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UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
PERSPECTIVES ON KANO-BRITISH RELATIONS
EDITED BY 
M.O HAMBOLU PhD
,
A GIDAN MAKAMA MUSEUM KANO PUBLICATION
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
First published in Nigeria 2003
GIDAN MAKAMA MUSEUM
Emir's Palace Road,
Box 2023 
Kano.
Email: gmmk@ecnx.net
©Gidan Makama-Museum 2003
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the 
purpose of criticism or review, no part of this book may be reproduced, 
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means, 
- electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise  ̂without the 
prior written permission of the publishers.
ISBN 978-36886-0-X
Cover Illustrations: Kano in different periods 
Graphics: SMGraphics, Gwale Quarters, Kano City.
Produced in Kano by Pyramid Text Prints ,̂.
ii
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Contents
Perface
Acknowledgement
Perspectives on the British colonial rule of Kano: 1903-1960
M.O H a m b o lu . . . ..................................•....... ...........................••••• 1
Presentations of Kano in the Writings of Clapperton, Barth and Lugard, 
1824-1903
Ibrahim Bello -  K ano....................... — 15
The conquest of KanoEmirate by the British and its significance
Mansur I. Muktar............ .................... ...... ..................................... ....... 36
The establishment of British colonial rule in Kano during the reign of 
Emir Abbas B. Abdullah 1903-1919
Asma'u G. Saeed., ...... ............................... ......................... 55
Anglo-Kana relations 1903-1926: the conquest of an Emirate
Muhammadu M. Gwadabe............................ ...................... ....-------- - 69
The reign of Sarkin Kano Abdullahi Bayero 1926-1953
Ibrahim Ado-Kurawa................... ..........;..... .................................. -85
The establishment of the Colonial Economy in Kano
Philip J. Shea .. . . . ,v.............. ........... ............. . . . . . . . . .  105
Continuity and change in Kano peasant agriculture from the pre-colonial 
period
Adamu IdrisTanko................’. . . . . . . . . .  ................ ................ .. 121
Duality and conflict of laws in a society, in transition: Kano in the 
colonial period
Tijjani Muhammad Naniya.. . . . . . . . . . ................................................ . , 134
Kano in time and space: from £ city to a metropolis
Muhamprad A. Liman & Yusuf M. Adamu....................... ..........'........ 170
Sunset at dawn: Colonial policy and Muslim Hausa education in Northern 
Nigeria, 1900 to 1910
Abdalla Uba Adamu........................ ......................... ............................ 184
Nationalist movement in a multi-ethnic community of Sabon Gari Kano
Rasheed Olaniyi:................ ...................................................... ............  222
Notes on contributors
iii
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Preface
.When we took the decision at Gidan Makama Museum,. Kano to 
commemorate the Centenary of the British conquest of Kano, we knew 
that indeed we had set for ourselves an uphill task. The challenges were 
multiple, not least was how the project would be perceived and received 
by the public. That these problems were surmountable became apparent 
when we started contacting eminent personalities in both Town and Gown. 
There was a consensus that a major phenomenon like the commencement 
of British colonial rule was worth commemorating with a view to deriving 
useful lessons in our march into the future.
This book is a collection of essays mainly from the Gown, reflecting diverse 
'views and perspectives on the phenomenon of-British rule of Kano.'The 
choice of title "Perspectives on Kano-British Relations" reflect maturation 
of hours of reflection on how to appropriately''perceive and present the 
phenomenon of British rule of Kano.
This collection of essays is one of three books targeted at different 
audiences. This particular one has as its target audience University 
students and Researchers who are interested in in-depth analysis and 
discussions of. various ways in which the colonial rule affected Kano. No 
attempt wag^made to forge a consensus among contributors, thus views 
expresses are those of the respective authors. We were certainly unable to 
■ get aji shades of opinion reflected in this book, thus for those interested, 
the companion volume entitled "Legacies of British Colonial rule of 
Kano"-provides interesting insight from the perspectives of the Town.
We would be gratified if this attempt at presenting a significant .era in 
Kano history would stimulate further research and programmes in which 
the value of our Yesterday is appreciated in our Today and Tomorrow.
M.O. Hambolu PhD Gidan Makama Museum,
Kano. April 24, 2003
IV
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Chapter XIII,
NATIONALIST MOVEMENT IN  A MULTI-ETHNIC
COMMUNITY OF SABONGARI KANO
Rasheed Olaniyi
Introduction
Colonialism was not about nation building, or about creating 
oneness among the colonised, it was a law and order premised on an 
economic strategy for solvency and balancing the government's budget. In 
Kano, British rule enforced living .in ethnic compartments, a corollary of 
colonial praxis arising from the dogma of European supremacy and the 
need to keep the colonised at bay. Throughout the colonial period, .the 
British pursued policies that were not meant to unify the colonised but to 
maintain the status quo, to preserve and if possible entrench the ethno­
cultural differences and distinctions in the country. 1 The establishment of 
the Sabongari system was a central thrust of the British divide de innpera 
constructed,to make colonial rule flourish on ethnic divisions, the creation 
and recreation of identities and enforcement of segregation. Nevertheless, in 
terms of relations between diverse1 cultural groups, colonial rule was 
something of a paradox. Through its ^socio-economic and political 
institutions, it brought peoples together in new ways and for new agenda, 
thereby providing new integrating forces. In 'its transformation, Sabongari 
Kano developed into a cosmopolitan entity incorporating both the migrant 
and host elements. From the 1940s, Sabongari became the seething base and 
political fortress of the nationalist movement. It was indeed the tqrminus of 
collaboration between the northern and southern Nigerian elite bf radical 
persuasion. The driven forces, were the working class agitation and mass 
movements of the subalterns that were united against the exploitative 
colonial rule. ....
Though a longitudinal study has been offered on the processes of 
nationalist movement and the establishment of Sabongari system but only 
passing references have been made to reconstruct the binary intercession 
between the two. This apparent lacuna forms the hub of the paper.
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223,
British Rule and Intercommunal Relations in Kano
Under British rule, inter-communal relations in Kano were enfo'rced 
within the political and "economic-framework of colonialism. The colonial 
state'imposed boundaries of inclusion and exclusion in the polity through 
the process of social closure. Rules of citizenship were selectively, applied 
according to individual roles in the productive labour of the colonial 
economy, thereby providing distinct civil, political and economic rights.
The British policy of exclusion created a dichotomy between the 
migrants who were British citizens (custodians of Western values) and 
natives, British subjects (bearers of traditional culture), mainly the host 
community. In essence, the colonial state recognised two types of. political 
identities: civic and ethnic, 2 The rights of the citizens (largely European 
employees irrespective of ethnic background but largely represented by., 
immigrants) were written into civil law and were enforced directly by the 
British. The population of subjects (natives) was excluded from this regime 
of rights. Natives (host community) were confined to an ethnic space. For 
the natives, rights and obligations were defined and enforced by the native 
authority. The politics of citizenship was meant to keep communities apart 
physically, culturally and psychologically. British administrative policy 
emphasised the cultural differences and exaggerated mutual hostilities 
between the hosts and the immigrant communities. With the establishment 
of Native Courts and Native Authority (N.A.),, the British adopted a policy 
of making the jurisdiction of immigrants ambigous depending on the choice 
of the 'non-native' and the specific consent of a British official. 3 While . 
European commercial firms tended to maintain that their native.employees 
were beyond the jurisdiction of the N.A. and courts, British administrative 
officers used to equivocate;, that, the N.A. had judicial power over' all 
including 'non-native' Africans. This implies that while the 'non -native' s 
Africans could avail themselves of the Native Courts for civil cases even 
when they were Christians, nonetheless, they were never arrested by the
N.A. police without the consent of the British Resident.. Indeed, this 
privileged position was exclusively extended to the natives and non-native 
elements' in the European employment. Consequently, ■ criminal cases 
against the civic citizens were practically dealt with in provincial courts.
The dichotomy in the realm of culture and rights was completed 
with spatial division, the segregation of the two social groups (hosts and 
immigrants) in different areas of the city. It was within the contradiction of 
this duality that vibrant political culture developed. In 1913, Sabongari was
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established as a non-European Reservation within the Township Area 
specifically for Southern Nigerian migrants composed of the British Army 
(veterans of West African Frontier Force) and African employees in 
European firms and administration.-The earliest settlers in Sabongari, Kano 
were Yoruba and Nupe. Prior to the British conquest of Kano in 1903, 
generations of Nupe and Yoruba immigrants had formed communities 
(Tudun Nupawa and Anguwar Ayagi) within the Kano city walls. Between 
1913 and 1918, approximately 320 plots were carved out and developed to 
accommodate immigrant groups.4 Sabongari was chiefly administered to 
the requirements of the European community. By 1917, Sabongari was 
constituted under the Township Ordinance into the second-class Township 
of Kano, that is second to the Government Reservation Area and not to the 
Kano city which it superseded within 'the, British arrangement.5 
Simultaneously, the Township Area comprising Europeans and non natives 
was severed from the Kano Divisional Administration and placed under an 
officer who discharged functions analogous to those of cantonment 
magistrate and who was directly responsible to the Resident. Sabongari was 
therefore granted autonomy in the Emirate system "apparently for tax and 
flscaT-purposes. Taxes paid by Sabongari residents and or European 
~~employees oT the "British directly went to the colonial treasury rather than 
the N . A r S ^
Meanwhile, the British agenda of racial segregation could not be 
principally enforced based on the culture of inter-ethnic /communal 
relations in the pre-colonial Kano and the discriminatory provision of 
facilities for the colonial economy. For example, it became difficult for the 
British despite various legislations to demarcate boundaries of interaction 
between the host community and Yoruba or Nupe Muslim migrants. This 
was largely informed by the historical interaction between the two groups 
that spanned over four centuries before the BritisK'conquest. In this way,
: some Yoruba and Nupe continued to live in Kano City, an indication that 
when Sabongari was established, living there was based on the preference 
of Yoruba or Nupe particularly the Muslim elements. Apparently, the 
British were not comfortable with some 'non-natives' that opted to live 
together with the 'natives' ‘population. 6 In 1914, the British raised the 
• question of Yoruba living in the Native city rather than in the Native 
; Township with Emir Abbas. The Emir asserted that:
' Yorubas who or whose parents had been born in 
Kano and who agreed to submit themselves without
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
225
question to Muslim Law and the Emir's executive 
authority and who agreed to give up the wearing 
of European clothes are welcome to continue-' 
staying in the city'.
The intervention of the Emir provided prospects for the Yoruba 
who were 'non native' to either live in the city or in Sabongari.
Although the British tried to enforce residential segregation by 
preventing the 'natives' Hausa-speaking peoples from residing or becoming 
plot holders in Sabongari, nonetheless the establishment of market in the 
area attracted the entrepreneurial natives.8 In order to restrict the 'natives' 
from residing in Sabongari, the British imposed a system of "Permit to 
Reside'. This law failed to control the 'natives' residency in the area due to 
the booming economy of Sabongari area and commercial advantages 
offered by the railway networks. By 1921, Hausa traders, artisans and 
employees of European firms had numerically dominated Sabongari. The 
decennial census of 1921 indicates that Hausa population outnumbered any 
other single Southern Nigerian ethnic group in Sabongari.9 The Kano 
Township population census of 1921 estimated 2,000 non-natives in 
Sabongari; 1,478 were Yoruba, 505 native foreigners and 220 Nupe. In 1932, 
the completion of East-North railroad facilitated the massive Igbo 
immigration into Sabongari, Kano ,10
By 1937, the order of ethnic composition of Sabongari radically 
changed. Therefore, a connection was obvious between the Nigerianisation 
of the area and the emergence of educated elite that increased the process of 
nation -building. The population statistics of the Township in 1937 
estimated 1,903 Hausa residents in Sabongari as against 1,547 Yoruba and 
1,529 Igbo.11 By 1938, there were 2,040 Hausa (26 per cent); 4,737( 62 per 
cent) other Nigerians and 842 (11 per cent) non- Nigerians . 12
The Process of Community Formation and Nationalist 
Movement in Sabongari
Sabongari Kano presents a quintessential example of communal 
■identity and mobilisation shaped in response to colonial state policies of 
exclusion and exploitation. In 1932, the British created the office of Sarkin 
(Executive Head) Sabongari, Kano to assist the_Station Magistrate in the 
collection of taxes, regulate cordial relationship between Sabongari, Emirate 
Council and the British, This policy was apparently introduced in view of
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
226
the simmering tension between the immigrant community and the host on 
.one hand and between the Sabongari community and the British. There 
were demands and agitations for. the . abolition of colour bar, equality of 
access to municipal facilities including schools, hospitals and social clubs 
exclusively provided for the British. Equally,- a Mixed Court was 
established to. adjudicatefcivil and criminal cases among the diverse ethnic 
communities in Sabongarl.'.The first .Executive Head and President'of the- 
“Sabongari Mixed Court was Mr. G.E. France, a retired clerk from Gold Coast 
(now Ghana). ;After his death in 1938, he was succeeded by Mr. T.P. Barlett- 
Hughes a professional photographer from Sierra Leone. He was assisted by 
lgbo, Hausa, Nupe and Yoruba ward heads in collecting taxes and 
administering justice. In a cosmopolitan community, the Mixed Court was 
indeed a unifying potential and institution for the non-natives.
By early 1940, Sabongari Kano witnessed a major political 
transformation,.which increased the formative process of development and 
centralised ethnically-based associations. During the Second World War, the 
British made a major policy shift in the administration of Sabongari Kano in 
order to expend resources (human and material) on the war effort. Equally, 
the security lapses in Sabongari had forced the British to compromise the 
theory that the N.A. should be aloof from administering Sabongari. In Apfil 
1940, Sabongari administration was transferred to the Kano N.A. uncfor-the 
control of Wakilin Waje.
The colonial policy shifts and incorporation of Sabongari into the 
Indirect Rule of thip N.A. marked the beginning, of the demise of British rule 
in the area. It set in motion identity reformation and boundary re-definition 
leading to the fusion of .hitherto separate interests. Sabongari residents 
began to identify themselves as a community in the context of the colonial 
state. Indeed, the establishment of centralised ethnic/cultural associations 
were partly expressions of nationalist feelings and resistance against the 
British Indirect Rule. The challenge of living in an urban arena with a 
cosmopolitan population increasingly-led-ta ihe emergence of town, clan 
and ethnic unions within which immigrants find much of the needed 
identity. In origin, these unions were meant to serve welfare purposes. In 
their transformation, these unions became the bedrock of ethnically based 
. political parties in the 1950s.13 As a sphere of social communion; Sabongari 
became a pre-eminent site of re-socialisation processes. To a greater degree, 
layers of social networks in workplace, neighbourhoods, religious and 
relaxation centres produced a crosscutting solidarity structure. At the 
associational level, multi-ethnic civil societies were formed for interest
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aggregation, social security and development. The Sabongari Representative 
Board that had been constituted in 1933 was revived in 1942. The Board had 
representatives from all communities in Sabongari and served as an 
advisory body to the N.A. on social and economic development in 
Sabongari. A multi- ethnic Plot Holders' Association Sabongari, Kano was 
formed to regulate land purchase, development and estate matters. 14 Trade 
unions and professional guilds were equally formed to fight for collective 
rights. Examples of these labour unions include, Liquor Brewers Union and 
African Civil Service Union. In 1944, ten interest groups in Sabongari 
formed an horizontal alliance and protest the planned demolition of 'illegal' 
structures in Sabongari.
The early 1940s equally witnessed the proliferation of centralised 
ethnic associations in Sabongari. In 1942, the Yoruba Central Welfare 
Association Kano (Egbe Omo Oduduwa) was founded as a conglomeration 
of all Yoruba ethnic unions that had existed on the basis of clans, towns and 
kinship.15 Igbo State Union was firmly established in 194$/47. Other 
cultural associations included Benin Union, Ijaw Tribal Union, Itsekiri 
National Society and Urhobo Progressive Union. The .changing roles of 
these ethnic/hometown associations included community development and 
provided platform of mobilisation for the nationalist movement. Indeed, 
the cultural projects of ethnically based associations became political 
instruments. Ethnic identity turned out to be a. strategic phenomenon, 
linked with territorial, economic specialisation and differential access to 
state resources. As a consequence, ethnic identity constituted a major stake 
in the negotiations between the.emerging community and the colonial state. 
The driven forces of these negotiations were subalterns: workers, migrants 
and the urban poor posing poignant questions about their social, cultural 
and political place in the colonial state.
Socially constructed identity, was based on the experiences of 
discrimination, segregation and collective consciousness of exploitation. 
Social movements were driven by economic deprivation and= related social 
grievances that provoked nationalist movement. Indeed, the British laissez 
faire policy was fully practised in Sabongari, no school and hospital was 
established for the residents. They drew largely on indigenous resources 
provided by urban diaspora networks and religious centres. Sabongari 
schools were community-owned and managed by cultural and religious 
organisations. Thus, the nationalist movement was shaped both by the 
'push' of their own internal development and.by the 'pull' of a common
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target defined by exploitation. The colonial state was challenged and 
Sabongari became the epicentre of social movements for tire subalterns.
The working class movement collectively recognised that economic 
exploitation of Nigeria was directly beneficial to Britain in terms of 
employment and economic buoyancy while Nigerians experienced 
unemployment, economic recession, biring taxation and retarded growth of 
indigenous entrepreneurs. The imperial government impoverished workers 
irrespective of their ethnic background and distorted the equilibrium of the. 
economy. 16 The ideologues of these social movements were the radical 
educated elite especially the Zikists whose orientation were derived from 
traditional African communalism, Western democracy and socialism.
In Kano, Sabongari became the republican zone of the radical 
nationalists. The Zikists particularly Raji Abdallah and Os'ita Agwuna were 
vanguards of anti-racism, pan-Nigerian nationalism, inter-ethnic unity and 
cooperation in Sabongari Kano. For example, Agwuna in 1945 founded the 
African Anti- Colour. Bar Movement (AACBM). In 1946, he was Honorary 
-General Secretary of the Coalition of Nigerian Tribal Unions in Kano. 17 In 
August 1950, a coalition of radical elites of diverse ethnic backgrounds 
formed the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) with its: base in 
Fagge and Sabongari, Kanô . NEPU represented the most vibrant anti- 
colonial and feudal movement, which equally championed the cause of the 
working class. 18 In Sabongari, campaign strategies of the radical nationalists 
included public lectures, press and rallies as forms of political mobilisation. 
For example, on 19th November 1950, Mallam Aminu Kano, the leader of 
NEPU delivered a lecture at the Colonial Hotel (now Paradise Hotel), 
Ogbomoso Avenue Sabongari. Kano on Indirect Rule. He declared that the 
system had been imposed to facilitate the exploitation of the colonised. 
Again on 29th November 1950, Mallam Aminu Kano delivered a lecture at 
the Colonial Hotel. He challenged the British to import More Machinery and 
Less Whiskey into the country.19
In many instances, NEPU campaigns mobilised against the.British 
policy of taxation accentuated by the material deprivation of the subalterns." 
The identification with progressive ideologies harmonised the orientation of 
the radical political parties -  National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), 
the Action Group (AG) and the NEPU in the quest for the improvement of 
.workers' welfare .20 Workers in Sabongari found such political platforms a 
basis to agitate for improved working condition and higher wages. In 1951, 
the Railway Workers Union in Kano embarked on strike action, which 
prompted price-hikes of foodstuff and increasing cost of living. Indeed,
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229
radical nationalists drew the mass of their supporters from the subalterns, 
the shopkeepers, small-scale retailers, factory workers, peasantry, artisans 
and jobless.
NEPU was an ally of Azikiwe's NCNC that controlled the 
government of the Eastern Region.21 From 1952 to 1960 the NCNC-NEPU 
shared the same headquarter located at No. 16A Warri Road Sabongari, the 
house was owned by a Sierra Leonian, Barrister Shingle.22 During the self- 
government campaign tour of Chief S.L. Akintola to Kano in May 1953, his 
major supporters were the members of A.G, NEPU and NCNC. In the 
violent riots that ensued, principally between Hausa hosts and Igbo 
migrants, the NEPU supporters exhibited a high degree of nationalism by 
remaining calm in the ethnic violence.23
Sabongari with over 7,000 registered voters was a NEPU -  NCNC 
stronghold and political fortress. In 1954, the parties entered into a formal 
alliance for finance and campaign strategies. The activities of both parties 
were promoted by the Daily Comet Newspaper that was-transferred from 
Lagos to Kano in 1949. The Daily Comet served - as the NCNC -NEPU 
campaign outlet.24 Its central pages printed in Hausa was edited by Tanko 
Yakasai who was then the organiser for the youth wing of NEPU. The AG in 
1959 started the printing of Northern Star Newpaper in.Kano at No. 40 
Church Road (now Awolowo Avenue) Sabongari. The Northern Star was 
published in both English and Hausa.
Conclusion
In Sabongari Kano, socio-economic deprivation - and colonial 
domination were perceived and resisted within the context of emerging 
communal identity and solidarity. The common experience of social 
segregation and economic exploitation formed the basis of mobilisation for 
working class movement and nationalist agitation. In spite of the 
Machiavellian machinations of British rule in fragmenting the colonised, the 
socio-economic crises pushed the Sabongari community to challenge British 
rule. The nationalist consciousness that developed implies awareness 
among the subalterns that they share a—community of interests and 
constitute a distinct political community. Sahongari be'came the 'safe- 
heaven' of radical nationalists who wereYerrorised by the colonial state.
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