THE CITY STATE OF
IBADAN
Texts and Contexts
edited by
DELE LAY1WOLA
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
IgbaIwa Calabash of destiny
Kiniun Onibudo — —  Lion : the Master 
of Camps
(LION LYING RESPLEDENTLY 
IN THE GRASS)
O r o Irvingia gabonensis
Igbin Snail
CREEPING OF THE TRUNK 
OF THE ORO TREE
Ikarahun Igbin
nail shells 
THE GROUND
Ifa  d i v ina t i on 
BOARD WITH ODU 
CORPUS OF OSEMEJI 
WITH WHICH IBADAN 
W A S  F O U N D E D
Leaves of
Ewe akoko Bignoniaceae
ati iyeye and Spondias mombin
Agogo ------------------------^ Gong
Won kii fi aaja kede ilu (p u b l i c it y  m e d ia )
bi ar’aye ba ji
agogo ni won fi n ke si ra won
ORIKI IBADAN DERIVED PET NAME 
Ibadan omo ajorosun Ibadan omo aj’orosun 
omo aje’gbin yo omo aje’gbin yo 
omo afi ikarahun fo’rimu omo afi ikarahun fo’rimu
BY LATE CHIEF J.A. AYORINDE, D.LITT (HONS) IFE, MFR, MBE, JP
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
© Institute of African Studies, 2015 In memory o f those good souls who 
ISBN 978 978 921 111 1 cased either directly or indirectly 
ISBN 978 978 921 112 8 soft
helped to shape this publication
No part of this publication may be reproduced, 
stored in a retrieval system or transmitted Cornelius Oyeleke Adepegba, 1941—2002  
by any form or by any means, electronic, Festus O Akintola, 1946—2013  
mechanical, photocopying , recording, or otherwise 
without the expressed written consent of the John Adeyemi Abokede Ayorinde, 1907—1998  
the copyright owner. Barbara Best Barber, 1914—2012  
Adeola Olapeju Kolawole, 1963—2002 
Published in Nigeria by the Solomon Abidemi Layiwola, 1925—2004  
Institute of African Studies 
Oyinade Ogunba, 1938—2008  
University of Ibadan 
Ibadan, Nigeria Chief Moses Itanola Okunola, 1925—2012  
Timipreye Brenda Zisinghan, 1963—2008
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UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
C O N T E N T S
Foreword
Chief M. I. Okunola ............................................................................................................... X1
Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................................ xv
Introduction ...................................................................................................................................   xvu
Chapter 1: Ibadan: Its Beginnings to the Close of the 20th Century. The Performing 
Arts and die Changing Identity of an African Subgroup 
‘Dele Layiwola...............................................................................................................1
Chapter 2: Economic History of Ibadan, 1830-1930
Rasheed O laniyi............................................................................................................ 19
Chapter 3: Administration and Management of Local Government in Ibadan 
from 1954-1979
Tortola A. O yern ..........................................................................................................49
Chapter 4: Housing Situation in Ibadan at the Close of the 20th Century:
Challenges for the 21 st Century
Tunde Agbola & C.O. Olatubara ..................................................................... 83
Chapter 5: Water Situation in Ibadan City
F.O.Akintola ........................................................................................................109
Chapter 6: Transport in Ibadan
Adesoji Adesanya........................................................................................................117
Chapter 7: Contemporary Hausa-Yoruba Relations in Ibadan
Isaac Olawale Albert................................................................................................... 135
Chapter 8: The Igbo in Ibadan: Migration, Integration and Challenges
E^ebunwa E. Nmkocha ..........................................................................................153
Chapter 9: Ben Enwonwu’s Risen Christ asa  Religious Icon at the University of Ibadan
Peju Eaybvola...............................................................................................................169
vii
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Co n t i'.nts Contents
Chapter 10: Rams and the Man: War, Culture and Mimesis in Animal Sports LIST OF TA BLE S AND FIGURES
Ayobami Adeduntan ............................................................................................ 191 List of Tables
Chapter 11: Administration and Management of Health, Education and Community Table 2.1 Business area allocation ...........................................................................................34
Development Services in Ibadan: 1951 — 1979 Table 2.2 List of farmers in the business area who received com pensation...............34
Toriola A. Oyewo.............................................. .......................................................203 Table 2.3 List of farmers in the reservation area who received compensation . . . .  35
Chapter 12: Christian Missionary Enterprise in Ibadan: 1851-2000 Table 2.4 Cocoa plantation areas in Ibadan...........................................................................40
3". Ademola A ja ji........................................................................................................217 Table 3.1 Budget estimates: 1962 - 1965 .............................................................................  66
Table 3.2 Budgetary expenditure for works and
Chapter 13: Trends in Tradidonal Religious Worship in Ibadan, 1951 — 2010
recurrent expenditure: 1974- 1976 ...................................................................  66
0 .0 . Adekola ............................................................................................................ 233
Table 3.3 Estimates for some road projects .....................................................................67
Chapter 14: The Imamate in Ibadan Table 3.4 Markets in Ibadan municipal area .......................................................................70
IsmaheelA. Jimob ..................................................................................................... 253 Table 3.5 Motor parks in Ibadan municipal a re a ................................................................70
Chapter 15: Evolution of Central Mosques in Ibadan — Future Implications on Religious Table 3.6 Grants owed to the Ibadan Municipal Government: 1976 - 1979 ...........  78
and Traditional Leadership Table 3.7 Financial situation of Ibadan Municipal Government:
Tirimisiyu A. G. Oladimeji..................................................................................... 253 October 1978 - March 1979 ................................................................................. 78
Chapter 16: Traditional Medical Associations in Ibadanland Table 4.1 Number of building plots by public institutions in Ibadan as of
between 1982 and 2002 December 1999 ........................................................................................................  89
Aibinuola Osunwole...................................................................................................279 Table 4.2 Number of applications for development (building permits)
Chapter 17: Ibadan 1960: Creativity and the Collective Impromptu registered with the Ibadan Metropolitan Planning Authority (IMPA)
Dele Layiwola ............................................................................................................ 289 1963 -1984 .................................................................................................................  91
Table 4.3 Number of approved building plans in Ibadan Municipal Area ................92
Chapter 18: Cultural Radio Mast — University of Ibadan and its Outreach in the Arts and
Literature, 1960-1966 Table 4.4 Number of approved building plans in Oluyole L.G.A.................................. 92
D-jlage Bowu.................................................................................................................299 Table 4.5 The working groups of the Sustainable Ibadan P ro jec t..............................101
Table 6.1 Length of roads under the control of local governments
Chapter 19: Ibadan 1960
in Ibadan City (1994) ..........................................................................................  121
Martin Banham ..........................................................................................................313
Table 11.1 Historical details of the maternity and health centres................................ 209
Table 11.2 Number of persons treated at the Mapo and
Appendixl: Baales and Olubadans Who Reigned in Ibadanland....................................... 323
Onireke health centres ..........................................................................................210
List of Contributors .........................................................................   325
Table 11.3 Statistical returns: Maternity centres (1978/79) ..........................................  210
Index ................................................................................................................................................... 327
Table 11.4 Statistical returns: Dispensaries (1978/1979) ............................................... 210
IX
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Contents
Table 11.5 Revenue and expenditure of Ibadan Municipal
Government (1978/1979) ...................................................................................210 F O R E W O R D
Table 16.1 Associations of Traditional Practitioners in Ib ad an ...................................283
Table 16.2 Frequency distribution of the presidents of associations
of traditional practitioners in Ibadan ................................................................ 284 It is an honour and privilege to be given the opportunity to view the invaluable 
List of F igures contributions on Ibadan in this book by distinguished Africanists. The papers 
Figure 5. 1 A model of an urban water system ..................................................................113 present vivid and fascinating pictures of Ibadan. However, there is this well 
known parlance, "iwo t'anwo Ibadan, apakan laari". When translated, this 
Figure 6.1 Network of transportation in Ibadan ............................................................. 122
means, "irrespective of the perspective from which one views Ibadan, one can 
Figure 9.1 A full view of the sculpture after the second restoration,
only see a side of it". This is true not only of its geographical spread but also of 
Chapel of the Resurrection premises, 2 0 11 ..................................................... 175 its socio-cultural features. This observation by no means discounts the 
Figure 9.2 Ben Enwonwu’s carving: The Risen Christ, invaluable contributions in this book. It is nevertheless important to make some 
University of Ibadan, Ib ad an ...............................................................................175 comments which hopefully might provide some signposts for research.
Figure 9.3 The base of The Risen Christ restoration work, Chapel of the The historical origins of Ibadan has never been in doubt. But when was 
Resurrection premises, 2011 .................................................................................176 Ibadan founded? This remains an open question. In live Itan Ibadan (1930) by the 
Figure 9.4 The image of Mary Magdalene in The Risen Christ during the highly revered Chief, later, Oba Akinyele, it was related how Lagelu, a warrior 
restoration work, Chapel of the Resurrection premises, 2 0 1 1 ................ 176 and a hunter, alias Oro Apata Maja, his family, and associates left Ile-Ife and 
Figure 9.5 Lukman Alao doing the second restoration effort, founded a new settlement situated between a forest and the savannah which 
Chapel of the Resurrection premises, 2 0 11 ..................................................... 176 they called Eba Odan. This later came to be known as Ibadan. The first 
Figure 10.1 Ram fight, Beere, Ibadan (07/12/08) ...........................................................  192 settlement was reported to have been destroyed at the behest of Alaafin Sango 
Figure 10.2 The arena, Beere, Ibadan (07/12/08) ...........................................................  192 of Oyo following the desecration of an Egungun (a shrouded ancestral spirit) 
Figure 10.3 Fight to the finish, Yemetu, Ibadan (15/08/11)...........................................193 at an Egungun festival. The Olowo of Owo, the Awujale of Ijebu, the Alake of 
Figure 10.4 Escorting a champion ram, Lucifer, to the a re n a .........................................197 Abeokuta, Owa Ilesha, Orangun lie  Ila and others were reportedly involved in 
Figure 10.5 Champion rams’ names inscribed as legends on a vest ............................. 197 the destruction campaign that was said to have lasted for three years. It was 
reported that the incident took place long before the reign of Ajagbo, the 16th 
Figure 14.1 Alhaji Muili Abdulahi Baasunu (The 12th Chief Im am ).............................266
Alaafin.
Figure 14.2 Alhaji Sadi ‘Ali Folorunso (The 13th Chief Im am )......................................266
If M.D.W. Jeffery is correct, then lie  Ife was founded by Oduduwa, the 
Figure 14.3 Alhaji Mudaththir ‘Abdu’s-Salam (The1 4th Chief Im am )..........................266
legendary father of the Yoruba, around 1050 - 80A.D. (The Nigerian Yield vol. 'f 
Figure 14.4 Alhaji Liadi Bello Inakoju (The 15th Chief Im am )......................................266
23,1958) Oduduwa was the first Oba and the first Alaafin. (O ld Oyo Empire by 
Figure 14.5 Alhaji Abdu’l — Kareem Rufai (The 16 th Chief Imam) .............................267 Kolawole Balogun, 1985). Should Jeffery’s estimation that each Alaafin would, 
Figure 14.6 Alhaji Busari harun Agbeni (The 17th Chief Imam) ................................. 267 on the average, have reigned for 20 years be correct, then Alaafin Oduduwa 
would have reigned around 1080 A.D.; Sango the fourth Alaafin would have 
reigned around 1160 A.D.; while Alaafin Ajagbo, the 16th Alaafin would have 
reigned around 1500 A.D., long after Lagelu whose reign and Sango1 s would
x xi
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
CHAPTER TWO
Economic History of Ibadan, 1830-1930
Rasheed Olaniyi 
Introduction
In the nearly six decades that preceded the British conquest of Yorubaland, 
Ibadan had gained overwhelming political and economic hegemony over the 
extensive region. The nexus between warfare, slavery, agriculture, commerce and 
migration remarkably shaped the economic history of Ibadan, most significandy 
during the early phase of its existence. Warfare not only provided Ibadan its 
distinctive political structure and organization, but significandy influenced its 
economic character. The institutionalization of warfare was guaranteed by the 
invaluable use of slaves in the domestic economy and as export commodities in 
exchange for firearms and other European commodities. Labour relations of 
production were gendered, as women crafted an economic niche out of 
militarism. Robin Law makes the point that, “war, therefore, was an economic 
activity, by which both the labour needed for domestic purposes and the 
purchasing power needed to acquire foreign imports was mobilized.”25 This 
paper is focussed on the economic changes that shaped the history of Ibadan 
between 1830 and 1930. The economic use of warfare was fundamental in the 
history of Ibadan. British conquest signalled the conflicts emanating from the 
modern economy, namely, the commercial rivalries between the Ibadan natives 
and migrant communities and the influence of cooperative associations in the 
informal sector.
25 Robin Law, “Horses, Firearms, and Political Power in Pre-Colonial West Africa”, 
Past and Present 1976:72.
19
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN
LIBRARY
20 The City State o f Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olaniyi: Economic History o f  Ibadan, 1830-1930 21
In 1830, Ibadan emerged as the theatre of Yoruba political and economic states. The strategic interests underpinned Ibadan’s foreign relations with the 
modernity. The primacy of modernity that characterized warfare in the history British.
of Ibadan was largely influenced by the political turbulence that followed the The relationship between Ibadan and the British provided a solid foreign 
collapse of the Old Oyo Empire and the remarkable economic transitions. The policy framework which had favoured Ibadan interests even before the 
Ibadan example set in motion new socioeconomic structures unprecedented in Ekitiparapo War. Falola explains the perception of the British government on 
Yoruba history. Ibadan as a nineteenth century Yoruba town was a response to Ibadan thus:
the series of external invasions in Yorubaland and the internal political upheavals. . . .  to the British, Ibadan was not an aggressor nation; but one that was 
The modem city of Ibadan was built on the foundation of two earlier attempts. conscious of the importance of trade and was willing to use force to 
Ancient Ibadan setdements relied on foraging, hunting, farming and served as a achieve a commercial end.4
trading outpost. Before the British overlordship, the internal economy of Ibadan 
Ultimately, the monopolistic attitude of the Egba/Ijebu to possess absolute 
had its foundation on the military power which the warriors possessed. Ibadan 
control of trade routes to Lagos, largely attracted British interest to Ibadan. This 
warrior chiefs relied on slaves for their private armies, agricultural workforce, 
was because Ibadan preferred a laissez-faire economy, which was also the 
commercial enterprises, social status and ultimately, political power.
preference of the British to enhance easy access to other parts of Yorubaland. 
The booty from the periodic warfare increased the economic strength of the The convergence of interests between Ibadan and the British characterized the 
warriors in the town. This was the reason for I. B. Akinyele’s remark that “the economy throughout the colonial period. The main thrust of this chapter is to 
leading enterprise was warfare, very few people were farmers, and traders were examine the indigenous structure and composition of the economy, the impact 
few”.1 This notion could be regarded as true, but not in absolute terms, as the of the 1893 British intervention in the Kiriji War, and the aftermath of colonial 
military system only formed the basis of the economy. Bolanle Awe’s description rule on the economy of Ibadan up till 1930.
of the economy based on “fight, farm and trade” could be regarded as holistic 
in the discussion on the economic structure of Ibadan.2 The gender dynamics of 
commerce in Ibadan prove that women displayed tremendous energy in the The foundation of Ibadan commerce
‘household industries’, local market system and long-distance trade networks. In Before the advent o f colonialism, the cultivation of the land towards the town 
the 1850s for example, the women of Ibadan monopolized industries such as gates manifested in the purposive division of the town into two sections. Much 
pottery making, resist pattern dyeing (adire), palm and nut oils processing and of the first section consisted of farmlands with fewer houses, while the other 
soap making.3 Ibadan’s attempt to accomplish these economic traits and strategic section was residential (along Oja’ba and Mapo areas). Awe’s discussion on the 
interests (fight, farm and trade) made her clash with other powerful Yoruba economic life of Ibadan attached its sustenance to farming. The farmlands were 
categorized into two groups- oko etile (farmlands in the city surrounding) and oko 
egan (farmlands or plantations in remote areas outside of the city).5 Oko etile was 
1 I.B. Akinyele, hue Itan Ibadan (England: James Townsend & Son., 1951), p. 26.
devoted to cultivation by the Ibadan indigenes, while the slaves and their families 
2 This was the description given by Bolanle Awe, “Militarism and Economic maintained the oko egan owned by their masters. The geographical division 
Development in Nineteenth Century Yoruba Country: The Ibadan Example”. Journal emanating from oko etile and oko egan accounted for the naming of settlements
o f African History, 1973, 14(1): 65-77; A. Oroge, “The Institution of Slavery in 
Yorubaland with Particular Reference to the 19th Century”, Ph.D Thesis, University 
of Birmingham, 1971: 158. 4 T. Falola, Politics and Economy in Ibadan 1830-1945 (Ibadan: Modelo Publishers, 1989),
3 L. Denzer, ‘Yoruba Women: A Historiographical Study”. InternationalJournal o fA frican p.18.
Historical Studies 1994, 27(1): 6. 5 Awe, 1963, 70.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
22 The City State o f  Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olaniyi: Economic History o f Ibadan, 1830-1930 23
and neigbourhoods in the city. Fot example, community names such as Qnireke the flourishing of commerce and crafts which originated in other Yoruba towns. 
—  shows that the community was synonymous with sugar-cane farming; alalubosa At first, the society was anarchical, as individuals displayed power based on 
—  shows that the community crop specialization was onions; Idi-Osan —  shows military might. But the military power was gradually consolidated throughout the 
that the community specialized in oranges, while Idi-Ikan -  shows that the 1870s. The military factor became an important determinant in the allocation and 
community specialized in the cultivation of the aubergines— a vegetable. These distribution of power as well as resources. In this way, warriors constituted the 
arrays of agricultural practices enabled Ibadan to feed itself, even though the city privileged class, who had the means to control the newly-emerged town.9 Of 
was constantly at war.6 course, this militarism had socio-economic implications on the inhabitants. The 
Having established the fact that militarism was the foundation of the agrarian military supported economic activities. Migrant traders were protected and 
nature of Ibadan economy, commerce in the city also benefitted from the military enjoyed liberal accommodation until hostilities were encountered in the late 19th 
nature of the city. Hodder and Ukwu’s extensive work made Ibadan markets century. Since the survival of trade required security, nearly all strategic trading 
exemplary in market formation analysis.7 The proceeds from oko etile and oko routes from the Yoruba hinterland linked Ibadan. For example, the trading 
egan, which informed the naming of settlements, also paved the way for markets. routes through the Osun district to Ilorin, Igbomina and northern Ekiti through 
The farm produce were brought to a central area at intervals of 3 - 8 days. They Ile-Ife and Ijesaland to Ekiti, Akoko, Owo and Benin converged at Ibadan.10 
were displayed in front o f a famous warrior or chiefs house. The markets then Hence, Ibadan was not merely a powerful military city, but a commercial hub 
were formed to maintain a balance between economic and social life, because the where local textiles and primary produce such as yam, beans, com, kolanut and 
convergence at the market was an avenue to display the entertaining aspect of the palm oil were exchanged for imported goods. From the south came firearms, 
Yoruba culture. More importantly, it was a space for women to display power in European cloth and salt, while the north provided slaves, livestock, swords, ivory 
the community.8 For instance, two of the earliest markets in Ibadan were Oja-Oba and onion.”11
and Oje. Oja-Oba has been located around the territory of Basorun Oluyole (one Out of militarism, women crafted their own economic niche. The 
of the famous warriors) since the 1840s. The second ancient market was Oje, commercial vacuum created by the large-scale conscription of men was occupied 
which was named after the sap found in plants. One of the privileged or chief by women entrepreneurs. While men engaged in slave hunting, women sold 
slaves, Oloye Delesolu, was in charge of this market. Both markets were central cooked food, traded in other town markets and engaged in long-distance trade. 
markets for all the village markets that existed in Ibadan and its environs. The women also traded in arms and ammunition, cloth, kolanut and palm oil. 
The continued increase in the number of settlers facilitated commer­ Denzer makes the point that Yoruba women determined their own economic 
cialization. The liberalism afforded by the relative anarchy provided avenues for activities and controlled the accrued profits.12 Accomplished women traders 
employed their own labour, composed of both slave and freeborn, fixed prices, 
controlled the movement of goods and organized trade associations.13 The
6 R. Watson, Civil Disorder is the Disease o f  Ibadan, Chieftaincy and Civic Culture in a Yoruba 
City (Oxford: James Currey, 2003), p. 5. 9 Johnson, p. 244.
7 B.W. Hodder, “The Markets of Ibadan” in P.C. Lloyd, A.L. Mabogunje, and B. Awe, 10 O.C. Adesina, “Adebisi Sanusi Giwa (P-1938): The Life and Career of An Ibadan 
The City o f  Ibadan (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1967), p. 173-190. Entrepreneur and Community Leader”. Lagos Notes and Records, 2006, xii: 29.
8 The concept of ‘Militarism’ as the foundation of Ibadan commerce has concentrated 11 Watson p.5; and Awe, 1963, p. 71.
on the role of men. The power relations of women in the society were expressed 
through the market space. N. Sudarkasa, Where Women Work A Study o f  Yoruba Women 12 Denzer, p. 7.
in the Market Place (Michigan: University of Michigan Press, 1973). 13 Ibid.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
24 The City State o f Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olaniyi: Economic History o f Ibadan, 1830-1930 25
commercial prowess of these wealthy women traders offered them powerful of enemies. In Askari’s description of the geographical advantage which Ibadan 
clout in politics. In Ibadan, both Iyalode Efiinsetan Aniwura and Madam Omosa possessed, it was a military alliance that grew out of:
had enormous political influence and trading networks that linked the Yoruba Its position on the edge of the grassland, and the protection which it 
interior with the European traders along the coast. They maintained large private was afforded by the large expanse of lateritic outcrop in the area, made 
armies and slaves for agricultural plantations and trading in slaves, food, arms it an ideal place of refuge from the Fulani Calvary attacking from the 
and ammunition. Both women were indispensable to the wars of Ibadan. They north and from the Egba in the neighbourhood. What was intended 
offered loans, and supplied food and ammunition during wars. Efunsetan’s primarily as a camp therefore soon became a permanent setdem ent. .
opposition to the incessant warfare of Aare Onakakanfo Latosa and the . The Oyo and Ile-Ife (soldiers) settled around the present Oja-Oba 
and Mapo, the Ijebu at Isale-Ijebu, while the remaining Egba setded 
subsequent withdrawal of her financial support to the war efforts led to her 
around Iyeosa.16
assassination in 1874. Male-dominated crafts existed as well. They included 
weaving, tanning and blacksmithing. The male slave soldiers protected the trade Given the heterogeneous nature of the population, it might seem difficult to give 
routes patronized by the women traders. a precise date to the formation of Ibadan, but the series of warfare and the 
The fall of the Old Oyo Empire, arising from the combination of internal activities of Ibadan war heroes in the battle against the invasion of the Fulani and 
constitutional debacles, power tussles and conflicts, and the rise of militant Islam Dahomey makes it imperative to date the emergence of Ibadan to the 1830s. The 
in florin played significant roles in the emergence of Ibadan. Though they may period after the collapse of the Oyo Empire and the shift to Ago-Oja could be 
appear as remote causes, they are facts that cannot be excluded from the upheld to have marked the foundation year.
discourse of Yoruba history. In contradistinction to the nature of traditional To an individual in the new settlement, the ability to spur conflicts and 
Yoruba towns, the emergence of Ibadan at the initial stage was not planned. The disturbances or organize violence could determine the rise to power and 
bid to explore and exploit available resources for livelihood accounted for the economic influence. The rise to power thus enhanced the economic status of 
expansion and subjugation of communities. According to Atanda, communities individuals in the society. The explanation given by Ajayi and Smith to Yoruba 
are formed when discontented or enterprising members hive off to settle in new warfare was that at the initial stage, it emanated from class struggles which was 
areas. 14 a consequence of the breach of laws and customs.17 According to Watson, 
In the case of Ibadan, the works of Akinyele, Awe and Falola substantiate the ambitious soldiers used warfare for personal enrichment and as an economic 
evolution of Ibadan as a product of the nineteenth century wars.15 The evolution enterprise.18 The internal conflicts were aggravated by the trans-Atlantic slave 
has been associated with an apt description of militarism. The town consisted of trade. The capture of slaves and the ability of warriors to increase their 
warriors that settled because of the geographical advantage the areas offered to availability formed the economic basis that informed the wealth of the warriors 
further launch wars of conquest on surrounding communities. The hilltops and in Ibadan. In Johnson’s account:
bushes around the settlement provided a hide-out that could prevent the invasion . . . slave-raiding now became a trade to many who would get rich 
speedily, and hence those who felt themselves unlucky in one
16 E. K. Askari, Yoruba Towns and Cities (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), p. 5.
14 J. A. Atanda, Political Systems o f  Nigerian Peoples up to 1900 (Ibadan: John Archers, 
2006), p. 3. 17 J.F. Ade-Ajayi and R. S. Smith, Yoruba Warfare in the 19th Century (Cambridge: 
Cambridge University Press, 1964), p. 63-75.
15 A careful appraisal of all these works among others explained the general history of 
Ibadan as evolving from military system and ideologies. 18 Watson, p. 32.
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26 The City State o f  Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olaniyi: Economic Histoty o f  Ibadan, 1830-1930 27
expedition, and others who quickly spent their ill-gotten gains in “Master of the whole world.”22 This was because, the towns of Iwo, Ede, Ikire 
debauchery and all excesses would band together for a raiding and so on, which had been under the threat of the Fulani, naturally submitted 
expedition.19
i heir allegiance to Ibadan as a sign of honour, gratitude and loyalty.23 A similar 
For the purpose of slave-raiding, slave soldiers were never sold but integrated notion was held by the Ijebu and Egba kingdoms. The only exceptions to this 
into the households of warriors. perception were the Ekiti and Ijesa kingdoms, which refused to accept 
The population was mainly dominated by the Oyo refugees. According to subjugation under Ibadan.24 It could be said that the resistance displayed by Ekiti 
Awe, many of the Oyo refugees, who were dispersed from the Old Oyo Empire and Ijesa kingdoms also contributed to political cooperation in Ibadan.
settled in neighbouring towns.20 The settlement was quite easy, because the By 1877, the political cooperation and expansion by Ibadan warriors were 
conservatism prominent in the traditions and customs of the ancient towns did met with rivalry and fear of domination. In order to bring the expansionism to 
not manifest in Ibadan. In other words, the founding of Ibadan followed the a halt, the Ekiti, Ijesa and other neighbouring kingdoms aligned to form the 
principle of political and economic liberalism. This was because the refugees Ekitiparapo to fight a war of independence from Ibadan. The war is referred to 
were eager to associate with war chiefs in the neighbourhood, so as to provide as the Kiriji War.25
some form of security and economic survival in the new settlement. The refugees The Kiriji War was a war of independence, a challenge to the hegemony of 
(new migrants) settled according to their groups, especially where their warrior(s) Ibadan over trading routes, slave raiding and excessive taxation. To the 
settled. By the 1850s, the settlements were closely linked to one another. The Ekitiparapo, the war was to avoid the subjugation of Ekiti-Ijesa territories, while 
town walls or boundaries were estimated to be about 10 miles in circumference. to Ibadan, it was a war to sustain the economic gains that had been accrued since 
It comprised four main gates leading to other important territories of Ijebu, the 1840s. The differences in the political motives and ideologies of the Egba and 
Abeokuta, Oyo and Iwo.21 Ijebu over the blockage of the routes that could link Ibadan to Lagos accounted 
The fact that other states in Yorubaland were engulfed by a series of internal for what could be termed an immediate cause to the war. The Ekitiparapo took 
and external wars contributed to the emergence of Ibadan as a famous state that advantage of the political differences between the Egba and the Ijebu people. 
could assist in repulsing the invasions. By the 1840s, the war accomplishments Between 1830 and 1900, the economy of Ibadan was largely tied to its military 
of Ibadan became a motivation for the expansionist drive. As described by power. This could be inferred from the praise poems ipriki) of some of the 
Akinjogbin, at a point there was a perception that Ibadan might become the famous warriors, especially Balogun Ibikunle:
Ibikunle! The Lord of his Quarters
The Warrior! As regular as the Muslim prayers
The affluent with enough to spend and spare at the brewery
19 Samuel Johnson, The History o f the Yorubas, (Lagos: CSS Bookshops, 1921, reprinted Owner of farmland at Ogbere
1937), p. 321. Ibikunle also has a farm at Odo-Ona
20 Bolanle Awe’s seminal work on the formation of Ibadan:“The Rise of Ibadan as a 
Yoruba Power in the 19th Century”, her Ph. D Thesis, Oxford, 1964 remains a 
reference point for other scholars on Ibadan History. 22 J. A. Akinjogbin, “War and Peace in Yorubaland, 1793-1893" (Ibadan: Heinemann 
Books, 1998), p. 33-52.
21 S. A. Akintoye, “The Economic Foundations of Ibadan’s Power in the Nineteenth 
Century” in I.A. Akinjogbin and S.O. Osoba, editors, Topics on Nigerian Economic and 23 Ibid.
Social Histoty (He Ife: University of Ife Press, 1986) p. 55. 24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
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28 The City State o fI badan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olaniyi: Economic History o f  Ibadan, 1830-1930 29
A wide expanse of farmland to work for money borrowed from another person. As described by Johnson, the 
Extensive as far as the city wall at Adesegun iwofa was a form of temporary slavery in the sense that it was not binding on the 
Ibikunle (A stock list of bullet and gun powder).26 Nlave to live with the master.28 It is important to bear in mind that those under 
slavery or pawnship worked on the warriors’ farms. The plantations were divided 
This praise poem proffers an explanation on the economy of Ibadan in those based on crop viability, and from the groups, a chief slave or iwofa took charge 
days and the nature of the occupation in vogue then. The military strength of of the plantation. Within the allotted farmland, young slaves took charge; this 
Ibadan had much impact on its economy. Most of the warriors acquired was referred to as ise y iya , whereby the individual ability of the young slaves 
farmlands that extended to the borders of neighbouring towns. The Ibadan determined the expanse of land allotted.
leaders built very large compounds that essentially accommodated the extended Falola’s description of the power relations and social interactions among 
family life system. This implies that the size of the family or household I badan slaves portrays the view that the political economy was sustained by the 
determined the status of the warrior in the society. If the occupants in his slaves.29 Having participated in the wars of expansionism through the 1840s to 
compound were numerous, ultimately, the warriors would command a great deal t he 1860s, the slaves became part of the political and economic structure, as they 
of respect.
occupied prominent positions in Ibadan society. The subsequent organization of 
People captured as slaves were provided with accommodation and used as I he political system transformed slaves into citizens who held political portfolios. 
labourers on the warriors’ farms. The ability of a warrior to acquire slaves, Aside from the fact that they served as soldiers and assisted the famous warriors 
therefore, determined the extent of his wealth. The economic factor or the scale in warfare, their presence on the farm plantations also necessitated cooperation 
of wealth thus determined the political position a warrior was accorded in the among the groups and craft guilds. O f course, as it was in every other African 
chieftaincy hierarchy.27 Gradually, the slaves were integrated into the warrior’s societies, the environment had much influence on craftsmanship. The need to 
compound by virtue of their loyalty. A t this juncture, it is germane to emphasize develop the proceeds from the farm afforded blacksmiths, basket weavers, palm- 
the concepts of iwofa (pawnship), oko mimu (land distribution), and Ise y iy a  oil producers and others prominence and prestige.
(allocation of work and responsibilities). The iwofa could be described as a In the production of palm-oil and other byproducts from the palm-tree, 
temporary slave who enters into labour contract probably for a period of six days female slaves became a force to reckon with. Beyond the social interaction that 
enabled marriage, it was also a source o f integration and incorporation into the 
society. The young female slaves provided the labour needed at the palm-oil 
processing sites called ebu. Like the power relations among men, the husband of 
a female slave determined how influential such a woman was in the society. This 
might have generated some form of conflict, given the fact that the ambitions of 
hardworking slave women to assume management responsibilities at the 
worksites became jeopardized.
The chief slaves exercised power over their own slaves and those of their 
masters under their control. The chief slaves used the slaves for the primary 
purpose of wealth acquisition. The junior slaves were usually exploited. As
26 Awe, 1973, p. 167.
27 Ibid., p. 66. There is also a correlation in T. Falola, ‘Tower Relations and Social 
Interactions among Ibadan Slaves, 1850-1900”. African Economic History, 1987; 16: p. 5- 28 S. Johnson, p. 126.
114. 29 T. Falola, 1987, p. 97.
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described above, the concept of oko mimu (land distribution), which afforded more slaves for the master. By implication, the success of a chief slave in 
chief slaves the opportunity to own land created the need to exploit slaves and managing the enterprise of the master gradually ushered in political control and 
acquire wealth. The disposition to social life and materialism also influenced the economic emancipation. The loyalty of chief slaves in the 1870s earned them the 
need to acquire wealth. The revenue realized was used in the competitive display position of ajele (resident tribute collector).33
of the ability to marry more wives and go on tobacco and alcohol buying sprees.30 Before the Kiriji War, the ajele were used by Ibadan warriors as 
This social life portrayed the excessiveness in the exploitation of slaves, since representatives in conquered towns basically for economic reasons. The ajele was 
enormous revenue was accrued from the sale of farm produce or the booties of very important to Ibadan economy in the 1850s. They became residents in the 
wars. territories and they discharged their duties with utmost responsibility. The 
In a way, the structure of slavery and its integration into the society had a communities/ territories were responsible for their welfare, while they performed 
great impact on the concept of identity and citizenship, as well as the distribution their duties by demanding a proportionate tax from every house, which had to 
of resources. The rise to power as a chief slave implied absolute integration be paid on a weekly basis. Each town had one of the chiefs from Ibadan who 
because the ability to control younger slaves and the loyalty to the warrior acted as babakekere. The function of the babakekere (patron or guardian/junior 
(master) had much to do with the conferment of a chieftaincy title on such a chief) was to compile the tributes and send them to Ibadan. He also offered 
chief slave. For instance, the position of Chief Delesolu of Oje can be described military protection that could sustain Ibadan strategic interests. The babakekere 
in this connection, in that he rose to power after being captured as a slave from reserved some of the tributes for personal use. By Akintoye’s description of the 
Ijeru in Ogbomoso. The power structure in the course of time placed him as a ajele and babakekere institutions, they were a form of political hegemony on the 
senior chief and mogaji (head of compound) under Bashorun Oluyole.31 Ekiri towns, because the booties and tributes further increased the rise to power 
Furthermore, the rise to power of slaves in economic terms could be of Ibadan.34 The external sources of revenue through these institutions also 
associated with the primitive accumulation and extravagance displayed by the expanded trade networks.
freeborn. For example, the praise poetry (orikt) of Sanusi, one of the heirs of Tributes collected from the conquered territories ensured the adequate 
Aare Latoosa, reads thus: supply of labour and other economic resources to Ibadan. Vassal states paid 
Sanusi the courageous annual tribute in the form of foodstuff, cowries, manufactured goods and, most 
The fearful one who can trouble anybody significantly, slaves (both male and female). Since Ibadan had no central treasury, 
He has a number of slaves just as his father much of the tributes were personalized by the babakekere. This form of revenue 
collection and personal enrichment often led to civil disorder and power 
He can do and undo with his slave
struggles among the Ibadan political elite.35 Booty from warfare and tributes from 
He can use the skulls of fifty of them to drink palmwine.32 vassal states formed a principal part of the accumulation of wealth by the chiefs. 
This pattern of social life was an opportunity for the chief slaves to attain an The produce, especially from slave labour, enriched Ibadan markets and fed 
identity and acquire citizenship within the city. More fundamentally, the households.
requirement involved, encompassed the need for absolute loyalty by capturing
30 Falola, p. 102. 33 For further details see S.A. Akintoye, “The Economic Foundations of Ibadan’s 
31 B. Awe, P. C. Lloyd and A. Mabogunje, The City o f Ibadan (Cambridge: Cambridge Power.. . ,  p. 60; and Falola, p. 101.
University Press, 1967), p. 59-60. 34 Akintoye, p. 60.
32 Falola, p. 102. 35 Watson, p. 31.
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Emergence of a new economic order expansion of British trade in Nigeria was interconnected with land acquisition, 
The process of military expansionism from the 1840s was the basic cause of the by 1900, the aftermath of the peace conference was the Native Land Acquisition 
Kiriji War in the 1870s. According to Akinjogbin, Ibadan’s need for a direct Proclamation, which stipulated that:
route to Lagos for the regular supply of arms and ammunition to maintain its The lands of the colonies and protectorates of West Africa belong to 
army and Egba-Ijebu’s fear of an emerging domination by Ibadan were the her royal majesty — the Queen of England, and any non-native who 
factors which the Ekitiparapo took advantage of, as it was realize that the war wishes to obtain land must first seek and obtain the consent of the 
would exhaust the military and economic power of Ibadan. The war which lasted High Commissioner.38
from 1877 to 1893 came to an end with British intervention. Though attempts Arguably, the chiefs that agreed to the treaty had a myopic view of the future of 
had been made to end the war through peaceful dialogue, the Egba-Ijebu the economy, but much resistance would not have been expected because the 
insistence till 1892 led the colonial government in Lagos to adopt a forceful scries of wars had already favoured trade and commerce from the traditional 
model to resolve the conflicts.36 perspective. The military system had already provided a solid economic base. 
However, the British had their own motives for intervening in the war. From Therefore, it could be upheld that the land agreements facilitated urbanization 
the 1860s, external commerce in Africa had become so competitive to the extent in the early twentieth century.
that there was Anglo-French commercial rivalry in export trade. In addition, the 
growing influence of Germany was another threat to the British and French The changing value of the land
traders. In the 1850s, Britain had already launched its plan in Lagos, which 
The first step towards the use of land was the development of a transportation 
facilitated easy access to the Yoruba hinterland. The scramble to partition Africa 
system, most especially road and rail transport systems. On 4 March 1901, the 
thus gave way to British influence in Nigeria. The British intervention in the 
200 kilometres Lagos-Ibadan railway line was commissioned for commercial 
Kiriji W ar was to ensure continuity in external trade. The insistence of the Egba- 
purposes. By 1906, it was possible to travel b y train from Lagos to Ibadan. The 
Ijebu to disallow the Ibadan linkage to Lagos ushered in a new political and 
treaty signed on 14 December 1900, was a follow-up to that of 1893. Specifically, 
economic system in Yorubaland. A t a stage in the war, the Ekitiparapo had the 
it stated that “all the pieces of land near Iddo Gate shall belong to the Queen of 
upper hand because the Ekiti elites in Lagos were ensuring the regular supply of 
England.” By implication, the railway, which had already been under construction 
firearms. In spite of this, there was the fear that British sympathy and support for 
under the Native Land Acquisition Proclamation was just a formality to secure 
Ibadan might place the town at a vantage position for economic development.
the protection of British trade to other parts of Yorubaland.
By 14 March 1893, Governor Gilbert Carter gathered the warring factions, 
Apart from the subsistence crops which were meant for local consumption 
comprising Ibadan, Ilorin and Ekiti to put an end to the conflict through a peace 
and palm-produce, which was already being exported, cotton, cocoa and so on 
conference at Ikirun.37 The agreements made on the part of Ibadan implied that 
were part of the principal purpose for the new transportation system. This was 
their bid for domination would be restricted to areas that had a cultural and 
used in networking all parts of Yorubaland to collect cash crops exported to feed 
lingual affinity with Ibadan. These areas included Iwo, Ede, Osogbo, Iseyin, 
the industrial economy in Europe. During World War I, some European 
Ikirun, Ogbomoso and so on. It further implied that land would be made 
companies established their subsidiaries in Ibadan.39 The land acquisition
available to the colonial government in Ibadan. Amidst the series of agreements, 
the most cogent aspect that had to do with Ibadan was land availability. The
38 NAT, The Nigerian Daily Telegraph, 10 June 1933.
39 Africa’s interaction with the international economy can be found in J.F. Munro, 
36 Akintoye, p. 279-290. Africa and the International Economy, 1800-1960 (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1976); and 
37 For further details, see S. Johnson, op. cit. R.O. Ekundare, An Economic History o f  Nigeria 1860 -1960 (London: Methuen, 1973).
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34 The City State o f Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olaniyi: Economic History o f  Ibadan, 1830-1930
proclamation favoured the establishment of these companies, in addition to the Name Area in sq. ft. Amount paid
proximity to the railways.
Otepola 648 3 5 0
Table 2.1 Business area allocation James Fabiyi 720 3 10 0
Plot Number Adeyoshun 1200 4
10 0
Occupant/Holder
10 0
1 500 2London and Kano Trading Company Ola (F)
0
2 625 2 0John Walkden Fatuma (F)
3 1200 5
0 0
African and Eastern Trading Company Kayola
4 John Holt and Co Fasoyin
600 3 0 0
1350 6 15 05-7 A.J. Tangalakis & Co Fabisiye
0 0
8-16 2700 12Niger Company & Co Oyerinde
1 10 0
17-23 300Ibadan Native Treasury Kudayisi
Source: NAI, Ibadan Div. 1/1, Ibadan Business Area. Agbeni 480 2 10 0
Momo 300 1 10 0
The area around the business district spanned through Onireke A le shin loye, Dugbe, 
Idowu 300 1 10 0
Ogunpa, Agbeni, Amunigun and so on. Indigenous merchants and the Lebanese 
648 5 0 0
constituted the ownership of the land holdings in the other sections of the Oke
business area.40 The business area was basically farmland. The owners were Aina 564 3 0 0
pacified by compensations to stand for a ninety-nine year lease. Fasanya 450 2 5 0
Osa 900 4 10 0
Table 2.2 List of farmers in the business area who received compensation
Akande 180 1 0 0
Name Area in sq. ft. Amount paid Latunde 300 1 0 0
£■ s. d. L97 15 0
Arogundade 4320 21 10 0
Kokumo 540 2 15 0 Table 2.3 List of farmers in the reservation area who received compensation
Areago 180 1 0 0 Name Amount
Ojo 540 2 10 0 £■ s. d.
Osho 480 2 15 0 Oso 4 0 0
Lawani 200 1 0 0 Oyedeji 9 0 0
Sanni 57 13 0
40 Other sections in the business area were shared between Europeans, Lebanese and Laogun 39 0 0
indigenous merchants. They occupied the land as individuals.
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36 The City State o f  Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olaniji: Economic History o f  Ibadan, 1830-1930
Name Amount Name Amount
£■ s. d. £■ s. d.
Otokiti 0 8 0 Suberu 15 0 0
Fasoyin 4 10 0 Ayenigun 1 10 0
Ayigbe 4 18 0 Jinadu 2 0 0
Fabayo 3 2 0 Gbadamosi 3 10 0
Ilori 13 8 0 Arogundade 11 0 0
Ipaye 5 0 0 Ojo I 13 0 0
Fajenise 5 12 0 OjoII 9 8 0
Oyerinde 12 5 0 Farinto 5 10 0
Laojo 17 3 0 Salu 7 0 0
Sunmola 12 8 0 Oke 7 10 0
Idowu 8 2 0 Ayeni 3 17 0
Babalola 7 12 0 Awe 0 10 0
Ogundipe 6 4 0 Taira 2 10 0
Oyadiji 3 18 0 Omoladun 7 6 0
Kudayisi 33 8 0 Kekere Ekun 2 10 0
Fasanya 63 15 0 B.N. Phillips 7 12 0
Opakunle 10 0 0 Lawani 2 0 0
Awoyemi 4 0 0 Buraimo 5. 0 0
Layide 0 16 0 Adeosun 2 0 0
Momo 39 13 6 Bambi 2 8 0
Amodu 10 13 0 Labisi 9 8 0
Fatundun 18 5 0 Oketoyin 1 13 0
Fatona 18 5 0 Taiwo 103 13 0
Okesiji 5 0 0 Oyemuyiwa 1 4 0
Babatunde 1 19 0 Sanusi 2 2 0
Owoade 8 19 0 Lagunju 5 8 0
Faleti 15 0 0 Ajibola 0 10 0
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38 The City State o f Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olantyi: Economic Histoty o f Ibadan, 1830-1930 39
Name Amount In spite of the modification, the chiefs were not satisfied because it was 
perceived as a measure to degrade their political status and economic power. 
£■ s. d.
Thus, the traditional toll system continued, which to the colonial government, 
Akande 80 2 0 was a hindrance to the free flow of goods. Furthermore, the toll reapers failed to 
Latunji 8 6 0 recognize the need to exempt colonial agents from payment, while the European 
Bakare 8 4 0 firms failed to cooperate. The problems generated from toll collection on the 
Adejumo 0 7 0 part of Ibadan chiefs were in a bid to attain economic security. On the part of the 
Oke colonial government, the modification was planned to their advantage. In other 39 0 0 words, both parties were concerned with economic security. In order to resolve 
Idowu 38 1 0 the conflict, in 1903, Governor McGregor visited Ibadan and gave two options 
Osu 117 12 0 — the Ibadan chiefs should accept subsidies in the place of tolls or they should 
Are-Ago 5 16 0 continue to collect tolls on six conditions:
Source: NAI, Oyo Prof 1/1 544 Vol. I Native Administration in Dugbe Market i. that the estimate of revenue and expenditure be submitted each year to 
the secretary of state for approval
Before 1903, tolls were allowed as an important aspect of commerce. Owo ii. that no increase in tolls as regulated in the new tariff be made without the 
Onibode, as the toll system was referred to, was one of the virile sources of previous sanction of the secretary of state
revenue established through the ajele and babakekere institutions. The internal iii. that all goods, that were not products of the Ibadan province, be 
movement of goods from one town to another, especially for the purpose of exempted from dues in transit to the railway station
market days necessitated the payment o f tolls, which were used in traditional iv. that draw back in full be allowed on goods re-exported
community development. It was also a source of revenue to the palace and v. that they employ a qualified inspector of dues to be selected by the 
chiefs. By the end of the Kiriji War in 1893, there ensued conflicts in the control governor and paid a sufficient salary
of toll houses since the powers of Ibadan had been reduced. The traditional 
chiefs disagreed on how the proceeds should be shared and there were attempts vi. that the resident audit the toll accounts monthly.42
at increasing duties on items to increase the revenue base. By implication, neither of the two options would have been agreed upon. It was 
In the bid to resolve the conflicts, Captain Bower of the Native feared that even with the two options, the French might have a stake in 
Administration moved a motion to stop the operation of toll houses. However, commerce in Ibadan. Hence, it was suggested that the custom gates should be 
the intricacies and fear of a recurring war ushered in the need for reforms, which abolished. However, it was considered that it could create problems from the 
started in 1897.41 Efforts were made at converting the toll houses to custom interior of Yorubaland, because it was a means of generating revenue. Despite 
gates. As discussed earlier in the geographical description of Ibadan, the city has the fears, the first option of giving subsidies to chiefs and handing over the 
four gates. Iddo gate was in close proximity to the railway. It therefore became control of custom gates was adopted in 1904. The agreement decided to abolish 
a virile source of revenue. Furthermore, the incessant imposition of duties by the the payment of tolls on all goods. The basic argument or reason behind the 
local toll collectors was curbed with the introduction of tariff duties. With the abolition was the need to internally generate revenue that could enhance colonial 
knowledge and cooperation of the chiefs, the duties were modified. administration.
41 Falola, p.78. 42 Ibid, p.80.
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40 The City State o f Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olaniyi: Economic History o f  Ibadan, 1830-1930 41
On the contrary, new measures were innovated towards the establishment of Date Village
colonial economy, with much emphasis on cash crops. The re-orientation 
1901-1902 Ayorinde
necessitated the need for labour to facilitate all stages of production towards 
exportation. The need for land was far more important for cash crop cultivation, c.1904 Idi-Ose
especially cotton, cocoa and rubber.43 The British Cotton Growing Association c.1905 Ogbere
was formed in 1902 for the purpose of sending cotton experts to examine the c.1905 Alabidun
scientific and technological propensity for a plantation at Olokemeji village in 1904-1907 Alagutan
Ibadan. However, the experiment was not as successful as expected and there 
was a shift to cocoa production. Cocoa production reached Ibadan through 1907-1910 Olorunda
traders, members and agents of the Church Missionary Society (CMS).44 The 1907-1910 Aladun
position of CMS in the production of cocoa could be described with the view 1907-1910 Onimo
that Christianity was also an agent of imperialism. Though it might not have had 1907-1910 Akinboade
a manifest impact on the economy, yet it had much impact on culture. It was 
1910-1912 Laogun
believed that economic development was a twin concept with evangelization, and 
both must be simultaneous. The role of CMS accounted for the involvement of 1910-1912 Abalega
early Christian converts in the production of cocoa. 1911 Ajugbona
1914 Araromi-Aperin
Table2.4 Cocoa plantation areas in Ibadan 1915 Amodu Afunsho
Date Village Source: T. Falola, Politics and Economy in Ibadan 1830 -1945 (Ibadan: Modelor Publishers), 
pp. 103-104.
Before 1892 Agbaakin
1890s Otun-Agbaakin
( )f the three cash crops, cocoa was given much concentration because it thrived 
c.1900 Arun very much on the land. There was also concentration on the production of com, 
before 1907 Kute which also served numerous purposes in Britain.45 Hence, the presence of 
1907 - 1910 Iroko I '.uropean firms gave much relevance to commerce in Ibadan. The traditional 
1892 Eripa crafts and industries were grappling with the new economy during this period.
1890s Onipe
1890s (after Eripa) Isokun Migration and urbanization in Ibadan
Although colonial influence also manifested in the concentration of other crafts 
1890s (after Isokun) -  Gbedun
in Ibadan, the gradual urbanization of Ibadan, as described by Mabogunje, 
1901-1902 Olojuoro brought in migrants from other parts of Yorubaland. The presence o f the 
migrants facilitated the expansion of local crafts, while also increasing the impact
43 For further readings on the colonial economy, see the following: R.O. Ekundare, op 
cit., and A.G. O. Hopkins, An Economic Histoty ofWest Africa (London: Longman, 1973).
44 Falola, p. 103. 45 Ibid, p. 105.
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42 The City State o f  Ibadan: Texts & Contexts Rashid Olantyi: Economic History o f  Ibadan, 1830-1930 43
of modernization on its development.46 In her early history, Ibadan could be seen a Nupe language (Mokanla). They were early settlers in the area.49 The Hausa 
as a convergence of migrants from various parts ofYorubaland. This also applied migrants decided to settle there because of the conflicts arising from the 
to non-Yoruba migrants, most especially the peoples from the northern region. accusations by the indigenes that they were a threat to peace and security in 
In Abner Cohen’s analysis, the Hausa communities in Yorubaland were formed I badan. It was equally in the interest of the colonial state to create hierarchies and 
in line with the development and organizational requirements of long distance segregation between natives and migrants.
trade, in which they were directly or indirectly involved.47 The main commodities 
After the Kiriji War, Ibadan developed xenophobia towards all immigrants, 
of the long distance trade between the Hausa and Yoruba were kolanut and 
including the Ijesa, Egba and Ijebu, who were conspirators against Ibadan during 
cattle. These commodities had much cultural significance during festivals and 
the war. Ibadan succeeded in expelling the Fante people who dominated the 
ceremonies among African communities. Hausa migration can be dated to the 
rubber industry in the city.50 The presence of the railway along Dugbe could also 
early years of Ibadan history. Since the 16th century, Hausa traders and Muslim 
have accounted for the massive settlement of migrants along these areas. The 
scholars have traversed Yorubaland. Many Hausa slaves were used to prosecute 
I j ebu were largely concentrated around Oke-Ado, and the Lagos migrants around 
the Ibadan wars and constituted the workforce on the farm plantations.
I '.kotedo and Mokola.51 This geographical distribution and migrant cluster can be 
With the emergence of the railway, the movement of Hausa people into associated with the presence of modem trade and facilities that could enhance 
Ibadan basically for trade in kolanuts and cattle increased dramatically. The them. The railways, the European firms (trade stations) along Dugbe-Ogunpa 
increase at first did not mean that they were concentrated in a settlement; they a nd the migrant cluster, contributed to the emergence of the Old Gbagi Market. 
were spread, especially to the rural areas. I luring the first three decades o f colonial rule, the emergence of the market 
The Hausa settlements existed in smaller communities. There is the c xpanded the economic strength of Ibadan. Ultimately, Yoruba towns were very 
possibility that their presence facilitated the expansion of village markets. In the much connected with the new trade relations and the process of urbanization. 
period of economic transition following the end of the Yoruba wars, some of the 1 he Osomaalo itinerant traders from Ilesa had much contact with the European 
Hausa under the patronage qf some Ibadan chiefs were involved in burglary lirms, as well as Yoruba men from Ibadan, Ijebu and Lagos.52* 
activities. In a large measure, they constituted a threat to the new urban life in the 
early 20th century in Ibadan. In the 1920s, the Sarkin Hausa demanded a separate 1'he rise of the modem Ibadan economic elite
area around Mokola, which is referred to as Sabo, in order to fully control the The Ibadan economic elite adapted to the changing economic transition ushered 
kolanuts and cattle trade, and the emergent criminal tendencies in the in by colonialism. Some were involved in the distribution of European general
community.48 The name Mokola, as described by Mabogunje, was derived from
49 A. L. Mabogunje, “The Growth of Residential Districts in Ibadan” . Geographical 
Review 1962, 52(1): 68.
50 I. O. Albert “Urban Migrant Settlements in Nigeria: A Historical Comparison of the 
Sabon Garis’ in Kano and Ibadan. 1893-1991" (Ibadan Ph.D Thesis, African Studies, 
46 See A L. Mabogunje, Urbanisation in Nigeria (London: University of London Press, University of Ibadan, 1994), p. 87.
1968), and A. Callaway, “From Traditional Crafts to Modem Industries” in P.C. Lloyd, 
A.L. Mabogunje and B. Awe, 1967, op cit. 51 As explained by Mabogunje, it is apparent that the 20th century migrants setded in 
(I i fferent sections separate from the indigenous inhabitants. The migrants cluster in the 
47 A. Cohen, “Politics of Kola Trade. Some Processes of Tribal Community Formation name area (along the railway lines), suggesting that they all migrated for commercial
among Migrants in West African Towns”, Journal ofthe International African Institute 1996, purpose.
36(1): 19- 20.
52 J . A. Aluko, Osomalo: The Early Exploits o f the Ijesha Entrepreneur (Ibadan: African Book
48 National Archives Ibadan (NAI) Ibadan Div. 1/1, Hausa Setdement in Ibadan. Builders, 1993), p. 14,15.
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44 The City State o f Ibadan: Texts d r  Contexts Rashid Olaniji: Economic History o f  Ibadan, 1830-1930 45
merchandise, while others engaged in the trading of locally-produced goods and Ay eye, Agbeni, Labiran, Aremo, Oluokun, Onidundu, Amunigun and Isale-Osi areas of 
foodstuff. Unlike in the past, merchants, not the military men, became the new Ibadan. The new moneyed men and merchants of Ibadan played dramatic roles 
revered citizens. In Ibadan, the likes of Chief Salami Agbaje and Chief Adebisi in the socioeconomic development and politics of the city. They formed 
Idikan were some of the most prominent early traders in textiles. In addition, community development organizations to articulate their positions on the 
both of them were general merchants in the colonial economy. They served as development of the city, in relation with the colonial authority and th eA laa jin  of 
middlemen between the European and the Ibadan people. In particular, Salami ( )yo. Their conspicuous consumption and new culture of consumerism reshaped 
Agbaje was the first Ibadan native to operate a motor transport business, with social life and class relations in Ibadan.
the use of lorries to move imported goods between rural communities and The textile, gold and jewellery industries did not directly boost the traditional 
Ibadan.53 Agbaje established a mechanical workshop which possibly competed economy, because the natural resources were not in the absolute control of the 
with the one established by the Railway Corporation. Part of his investment artisans.56 The traditional apprenticeship system was subjugated under colonial 
included estates and a printing press. He traded in timber, palm produce, maize control to ensure that its practice added to the revenue base of the colonial 
and cocoa that offered cash income. He exported these locally produced administration. Under the Goldsmith Ordinance, women had to obtain a 
commodities directly. On the other hand, he imported building materials, hawker’s licence. After the failure of the British Cattle Growers Association 
alcoholic drinks (spirits) and other European manufactured items. In the 1920s, experiment, aimed towards exportation, textile training schemes were developed 
he was considered Ibadan’s richest native merchant. as a means of maintaining control o f production.
Before his ascendancy to the throne of Ibadan, Okunola Abasi was an In the case o f gold mining, which was very prominent at Ilesa, the process 
influential Muslim trader. He virtually monopolized trade in yam flour. By 1908, of mining was restricted because it was lucrative for indigenous merchants and 
when the railway reached Jebba from Lagos, he pioneered the transportation of not for colonial merchants.57 In addition, the concentration of miners in the 
foodstuff from Jebba to Ibadan. He made substantial profits by selling for twice goldfield was a threat to the availability of labour at the tin mines in the Bauchi- 
the price.54 Akinpelu Obisesan, an Ibadan Christian merchant, started his career Plateau region.58 Trade in gold was not viable for exportation, because of the 
by working for the Lagos Railway and European mercantile firms. He huge investment involved in the process of mining; it was converted to a source 
subsequently engaged in produce buying. Many indigenous traders were involved of income for the colonial administration in Ibadan. This was done through the 
in the importation of gold. Chief among them was Mr. I. M. Odunsi of Idepo control and regulation of mining and smithing activities. The particular emphasis 
Chambers, Ogunpa, Ibadan. He imported gold directly from England financed on the textile and gold industries among other crafts was because the raw 
through the Bank of British West Africa. The value of his orders of gold carat materials were once viable for exportation.
ranged from £90 to £315 per importation.55 Some raw gold found their way to However, the prosperity achieved by the traders and artisans was faced with 
Ibadan through Hausa traders. Ibadan had a sizeable number of goldsmiths who commercial challenges from domestic and foreign middlemen traders. The 
employed workers, women hawkers as well as trained apprentices. The internal rivalry was very much inherent with the Ijebu, Ijesa and Lagos migrants,
goldsmiths established their workshops at Oja-Igbo, Isale-Ijebu, Ekoledo, Oja-Iba,
53 The biography written by O.S. Ojo, “Life and Times of Chief Salami Agbaje”, 56 The particular reference to cotton and gold is to expose the nature or impact of 
Unpublished B.A. History Project, Department of History, University of Ibadan, 1988 colonial control on the artisanship and apprenticeship system, since both products were 
was found very useful. no more profitable for exportation, the trade practice was regulated to ensure that it 
contributed to the revenue base of colonial government.
54 Watson, p. 105.
57 NAI, Ibadan Div. 1/1 1354/1 Goldsmiths Ordinance/Licence.
55 NAI Oyo Prof. /153/EHLRIW/General Goods Department. The United Africa 
Company, Ibadan, 1935. 58 NAI, CSO, 0164/s.l Gold Mining in Nigeria.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
46 The City State o f  Ibadan: Texts <& Contexts Rashid Olaniyi: Economic History o f Ibadan, 1830-1930 47
who settled around the business area for the purpose of trade. Foreign internal and foreign immigrant settlements in Ibadan, all of which contributed 
competition was encountered with the presence of Lebanese and Syrian traders.59 largely to its urbanization.
The Lebanese emerged as migrants in search of better opportunities, because Although, the abolition of the traditional toll system and the failure to pay 
there was economic depression in their home country. They became more tributes to the traditional authorities was to the disadvantage of the traditional 
prosperous because the European firms gave them better recognition, credit and economy, the traditional political system was also subjugated by the modem 
preference as middlemen. The preference given to them could be associated with government. The series of conflicts and discontentment that emanated from the 
racism, monopolistic tendencies and attempts to undermine the entrepreneurial colonial imposition and the competition encountered with the migrants was 
potentials of the indigenes. responsible for the craft industries, farmers and traders making use of egbe 
The presence of the Lebanese generally subjugated indigenous participation (cooperative associations and social networks) as a means of articulating views 
in the modem economy. The Lebanese business empire expanded into various and grievances in the colonial economy, most especially with the introduction of 
aspects of merchandising to the extent that they absolutely determined to buy on t axation, which was not totally alien in the traditional economy, though its modus 
lease all developed and undeveloped lands along the market.60 This further operandi was different. The cooperative system could thus be defined as a 
generated a series of conflicts and reactions beyond the 1930s. redemption strategy that continued beyond the 1930s. The colonial economic 
i ransition equally gave impetus to the competition and construction of identities 
Conclusion between indigenes and non-indigenes of Ibadan.
From a small war camp, Ibadan transformed into the focal point of modernity 
in Yorubaland. Trade and commerce in the early years of the town’s formation 
till the end of the nineteenth century thrived as a result of the military system of 
government, which accounted for its rise to power among other towns in 
Yorubaland. The system of government that was clearly distinct from the Yoruba 
traditional political system provided an avenue for a laissez-faire society, 
providing a conducive atmosphere for the refugees and slaves to live a defined 
and settled life. They enjoyed geographical and military protection. Women 
controlled their own economic sphere despite militarism and patriarchal 
structures. It might have been imagined that the seeming victory of Ekitiparapo 
and other opponents would have led to the fall of Ibadan in the 1890s. However, 
it ushered in a new order of socio-political and economic power in the colonial 
period. Ibadan was the toast of the British imperialists and European merchants 
due to its impressive size, economic liberalism and, of course, military power. 
The existence of modem facilities, most especially the transport system, favoured
59 T. Falola, ‘“The Lebanese Traders in South-Western Nigeria, 1900-1960". African 
Affairs, 1990, 89(357): 524-525.
60 NAI, OY/1674, Lebanese in Ibadan.
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