ItffcS I AhKIUAINI JkJUFUMML. ur hnui imluuuu i
fOfeuShtD ON BEHALF OF THE WEST AFRICAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION.
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ables & Telegrams: UNIVERSITY IBADAN (WAJA)
hr Ref:... ? r3 (:b ..:. Your Ref:
4th March, 2016.
irs. licunu Pogoscn, Ayo Adeduntan and Abiodun Akande, 
istitute of African Seudies, 
diversity of Ibadan, Nigeria.
iear Ayo Adeduntan,
LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE OF YOUR JOINT PAPER FOR PUBLICATION IN WEST AFRICAN
JOURNAL OF ARCHAEOLOGY
write to notify you that your joint paper on "Ritual, Art and/Physics? Seven Rare Wooden Oro 
3ullroarers in the Collection of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria," is 
accepted for publication in our International Journal of West African Journal of Archaeology, 
Volume 46(1&2), 2 0 1 6 .1 congratulate you on this achievement,.
Yours faithfully,.
s '
Prof David A. Are mu 
Chief Editor.
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
Ritual, Art and/or Physics? Seven Rare Wooden Oro Bullroarers in the 
Collection of the Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria
l  ^ ... - ' 3
Ohioma Ifounu Pogosou, Ayo Adeduntan and Abiodun Akande
Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan
Abstract
This paper investigates the artistic characteristic features and iconology o f Yoruba 
Oro bullroarer using selected examples of seven Oro bullroarers in the collection of 
the Museum o f the Institute of African Studies (MIAS), University of Ibadan, 
Nigeria. The ethnographic research design was adopted for the study. It gathered 
data from in-depth interviews, historical, political, mythological, scholarly 
submissions and allusions on the socio-religious, cultural importance and 
associations o f oro in Yoruba land, to elucidate traditional and contemporary 
perspectives about Ord and its iconography. In its conclusion, the paper highlighted 
the important images commonly depicted on the Oro bullroarer. Some of the images 
observed are zoomorphic, anthropomorphic, geometric or abstract forms. It further 
observes that the images on the bullroarer are purposely engineered to conform 
with the the overall process of scientific effect of matter, energy, force and motion to 
produce the buzzing sound associated with Oro.
Introduction
As far back as 1880, a body of literature started to emerge on the study of the 
bullroarer. The bullroarer is commonly a flat wood (occasionally metal), attached to 
a string, and whirled round to produce a roaring or shrieking noise (Plate 1). The 
bullroarer has a long history and its application has been secular and religious. In the 
emerging literature, some scholars discussed it as a musical instrument (Sachs 
1929: 10-13; Izikowitz 1935: 208-212), others such as Hanika (1952: 86-88) 
studied its sound-producing effect, while some others were concerned with the 
ritual designs found in bullroarer decorations (Guiart 1951; Davidson 1953). The 
psychoanalytic view& o f some scholars interpreted the overall form of the bullroarer 
as being phallic. The most articulate o f the psychoanalytic group is the eminent 
scholar van Baal ^Baal Van 1963: 201-214). Early 20th century scholars, such as 
Frazer, Haddon, Sachs, Schaeffner and von Hornbostel concerned themselves with 
the wide and global dispersion o f the bullroarer. Rather than a monogenesis- 
diffusionist position, these scholars seem to support a polygenesis explanation for 
the bullroarer's dissemination. However, Marcuzzi's view of the origin of the 
bullroarer is quite distinctive; he studied its presence among Afro-Cuban
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communities and observed a specific diffusionist trajectory that points in the 
direction o f the Yoruba of southwest Nigeria - whose Ord bullroarer this paper 
addresses - as the place of its origin in the said communities. It is important at this 
point to mention that the bullroarer is found in many cultures around the world. The 
fact that the bullroarer is manifested in different; seemingly unconnected, cultures 
has been one intriguing phenomenon.
Types of Oro in Yorubaland
The word "oro" in the Yoruba language has two distinct meanings. Firstly, it means 
a series of actions and rituals associated with particular religious rites or 
ceremonies; hence, we talk o f "Oro ile," "Oro iyawo" or "Oro isinku" - which means 
household ritual, marriage ritual and burial rites, respectively. Nearly every 
traditional activity in Yorubaland has a ritual accompanying it. The second 
connotation of the word refers, essentially, to an all-male cult, which functions as a 
militant machinery of the executive arm of government in many Yoruba traditional 
communities. The cult is sometimes saddled with the responsibility of carrying out 
gruesome and brutal assignments. It is also involved in making important executive 
decisions that affect its domicile community. Fadipe (1991) adds a third 
connotation and this refers to a traditional deity in certain Yoruba towns such as 
Iseyin, Ijebu, Oyo and, lately, Sagamu.
This paper is specifically concerned with the second usage. This usage has a further 
Inflection in which the deity is represented with a wooden, or sometimes metal, 
blade-like instrument that is used during the rites of the oro cult. For clarity, the 
proper noun “Oro” is used in referring to the deity and activities associated with it 
while the common noun “oro” (italicized) refers to the bullroarer artefact itself. Oro 
is represented by the bullroarer which makes a weird, eerie and buzzing sound. This 
sound is produced when a string is attached to the fiat paddle-shaped bullroarer 
(oro), and whirled or swung round vigorously.
This paper investigates the iconography and, as a matter o f exigency, the iconology 
o f the selected rare samples o f the Oro bullroarer in the collection o f the Museum of 
the Institute o f African Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan. It intends to draw 
from historical, political, mythological and scholarly submissions and allusions on 
the socio-cultural associations of the oro. Interviews with Oro worshippers also 
serve to elucidate contemporary perceptions of its iconography.
The Role of Oro in Yorubaland
Among both the Egba and the Ijebu Yoruba people, Ord is intimately linked with the 
Ogboni cult/fraternity, also an executive aim of many traditional Yoruba society
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government. Orb is an indigenous institution, similar to today's National Senate. In 
Egbaland as in Ijebuland, according to Solanke (1998), an Egba elder observed that 
the primary motive underlying the Oro institution was religious as well as political, 
the latter because it was also used as an instrument of an arm of government 
(Ogboni) for the execution of some decisions. Oro. draws its rank and file from 
young, strong and virile men in the community. Fadipe (1991), while commenting 
on the close association between the Ogboni and Oro, noted that the Ogboni 
fraternity in every community felt the need for an expeditious and vigorous 
handling o f certain classes of offences, disorder and crimes; gruesome processes 
they felt must not be witnessed by women. To achieve the required privacy for such 
action, Oro activities are set off by the whirling of the bullroarer, which produces an 
eerie warning sound that drives away non-initiates especially women. This 
exclusion of women is also meant to increase respect for men by the women-folk. 
Therefore, on days set aside for Oro, women are not allowed to show themselves in 
public.
An oral tradition o f the origin of Oro, according to Baale J abata, a traditional Yoruba 
village-head in Oyo, maintains that originally both Oro and Egungun were 
inseparable friends who decided to seek their fortune in the world outside their 
community. In due time, they became successful but while Egungun judiciously 
saved his own wealth, Oro was extravagant. After a while Egungun left for his 
original home and his prosperous arrival back home was celebrated with pomp and 
fanfare, a situation which is still re-enacted in present-day egungun festivals and 
ceremonies. When Oro, on the other hand, returned home poor and wretched, he 
made his appearance at night. He was naked except for a string fixed on a flat board 
that hung from his neck. And with this instrument he brought home, Orb started to 
make a weird and frightening buzzing sound to announce his arrival. This sent fear 
and terror through everyone hearing it. He then went to the king's palace where the 
Alaafin, the paramount ruler, designated the Baale of Jabata to take care of Orb and 
to allow no woman see his nakedness. This is the reason why Orb is regarded as the 
Alaafm's personal deity. It is believed that Alaafin Atiba brought Orb and its cult 
from Oyo lie to the Oyo Atiba.
Opoku (1978) also observed that the Orb festival of the Yoruba is similar to that o f 
the egungun:, it too represents the ancestors. He noted that their similarity and 
divergence is emphasized in Yoruba oral tradition in which Orb and Egungun are 
portrayed as close associates. Unlike egungun however, Orb makes its appearance 
mostly at night. Today, in places where Orb appears in the daytime, it is totally 
masked and females are forbidden to see it. Simpson (1980) affirmed that unlike 
Egungun, Orb is purely a deity of men; hence, the saying “awo egungun l'obirin le
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se, awo gelede l'obinrin le wo; b'obinrin f  oju k'Oro, Oro agbe” (meaning egungun 
and gelede are cults women can be involved in, any recalcitrant woman who tries to 
see Oro will be carried off
Daramola and Jeje (1970) pointed out that Oro, like other Yoruba ancestral deities, 
cannot have its face exposed and that is why it seldom comes out in the daytime. Oro 
worshippers believe strongly in the deity's potential healing capabilities. According 
to Olapade (1980), Oro is the deity whose bullroarer drives evil away. Simpson 
(1980) further explained that although women are not allowed to participate in Oro 
worship in any fonn, their husbands or male relatives may offer sacrifices on their 
behalf. Worshippers o f Oro believe the deity can prevent epidemics and infant 
mortality.
The Oro cult is popularly held to be a male-only affair. This belief, not only excludes 
women from participating in the rites, but they are also forbidden from witnessing 
any of its activities. According to Peel (2002):
“[the] brute fa c t o f  gender control was most evident when Oro 
“came o u t” in the town on such occasions as chiefs' funerals, 
assemblies to decide issues ofwar and peace, consultations o f  I f  a on 
affairs o f  state, major public sacrifices etc.; fo r  then women had to 
stay indoors, under pain o f  death." (144).
As pointed out by Marcuzzi 12010), the prominence of male participation in Ore- 
might have been informed by two considerations: one, the strength and agility 
required to whirl the oro in order to produce the desired sound (and at the same time 
moving from one place to another); two, the audacity and strength required to 
subdue and put to death an unwilling person being brought to justice by the Oro. 
This is a sexist perspective that presupposes that women are weak.
Dundes (1976) wrote that the bullroarer in most of the cultures in which it is found 
“has specific association with males” and the rites that are connected with it “are 
kept secret from females” He, however, argued that the origin o f the bullroarer is 
actually female. Even though the bullroarer as an object is often viewed as a ritual 
analogue of the male genitalia, Dundes reasoned that this does not in any way point 
to a patriarchal origin, for “women are surely aware of the existence and nature of 
the male phallus [anyway].” Dundes' ultimate position is that "whatever the 
bullroarer represents, it was once (first) in the possession o f women, not m en!"
Oro and Women in Yorubaland
It has been suggested that the notion of Oro as a taboo for women emanated from, 
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relatively speaking, a recent reconceptualization of Yoruba worldview, especially 
after contact with Islam and Christianity. Washington (2014) argued that Oro does 
not actually proscribe the participation of women, but of the uninitiated: “It would 
be more accurate to say that if  the uninitiated see Oro they wil1 be earned away, 
because anyone -  male or female -  who is not a member of Orb who violates the 
curfew or enters the sacred grove will be consumed by Oro.'’ Washington (2014) 
farther contended that Orb actively involves women. Ogboni, the body that 
supervises Orb activities, was built on the idea that the “woman” as “mother” is 
supreme, and is reflected in codifications such as breasts and the earth. As 
Washington further noted, some women participated actively in the activities o f the 
Ogboni; and their membership of the Ogboni therefore guaranteed them access to 
the secrets of Orb. Citing Ojo in Washington (2014) maintained that in northeastern 
Yorubaland “women past childbearing age are initiated into the Orb cult. The 
initiated members share the same room as the young male initiates.”
Awareness of the possibility of female participation and expression in Orb will 
serve to enhance our reading of not only the rituals but also the material culture they 
produce. A closer look at some of the Oro artefacts considered in this paper reveals 
an artistic consciousness that is apprehensive of female anatomy, adornment and 
spirituality as sites of power. In "Orb" [Plates 4 and 7], the figures with round heavy 
midriffs suggests pregnancy, a metaphor for reproduction central to gelede - the 
Yoruba mask performance meant to placate aje (witches). Some o f the images 
[Plate 6] bear coiffures that look effeminate, although they can also be understood 
as special tonsures that some males have on their heads in certain ritual contexts. 
The slit in the crotch o f the human representation in Plate 7 unequivocally images 
the vagina, one of the most sacred female parts, and certainly the most rhetorically 
understated part of the human body.
Yoruba Bullroarers in the Collection of the Institute of African Studies, 
University of Ibadan, Nigeria
Seven unique examples of Yoruba bullroarers are in the collection of the Institute of 
African Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, their iconology and physical 
qualities will constitute the discussion in this section of the paper. The Institute 
started active collection of material culture from all over Africa shortly after its 
foundation in 1962. Until quite recently, the envious objects in the collection were 
as varied in types as were their numbers. From architectural house and verandah 
posts to fly whisks and Ifa/Ogboni objects, the collection was the envy of many 
universities and museums. Unfortunately, pillages and lack o f care as a result of 
poor funding have adversely depleted the collection. Notwithstanding, quite a 
number of valuable objects such as the Orb that this paper considers still remain in 
the art collection of the Institute and it is for this reason that the authors plan a
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systematic study of the remaining artefacts in the collection.
Plate 1 is a carved wood Oro bullroarer. The carving is a flat wood with an overall 
oblong shape. On one side the Oro bears a high relief figure of a standing male. The 
figure covers a considerable amount of space on the picture plane, not leaving 
unnecessary negative space. It is balanced within the picture plane The figure is 
depicted with its anns extended down at its sides in what appears a usual standing 
human position. It has an oval head with round, bulging eyeballs. The lips are 
represented in a very low, almost flat, relief. The head is supported by a thick 
cylindrical neck, the torso is just slightly wider and longer than the neck. Almost all 
its features are in low reliefs. The legs are thin cylindrical fonns, running from the 
torso to the feet. In contrast to the relief fonns of other parts of the figure, the 
rendition o f the genitals and feet of the figure compels attention, as they are carved 
in high reliefs, and thus appear almost in the round. The hole where strings are 
attached for swinging, is drilled on the upper part.
The posture o f the figure does not seem to suggest any special genuflection, as it is 
simply standing upright. The masculinity of the figure may however be suggestive 
of the disposition o f the Oro membership towards the male. The nudity of the figure 
conforms to many other Yoruba traditional and religion wood carvings. Indeed, the 
carved erect phallus on the figure is typical of Yoruba nude figures (especially 
represented on male ibeji figures). Important to mention is that there is a band 
around the upper part of the head of the figure, and there appears to be a crest, of an 
unknown stylistic and cultural provenance, attached at the front. The 
unsophisticated carving style of the figure is not characteristic o f typical Yoruba 
wood carvings; thus there is an impression that the bullroarer might not be the work
P la tei
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The bullroarer in plate 2 has an overall oblong shape; its lower part is wider than the 
upper part, the point where the hole for swinging the roarer is drilled. At the centre 
o f the oblong style, a figure is depicted standing with its arms stretched out 
horizontally. The stretched arms span the two sides of the bullroarei The head of 
this figure is obviously large when compared with other body parts. The eyes are 
carved in high relief, but the nose and mouth are rendered in low relief. The torso is 
flat and rendered without the usual body contours. It is not clear whether the figure 
is a male or female as its sex organs or other features o f identification are not 
depicted. However, because of the absence of breasts and elaborate coiffure, the 
usual characteristic features o f Yoruba wood carvings o f female figures, it is safe to 
suggest that the figure is a male. Another possible reason why this figure is likely to 
be male is that the Oro cult, to which the bullroarer belongs, is a male dominant cult. 
This can be further corroborated as inferred in a Yoruba folk-song already 
mentioned earlier.
At the upper part o f the bullroarer is a carved horizontal ridge spanning its two 
edges. It is not clear if  this isolated ridge has any connection with the figure, but its 
position and shape appear to be intended to enhance or vary the sound production of 
the instrument.
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Plate 3 is a typical example o f Orb bullroarer. It has an oblong shape measuring 
about 45 cm. A snake is carved at the centre of the piece, and is depicted lying 
vertically from the top to the bottom of the farthest points of the oblong, spanning 
the entire length. The snake is carved in a continuous zig-zag shape from head to 
tail. At the tail end is •liehole for attaching strings.
Snakes are common features in Yoruba wood carving. They are rendered on many 
objects and in different positions. Sometimes they are depicted in a spiral or 
concentric position, a context which suggests continuity and a perpetual Yoruba 
world. At other times they are depicted in the zig-zag manner as found on this roarer. 
W hen depicted in this form, it suggests the speedy but slippery movement of the 
snake. It also suggests virility. In the context of the Orb cult this may be a pointer to 
the powers associated with the cult.
Plate 3
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Images depicted on the Ord roarer in Plate 4 is an unusual combination of low and 
sunken-reliefs. On the front side of the roarer is a low relief and on the other side is a 
sunken negative o f the corresponding low relief. Carved on the has relief side, at the 
top of the usual oblong, are interlocking circles .or what might be a chain of two 
locks. This is followed by a carved human figure, depicted up to the chest level 
Right after the figure, downwards, is a large relief circle that appears to be another 
head but it has no facial features. The large circle (assumed to be a human head) 
rests on a cylindrical relief (assumed to be the neck) and a torso with anns.
It is important to note that the sunken relief is rather uncommon in Yoruba wood­
carving traditions. They are mostly employed to carve a few domestic utilitarian 
and religious objects. For example, sunken relief method is used for the carvings of 
the hollows in opon ayo, opon ifa, trays, the cup of agere ifa and a few other items. 
In all these examples, the sunken relief carving method is employed to carve out the 
hollows that will serve in holding items. In the roarer in plate 6, however, the sunken 
relief on a side is merely an inversion of the image on the other side of the bullroarer 
and therefore may not be functional.
The haphazard arrangement of forms in this plate could be because the work is 
probably unfinished or that it was carved by an amateur artist. This arrangement can 
also be a result o f the artist's attempt to caive a comprehensive composition of 
figures, rather than the usual few element compositions.
Plate 4
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Depicted in Plate 5 is a human head in a moderately high relief. The head is placed at 
the lower side of the oblong-shaped roarer, occupying the lower half. The depicted 
head is elongated and has elaborate coiffure. The eyes are large, round and bulging 
while the nose is angular, with the nostrils rendered diagonally to the left and right. 
The mouth is slightly opened as if the lips are in a whistling position. The hanger of 
the roarer is drilled at the lower end of the oblong, just at the base of the depicted 
head.
Plate 5
On plate 6 is a figure with elaborate hairdo. The figure which may likely be female, 
stretches its hands to the edges of the bullroarer. It wears abaja Yoruba facial marks. 
The entire figure is limited to the upper part of the bullroarer. The peculiarity of the 
figure in Plate 7 is its round heavy midriffs which has earlier been said to suggest 
pregnancy, a metaphor for reproduction, central to gelede.
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Plate 6
Plate 7
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Discussion and Conclusion
Generally speaking, the observable common features of bullroarers are that they all 
have long oblong shape; they are carved with flat wood, with or without images 
depicted on them, especially at the centre of the wood- leaving empty fiat wood 
blades at the sides; and a hole is usually drilled either at the top or bottom (this is the 
point where strings are attached for swinging and spinning} important to mention is 
that the images depicted are not limited; they can be zoomorphic, anthropomorphic, 
geometric or abstract.
According to Idowu Farai (2014), the overall process o f sound production of the 
bullroarer is a result o f the scientific effect of matter, energy, force and motion and 
the way they relate to each other to produce the buzzing sound when the roarer is 
vigorously whirled through the air. The flat blade-like form of the bullroarer and its 
relative light weight allow it to cut through the air as it rotates and spins, whirling up 
and down in the air at a relatively high speed, thus producing the shrieking buzzing 
sound o f the oro.
When the bullroarer is spun around, two possible oscillations can be detected; the 
first is the orbiting o f the bullroarer around the person whirling it, and the second is 
the spinning o f the bullroarer itself, occasioned by the thin edges of the blade. The 
wind hits the bullroarer, and as it goes round the person swinging it, it also spins. It 
will be observed that the decorative elements on the bullroarers are centrally placed. 
This is so designed to achieve the two oscillations. Having the figures centrally 
concentrates weight at the centre of a thin sheet of wood, therefore pivoting the 
wood for a spin.
This weight acts in two capacities; one, it gives the needed weight for the wood to be 
able to take an orbitary trajectory course and, at the same time, pivot the bullroarer 
while it is orbiting, so the thin edges can spin in the manner of an aeroplane's 
propeller fan.
Much more, the positioning of the string-holes, at either of the extreme end of the 
• rearer is meant to throw the entire weight of the wood into the air, consistently 
stabilizing and continuously producing sound, if  the hole is drilled at the centre, the 
bullroarer will, likely, not orbit and spin at the same time and will therefore not 
produce any consistent sound.
Notwithstanding what the images may symbolize, the characteristic raised or/and 
sunken reliefs o f the images on the surfaces of the roarer serve as stabilizers that 
assist iis orbiting and spinning in the process of oscillations. The orbiting and 
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spinning produce varying sounds depending on the size of the bullroarer and the 
speed which it is spun by the human agent. The architecture of the bullroarer is 
simply a technology. This equally accounts for the reason why it is a toy in many 
western countries
The ballroarer nas been uocumenied. as being present in many communities all 
around the world. It has also been said that in many of the places it is found, it is 
mostly associated with religious worship. However, it is observed here in this paper 
that its architecture is designed based on the laws of physics and it is proposed that 
its ubiquity in time and space is due to the fact that common physical laws apply and 
is discoverable everywhere around the globe. Coupled with this is the fact that the 
shrieking sound of the bullroarer can instill fear in the hearer; this may be a reason 
why it has been mostly employed as an instrument of religion, especially in ancient 
communities where religion was shrouded in mystery and used as an instrument of 
fear and control.
The bullrcarer is a product of art based on the scientific study o f matter, energy, 
force and motion but utilized as sacred paraphernalia of religious worship.
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