ISSN 2141-9744
/Ibadan 
Journal of 
Humanistic 
Studies
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
IBADAN JOURNAL OF HUMANISTICS STUDIES (Volume 23) April 2013
EDITORIAL BOARD
Prof. A. Raji-Oyelade -  Chairman 
Dr A. Ojebode -  Editor 
Prof. 0. Oha -  Member 
Prof. C. B. N. Ogbogbo -  Member 
Dr S. A. Odebunmi -  Member 
Dr B. Lanre-Abbas -  Member 
Dr R. Sanusi -  Member 
Dr A. A. Lewis -  Member 
T. Gbadamosi -  Business Manager
EDITORIAL ADVISERS
Professor Jane Plastow, University of Leeds, U’K. 
Professor James Gibbs, Bristol University, U.K. 
Professor Niyi Osundare, University of New Orleans, U.S.A.
Professor Dan Izevbaye, Bowen University, Iwo, Nigeria 
Emeritus Professor Ayo Banjo, University o f Ibadan, Nigeria
Published by:
Faculty o f Arts, University o f Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria 
©  Faculty o f Arts, University o f Ibadan, Nigeria, 2012
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BY THE COPYRIGHT OWNERS, THE 
FACULTY OF ARTS, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN, IBADAN, NIGERIA.
ISSN: 2141 - 9744
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Ibadan Journal o f Humanistic Studies, Volume 23, April 2013, 91-114
West African Migrants and Okada 
(Commercial Motorcycle) Business 
in Ibadan Since the 1990s
Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi1
Abstract
In Ibadan, Nigeria, urban dysfunction was signified by overcrowding and a 
chaotic transport system. The widespread use o f okada (commercial 
motorcycle) generated income and inconveniences for urban dwellers. Due 
to their poor economic background, most okada (commercial motorcycle) 
riders were in the business to buy time and get cheap money. This paper 
examines the social experiences o f young West African migrants who 
competed with unemployed (or underemployed) Nigerians in the ubiquitous 
okada business and illuminates the risks and ambition o f young migrants in 
making money in the informal transport sector. Since the 1990s, okada has 
been a symbol everyday coping mechanisms o f the struggling migrants and 
the urban poor to earn a living against the vagaries of harsh economic realities. 
The paper argues that there are confrontations over the use o f urban space 
between state authorities and Okada riders. Banning okada invoked a new 
urban governance dynamics in terms of security and rebranding. Against all 
the risk factors, West African okada riders continue to struggle with the 
aspirations o f making money.
Migrants as Labouring Poor in the Informal Sector
Migration is one o f the key processes making Ibadan, the capital of
1 Department of History, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, rasolaniyi@gmail.com
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92 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 93
Oyo State, Nigeria, an important centre of the regional economy. Many of the young migrants operate in the informal economic 
With a population of 1,338,659 according to 2006 census, Ibadan sector. Informalisation of labour relations is prevalent in the socio­
is the third largest city in Nigeria after Lagos and Kano. Ibadan is economic experiences of West African migrants in Ibadan. Migrants 
located in Southwest Nigeria, 128km inland northeast o f Lagos, in this study, especially those who migrated between the 1990s and 
530km southeast of Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), and 2011, belong to what Bhattacharya and Lucassen (2005) termed as 
120km east o f border with Benin Republic. This geographical ‘informal sector labour force,’ ‘labouring poor or ‘marginal’. The 
features make Ibadan a prominent transit point between the coastal labouring poor are those whose daily labour is necessary for their 
region, regions to the north, and trans-border mobility in West Africa. daily support. They are workers in the informal sector operating 
The history of Ibadan was built on different migration forms, beyond the purview o f state regulation in the form of labour laws. 
manipulated spaces and collective representation (Awe, 1973; Falolai They are also self-employed in micro-enterprises, in household 
1989; Adeboye, 2003 and Akinyele, 2011). The growth of the city artisanal production or in the tertiary or service sector. Some are 
has been intertwined with the search for protection, social mobility circular migrant labourers linking the rural informal sector with the 
and opportunities. From its establishment in the 1820s, Ibadan formal or informal urban sectors.
developed by incorporating new groups of migrants from other parts From the mid-1980s, neo-liberal economic reforms have 
o f Yorubaland and beyond. West African migrants added further exacerbated the grim situation in many cities, making social inequality 
diversity to the city in the 1990s. However, the urban landscape across urban space more visible (Hansen and Vaa, 2004). As a result 
continued to deteriorate as migrants and poor masses struggled to of this, there has been an increase in the informal sector employment 
make a living on the streets. Ibadan metropolis consists o f eleven in the cities since then as a high proportion o f people seek their 
local government areas: five urban and six semi-urban. Fourchard livelihood in the informal sector (Olaniyi, 2005). According to 
(2003) noted that lack o f co-ordination among these local Fourchard (2003), this growth of the informal sector has characterised 
governments increases the difficulties of urban management. Akinyele the development o f urban poverty in Nigeria.
and Ibadan North Local Government areas are two urban spaces under Following the informalisation of the economy in the mid-1980s, 
the siege o f migrants from various parts of Nigeria and the West labour structures have also changed. The Structural Adjustment 
African sub-region. Programme (SAP) produced a highly mobile labour force capable of 
This paper examines the coping mechanisms and adaptation of engaging in a variety of occupational services and menial jobs in the 
young West African migrants from Senegal, Mali, Gambia, Ghana, informal sector. Many unemployed youths and migrants hired out 
Guinea, Togo, Benin and Niger Republic, who competed with their labour in the informal sector. Studies on the labouring poor in 
unemployed Nigerians in the okada (commercial motorcycle) the informal sector are very rare in the Nigerian historical scholarship. 
business. It demonstrates how West African migrants negotiate the This paper is a social history of unknown migrant okada riders in 
narrow escape in the city in order to make money and how urban the informal urban transport sector. Okada plays dominant roles in 
residents in Ibadan patronise okada to ‘hit targets’ and make a living in public transportation system but little is known about the origin and 
the informal sector. Okada business developed in response to structural identity of the teeming riders.
adjustment conditions and adaptation to the challenges of development. The economic crises of the mid 1980s forced struggling migrants 
The paper argues that there are confrontations over the use of urban to initiate various ways of earning money through fastest means. In 
space between state authorities and okada riders. Banning okada invoked their quest to survive the harsh economic realities, many youths 
a new urban governance dynamics in terms of security and rebranding including university graduates plunged into menial jobs, especially 
of cities. Government ban threatened the survival of okada riders okada business. By 2011, the number of migrants on okada business 
who eke out a living at margins of the urban economy. swelled due to growing unemployment and porous borders.1 In
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94 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 95
many Nigerian cities today, young people of diverse origins work as  Okada in Sierra-Leone, Kabu-Kabu in Niger, Bendskin in Cameroon, okada operators. This is due to their dream to escape poverty, ‘see a Ganzemidjan in Benin, Oleyia in Togo, commercial motorcycles are bit of the world’ and provide for their poor families at home. Okada predominant in most African cities ravaged by the devastating 
becomes the ‘narrow escape’ and principal means through which consequences of SAP Since the early 1990s, okada has emerged as 
people navigate the city streets. the most popular mode of transportation in Nigeria.
Due to their poor economic background, most okada riders are 
in the business to buy time and get chop money. Okada business is an Narrow Escape: The Emergence of Okada
evidence o f falling standard o f living, social inequalities and 
dependency on foreign technology in most o f the underdeveloped Urban transport service, developed largely by the informal sector, 
countries o f West Africa.2 Migrant okada riders work in the context has passed through several stages in Nigeria. Urban transport system 
o f conflict between failed public transport system, collapsed evolved without proper planning by the colonial and post-colonial 
infrastructure and disillusionment among urban dwellers. In all these, governments. Urban mobility problems in Nigeria became more acute 
Todaro (1969) migration model presupposes that the informal sector after World War II. This was because the automobile explosion in the 
is a temporary ‘staging post’ for new migrants planning to get the post-WWII period was not commensurate with adequate planning. 
desired formal sector work. Barnerjee (1983) argues that, “a From commercial buses in the early 20th century, okada became a 
sizeable proportion ... of migrants who entered the informal wage dominant player in urban transport system. In 1914, Anfani Bus 
sector and the non-wage sector had been attracted to the city by Service pioneered commercial transport system out of concern for 
opportunities in these sectors and did not consider employment struggling commuters in Lagos. Commuter bus services increased in 
there as a means of survival while waiting on the queue for formal response to urbanisation between the 1920s and 1950s. In the 1950s, 
sector job.” Ogunrinola (2011) corroborates Barnerjee (1983) by Morris-minor cars were used as taxi-cabs in Ibadan until 1965 when 
suggesting that a number of operators in the okada business are in lorries by Bedford, Austin and Morris were introduced as intra and 
the occupation for other purposes than making a lifetime career. inter-city means of transportation (Olaoba, 2002). The increasing 
Ogunrinola further asserts that there is strong preference for self- rate of transport business prompted the introduction of new laws 
employment in the informal sector as opposed to the formal sector. to regulate the sector. In order to mitigate the emerging challenges 
Evidence from this study suggests that many unemployed  of urban transportation services, the Ibadan City Council passed a Nigerian graduates or retrenched workers who engage in okada bye-law, Control of Traffic Bye-law 1964, under section 11 (1) (9) of 
business are in the job to buy time while waiting for lucrative the Road Traffic Laws (Western Nigeria). The Bye-law required any 
employment opportunities. On the other hand, most of the young person who wanted to operate any stage or hackney carriage within 
West African migrants engage in okada business to enable them the areas o f the Council’s jurisdiction to obtain a permit from the 
send remittances home, finance other businesses or return home Council. The function and power of granting permits was delegated 
after raising enough capital for business. Some engage in okada to a transport committee.
business to finance their education while others combine okada By 1970, bus business continued in Ibadan with Kombi, German 
business with wage labour. automobile model buses (also known locally as danfo) to cater for 
As stated by Lourdes, Plat, Pochet and Sahgbana (2010), the boom increasing transportation demands by workers, marketers and 
in the use o f commercial motorcycle in most African cities was due generality o f urban dwellers. At the beginning of bus-business in 
to the growing demand not satisfied by other modes o f public Ibadan, there was no strict compliance with traffic order which 
transport. Under different local names such as Boda boda in Uganda occasioned social conflicts and lawlessness. From the 1970s, urban 
and Tanzania, Okada/Achaba/Going in Nigeria, Okada in Ghana, transport system in Ibadan “ ... became obstructive to free-flow of 
traffic . The drivers and conductors became unruly and
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96 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 97
uncontrollable” (Olaoba, 2002: 10). Such rascally instinct and social mobility standard in a modern city with highly competitive economy. 
deviance dominate okada business in the 1990s and 2000s. Following unplanned urbanisation, inadequate parking facilities 
The problem of urban transportation continued during the oil were worsened by the growing rate o f roadside trading and refuse 
boom years and Udoji Award in the mid-1970s. The use of commercial dumps that made efficient transport services difficult.
motorcycle was more prevalent in the rural and border areas during The emergence of okada is an important signifier of economic 
the period. It facilitated rural-urban mobility in the wake of urban- downturn in Nigeria. The name, okada, originated from the Benin 
bias development and rural neglect. This situation persists till today town o f Okada, Edo State, Nigeria. Okada Airline derived its name 
not only in the rural areas, but also peri-urban sectors. According to from the same source. The link between Okada Airline and okada 
Oni (2004: 194), “ instead of proper public transportation being (commercial motorcycle) is interesting in the economic history of 
established, the use o f commercial motorcycle became celebrated, Nigeria. Okada Airline based in Benin City, Nigeria, started as charter 
and they began operation informally as intra-urban or para-transit flights in 1979 and commercial flights in 1983. It was established by 
passenger mode o f conveyance along various urban roads.” By the Chief Gabriel Igbinedion, the Esama o f Benin and a wealthy 
1980s, as Oni further analyses, “commercial motorcycling renders entrepreneur (Edo, Olaniyi, Ndukwe and Muritala, 2014). Between 
more flexible service. The service is faster because motorcycles are 1980s and mid-1990s, Okada Air was one of the largest airline 
hardly caught up in traffic hold-up. The major problem in this is the operators that served many airports for relatively low fares. In 1997, 
high rate of accidents that has resulted in increased cost o f treating Okada Airline finally collapsed after air crashes in 1989, 1991 and 
people involved in accidents” (p. 202). In the 1990s, most government 1992. Obviously, Okada was borrowed from Okada Airline due to its 
Urban Mass Transit collapsed within few years o f establishment due low fares, popular patronage and ability to break the monopoly of 
to corruption and mismanagement. The decline in organised public the state-owned Nigerian Airways. As a mark o f economic 
transport systems led to rapid growth o f non-conventional means of backwardness and perpetual dependency on foreign technology, 
public transport, especially commercial motorcycle (Olubomehin, Okada (commercial motorcycles) became widespread after the 
2012). collapse of Okada Airline.
However, it should be noted that urban transport services in According to Oyesiku (2001), commercial motorcycle was 
Nigeria were provided by the informal sector. For many years, taxis introduced in Nigeria in the 1970s. The use of commercial motorcycle 
and intra-city bus services were owned by local and foreign continued in 1980 by a group o f individuals in Agege Local 
entrepreneurs. Okada filled the gap created by inadequate and Government Area of Lagos State. They were initially used to 
inefficient urban transport system as economic crises deepened. supplement family incomes by operating them after normal working 
Okada is an offshoot o f kabukabu (unlicensed, unmarked and hours. The phenomenon spread to Ibadan by the late 1980s as a 
speedy) taxi-cabs. The use o f kabukabu became prevalent in strategy devised to cope with crisis in urban transportation. For 
Nigerian cities from the mid-1970s when civil servants and low- Ikporukpo (1994), the decay in urban transportation is signaled by 
income earners supplemented family income using their personal unduly long commuter-waiting periods due to the short supply of 
cars directly or otherwise to offer unauthorised taxi services. By vehicles, a high number of traffic accidents due to poor conditions of 
1984, Litehace buses dominated urban transport service in Ibadan. the commercial vehicles, and disorganised traffic and parking systems. 
However, in the 1990s, okada provided alternative mode o f Though okada allows commuters to achieve their goals and meet 
transportation for urban dwellers who reluctantly coped with low targets, it added to urban transportation crisis in terms of congestion, 
speed, rickety taxis and commercial buses. Ibadan has a accidents, health hazards and air pollution.
predominance of rickety vehicles and crowded, uncomfortable seats. Okada was a popular response to a growing demand and the 
Due to interrupted movements, these vehicles are at odds with commercial opportunity provided by the failure of state-owned or
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98 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 99
subsidised-monopoly public transport enterprises in the 1990s. It it has sustained other economic activities in peasant farming, 
was also a response to the growing urban population, which technical skills and auto-repairs, petty trading and transportation 
according to the United Nations’ estimate, increased by over 5 per of workers and students. It enhances transportation of goods and 
cent per annum. In 1995, almost 10,000 motorcycles were registered the referral o f patients between healthcare centres. Of crucial 
for commercial purposes in Lagos (Kumar, 2011). Economic importance is the fact that okada services provide self-employment 
recession contributes to the increasing popularity of okada, rising for teeming unemployed or underemployed youths, thereby reducing 
to almost 200,000 by 2007 in Lagos (Kumar, 2011). The growing the high rate of pick-pocketing and armed banditry in the cities as 
popularity o f Okada is also due to its low capital outlays, and the well as in rural areas.
fact that most o f the urban areas are growing with unplanned Okada promotes a culture o f intolerance, aggression and 
peripheral settlements and un-motorable roads. Small scale indiscipline. Most of the urban youths, especially internal and 
entrepreneurs, peasant farmers, civil servants, politicians, sex international migrants shared a sense of restlessness about “fast” 
workers and others invested in okada with the expectation of daily money and “making” it big. It is common to see Okada overloaded 
returns and remittances. In addition, okada business is mostly self- with passengers as operators strive to maximise earnings at the 
regulated with easy entry and exit. expense of safety. Bye and large, Okada contributes to current urban 
social crisis and complicates youth’s construction of meaningful 
“Okadisation” and Individualisation of Urban livelihoods and social identities. The “Okadisation” process launched 
Space a new phenomenon in the social history of Ibadan, as urban dwellers 
shifted from traditional trekking and cycling to Okada riding between 
Mobility on okada depicts liberty and fast-moving scheme o f things places and destinations. As economic crises deepened, a new trend 
in a rapidly changing world. It introduced a new notion o f of consumption capitalism became entrenched in urban lifestyle.
individualisation within the urban space and it signifies overcrowded 
city, threat to order and process o f human mobility. The city is no Social Identity of West African Okada Riders
longer shaped by industrial modernity but by other notions o f rural 
informal economy and consumption capitalism. There is also Okada plays dominant role in public transportation system but little 
emerging politics of mobility in the city, new social relations between is known about the origin and identity of the teeming young riders 
classes, gender, hosts and migrants breaking down boundaries of which included local and foreign migrants as well as socially excluded 
interaction. Okada operators invent new cultural practices involving indigenes. During this research (2011-2012), the population o f West 
socio-economic mobility to resist marginality in the declining African migrants in Ibadan included young and new arrivals who 
economy. Indeed, okada exemplifies the economic strategies that had the aspirations o f migration to Europe. Young Senegalese, 
young people devised to occupy the urban space and make a living. Guineans, Malians and Gambian immigrants left Libya to settle in 
Falola makes the point that the traffic problem is glaring in cities. Ibadan and looked forward to further migration to Europe. 
Traffic moves very slowly in major urban centres where there is a Globalisation has redefined migration patterns in West Africa. In the 
long distance separating residential areas from work and business past, kinship networks influenced African migration systems but from 
places.3 Okada enables many urban dwellers to cope with the the early 2000s, some Yoruba men and women who engaged in 
gridlock o f traffic jams and dysfunctional urban transportation international businesses across ECOWAS sub-region sometimes 
system. It has become a way o f life, which is indispensable to facilitated migration o f young West Africans to Ibadan. Such 
everyday socio-economic engagement of Nigerians. This explains merchants provided accommodation for them and served as their 
why outright ban on okada has been resisted in Kano, Ibadan, guarantors in the process o f negotiation for jobs.4 Through this 
Owerri, Lagos and Abuja. Since the okada boom in the late 1990s, process, Yoruba merchants entrenched social and commercial
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100 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 101
networks to facilitate their own business in the sub-region. In total deficiency in Nigerian languages. Hausa seems to have come 
addition, the high volume of West African immigrants in Ibadan closest to a commercial lingua franca and appears to have been the 
represents the most visible sign of integration in the sub-region most common means by which foreign okada riders transact their 
and the success o f the 1979 ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement business. Majority of foreigners speak Hausa and Pidgin English in 
of Persons and the Right of Residence and Establishment. Young their daily transactions with passengers. Many of the migrant okada 
migrant okada riders with similar experiences of economic crises riders operate in Sabo, Mokola, Agbowo, Orogun, Ojoo, Challenge, 
and poverty migrated from various African countries to Ibadan in Moniya and Sasa areas o f Ibadan where Hausa migrants reside, 
pursuance of legitimate means of livelihood in the urban informal due to the booming commercial activities and their multi-ethnic 
economy. nature. Many of the West African okada riders are employed by 
It is imperative to note that most of the migrants were young Yoruba entrepreneurs. However, there are apprehensions about 
school leavers. Some o f them dropped out of school due to poverty, hiring out Okada to strangers without fixed addresses.
civil wars and economic crises that ravaged West African countries. Many o f the migrant Okada riders desire to stay in Nigeria 
There were those that engaged in farming, menial jobs and vocational because of the tolerance they enjoy from the host community. As a 
skills before migration to Ibadan. Evidence from fieldwork indicated way of negotiating their belonging and integration, many of them 
that some migrant okada riders were formerly engaged in other attempted to vote during elections by disguising as Hausa or Yoruba. 
businesses such as precious stones’ trade.5 Only accents gave them away. Riding okada constantly remind them 
Despite the salient nature of ethnic identity in the city o f Ibadan, o f their own mobility, destination and temporality in the city. 
new identities are created from the struggle for survival among the Realising that making money within a short period was almost 
young migrants, which protect the interests o f the labouring poor impossible, migrant okada riders decided to stay in Ibadan longer 
within the urban space. Life stories of individual okada riders help than they had originally envisaged.
us to understand how migrants tried to determine the pattern of 
social interaction through the uncertain and rapidly changing urban Rivalry and Competition
environment.6 Many of the migrant okada riders live a transnational This study shows that struggle within the immigrant population 
existence, by belonging to communities that span the borders of over economic difficulties and adaptation brought them in close 
their countries and thereby, creating new integration mechanisms contact with the local people (internal migrants and Yoruba natives) 
in West Africa. There are instances o f inter-marriages between the by competing in the same informal sector o f the economy. Unlike in 
migrant okada riders and the local Yoruba women, which further other African cities, such competition has not produced social tension 
reinforced their transnational identity. Due to the influence of or conflict in Ibadan. According to Mr. Adewole Ojo, a 39-year-old 
Islamic religion, West African migrants often cluster around Hausa Yoruba okada rider, “the sky is big enough for everyone.”8
okada riders who they consider as their ‘brothers.’ Migrants develop There are diverse perspectives on the migrant okada riders. Some 
new social ties and solidarity which makes the city a place of renewed Nigerian okada riders consider them as spoilers, “awon to nba ise 
identity formation. They are mostly unmarried men who share ;e” . They allegedly collect lower transport fares for distant routes as 
accommodation and food. Those who combine okada business with opposed to local okada riders. Union officials usually arrest such 
work as security guards are entitled to accommodation. As they freelance okada riders. Foreign okada riders are also accused of 
spend less on accommodation, their remittances home increase. violating the rules and regulations guiding the business, such as 
Their womenfolk supply food and commercial sex. carrying two passengers and riding without a helmet and driver’s 
Foreign okada riders, except those from Togo and Benin Republic licence. However, such practices are not perculiar to foreign okada 
who could speak Yoruba, are severely handicapped by an almost riders alone but generality of those in the business. According to an
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102 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 103
rider -  ‘Easy’: joined others in the okada unions. The Unions intervene whenever okada 
their registered members have cases with the police. Okada union 
Okada work has mixed both ‘human and animal legs’ together. members pay registration fee of N4,600.00 ($28.16) irrespective of 
There are so many people in the business, both natives and nationalities. Daily tickets range from N20.00 ($0.12) to N30.00 
migrants with different characters. We tolerate them because 
as Yoruba and in particular, Ibadan, we welcome everybody. ($0.18) for plying neighbourhoods; and N50.00 ($0.31) to N70.00 
This is because we don’t know where we are also going to ($0.43) for those operating on the major highways. $ince 
find ourselves tomorrow.9 registration is for the individual rider not for the okada, operators 
have easy mobility in the city and could work anywhere. In this 
At Oluyole Estate Station, the Okada Union dominated by process, foreign okada riders buy ‘commercial spaces’ for their 
Yorubas helps members, including migrants, by granting them operation. In order to survive in the city, okada riders invest in their 
loans. A foreign okada rider remarked that, “if anybody needs money, unions and networks by being constantly present and “in touch” 
members will contribute for the person and he will promise to pay with passengers.
installmentally (sic). But if they want to really help anyone who is 
facing any economic challenges, the association will buy Okada for 
the person and the person will remit money installmentally (sic).”10 
The population o f foreign okada riders continued to increase 
from 2008, but it is difficult to determine their exact number. At 
Ojoo, out of over 200 okada riders, there were 58 Guinean migrants 
in 2012. As co-ethnics, migrants clustered together for social 
solidarity. In 2010, immigration officials arrested foreign migrant 
okada riders without passports and residence permits. However, 
there are no reports o f deportation.
Police extort money from all okada riders, but more frequently 
from migrants, without residence permits. Most o f the foreign 
Okada riders who are from Franco-phone countries and without 
adequate understanding o f English are vulnerable to extortion by 
police. However, some local okada riders often intervene in their 
cases with the police in the spirit o f urban proletariat and 
camaraderie. An okada rider’s perception of the police is that, “All Okada riders at Ojoo, Ibadan
they want is money...when they are broke, they mount roadblocks 
waiting for us to come, as if we are working for them ... Police are Source: Fieldwork, 2011.
too harsh on us. They extort money from us.”10
Foreign okada riders are incorporated into the Executive 
Irrespective of origin, status or identity, entrance into the Okada 
committees of their union but cannot contest for chairmanship of 
unions —  ‘ACCOMORAN’ (Amalgamated Commercial Motorcycles 
the union. They are mostly appointed as Provosts to enforce rules 
Owners and Riders Association of Nigeria) and National Union of 
and regulations without prejudice. They are treated with respect 
Road Transport Unions (NURTW) is without discrimination. Unions 
because they never defaulted. This is because they are hustlers, 
control the routes in various neighbourhoods and major roads. For 
responsible and calm, which reduce conflicts with their Nigerian
the purpose o f social security and justice, West African migrants
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104 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 105
counterparts. For most of them, everyday life o f riding okada on Both the riders and commuters continue to use okada, daring 
the major roads and interior neighbourhoods means negotiating its harmful consequences. Though okada serves as alternative source 
multiple relationships that are significant for survival. of income for many youths and poor households, its social vices 
make it a risky business for operators and urban dwellers. 
Risky Business: Killers or Transporters? Historically, criminal gangs have always used modern means of 
transportation especially railways, bicycles,buses and taxis to 
West African migrants constitute a small fraction o f the overall perpetrate crimes. In Nigeria, okada has been used to perpetrate 
okada riders, but as strangers, their involvement in the business various crimes ranging from kidnapping to robbery. Okada became 
symbolises the risk factor o f living and making money in the city. a risk factor in the city as a source o f evil and disaster in the popular 
Migrant okada riders face the challenge o f knowing the routes and social imaginary. The innumerable dangers posed by okada riders 
understand Yoruba language for effective service delivery. They allow became a hot debate in the media, civil society and government 
passengers to guide them to various destinations. When Senegalese circles on whether they are killers or transporters.
“stone boys” joined Okada business, many o f them had accidents Okada makes life in the city more precarious as it promotes culture 
due to inadequate riding skills, knowledge of the routes and traffic of intolerance, aggression and indiscipline perpetrated by different 
rules. Many were avoided by passengers. West African and other categories o f road users. Okada riders have a reputation for 
internal migrants rushed into okada business merely to earn income aggression. Most o f the urban youths, especially internal and 
without knowing the technicalities involved. international migrants, share a sense o f restlessness about “fast” 
Okada developed without adhering to saftey prescriptions as money and “making” it big in the city. Among the okada riders, 
contained in the traffic laws o f the country. Many o f the migrants do consideration for money and economic gains far outweigh safety and 
not wear crash helmets which they consider as waste o f money. security concerns. Therefore, one o f the foremost causes o f okada 
Despite widespread accidents, the use o f crash helmets has declined accidents is overloading. Physical shortcomings o f okada include 
due to social beliefs that it is used for ritual purposes. Differential openness to the weather, difficulty of travelling with others and other 
aspirations, targets, destinations and worldviews introduced new hazards.
tensions and provided new theatre for conflicts between “strange Increasingly, okada contributes to current urban social crisis 
bedfellows”, but co-travellers in the city. and complicates youths’ construction o f meaningful livelihoods and 
social identities. “Hunting method” among okada riders results in 
desperation, including consumption o f drugs and intoxicants to 
stimulate productivity and enhance earning power. This has led to 
high speeds, accidents and intolerance.
Okada contributes to the chaotic nature o f passenger- 
transportation in the city. Due to reckless riding, Okada accidents 
have led to deaths, injuries, traffic jams and partial or complete 
damage to body parts. The magnitude of okada accidents led to the 
creation of Special Wards for the victims in most public hospitals in 
Nigeria. According to Federal Safety o f Corps (FRSC), at least 450 
people die monthly from okada accidents in Nigeria. Oyo State 
recorded 4,000 okada-related accidents between January and May 
Overloaded okada 2011.11 Victims of the accidents attributed the accidents to drunk­
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106 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 107
driving and were admitted at the University College Hospital (UCH), Among the West African migrants are two types of okada riders: 
Ibadan. In many parts of Ibadan, some “traditional bone setters” owner-riders and hired-riders. Most o f the owner-riders had lived 
and orthopedic wards are kept busy by victims of okada accidents. in Ibadan for about a decade and had engaged in other businesses 
such as gemstones trade before joining okada business. Others 
Cash and Carry Business accummulate capital to buy okada through cash purchase or hire 
Trade liberalisation and globalisation encouraged dependency on  purchase. This category of okada owner-riders operate at their own imported goods, especially automobiles and motorcycles. Okada, pace without any pressure to meet particular targets or “delivers” . 
especially Mistuba, Daylong, Boxer and Bajaj are imported from On the other hand, hired-riders were employed to ride okada and 
two of the world’s fastest growing economies in Asia—  China and remit (deliver) a sum of money on a daily or weekly basis to the 
India. Okada became a feature of cultural landscape in Nigerian owner of okada. This category of Okada riders work full time on 
cities due to its low cost o f purchase and fuel efficiency. Various daily basis and have the tendency o f using intoxicants and drug 
brands of motorcycles are imported from Asian countries due to consumption to enhance productivity. They paid their bosses some 
their seeming affordability. The business seems profitable and does amount of money weekly, monthly or quarterly before they could 
not require huge capital outlay. In effect, okada business has purchase the okada from the original owner. An okada rider 
attracted a wide range o f investors. Before 2010, okada was sold at remarked that, “okada is not really lucrative but it is better than 
the rate of #70,000.00 ($428.52) for those who paid cash. Between not having a job. The proceeds from okada riding take care of my 
2010 and 2011, Bajaj and Boxer were sold at #100,000.00 ($612.18) family’s needs every day. Therefore, I thank God for it.”12 Hired- 
but in 2012, they were sold at #110,000.00 ($673.39) due to high riders who could not complete their payments often risk losing their 
demand. Hire purchase in 2010 and 2011 was #150,000.00 instalments and the okada.
($918.27) with registration and number plate but in 2012, they 
were sold at N170,000.00 ($1040.70). Mistuba was sold for 
#65,000.00 ($397.71) in 2010 and 2011. Hire purchase was 
#95,000.00 ($581.57). In 2012, it was #70,000.00 ($428.52) and 
#105,000.00 ($642.79) for hire purchase with number plate and 
registration. Daylong was sold at #90,000.00 ($550.96) and 
#130,000 ($795.83) hire purchase and registration respectively in 
2010 and 2011. In 2012, Daylong was sold for #95,000.00 ($581.57) 
and #145,000.00 ($887.66) hire purchase and registration 
respectively. Abro and Grand King are new products sold for 
#90,000.00 ($550.96) in 2012.
Capital for the purchase o f okada are raised from different 
sources. One interesting trend among rural youths is to sell their 
ancestral land for the purchase o f okada and in desperation to 
migrate to the city. Another source is through the trafficking of 
young girls and children across West African borders. Proceeds 
accruing from trafficking are reinvested in Okada. Lastly, most raise 
capital for okada through personal savings, loans from cooperatives 
and micro-finance banks. Okada riders at Ojoo, Ibadan Source: Fieldwork, 2011
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
108 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 109
In 2007, okada riders delivered #700.00 ($4.29) per day out of Plateau and Abia banned okada outrightly, while others restricted 
an average of #1,000.00 ($6.12) they made. In 2008, Okada riders their operations to the peri-urban and rural areas due to their 
earned #1,500.00 ($9.18) and delivered #700.00 ($4.29). In 2011, involvement in armed robbery, kidnapping and accidents.12
they earned #1,500.00 ($9.18) but delivered between #1,000.00 Attempts by state authorities and police to enforce traffic 
($6.12) and N800.00 ($4.90) per day. They got motorcycles on credit regulations on okada riders often led to clashes.13 In Oyo State, 
and instalmental payments by paying #5,000.00 ($30.61) per week. political interference has denied FRSC prosecution of okada traffic 
In 2011, due to increase in competition, Okada riders earned  offenders. Section 10 (8) o f the FRSC establishment Act 2007 states between #1,300 ($7.96) and #1,600 ($9.97) per day with about six that, “The Chief Judge of a state or the Federal Capital Territory, litres of fuel at N390.00 ($2.39). During the same period, okada Abuja shall have power to establish special or mobile courts for the 
riders remitted between N700.00 ($4.29) and N800.00 ($4.90) per purpose of a speedy trial o f traffic offenders under this Act” .
day to the owners. According to Ogunrinola (2011), the average Today, what is popular among state governments in Nigeria is 
monthly income of okada riders is over #38,000.00 ($232.63), which the introduction o f tricycles and taxi cabs with the aim of addressing 
is about five times the minimum wage of #7,500.00 ($45.91) in  unemployment, poverty alleviation, youth empowerment and 2008. Transport fares vary according to demand, weather banning okada. The underline motive is to keep the “undesirable conditions, socio-political situations and the initiative of the okada youths” away from the roads in order to attract foreign investors, 
rider. create “mega cities” and provide urban security. From the mid-2000s, 
Notions of capital accumulation become intricated because federal and state governments as well as major stakeholders in 
capital is in constant circulation and consumption. According to a urban planning began to “act locally and think globally” . In 
Yoruba proverb, ‘money made in the city stays in the city.’ Despite December 2008, Governor Alao Akala opened 55 new buses for 
the challenges, some local Okada riders have built houses and made inter-state transport service, for use by the Oyo state-owned Trans 
other remarkable investments. Foreigners tend to meet daily targets City Transport Company.
and deliver money promptly unlike local counterparts who default In an attempt to “re-invent” transport system and boost tourism in 
in daily payment and make flimsy excuses. Oyo State, Governor Alao Akala introduced intra-city taxi in October, 
2009. The state government purchased 200 new cars from Asia for 
Crackdown on Okada Riders taxi services. Akala taxi was to run a dial-a taxi-ride scheme. Under 
the scheme, passengers could call in local stations (to be established in 
Control of informal trading, services and street vending has been a 
various neighbourhoods) on telephone to be picked and dropped at 
long-standing problem since the colonial period. In 1998, Col. 
any given address. The new transport scheme was launched under the 
Mohammed Marwa, former Military Administrator o f Lagos $tate, 
Keke Marwa State Youth Empowerment Scheme which made university graduates introduced tricycles popularly known as  to address 
beneficiaries of Akala taxi. The 200 taxi cabs were released to members 
transport problems in the city. 5ince then, various state governments 
have been importing Keke Marwa from Asia. of the NURTW and unemployed graduates in Oyo State.
This generated several controversies. Members of the public 
The National Road Traffic Regulation 2004 as well as the Federal 
perceived it as an instrument o f campaign since all the new taxis 
Road Safety Corps (FRSC) Establishment Act 2007 along with other 
road traffic regulations in all the states of the federation including painted in Oyo State commercial colours of white and blue had 
inscriptions o f Governor Alao Akala. In addition, government 
Abuja, mandated it for motorcycle riders to ensure that their 
programmes were usually designed to favour party members and 
motorcycles are registered, and the riders while on motion must wear 
cronies to the exclusion o f political opponents and generality of the
crash helmets. And if there is a passenger, the passenger as well 
must wear a crash helmet. Some states in Nigeria, such as Rivers, masses.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
110 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . .  2 990s 111 
On 1st December, 2009, the then Oyo State Governor, Chief Conclusion
Adebayo Alao Akala assented to the law to ammend the “Control of 
Commercial Motorcycle Law, 2009”. This law amended the 1995 This paper argues that the deepening economic crises, political and 
law. The law is cited as the “Control of Commercial Motor-Cycles social instabilities in West Africa were critical factors in the migration 
(Amendment) Law 2009” . The full enforcement o f the new of young men to Ibadan. As a result o f de-industrialisation process 
regulation banning okada commenced on 24th March, 2010, in and lack of formal job opportunities, many of them joined okada 
Ibadan. The banning of okada and police harassment prompted a  business to raise capital for other businesses and send remittances few of West African migrants to leave Ibadan. Some flocked to other home. Being “strangers” in the city, West African okada riders put urban areas in Nigeria, but a large number o f them continued okada their own and other people’s lives at risk in the city. Most o f them 
business outside city limits. lack the prequisite skills for riding okada along unfamiliar routes. 
On Tuesday, 20 December, 2011, Oyo State Governor, Senator The everyday use o f okada fast-tracks the integration o f West 
Abiola Ajimobi inaugurated the State Empowerment Scheme, tagged Africans in the city through constant interaction, dialogue and 
Keke Ajumose He gave out 1,000 tricycles to members o f the commercial relations with various social categories o f urban 
Amalgamated Commercial Motorcycle Owners and Riders Association dwellers. The increasing use o f okada signifies declining quality of 
(ACOMARAN) and banned commercial motorcycles from the life, human underdevelopment and insecurity in the city.
highways. Beneficiaries of Keke Ajumose tricycles were expected to  There are confrontations over the use of urban space between pay N42,000.00 ($257.11) each. Obviously, foreign okada riders were state authorities and poor residents. Banning okada invokes a new excluded from the patronage system. The introduction o f Keke urban governance dynamics in terms of security and beautification. 
Ajumose further complicates transportation problems in Ibadan. Government ban threatens the survival of okada riders who eke 
Urban dwellers had to contend with rickety vehicles, okada, tricycles, out a living at the margins of the urban economy. West African 
street traders and beggers on poorly maintained roads. Okada riders continue to struggle with the aspirations of making 
However, the ban on okada was not without its social drawback. money. It is also amazing that despite the explosion of okada as a 
Commuters and okada riders considered the new legislation as too popular mode of transportation, the Federal Road Safety Corporation 
draconian for their only alternative means of livehood. The ban on in Oyo State has no statistical data that can aid planning and policy 
okada was considered repressive in the context o f widepread poverty recommendations.
and unemployment. It was also perceived as favouritism meted-out 
to some select members of NURTW as a result o f inter/intra-union Endnotes
rivalries and party politics. The NURTW is a politically mobilised 1. The Road Safety Command, Oyo State has no statistics on the number 
group responsible for many political mayhems in Oyo State since of registered okada in the state.
1999. 2. Since the 1960s or earlier, commercial motorcycle was a major means 
Okada riders have embarked on proactive measures (or jungle of transportation in many West African countries, especially Benin 
justice) to protect their ‘professional image’ and dignity o f labour by Republic, Niger and Ivory Coast.
lynching criminals using okada to perpetrate crime in the city. 3. T. Falola, 1989, “The Cities” in Y.B. Usman, Nigeria Since Independence: 
Against the backdrop of the non-feasibility of an outright ban and The First Twenty-five Years, Vol. I: The Society, Ibadan: Heinemann 
ineffective enforcement of urban transport legislations, Oyo State Educational Books (Nigeria) Limited p. 2354. Interview with Mr. Joseph Adedayo (a.k.a Baba Ewe) at Eleiyele, 
government set up traffic policing mechanisms. Ibadan on 23rd August, 2011.
5. Interviews with Boubacar Barry from Dioula, Cote D Ivoire on 15 July, 
2011 in Ibadan ; Korfa Laban, from Equitorial Guinea on 10 June,
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
112 Rasheed Oyewole Olaniyi West African Migrants and Okada (Commercial Motorcycle) . . . 1990s 113
2011 in Ibadan; and Punu Sangu, from Togo on 13 June, 2011 in Ibadan. Biaya, T.K. 2005. “Youth and Street Culture in Urban Africa: Addis Ababa, 
6. Interviews with Siaka Tiene Baoule from Cote D’Ivoire on 16 June, Dakar and Kinshasha,” In A. Honwana and F. De Boeck (Eds.) Makers 
2011 in Ibadan and Mohammed Mohammed Malingo from Guinea and Breakers: Children and Youth in Postcolonial Africa Oxford: James 
Conakry on 15 June, 2011 in Ibadan. Currey, pp. 215-228.
7. Interview with Mr. Adewole Ojo at Moniya, Ibadan. Cohen, A. 1969. Custom And Politics in An Urban African Community: A  
8. Interview with an okada rider at Ojoo, Ibadan. Study o f Hausa Migrants in Yoruba Town. Berkeley: University of 
9. Interview with an okada rider at Oluyole Estate, Ibadan. California Press.
10. Interview with an okada rider at Agbowo, Ibadan. Cohen, A. 1974. Urban Ethnicity. London: Tavistock.
11. “Oyo Records 4,000 okada accidents in 5 months.” Daniel N., Ekpenyong, N.S. and Eke, R 2008. “Understanding Road Rage in a 
http://www.kemisearch.com/nigeria/forum/news/10697/oyo- Developing Economy: The Port Harcourt City Experience” European 
records-4-000-okada-accidents-in-5-months.html 8 July, 2011 Journal of Social Sciences, 6, (4).
retrieved on 20 March, 2012. Edo, VO., Olaniyi R.O., Ndukwe, RK. and Muritala, M.O. 2014. The Living 
12. Interview with an okada rider at Mokola, Ibadan. Sir (Dr.)  Chief Gabriel Osawaru Igbinedion: A Biography, Ibadan: Ibadan 
13. Comparatively, police in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, launched a major University Press.
crackdown against operators o f bodaboda reportedly used in Falola,T. 1989. Politics and Economy in Ibadan 1830-1945. Ibadan: Modelo 
transporting suspected criminals. “Police Swoop Nabs Suspect Publishers.
‘BodabodaThisDay, 22 May 2012. Fourchard, L. “The Case of Ibadan, Nigeria,” http://www.ucl.ac.uk/dpu- 
http://www.ippmedia.com/frontend/functions/print_article.php? projects/Global-Report/pdfs/ibadan [retrieved on 19th March, 2011].
Retrieved on 19 June, 2012. Hansen, K. T. 2004. “Who Rules the Streets? The Politics o f Vending Space 
14. In June 2009, Boko Haram members defied a ban on riding motorcycles in Lusaka” In K.T. Hansen and M. Vaa, (Eds.) Reconsidering Informality: 
without helmets, which led to violent clashes with Joint Military and Perspectives from  Urban Africa Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, pp. 
police in Maiduguri. In Kano, commercial motorcycle riders clashed 62-80.
with Hisba (Sharia police). Hansen, K.T. and Vaa M. 2004. “Introduction” In K.T. Hansen and M. Vaa 
(Eds.) Reconsidering Informality: Perspectives from  Urban Africa 
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Oral interviews
Asamoah Mensah from Ghana 11 July, 2011.
Boubacar Barry from Dioula, Cote D’Ivoire 15 July, 2011.
Chairman, Eleyele Okada Riders Association, 23 August, 2011.
Korfa Laban, from Equitorial Guinea 10 June, 2011.
Mohammed Mohammed, Malingo from Guinea Conakry 15 June, 2011.
Mr. Joseph Adedayo (a.k.a Baba Ewe) Yoruba, 23 August, 2011.
Punu Sangu, from Togo 13 June, 2011.
Siaka Tiene, Baoule from Cote D’Ivoire 16 June, 2011.
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