifp, Nigeria) Ayoola Qladunke Arahsi, Kwara State University (Malete, Nigeria) Nurudeen Olatoye Amuda-Arogundade, Obaf^mi Awolpwp University (Ile-Ife, Nigeria) Abimbola Asojo, University of Minnesota Gabriel Ayoola, University of Georgia, Athens Ademola Azeez, Federal College of Education (Lagos, Nigeria) Adempla Babalola, Obafpmi Awolowd University (Ile-Ife, Nigeria) Fatal Adesina Badru, University of Lagos (Nigeria) Oluyemisi Bamgbose, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Abidemi Boldrinwa, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Niyi Coker, Jr., University of Missouri, Saint Louis Adebola Bolajoko Dasylva, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Adempla Dasylva, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Bpla Dauda, Early Years’ Education Foundation (Ibadan, Nigeria) Tolulope Adetayo Fajobi, Obafemi Awolpwo University (Ile-Ife, Nigeria) Toyin Falola, University of Texas at Austin Adempla Kazeem Faypmi, Lagos State University (Nigeria) Babatundd Adeshina Faustino, University of Lagos (Nigeria) Qlawole Famule, University of Wisconsin - Superior Stephen Fplaranmi, Qbafemi Awolowo University (Ile-Ife, Nigeria) Enoch Olujide Gbadege§in, Qbafemi Awolpwp University (Ile-Ife, Nigeria) Stephen D. Glazier, Yale University Saudat Adebisi Olayide Hamzat, University of Ilprin (Nigeria) Samson O. ijaQla, Samuel Adegbeyega University (Ogwa, Nigeria) Babatunde Jaiyeoba, Obafemi Awolpwp University (Ile-Ife, Nigeria) Adepeju Johnson-Bashua, Lagos State University (Nigeria) Adeola Lameed, University of Lagos (Nigeria) Moses Mabayoje, Rutgers University IColeade Odutpla, University of Florida, Gainesville Philip Adedotun Ogundeji, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Benjamin Adisa Ogunfplakan, Obafemi Awdlpwo University (Ile-Ife, Nigeria) Segun Ogungbemi, Adekunle Ajasin University (Akungba-Akoko, Nigeria) Layo Ogunlpla, University of Ilorin (Nigeria) Abigail Odozi Ogwezzy-Ndisika, University of Lagos (Nigeria) Akinloye Ojo, University of Georgia, Athens Oluwple Tewpgboye Okewande. University of ilprin (Nigeria) Mutiat Titilppe Qladejo, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Oluwatoyin M. Qlaiya, Ekiti State University (Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria) Qmolewu Olatubosun, University of ilprin (Nigeria) Funmilola Olunlade, University of ibadan (Nigeria) Kazeem A. Omofoyewa, University of ibadan (Nigeria) Bode Ompjola, Mount Holyoke College/Five Colleges Bay 6 Omplola, Community College of Baltimore - xx - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Contributors Juliet Otsemaye, University of Lagos (Nigeria) Biikpla Oyeniyi, Missouri State University, Springfield Kazeem Kehinde Sanuth, University of Wisconsin-Madison Pamela J. Olubunmi Smith, University of Nebraska at Omaha Segun Soetan, University of Wisconsin-Madison Adekemi Agnes Taiwo, Ekiti State University (Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria) Martin A. Tsang, Florida International University Chinyere Ukpokolo, University of Ibadan (Nigeria) Sikirii Abiona Yusuff, Obafemi Awolowo University (Ile-Ife, Nigeria) - xxi - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Chapter 64 sooa Sexuality, Sexual Behavior and Gender Roles Chinyere Ukpokolo and Adeola Lameed Introduction Every society and culture has a peculiar way of defining the human body in its sociocultural context, generating diverse meanings across human cultures and societies. This falls within the domain of human sexuality. This chapter examines sexuality, sexual behavior, and gender roles among the Yoruba people of southwest Nigeria. The discussions in the chapter cover the pre-colonial period and how colonial encounters ‘missionalization,’ modernization, and globalization have shaped the Yoruba culture in the areas of sexuality and sexual behavior. The influence of Islamic religion is also highlighted. Conception and Communication of Sexuality among the Yoruba People Sex, among the Yoruba people, is primarily assumed to be something that is sacred and reserved for adults, mostly acceptable within the confines of marriage. Sex is primarily for procreation. The people believe that God created man and woman to raise offspring, referred to as arole (one who sustains the family name at the demise of the parents). The World Health Organization (WHO) describes sexuality as “a central aspect of -8 4 7 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba being human which encompasses sex, gender identities and roles, sexual orientation, eroticism, pleasure, intimacy and reproduction” (WHO, 2013). This chapter adopts this definition because it attempts to understand the interplay of sexuality, sexual behavior, and gender roles among the Yoruba people of southwest Nigeria. Sexuality is experienced and expressed in thoughts, behaviors, fantasies, desires, beliefs, attitudes, values, practices, roles, and relationships. It is also reflected in language, greetings, behaviors, and regulations that guide human conduct. Puberty, the onset of physiological development as indicated by the maturation of secondary sex characteristics, is designated in the Yoruba language by the use of the term ibalaga, which translates in English as “coming of age.” The sign of puberty in males is the maturity of the sex organs and the gradual increase in body size. A female is said to have reached puberty when she has had her first menstruation. By this time, there is a visible increase in the size of her breasts. With the onset of puberty, young males and females are groomed by the corresponding sex parent in preparation for the role assigned to each gender by the culture, particularly regarding eventual marriage. Sexual relationships were considered sacred in precolonial times, although this sacredness seems to have waned following colonialism and media globalization. As a result of this sacredness, direct verbal references to human sexual organs or sexual relationships are overtly conveyed in various euphemisms and descriptive words. In discussions, for instance, the female private part is referred to as oju ara obinrin, literally translated as “the eye of a woman’s body,” while the male organ is called nhkan omokiinrin, meaning “a man’s thing.” Also, children are instructed on the culturally acceptable mode of sitting without exposing their private parts. Such statements as E wo idi re ni ita, meaning “look at his/her buttocks exposed” are often used to instruct children on the correct manner of sitting down. For a girl, such statements as pa ’tan mo, pa ’tan mo; oko re n bo, meaning “close your thighs, close your thighs; your husband is coming.” Statements like these depict the sacredness of sexuality and further reinforce decency, morality, and a sense of shame in children. By telling a little girl that her husband is coming, she is from childhood conscious of the significance of marriage to members of her society and the respect ascribed to the institution. This sacredness associated with sex organs and sexual activities creates some difficulties for parents teaching their children sex education in modem times as sex and sex organs are not openly discussed. In traditional society, stories, gossips, folksongs, taboos, and tales were part of the ways sex education was passed on to children. The very act of sexual intercourse itself is not a subject for public discussion or one to be undertaken in the presence of minors except when they have reached puberty and are being prepared for marriage. The hallowed nature of sexual activities also necessitates that sexual intercourse be conducted at a specific time. For instance, sexual intercourse is never expected to take place during the productive hours but only at night since the day time is meant for serious work. The nocturnal timing of sexual intercourse between married couples also ensures that its sacredness is preserved in the privacy of the bedroom beyond the earshot of children and neighbors. The very act o f sexual intercourse is never expressed in literal language but by the use of such euphemisms as ibalopo or ajosepo, which mean “doing together.” - 848 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Sexuality, Sexual Behavior and Gender Roles Sexuality is also reflected in a person’s dress. Women have one mode of dressing, while men have another. This is in contrast to the modem day practice where both men and women can wear the same style of clothing regarded as “unisex.” Men wear agbada ati sooro while women wear biiba ati iro. In this area, too, the influence of Islamic religion is noticeable. Islam allows women to wear trousers and long gowns with a veil. This has been incorporated into Yoruba women’s dressing. The woman plays an active role in the life of her children and the family as caregiver, nurturer, keeper of the home, and sex partner to her husband. The father figure is highly revered as the provider of family income and source of authority; hence, he is highly respected by the children. Children are often threatened with the words Maa fi ejo re sun baba re ti won ba de (I will report you to your father when they [he] returns). The use of a plural pronoun for the father is honorific and connotes the respect women are expected to give to their husbands in the culture even when they are close in age, or even in cases where the woman is older than the man. By contrast, the Yoruba cultural practice refers to elders and superiors using a singular pronoun. As the marriage system is polygynous, a man is entitled to more than one wife. He derives sexual pleasure and procreates with his wives. If he finds a lady he loves and has the capacity to care for an additional wife, he marries her, which adds to the number of wives in his household. In precolonial times, this cultural practice limited the occurrence of extramarital affairs in the society; adultery was strongly frowned upon though it still occurred on occasion. Thus, the term a/e exists to describe an extramarital affair. However, a child bom to a man outside wedlock belongs to the man. Hence, the adage that Obinrin to b i’mofun ’ni ti kurd ni die eni (A woman that has a child for someone is no longer a concubine). Islamic religion entitles a man to have more than one wife, and this is highly agreeable in different African cultures, including the Yoruba. Through formal education and media globalization, the influence of Western culture in Africa is also reflected in the attitude of young people to sex and sexual behavior in contemporary society. Young people openly express their love for one another, holding hands, cuddling, and, at times, kissing in public places contrary to Yoruba traditional cultural expectations. Television, music, and films expose them to sex and sexual activities they never saw in their own households. Sexuality and the Yoriiba Marriage Institution In the precolonial period, on reaching puberty, young boys and girls went through puberty initiation rites. The period of circumcision was also the time to teach young boys about sexual intercourse and the responsibility of fatherhood. For the young girls, the belief is that without the removal of the clitoris, the girl would be very promiscuous. Hence, the tip of the clitoris needed to be trimmed. An uncircumcised woman lost her honor in the community and among the members of her age group. Despite the pain and health hazard associated with the practice, it was sustained in precolonial times and is still practiced secretly by some parents in traditional societies today. What is today regarded as Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) was actually a thing of honor in traditional society. Once she reaches puberty, the young girl is taught the sex-related roles she is -849 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba expected to play in her society. For instance, she learns about motherhood, housekeeping, womanhood, and what is expected of a wife. She also learns how to attract the attention of her husband and about the intrigues that occur among co-wives in order to gain the attention of their husband. The clamor for the end to FGM by gender activists would have been an aberration in traditional Yoruba society prior to colonial contact. It is important to note that human sexuality in traditional Yoruba society was the ideal to be expressed solely within the context of heterosexual marriage of two adults, a male and one or more females. Incest was a taboo; sexual attraction must be expressed outside one’s group and so marriage is exogamous. The concept of homosexuality was unheard of in Yoruba traditional society. With the high premium placed on marriage and children, it would have been an aberration and contradiction to sanction any cultural practice that could legalize marriage without children. As marriage in the traditional Yoruba worldview is considered a sacred institution, there are societal and cultural expectations of the intending couple. An intending bridegroom, for instance, is expected to possess characteristics such as industriousness, bravery, good health, agility, honesty, and good family heritage. A qualified bride is expected to be a good cook, well-behaved, industrious, and diligent. In precolonial society, she was also expected to possess a round physique most typified by a narrow waistline and the storage of adipose fat in the arm and buttock region of her body. The round figure of an intending bride was perceived as an indication of the ability to bear children in marriage. Precolonial Yoruba society also expected that an intending bride must preserve her virginity, known as ibcile (intact), until her marriage. For that reason, a single lady is referred to as omidan (unpolluted water stream). A lady’s virginity was confirmed by her husband on her marriage day. When this happens, the bride becomes a source of pride to her husband and to her immediate and extended families. The reverse is the case if the she had lost her virginity to another man. In that case, her family members must apologize for her shameful conduct and upbringing. The white sheet stained with blood from her first sexual experience is sent in a calabash bowl to her parents together with a huge sum of money and a hen to be used for sacrificial prayers for the new bride (Fadipe, 1970, 81-84). In the course of history, the quest for premarital chastity has waned so much so that not much is said about the preservation of virginity until marriage in contemporary Yoruba society. Rather, many parents pretend not to know that their children are involved in premarital sex. Rather, they hope that these children are able to prevent unwanted pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. Interestingly, some mothers express happiness if their son’s wife-to-be conceives prior to marriage, secretly using family oriki (family praise poem) to appreciate their son for choosing a fertile wife and being able to impregnate a woman. Young people who are engaged in premarital sex use different types of contraceptives and at times local herbs and self-medications to prevent conception and unwanted pregnancy. When these fail, some may consult quack medics for abortion, resulting in diverse complications and occasionally death. In precolonial times where premarital chastity was the norm, there was a "kind of silence among young men who had already had active, sexual intercourse prior to marriage. The assumption was that - 850 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Sexuality, Sexual Behavior and Gender Roles women played key roles in the preservation of societal values; the preservation of virginity symbolized this role. As already indicated, traditional Yoruba society accommodates polygyny, which allows a man to have as many wives as his means allows. A woman, on the other- hand, can only have one living husband. Polygyny was believed to be the prerogative the Creator conferred on men. The practice of polygyny is well institutionalized. It is expected of titled men, monarchs, and the wealthy to have more than one wife as another means of depicting their public status and wealth. The wife is not expected to call any male member of her husband’s family by name. Rather, she calls them by certain coinages and pet names, which reflect respect for them as individuals and the larger household of her husband. Thus, such names as oko mi (my husband), olowd on mi (he that pays my dowry), idi ileke (beaded waist), eyin afe (golden teeth or wealthy teeth), among others are used to address male members of her husband’s household. Sexuality is also reflected through cultural practices. A male prostrates himself to an elder while a female kneels to greet. Although a woman is expected to give much respect to members of her husband’s family no matter their age, seniority is also given premium rather than sex identity. For this reason, an elderly woman (wife) may earn more reverence than a younger man as he defers to her based on her age. As indicated earlier, the concept of ale, meaning lover, also exists in Yoruba culture to connote extra-marital relationships, which involve both sexes, although it is strictly frowned upon when a woman is involved. An individual may be insulted with the statement omo ale (child of extra-marital relationship or concubine). On the other hand, an individual could jokingly among his friends proudly refer to someone as ale mi ni (he/she is my lover). Certain Yoruba proverbs depict the culture’s recognition that, though extra-marital relationships exist, they must be discouraged. Such proverbs include: Ija nil kehin ale (Extra-marital relationships always end in conflict) Ti ile ba n tdrd, omo ale ibe kd til d ’agba ni (When there is peace in a family, the bastard [that is, the child of extra-marital relationship] there has not grown). In other words, the secret of extra-marital affairs cannot be hidden forever, as the offspring of such relationship is always of questionable character and will reveal himself/herself in time. Obinrin kan mo ale mefa. Ale mefa kd mg ra won (A woman knows her six lovers. Her six lovers do not know themselves). This suggests the “hide and seek” and deceit ful nature of extra-marital relationships. Omo ale nilfi owo osi juwe ile baba re (The child of a concubine uses the left hand to point to the father’s house) Proverbs, such as those above, point to the negative impact of extra-marital relationships on the individual, the family, and the society generally, and are intended to discourage such acts. However, rather than the practice abating, over time, it is actually exacerbated in the contemporary Yoruba society. As the traditional Yoruba society is an agrarian society, polygyny allows men to raise numerous children who can assist with the cultivation and maintenance of large farmlands and thereby increase the material fortune of the family. Besides, the - 851 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba cultural practice of multiple wives also helped to satisfy the sexual needs of men in a way sanctioned by the customs and traditions of traditional Yoruba society, reducing the incidents of extra-marital affairs in precolonial society. Interestingly, women who suffer repressed or unsatisfied sexual desire often find fulfilment through other men, including those who may be lower in status than their husbands. Conflicts among wives are common as each tries to gain the attention of their husband and possibly deny other wives from having access to him. Interestingly, the Ifa corpus catalogues some of the woes associated with polygyny as presented below: When they [wives] increase to two, they become envious; When they increase to three, they scatter the household; When they increase to four, they laugh derisively at one another; When they increase to five, they accuse one another of destroying their husband’s fortunes; When they increase to six, they become wicked; When they increase to seven, they become witches; When they increase to eight, they blame one of their group for bringing bad luck to their husband; When they increase to nine, they accuse the eldest wife of using their husband’s wrapper- cloth; When they increase to ten, they accuse one another of forcing herself upon their husband (Abimbola, 1968 as cited in Alaba, 2004). To consolidate one’s position in the home, a woman must bear children. A Yoruba proverb states olomo Id l ’oko (the one that bears children is the owner of the husband). Thus, a barren woman does everything humanly or even spiritually possible to beget a child. Thus, children may become targets of attack from a barren woman and contribute to rivalries among co-wives. Colonial influence and Christian religion in Yoruba land have had the effect of institutionalizing monogamy as the new marriage “ideal” for the postcolonial Yoruba man. Neither the Church nor civil marriage registry allows polygyny. The effect of the new norm on an average Yoruba man in postcolonial era is that he seeks to satisfy his sexual needs by keeping concubines outside his home while the legally married wife may never be aware of such extramarital affairs. The children who result from such relationships usually present family problems, especially when children from such illicit affairs are brought to the man’s home by his mistress(es) during his lifetime or after his demise. The construction of sexuality within traditional Yoruba society as an attribute of life to be expressed in the context of marriage has far-reaching effects on the flourishing and sustenance of the Yoruba society. Apart from the companionship and erotic pleasures that couples are expected to give to each other, marriage in pre-colonial times was as a matter of necessity for the unmitigated reproduction of children, as children come from God and must not be rejected. There is also the societal conviction that they (children) are indispensable in the quest for sustainable life. This is in contrast to contemporary Western practice where married couples decide the number of children to have. The expression of sexuality is sanctioned in traditional Yoruba society through - 852 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY sexuality, sexual ttenavior ana uenaer Roles the confines of marriage in which male fertility was virtually taken for granted; hence, there was greater focus on the female spouse regarding procreation. This is evidenced by the marriage rites that invoke special blessings upon the Yoruba bride for fertility with the use of ataare (alligator pepper, which is a type of pepper distinguished by its many seeds) as a symbol of fertility. A pregnant woman in pre-colonial and contemporary Yoruba society receives traditional prenatal care from the lya abiye (traditional midwives). With the advent of Western medicine, she can also access Western medicine in an orthodox hospital. In order to ensure the mother’s well-being and that of the unborn child, there were laws and taboos in place. Precolonial Yoruba society forbade a pregnant woman from any outing when the sun was high in the sky or in the dead of the night. It was also a taboo for a man to have sexual intercourse with a woman when she was at an advanced stage of pregnancy. Men who indulged in it were, according to tradition, doomed to become wretched. In contemporary society, Yoruba people have adjusted to having the number of children they can care for, which is a consequence of the shift from an agrarian economy to the cash economy of contemporary times. Today, Yoruba women employ contraception to space childbirth and reduce the number of children they have. The husband of a breastfeeding mother would usually abstain from sexual intercourse with the wife around this time, creating space for them to seek sexual satisfaction outside the marriage. Divorce was uncommon in indigenous Yoruba society. Various reasons accounted for this. First, prior to marriage, critical investigations were expected to have been carried out by members of the families of the intended couple to ascertain the type of family one was getting married into. To further ensure the security of one’s child, the Ifa oracle was also consulted to seek information from the supernatural powers about what the future held for the couple if they got married. This is important because marriage in those days was between one family and another and not between two individuals. Certain reasons for divorce included if the man died, became a thief, was a chronic debtor, or suffered from leprosy. According to Fadipe (1970), “Women in traditional Yoruba society often felt compelled and in fact did cherish a life time marriage to one man.... [M]en were not used to divorce in the olden days even when the bride was found unchaste on the bridal night” (81). Impotence was no reason for divorce as a wife could transfer her marital responsibility to an appropriate person within the husband’s family. Even with the death of the husband or impotency, she was expected to still remain with her husband’s family, and, in strict privacy, raise children for her husband through a friend or a family member. Thus, in most cases, an impotent man “bore” children of his own without people being aware of his health condition. Interestingly barrenness was always associated with the woman rather than the man. According to Obijole (2011), in the king palaces, male eunuchs served as waiters while virgins devoted to the service of deities and shrines served as priestesses. The author argued that the forcefully and deliberately castrated eunuchs served as spies on the wives and concubines of traditional rulers to prevent their illicit sexual activities - 853 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba and ensure their faithfulness. Not all the waiters, however, were eunuchs. As Christian religion abhors polygamy and extramarital sexual relationships, barren women in contemporary times are under a heavy burden as husbands have no other culturally acceptable way of bearing children. Some men in such circumstances secretly raise children without the knowledge of their legally married wife or even marry another wife, leaving the wife with the option of facing the new reality or move out of the marriage. Sexuality, Sexual Behavior, and Gendered Expectations Any discourse on human sexuality in Yorubaland cannot be complete without a discussion of gender arrangements in the Yoruba world, as both concepts are intricately linked. Gender is the sociocultural and psychological patterning of the differences between male and female, and sexuality is a crucial component of that patterning. Much as the Yoruba person in precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial eras lives in conformity with the roles assigned to him or her by nature, there is always the socially constructed view of gender wherein the society has certain expectations from persons based on their biological identity as male or female. Hence, there are norms and laws prescribing and proscribing persons from taking particular course of action base on one’s gender identity. Such prescriptions and proscriptions among the Yoruba can be gleaned from Yoruba perspectives on puberty, the expression of human sexuality, marriage, reproductive health, economy, and other social aspects of life. From all indications, the Yoruba world demands much from females with regard to sexuality. While polygyny was allowed for the precolonial men, polyandry was never practiced in the precolonial, colonial, or post­ colonial periods. In cases of an extramarital sexual relationship, societal condemnation falls more on the woman. While FGM was aimed at curbing the female’s sexual urge, a wife’s promiscuity is curtailed with the placement of magiin, literally translated as “don’t climb,” an effective magical charm. A suspicious husband used it on a cheating wife so that she and any other man she had sexual intercourse with faced dangerous consequences, such as sudden death or some other bizarre consequence for which the only remedy was public disgrace and the performance of certain prescribed rituals (Alaba, 2004: 11). Interestingly, while a suspicious husband can use magun on his wife, the reverse is not heard of in Yorubaland. Gendered expectation is also expressed in the overt differentiation of male and female bodies, especially in relation to the practice of religion. A menstruating woman in precolonial times, for instance, was prohibited from participating in sacrificial worship of Obatala, the Yoruba divinity of fertility, considered the epitome of purity. Here, the biological status of the menstruating woman is seen in opposition to the purity that this deity represents. She is also not expected to enter into sacred places because her presence in such hallowed places is believed to render spiritual elements ineffective. Given the prominence of female deities, priestesses, and prophetesses in the pre-colonial Yoruba pantheon, some of these taboos represent the dark side of women’s position in the traditional Yoruba culture. - 854 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Sexuality, Sexual Behavior and Gender Roles Against the fluid, postmodern construction of human sexuality that permits either implicit or explicit forms of sexual expression like premarital sex and homosexuality, traditional Yoruba culture abhors such alternative expressions of sexuality. This abhorrence is expressed in the form of taboos and severe punishment. Given the traditional Yoruba attitude toward sexuality, homosexuality in contemporary African society is, according to scholars like Essien and Aderinto (2009), the antisocial effect of Western cultural infiltration into the African sociocultural space. Thus, in some communities, persons found guilty of incestuous relationships could be made to slaughter a goat, strip themselves naked, and then flog each other around the town or village with the raw legs of the slaughtered animal. This punitive measure was not just intended for ritual cleansing of the land, which was considered desecrated by such unholy expression of sexuality, it was also meant as a means of deterring other citizens from such antisocial expressions of sexuality. Such abhorrence have been carried over even to contemporary Yoruba society; hence homosexual persons (gays and lesbians), have remained in the “closet” and unable to live out their sexuality within the socially constructed framework of life in the Yoruba community. Conclusion This chapter examined the issue of sexuality, sexual behavior, and gender roles among the Yoruba people. It is obvious that the society has its own conception of sexuality and how men and women ought to conduct themselves in social interactions. Islamization and colonialism have affected these conceptions in various ways. While Islamic religion does not frown at polygyny, which is also rooted in African culture, the Christian religion maintains that monogamy is the only form of marriage acceptable in human society. This has created a hypocritical life style among many modem-day African men who maintain both one wife and concubines at the same time. Despite the influence of Western culture through media globalization and culture flows that break national and cultural boundaries. Gay marriage and transgenderism remain strange cultural practices to the Yorubaland people, though the Western world regards this as homophobic. References Alaba, O. “Understanding Sexuality in the Yoruba Culture.” In Understanding Human Sexuality Seminar Series. R. Tiemoko and A. Oku-Egbas. Eds. Vol. 1. 40-55. Africa Regional Sexuality Resource Centre, 2004. Anonymous. 2013. “Sexuality.” World Health Organization. Retrieved April 28, 2014 from http://www.who.int/reproductivehealth/topics/sexual_health/sh_definitions/ en/ Essien, K and Aderinto, S. “Cutting the Head of the Roaring Monster: Homosexuality and Repression in Africa.” African Study Monographs 30(3) (2009): 121-135. Fadipe, N.A. The Sociology o f the Yorubd. tbadan: Ibadan University Press, 1970. 855 - IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Culture and Customs of the Yoruba Familusi, O. O. “African Culture and the Status of Women: The Yoruba Example.” The Journal o f Pan African Studies 5 (1) (2012): 229-313. Obijole, Olutayo O. “St. Paul’s Conception of Marriage in Yoruba Comparative Context.” Orita: Ibadan Journal o f Religious Studies 43 (2) (2011): 105—128. A Yoruba traditional hair stylist (pnidiri). Hair plaiting/braiding/weaving is customarily women’s role-profession in Yoruba culture. Photo credit: “Nigerian Hairstyle - Onldirl,” By the Madam - Editor, 27/8/2016. https://themadameditor.com/2016/08/28/i-am-my-hair/nigerian- hairstyle-onidiri/ - 856- IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY