OSUN
C OlOllCAl
EVIEW
Vol.2, No.1, September 2015
Published by the
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY
OSUN STATE UNIVERSITY, OSOGBO
(Okuku Campus)
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Osun Sociological Review Vol. 2 No.J(Il-22), 2015
THE DYNAMICS OF COMMUNAL CONFLICTS AND CRIMINALITY IN
NIGERIA
Okunola, Rashidi Akanji
Department of Sociology,
University of Ibadan, Ibadan-Nigeria.
ra.okunola((ll,gmai I.com; +2348036628426
&
Hussaini, M. LawaI
Department of sociology,
Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria.
+2348036203497; tenimu80(w.gmail.com
Abstract
Communal conflicts have arisen out of the context of mutual fear and suspicion over
unequal distribution of socio-political and economic goods and lack of cordiality. Since
most of the perpetrators and mercenaries who execute the conflicts are usually in
possession of arms and ammunitions, it becomes very easy for them to perpetuate various
criminal acts. This paper therefore examined the dynamics of communal conflicts and
criminality in Nigeria. This paper demonstrated that communal conflicts engendered
criminality in Nigeria,' however, little or nothing is known about the criminality
angle/dimension of the incessant communal conflicts in Nigeria. The paper therefore
recommended among others that, there is urgent needs for structural reforms to address
the issues of poverty, social inequality, injustice and oppress ion so as to avoid situations
that create communal conflicts. Governments should endeavour at all levels to work with
the various communities to promote harmonious relationship among the various ethnic
affiliations through the building of inter-ethnic civil networks at the community level
which can be targeted for skills and capacity building/development programmes as a
strategy for conflict management.
Keywords: Communal conflicts; Social relations; Conflict management; Criminality
Introduction
Human history is the history of confl icts of values expressed in various inter and
intra religious, ethnic, regional or class conflicts and contradictions. This idea was aptly
expressed by Marx and Engels (1968) in Akanj i (2012), when they argued that the history
of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle. Documentary records
revealed that incidences of conflicts particularly communal conflicts predate Nigeria even
as a colonial state. These are evidenced in the 19th century internecine warfare among the
Yoruba people to the southwest, the war of attrition by communities in the deltaic areas
over land and claim to resources, and the numerous wars of expansion in the Middle Belt
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The Dynamics of Communal Conflicts and Criminality in Nigeria
area especially among the Tiv, between the Tiv and the Jukun, the Nupe and the Yoruba
to the North, and also the religious wars that followed the Sokoto Jihad of 1804 and
which altered the socio-political and religious topography of present day northern Nigeria
and its neighbours (Akanj i, 2012; Okafor, 2007b). Incidentally, these conflicts continued
with renewed zeal during the period of colonial rule due to the nature of the colonial
political and economic policies which neglected the specific histories of the various
groups in the country. Thus, the history of the country since independence like the pre-
colonial and colonial days, according to Akanj i (2012) is replete with political, religious
and communal conflicts among others to such an extent that a culture of violence has
been created or what has been succinctly referred to as " ... zones of violent
confrontations.
The historical antecedent of the post-colonial Africa is tinted with the menaces of
violent conflicts (Alimba, 2014). Alien rules and regulations guiding social relations of
individuals, communities and groups were introduced by British colonialists who were
also architects and principal initiators of these processes of change. New political
structures and ethos were crafted and forcefully imposed on the local people by the
missionaries and colonialists for the purpose of managing and administering the affairs of
the communities and their peoples (Onwuzuruigbo, 2009). '
In recent years, Nigeria has witnessed a series of communal conflicts. People
who saw their parents, peers and friends shot, burnt or beheaded; were themselves shot at
or physically attacked and!or injured; saw their houses and properties burnt or were
exposed to the grotesque (for example to mutilated and! or decaying corpses) as
happened during the Ile-Ife!Modakeke crisis of march 2000 will bear some negative
effects of such events (Idehen, Olasupo and Adebusuyi, 2013). Among effects of such
communal conflicts are psychological disturbances of various types and severity. Some
stressors, however, are so catastrophic and horrifying that they can cause serious
psychological harm to those who experience them. Both the survivors and witnesses to
traumatic stressors are expected to be greatly distressed as part of their normal response.
For some victims, the trauma' continues long after the event itself has ended. The
horrifying experience leads to general increases in anxiety and arousal, avoidance of
emotionally charged situations and the frequent relieving of the traumatic event.
While conflict is part of every human community, its nature and management
severally determine its effects on the society (Gyong and Ogabdoyi, 2013). Apart from
the loss of lives and property, investible resources are often diverted to security issues
and conflict management. Yet, its psychological impact through depression is
agonizingly too traumatic.
Worldwide, the current efforts geared towards building peaceful relations
between warring communities have largely drawn from a repertoire of conflict
resolution approaches conceived and designed by western nations, international
organizations and even private agencies based in Europe and America (Zartman, 2000).
As plausible as these strategies could have been, no doubt, is based on the assumption of
the philosophy of the retributive justice. Consequently, conflicts involving communal
groups have often been managed through court litigations, deployment of state. security
forces and constitution of panel of inquiry/investigative commissions (Ukiwo, 2003;
Albert, 2001). Critics berate the often fire-brigade measures of managing communal
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Ovun Sociological Review Vol. 2 No. 1(1I-22) , 2015
C\lll flicts in Nigeria, as constituting the problem itself (Ukiwo, 2003); recommendations
\11 investigative commissions are never implemented and security personnel charged with
the responsibility of managing conflicts as well as government-adjudged to be impartial -
often take sides with the feuding communities thus becoming interested parties in
the recurrent communal conflicts in the country. This is not unconnected to the emerging
perspectives in conflict management that support a renewed emphasis on traditional
or indigenous approaches to conflict management.
In Nigeria, conflict is often the result of the interaction of political, economic and
social instability frequently stemming from bad governance, failed economic policies and
inappropriate development programs stemming from exacerbated differences in society.
As observed by Onwuzuruigbo (2009), at every level of interaction, different genre of
conflict threatens peaceful inter-group relations and strives to dismember the Nigerian
state. A constant fact about conflict is that it is an ever present phenomenon in social
relations.
Communal conflicts that have afflicted Nigeria since independence have usually
been interpreted as typical ethnic/tribal and or religious/cultural conflicts. While these
categorizations may have served as plausible descriptions of earlier conflicts, and may
still have some bearing on how current conflicts are being conducted and perceived, the
reality is that conflict causes tend to change and diversify. Changes in the economic,
political, social and ecological background do gradually, if imperceptibly, influence the
nature of conflicts.
Several factors have been adduced for conflicts generation; these factors vary
with the nature and location of conflicts namely; poverty, land ownership, ethnicity,
marginalization e.t.c (Okafor, 2007b; Okunola and Ikunmolu, 2012). But most conflicts
in Nigeria have almost the same causes or sources due to several small tribes who want to
identify with their cultures, protect their political interest, religion and ethnicity. ·It is
difficult to isolate which conflict is primarily engendered by economic, ethnic, religious
and political competitions (Alemika, 2002).
The regular conflicts and criminality in Nigeria over the years have led to the
destruction of lives, property worth billions of naira and destruction of basic
infrastructural facilities in place thereby worsening the already bad condition of the
inhabitants, hence, negating their abilities to relate functionally with their counterparts in
other developing countries inspite of her resource endowment. This great loss cannot be
without having negative effect on agricultural products, income levels and a-rise in
poverty level of the people, consequently stimulating movement of displaced persons to
neighbouring countries like Niger, Chad, Cameroon, among others. In Nigeria, apart from
arson during communal conflicts, house breaking and other forms of criminality also
become visible during and after communal con flicts. Since most of the jobless youths and
mercenaries who execute the conflicts are usually in possession of arms and
ammunitions, it becomes very easy for them to break into homes and make away with
people's property.
In Nigeria, armed youths are emerging outside the general political class whose
options in the face of emerging poverty hide under the confusion of communal conflicts
to engage in other forms of criminality such as rape, burglary, arson and so on. Several
studies have been done on the prevalence of conflicts in Nigeria (Okunola and Ikunmola,
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The Dynamics of Communal Conflicts ami Criminality ill Nigeria
2012; Alubo, 2008; Best, 2008; Otite and Albert, 2001). These works are plausible in
their own merits. Yet, little or not much has been done on the criminality
angle/dimension of these series of communal conflicts. It is along this identified gap that
this paper provided a more nuance approach to examine the dynamics of communal
conflict and criminality in Nigeria.
Predisposing Factors of Communal Conflicts and Criminality in Nigeria
It is common knowledge that since independence in 1960, Nigeria has been
confronted more with internal security challenges than external threats. These internal
security problems have been engendered by perennial and intractable communal conflicts
which create persistent political instability and obstruct national consensus and
development. The important point to note is that conflicts constitute inevitable aspects of
human interaction, and are unavoidable concomitants of choices and decisions. In theory,
human activities can take two polar forms: pure anarchy and/or normlessness, and -rule
following (Simpson in Croft, 1996. The relations between groups, communities and even
States traditionally have been regarded as operating more at the anarchic (conflict) end of
this spectrum than through conformity to rules of behaviour (Gyong and Ogbadoyi,
2013). Okoye (2006) observes that, no man is an island unto himself. Individuals interact
at the social, psychological and mental levels of existence in real life. This social
interaction usually results in meeting the needs of members SlS well as creating situations
of disagreements, quarrels, clashes and sorrow, which invariably lead to conflict. Socio-
political interactions involve two contradictory but inexorable tendencies: which are
conflict and cooperation. As human beings interact with each other in a social setting, and
seek to promote their material well being and survival in the midst of scarce resources,
they either cooperate for the purpose of mutual benefit, or disagree over the usage of
factors of production and processes of production (Dunmoye, 2012; Okunola, 2013).
Conflicts are often multi-dimensional in causation (Elaigwu, 2007). Conflicts may be
caused by actions which lead to mutual distrust, polarization of relations and hostility
among groups in competitive interaction within a country. Conflicts may also emanate
from human needs which may be social, economic, physical or psychological. Perceived
or real sense of marginalization by a group within a country may also create conflict
situation.
Communal conflicts in Nigeria have long trace of pre-colonial and post- colonial
historical antecedents. In pre-colonialism, the country called Nigeria did not exist. In its
place was a hugely diverse scattering of tribes and communities, some of whom. had
territory which overlaps the borders of present day Nigeria. These varied groups with
different languages, cultures and political practices were all brought together under
British rule to form an entirely artificial nation. The arbitrary drawing of borders which
was so common to Africa in colonial times paid little attention to the natural ethnic lines
of the tribes. Whilst the Western world regarded them all as Nigerians, they considered
themselves as primarily members of whichever tribe from which they originated .
. According to Akinwumi (2004);
In pre-colonial Nigeria each of the groups that colonialism forcefully
brought together under one administration had had their own unique
political and administrative structures that best suited their society.
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Colonialism, however, altered and disarticulated the progress of these
"states." Beginning with the indirect rule system through the "mistake
of 1914" (amalgamation), and several constitutional bargains to
independence in 1960, the British failed in all ways to lay a solid
foundation for the building of nationhood out of the disparate
amalgam called Nigeria. This was evidenced by the divide and rule
tactics, regionalism, and perverted federal framework bequeathed to
the country. (pp. 27-50)
Nwosu (1999) cited in Mojeed and Joseph (2012) posits that the colonization of
Africa and several other Third World states ensured that peoples of diverse culture were
brought together under one country. To him, because of the mission of colonialism, most
of these peoples were not well integrated into the new states. Instead, some of the
imperial powers cashed in on the cultural divergence of these countries to ensure the
examination of their objectives. He further said, it is thus not surprising those years after
colonialism, these states remained lowly integrated. This low level of integration has
precipitated communal conflicts in many of the states in Nigeria arid still serves as good
breeding ground for the continuum of communal conflicts today. To Vandenberg (1998),
the problem of communal conflict was mooted under colonialism because Africans had
no control over the central power and often were kept divided into administrative districts
by Europeans.
Most communal conflicts always occur along ethnic and religious fault lines.
Sometimes, there is a convergence of ethnicity and religion (Human Rights Report,
2007). In the paper of inter-ethnic conflicts among the Tiv and Jukun in Taraba Slate,
Egwu (1998) noted that ethnic consciousness was very glaring among the two ethnic
groups. To him this resulted in hostility between the two ethnic groups. When individuals
are too conscious of their ethnic groups, they claim supremacy of their own group over
the others. This is further passed to successive generations through the process of
socialization. This encourages the growth of inter-ethnic animosity, which is extended to
various areas of human endeavours such as economic and political interests. The
prejudices that develop are transmitted to the upcoming generations of members that will
perpetuate hostility. Zuberu (1999) asserted that too strong loyalty to an ethnic group
promotes keen competition for land ownership, political domination and economic
supremacy. He attributed the outbreak of the crisis between the Tivs and Jukuns to claims
for land ownership in Taraba State. He further maintained that ethnic consciousness is
usually manipulated by individuals and groups to achieve goals.
Alubo (2003) argues that the struggles for identity take on material expression
such as the control over resources and access to decision making and political control.
These claims were the result of the violent conflict between the Bassa and Egbura groups
in Nasarawa West and Eggon and Alago in the Southern zone in which the two groups
struggle for supremacy over each other to indigeneship, rulership and control of
resources. Consequently, the proliferation of communal conflicts in Nigeria is
necessitated on one hand by cultural, communal and religious differences and on the
other hand by fear of domination nursed by the minority groups. Contrary to the reality of
the Nigerian situation, the Federal Government report (2002) cited in Adebayo (2012)
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The Dynamics of Communal Conflicts ami Criminality in Nigeria
noted that communal conflict in Nigeria is closely linked to resource competition and
contest for political power. In competing for political positions, ethnic differences are
sometimes used for selfish interest, leading to heavy casualties among the masses that are
not necessarily the beneficiaries of the economic gains of the coveted office. Some of
these conflicts emanate from governmental policies, which do not seem to carry the
populace along, but are tied to the interest of the elite, particularly the political class, self-
centred leadership, poor implementation of government policies, the glaring gap between
the rich and the poor, and the arrogant display of stolen public fund by government
officials etc as the underlying causes of public anger and frustration that needed religious
and ethnic disagreements to erupt into communal conflict'. Thus, there is general
agreement among scholars that a monolithic explanation of communal conflicts in
Nigeria is inadequate.
Otite (1999) argues that most conflicts in Nigeria are premised on land space and
resource competition; disputed jurisdiction of traditional rulers; creation and location of
local government council headquarters; scarce political and economic resources; micro
and macro social structures of Nigeria; population growth; and disregard for cultural
symbols.
Politics and struggle for power has been recognized as another cause of crisis in
Nigeria (Best, 2008). The indigenes often see the control of traditional and modern
machinery of governance as their exclusive rights while the settlers as they increase in
population aspire to participate in governance and this has always caused friction. An
example that suffices here is the conflict between the Egbura and the Bassa in Toto as a
result of the Egbura demand for the replacement of their late chief. The Bassa saw this as
a challenge on their traditional superiority since they lay claim to the area as their
ancestral land. Also, accusations and counter accusations of lopsidedness in the
appointment and recruitment into public service by one tribe over another is also part of
the issue causing crisis in the area.
The point, however is that, several studies attribute Nigeria's communal conflicts
to the failure of its political elite to accept democratic principles of accountability, equity,
justice and the rule of law (Akinwale, 2011). Also, most communal conflicts in Nigeria.
have been traced to contested bases of citizenship rights, greed, predatory rule, autocracy,
and unresolved grievances. Different forces such as colonialism, neo-colonialism,
dictatorship, alienation, poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, infrastructural decay, ethnic
rivalry and religious intolerance constitute the root causes of Nigeria's communal
conflicts (Akinwale, 2011). Although, cultural diversity and ethnicity are seldom roots or
direct causes of conflict, their easy use for the mobilisation of support often makes them
an integral part of the dynamics of conflicts, and they can easily become the main
motivators for sustaining communal conflict and become obstacles to peace (UNDP
2004). The merger of ethnicity and religion has played out communal conflicts, which
cannot be divorced from the political economy of contemporary Nigeria.
Besides the aforementioned, poverty has become a major root cause of
Nigeria's violent conflicts given the emerging flows from the economy of violence in the
country. In different areas of Nigeria, the unemployed and underemployed youths have
embarked on a range of violent activities in search for livelihoods. This situation has
produced heroes in the context of political thuggery, assassination, militancy, and ethnic
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massacre. There is general agreement among scholars that a monolithic explanation of
violent conflicts in Nigeria is inadequate (Onwuzuruigbo, 2009; Ibeanu, 2006; FaIola
1998).
Communal Conflicts and Crlrninality in Nigeria
There is a pervasive perception in Nigeria that crime is on the increase, wh ich
has heightened the feeling of insecurity among the general populace. Nevertheless,
official data provided by the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) suggests that the crime rate in
the country has successively reduced from 1996 to 200 I in the four composite criminal
acts by about 16% (offences against persons, against property, against lawful authority,
and against local acts). These statistics, however, appear to be at variance with newspaper
incidence reports on violent crimes in the country, and have not created a feeling of
enhanced security among the civil society (Salay, 2004). On the contrary, most Nigerians
agree that crime rates and insecurity in the country are very high and that over the last
years the country has experienced a steep rise in crime. Organized and non-organized
crime and attendant vices such as smuggling of contrabands, especially firearms,
counterfeiting, money-laundering, armed robberies, kidnapping, car hijacking, and
human trafficking have become sources of worry for the Nigerian government (Salay,
2004). Likewise, incidents of high profile crime and politically motivated killings have
lately compounded the complexity of the crime situation in the country. The seeming
discrepancy between the officially reported drop in crime and public perception can be
due to either under-reporting, taking into consideration the inefficiency or weak record-
keeping methods of the Nigeria Police Force (and also other law enforcement agencies
such as Nigeria Immigration Service, Nigeria Customs Service, NDLEA, etc.).
The most rampant phenomenon ever witnessed in virtually every part of Nigeria
today is crime; it is escalating grossly in a higher proportion. Crime rate in Nigeria has
assumed a worrisome dimension (Aleyorni, 2013). Although, crime is as old as human
society itself, it can be traced to tlie primitive pastoral and horticultural societies or from
small hunting and gathering bands characterized by primitive social organization, through .
a more advance communal social life, to the modern industrial and globalized societies
(Okunola, 2013). Criminal behaviour is a common phenomenon in every society, but
certain societies have recorded higher percentages of criminal activities than others.
Olujinmi (2004) observed that criminality is part and parcel of human nature and society.
That is 'why no society can claim to be completely free of crimes. But the types of
criminal .behaviour tend to follow the pattern of social and economic development of a
given society. It is therefore not unexpected that a society at a low level of development
tends to experience an upsurge in the rate of violent crimes such as armed robbery,
politically motivated killings, the use of illegal weapons, ethnic and religious clashes and
the like (Olujimi, 2004).
Crime is a social event that does not exist or take place in a vacuum. Crime takes
place in a social environment which is replete with other forms of anomalies such as
unemployment, poverty, socio-economic and political inequalities. Crime occurs in the
context of social interaction where individuals have fundamental responsibility to choose
either criminal behaviour or law-abiding behaviour. A crime is interpreted in the context
of a criminal event based on the situation in which it occurred. Every criminal event is
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Tile Dynamics of Communal Conflicts ami Criminality in Nigeria
unique and may be subject to different interpretations because every crime has a set or
primary and secondary causes and consequences.
Crime is more likely to be committed in the circumstance where there is the
absence of visual cues of control, because the risk is minimally observable and the
chances of success are great. Therefore, every crime event has motives, purposes and
benefits to the criminal offender. Crimes differ from one another and, therefore, the
factors weighed by criminal offenders in terms of influencing the decision to commit any
criminal act differ according to its nature, and choices made. Criminal event is a
reflection of the social environment. People commit crime because they have needs and
desires and beliefs about how they can fulfill their aspirational needs and desires. In this
sense, criminal behaviour has a purposive character (Iwarimie-Jaja, 2013). It is a rational,
and deliberate choice that satisfies and benefits the criminal offender.
Crime events take place when there are favourable and conducive situational
factors (especially during communal contlicts) that encourage action, and promote
success. Situational factors that promote criminal activities are criminogenic. The
immediate environment can precipitate criminal responses, because there are several
situational cues that prompt individuals to take vital decisions and act effectively. For
example, prompts such as the availability of guns or weapons may precipitate an
individual to engage in robbery, though may have been provided for such purpose but for
the execution of communal conflicts. Also, the pressure from the frustration of
unemployment and poverty can trigger and push an individual to commit crime.
Environmental signs may entice a criminal to commit crime. For example, the confusion
during communal conflicts where people run for their dear lives may alert a criminal that
it is an appropriate time or a free invitation to commit crime.
Criminological studies have revealed that there is no group of persons prone to
crime. However, different individuals, or persons, have the propensity to commit crime
based on different circumstances or situations they face in social life. Statistical evidence
has shown that anyone could become a criminal, or act criminally. Regardless of whether
they are employed, unemployed or rich, people commit crimes. However, studies have
shown that the unemployed have the tendency to commit crime more than the employed
do (Iwarimie-Jaja, 2006). Studies have also found that young adults commit more violent
crimes than older adults and men commit more crimes than women. Studies have show n
that indicators of criminality is often revealed when unemployment, poverty, age, SC\.
frustration are associated or correlated with crime (Iwarimie-Jaja, 2013). Alemika (200-1).
asserts that when the period of unemployment is prolonged, the effect of being
unemployed becomes more devastating, and individuals are more likely to commit crime.
Unemployment leads to poverty, hunger, frustration and threatens livelihood. Therefore,
unemployment creates the condition which triggers an individual to develop criminal
tendency thereby hiding under the guise of confusion during and after communal
conflicts to perpetuate criminality.
Conclusion and Recommendations
This paper examined the dynamics of communal conflicts and criminality in
Nigeria. The paper demonstrated that there have been cases of multi -ethnic vices
such as allegiance to ethnic-group, intra-cultural and inter-ethnic antagonism.
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hostility, aggression, bitterness and hatred among the different groups in the country.
Different groups have become slaves to their ethnic origin to which their allegiance is
largely focused at thedetriment of the county's interest. Conflict in this respect varies in
scope, intensity and nature, and has taken immeasurable toll on human lives, living many
dead, maimed and numerous others displaced. The nature, scale and dimension of
conflicts vary according to the issues involved in relation to the cultures
concerned. That is to say, conflicts take different forms depending on their specific
contexts. This is central to many cases of conflicts in Nigeria. The paper further revealed
that, conflict creates platforms for crime to fester - as hoodlums and vagrants hide under
the guise to perpetuate different forms of criminality.
The conclusion of this paper therefore is that, the frequency of communal
conflicts and criminality is driven by the general lack of socio-economic and political
opportunities. Consequently, conflicts will continue to occur, and those who acquired
arms to prosecute conflicts would never stop as long as that sense of alienation, injustice,
deprivation and oppression continue unabated. Thus, to combat criminality associated
with communal conflicts without restructuring the socio-economic and political
structures will be an exercise in futility. This is so because, arms and ammunitions in
themselves do not cause communal conflicts, rather it is the injustices perpetrated in the
system that give birth to incessant conflicts and consequently the need for hoodlums to
hide under the guise for the perpetuation of all kinds of criminality. This is because;
government economic policies have not sufficiently addressed poverty, under-
development and unemployment, which serve as breeding ground for grievances.
Conflict is generally perceived as unwholesome because of its destructive
manifestations in terms of killings, maiming and wanton destruction of property as well
as its attendant criminality. On this note, the following policy recommendations are
suggested:
Governments should endeavour at all levels to work with the various
communities to promote harmonious relationship among the various ethnic affiliations
through the building of inter ethnic civil networks at the community level which can be
targeted for skills and capacity building programmes in conflict management.
The security agencies and communities should be trained and given the right
orientation to respond promptly and appropriately to early warning/sign of tension. In this
regard, the security should be adequately trained and equipped to prevent and address
early warning tension geared towards curtailing the eruption of conflict in the first
instance.
Government should address the issues of poverty, social inequality, injustice,
oppression and lopsided development among social, ethnic and religious groups to avoid
situations that create communal conflicts that precip.itate the acquisition, accumulation
and use of illegal small arms.
This study aligns with Soyombo (2007) that the Nigerian society should adopt
the 'principles of social welfare' and 'social responsibility' to control crime. This implies
improved range of social services (such as potable water, quality education and health
care; motorable roads, decent accommodation, and electricity), provided by the
government to resolve anomalies or social problems suffered by individuals, groups and
communities, in order to enhance societal well-being. Although, these may not be
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The Dynamics of Communal Conflicts and Criminality ill Nigeria
provided free, they could be 'heavily' subsidized by the government to make them
affordable and accessible to the people.
There should be complement to the services of the conventional security
agencies; states should sponsor community-based vigilantes to address the reactive rather
than proactive nature of Nigerian security agencies in conflict and criminality control.
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