5 Adebayo M.A. Ninalowo
Conceptual and Existential Juxtaposition
of the Notion of Failed State
26 Remi Aiyede
Federalism, Oil Politics and
Human Security in Nigeria
56 Azeez Olaniyan
Africa's Great Green Wall Project
and the Lessons of History
73 Mmaduabuchi Okeke & Kelechi Nwogu
The Politics ofMonetary Integration in ECOWAS:
Issues and Challenges
100 'Dele Ashiru
Foreign Aid and Development in Nigeria
128 Ferdinand O. Ottoh
The French Intervention in Mali:
Exploring Motives and Consequences
160 Ibraheem Oladipo Muheeb
Representative Government and the
Imperative for Civil Society Intervention in
Nigeria's Fourth Republic
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
What Has Religion got to do with it? Ethics and Attitudes
towards Corruption in Nigeria
Simbine, A.T:; Aiyede, E.R:·; Olaniyi, R:" and Fagge, M.A. ••••
Abstract
Based on the salience of religion in public life in Nigeria, alongside the
pervasiveness of corruption in the country, it has become imperative to research
into the relationship, if any, between religion and corruption and determine if the
former has or can have any impact on stemming the later. This is based on a
widely held assumption that religion is often positive. In looking at the influence
of religion on attitudes to corruption in Nigeria and based on the contents of the
research instrument employed for this study, the paper presents findings from the
study according to analytical categories. Thus, it discusses respondents'
perception of religion and morality (ethics); as well as examines the divide, if at
all, between public and private morality; the definitions/explanations of
corruption in the religions; religious beliefs and personal attitudes to corruption;
the influence that ,tradition and modernity mayor may not have on corruption;
corruption, gender and youth and the role of FBOs and anti-corruption agencies
in corruption abatement or promotion. It concludes that while the three main
religions under study in Nigeria explicitly condemn corruption, they do not seem
to impact or influence attitudes to corruption in any major way. Furthermore, the
fact that religious people and religious houses often roundly denounce
corruption has not brought about any moderation or diminution of corrupt
tendencies in the public space. The paper then pulls together some suggestions
for ways to use religion to mitigate the scourge of corruption.
Key Words: (Anti) Corruption, Faith Based Organisations, Christianity, Islam,
African Traditional Religion .
•Associate Research Professor, Governance Studies Division, NISER.
"Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan.
"'Lecturer, Department of History, University of Ibadan .
•••• Lecturer, Department of Sociology, Bayero University, Kano.
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Contents
Pages Articles
5 Adebayo M. A. Ninalowo
Conceptual and Existential Juxtaposition
of the Notion of Failed State
26 E. Remi Aiyede
Federalism, Oil Politics and
Human Security in Nigeria
56 Azeez Olaniyan
Africa's Great Green Wall Project
and the Lessons of History
73 G. S. Mmaduabuchi Okeke
& Kelechi Nwogu
The Politics of Monetary Integration in ECOWAS:
Issues and Challenges
100 'Dele Ashiru
Foreign Aid and Development in Nigeria
128 Ferdinand O. Ottoh
The French Intervention in Mali:
Exploring Motives and Consequences
16Q Ibraheem Oladipo Muheeb
Representative Government and the
Imperative for Civil Society Intervention in
Nigeria's Fourth Republic
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
26 E. Remi Aiyede
Federalism, Oil Politics and
Human Security in Nigeria
E. REMI AlYEDE*
Abstract
This paper investigates how the institution of federalism and
the deeply conflictual issue of natural resource exploitation are
implicated in the drive for human security in Nigeria. The
paper links the literature on geographical determinants of
conflicts and violence with the literature on the political
determinants of conflict and violence by exploring the
institution of federalism as a framework for addressing human
security problems in the context of a natural resource driven
economy. The paper argues that political institutions are central .
to achieving human security; therefore, the human security
concept must incorporate and account for political institutions
for it to address the domestic dimension of the issues. In the
Nigerian case, as well as other fragile states, an engagement
with federalism as a tool for conflict management, post-conflict
reconstruction and guaranteed stability is essential. External
human security intervention must take into account the
institutional architecture of the state in order for it to promote
institution building and sustainability. In such a situation,
state institutions and agencies must be recognised and utilised
alongside non-state, non-formal organisations in order to avoid
the fostering of disengagement or reinforcement of a shadow
state which may further undermine state legitimacy and deepen
existing distrust between state and citizens.
Introduction
CONFLICTS triggered by competition for naturalresources are inevitable in society. They result from
disagreements and disputes over access to control and use of
* Aiyede is of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan,
Ibadan, Nigeria.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 27
natural resources. Such conflicts often arise because people
have different uses for resources such as forests, water,
pastures and land, or because they want to manage them in
different ways. Disagreements also arise when the interests
and needs of users are conflicting or when the priorities of
some user groups are not considered in policies, programmes
and projects. Furthermore, recent studies of conflict and peace
have emphasized the role of natural resources as harbingers of
conflicts. Natural resources such as oil and diamonds have
been linked to poor governance, political instability and
violent conflict.
The availability of natural resources, especially lootable
resources such as diamonds, account for the elongation and
sustenance of civil wars (Collier 2001; le Billion 2003; Ross
2004; Collier, Elliot, Hegre, Hoeffler, Rey-Querol, and
Sembanis 2003; Collier and Hoefler 2004; Fearon 2005). In
addition, the challenge posed by natural resources in a context
of ethnic fractionalization, such as in Nigeria, increases the
likelihood of civil conflict (Lujala, Gleditsch, and Gilmore
2005; Tusalem and Morrison 2014). Although oil is not
considered a lootable resource in these studies, the resort to oil
bunkering, piracy and kidnapping by insurgents in the Niger
Delta show that oil resources can be both the basis of conflict
and a resource for non-state actors in the prolongation of
violent conflict and political instability. This dynamic
therefore force us to address the issues from a human security
perspective.
In this paper, I argue that there is a crucial link between the
institution of federalism and the effort to achieve human
security. In this context, I conceive individual security as the
foundation of the state. I examine the role of the politics of oil
in human security conditions in Nigeria, paying attention to
the particular federal context. This is done to show how the
institution of federalism and the deeply conflictual issue of
natural resource exploitation are implicated in the drive for
human security. This essay argues that political institutions,
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
28 E. Remi Aiyede
in particular federalism, are central to achieving human
security, as an organising framework for conflict management
and post-conflict reconstruction and for guaranteeing stability
in a fragile state like Nigeria if utilized responsibly by political
leaders. I propose a focus on the linkage between human
security and federalism because insights provided by studies
of federalism in relation to conflict management and the new
political economy of federal preservation focus on fostering
prosperity, while system self-restriction in federal systems
effectively provides a linkage to the human security concept.
The Human Security and Federalism Nexus
Allover the world security has become a constant item of
discussion and news. To the non-export national, security
conjures images of bomb blasts, kidnappings, military
invasions, suicide bombers walking into busy cafes, infectious
computer viruses, or the crash of stock markets. These things
dominate our thinking about national security and are of great
national security concern. However, they suggest that security
problems are to be attributed only to human machinations.
Considering widespread natural disasters, tsunamis and
earthquakes, security is not only about man-made threats; it is
equally about natural threats. Thus, the central concern of
security is the threat to welfare.
Security is about how we guarantee survival and protection
against threats to our existence and stability. Traditionally,
security is conceived in national terms and usually in relation
to the state. Lipman (1943:25) asserts that "a nation is secure to
the extent that it is not in danger of having to sacrifice her core
values, if it wishes to avoid war, and is able if challenged to
maintain them by Victory in such war." In this wise, security is
conceived in terms of the ability of a state to withstand
aggression from abroad, preserve itself against threats to its
sovereignty and protect its vital interests against threats. In
this sense, security is viewed as security of the state. Security
seems to make sense in the context of an anarchic global system
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 29
of states. In this context, threat to national security comes from
the military power of other states. Security then refers to the
ability ofthe state to protect itself by military power.
One important element of this traditional concept of national
security is the state as the reference point of security. This
means that the use of force and the threat of force is at the
heart of this conception of security. The military, with its
firepower, dominates this conception of security because it is
about the state; hence, the importance of warfare as the focus
of security and strategic studies. This view of security
dominated the immediate post-World War II era and was
defined largely by an understanding of international relations
during the Cold War, between the Soviet Union and the United
States, the two major powers that emerged from and became
ideological rivals after World War II. In the context ofthe Cold
War, security was conceived to be achieved through the use of
military, economic and political.power.as.well as the exercise of
diplomacy. The concept evolved _large1y from the US,
emphasizing military might, but came to encompass a broad
range of elements that affect the military security of a nation
and its core values (Laswell 1950; Wolfers 1960; Brown 1983).
In the late sixties, however, the thinking about national
security began to change. National security began to be
conceived in broad and non-military terms and scholars began
to admit that the distinction between high and low politics
associated with the dominance of the Cold War in security
calculations had been erased (McNamara 1968; Ullman 1983;
Mathews 1989; Buzan 1991; Buzan, Waever and de Wilde
1998). In the case of Africa, Colliers (2004:9) observes that
state security is not threatened by conventional armed attack
by other countries ''but by more insidious measures many of
which flow from the very weakness of the state and its absence
ofcontrol over its territory."
The assumption of the traditional view of security is that the
state is a container of security, ensuring the security of the
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
30 E. Remi Aiyede
people within it, but in reality individual citizens actually face
many threats arising either directly or indirectly from the
state. The state can be a threat to the security of its citizens
rather than being their protector. This is evident under
military or other forms of dictatorship in Latin America, Africa
and elsewhere.
This reality is captured by Weaver (1995) who talks about
'securitization', that is, how an actor transform an issue into a
security matter. It is the state that defines a matter as a
security issue and in "naming a certain development as a
security problem, the state can claim a special right, one that
will, in the first instance, always be defined by the state and its
elites." National security must therefore not lose sight of this
paradox in state-citizen relations. This argument has justified
the shift in the understanding of security from a state-centred
view to a people or society-centred view of security. That is
why Booth (1991:319) argues further that security is
emancipation:
'Security'means the absence of threats. Emancipation is the
freeing of people (as individuals and groups) from those
physical human constraints which stop them from carrying
out what they would freely choose to do. War and the threat of
war is one of those constraints, together with poverty, poor
education, political oppression and so on. Security and
emancipation are two sides of the same coin. Emancipation,
theoretically, is security.
These new ways of thinking about security crystallised into
what is now referred to as human security. The concept of
human security was first used by the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP 1994) to refer to
... safety for people from both violent and non-violent threats.
It is a condition or state of being characterised by freedom
from pervasive threats to peoples' rights, their safety or even
their lives. From a foreign policy perspective, human secutity
is perhaps best understood as a shift in perspective or
orientation. It is an alternative way of seeing the world,
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UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 31
taking people as its point of reference, rather than focusing
exclusively on the security of territory or government. Like
other security concepts - national security, economic security,
food security - it is about protection. Human security thus
entails taking preventive measures to reduce vulnerabilities
to threats to freedom, safety and livelihoods. It is about
minimizing risks and taking remedial action where
preventive measures fail.
The United Nations Commission on Human Security (2003)
notes in its maiden report that human security is a concept
that combines "human protection and development and
interconnects peace, security and sustainable development."
It emphasizes that human security should not focus on the
macro - or state - level but also on the community and
individual levels. Tigerstrom (2007) draws our attention to the
convergence of ideas from security studies and international
development concerns over the impact policies are having on
individuals as framing the concept ofhuman security.
In practice, threats to human security could be identified to
include economic threats, food threats, health threats,
environmental threats, personal threats, community threats,
political threats, demographic threats, crime in all forms
including terrorism, natural disasters, violent conflicts and
wars, genocide, anti-personnel mines, etc. They demand new
means for addressing security, such as humanitarian
intervention or humanitarian help, peacekeeping operations,
peace building, arms verification operations, respect for
human rights and liberties, sustainable economic
development, early warning, diplomatic missions, focused
(smart) sanctions, preventive deployment of armed forces,
preventive diplomacy, stronger civil society, empowerment
strategies, assuring the minimal life standards, and so on
(Prezelj (2008). The differen~es in practice are presented by
Prezelj in tabular form, Table 1next page.
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32
Table 1: Comparison of Human and Traditional Security Concepts
Traditional national Human security
security
Security for Primarily states Primarily individuals
whom
(referent object)
Values at stake Territorial integrity Personal safety and
(security of and national individual freedom
what values) independence
Security from Traditional threats Non-traditional and
what (threats (military threats, also traditional threats
and risks) violence by countries ...)
Security by Force as the primary Force as a secondary
what means instrument of security, instrument, to be used
To be used unilaterally primarily for cosmopolitan
for a state's own safety ends and collectively;
sanctions, human
development, and humane
governance as key
instruments of individual-
centred security.
Balance of power is Balance of power is of
important; power is limited utility; soft
equated with military power is increasingly
capabilities. important.
Cooperation between Cooperation between states,
states is tenuous international organisations
beyond alliance and NGOs can be effective
relations. and sustained.
Source: Prezelj (2008:5).
Thus, human security is comprehensive, encompassing the
traditional integrity of the state or national independence in
addition to a fundamental focus on the personal safety and
freedom of the individual. Furthermore, the instruments of
human security are human development and humane
governance. In this context, the soft power tools of diplomacy,
cooperation and multilateralism are very important relative to
the use of force or hard-power. It attempts to capture military
and non-military threats and the means of dealing with them.
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UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 33
Federalism is increasingly becoming popular as a framework
of government in many parts of the world and in post-conflict
reconstruction in several African states. Furthermore,
discussions of federalism have engaged the institution as it
relates to the achievement of prosperity and state self-
preservation. Certain elements of federalism are portrayed as
conducive to the requirements 0... building markets and
achieving economic growth. This discussion of federalism is
also related to state-society relations and the effort to build
effective and stable states. At the heart of these concerns is the
desire to guarantee for citizens, especially those in fragile,
multi-ethnic or divided societies, a secure environment for the
enjoyment of productive life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness in the face of the threats posed by social diversity
and scarce resources. Thus, there is a vital link between the
institution of federalism and the effort to achieve human
security, with the latter being premised on the idea that
individual security is the foundation of the state.
While scholars have tried to link human security to political
institutions, most of the efforts have been concentrated on
building the international political architecture for, and
principles of governance at the regional and global levels
especially as associated with humanitarian intervention.
There has been no serious engagement with how specific
political institutional forms and values relate to the
conceptualization and practice of human security. Yet an
explora tion of the theoretical linkages between federalism and
human security provide a conceptual framework to examine
human security from the perspective of factors and likely
interventions internal to the state.
A federal system of government is designed to foster unity
among the sub-units that constitute the federation, while also
preserving their autonomy in some areas. According to Riker
(1964:11), federalism is a structural bargain that involves the
existence of at least two levels of government that govern the
same land and people, with each level having its autonomous
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
34 E. Remi Aiyede
spheres of authority and with the autonomy of each sphere
constitutionally guaranteed and protected. In a federal system,
the constitution creates at least two tiers of government each
ofwhich is assigned a range of governmental powers that it can
exercise exclusively or jointly with the other tier. Federalism
or the federal system presents ample opportunities for elected
representatives of different groups or units within the
federation to come together to discuss their differences,
articulate the interests of their various constituencies and
manage conflicts for the overall objective of forging a united
country. In a heterogeneous society, federalism has to balance
state-society relations by fostering equality and equity, as well
as justice and fair play among the sub-units that make up the
federation. This act of balance act should also extend to the
states collectively. The federal government has to mobilize
resources and redistribute for the balanced growth and
development ofthe constituent units.
With regard to the mobilisation of resources and their
equitable use for development of the country, the notion of
fiscal federalism is critical. Fiscal federalism describes the
assignment of powers over resource allocation and revenue-
raising decisions among levels of government. It relates to the
division of public sector functions and finances in a logical way
among multiple layers of government. It deals with problems
that arise from the situation of divided political jurisdictions
within an economically integrated state system relating to
determination of the appropriate functions and finances ofthe
various tiers of government. How possible can this be done
efficiently and complementarily to maximise the welfare ofthe
political community? Federalism specifically requires sub-
national governments that are institutionalised and deeply
embedded in society in order to increase the capacity of
government to achieve security and welfare, and effectively
respond to the aspiration ofcitizens (Ziblatt 2004).
How federalism achieves these objectives has been a source
of debate. Scholars have suggested a variety of conditions
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7. No.1. June 2015 35
and institutional arrangements by which federal
maintenance is achieved. Traditional discussions of federal
maintenance emphasise such institutional devices as
power-sharing, the structure of the legislature, executive
power and electoral system and so on, as noted earlier, the
new political economy of federal preservation emphasises
economic principles such as competition and efficiency that
preserve markets - hence market-preserving federalism
(Weingast 1995; McKinnon 1995; Rodden and Wibbels
2002; Ejobowah 2005;Aiyede 2009).
Thus, from the latter perspective, federalism constitutes a
framework for managing natural resources in a state.
Federations are relatively efficient: (1) in the provision of public
services; (2) in aligning costs and benefits of government for a
diverse citizenry and, thereby ensuring more equity in so far as
citizens get what they pay for and pay for what they get; and (3)in
achieving fits between public goods and their spatial
characteristics, especially the variable economies of scale of
different kinds of public goods. Federations also ensure: (4)
increased competition, experimentation and innovation in the
government sector, and (5) foster the authority and capacity to
respond to those preferences. (6) in addition to being transparent
and close to the citizen and accountable in policymaking. Finally,
federations reflect (7) sensitivity to sub-national regional
concerns, including the power of constituent governments to
provide for their own needs (identified by Kincaid 2001:88). Thus,
federalism ensures macroeconomic stability, promotes
experimentation and innovativeness that enhance supply of the
ingredients ofhuman security.
Human security, like federalism, is an integrative concept that
is relevant to a wide range of areas. While traditional security
emphasises "the security of states from external military
threats," human security emphasises "the security of the
individual human beings who inhabit states, and their
protection from a wide range of threats, from military and
criminal violence to hunger and disease." Similarly,
federalism seeks to achieve a strong state able to support
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
36 E. Remi Aiyede
human security elements by recogmsmg difference and
diversity in the framework of decentralised rule. Security is
both an objective condition and a social construction.
Federalism deals with both conditions. This is achieved in the
constitution of a large state able to mobilise resources to
provide a large market and common defence of the territorial
state and the assurance it gives to minorities and diverse
groups within the state by providing space for self-rule and
self-determination for such groups. This connection is
apparent in Walker's (1997:62)observation that "claims about
security are a serious matter. They cannot be dissociated from
more basic claims about who we think we are and how we
'might act together'. Thus, the way and manner through which
human security is practised must reckon with the objectives
and goals of political institutions. These institutions may
constrain or facilitate intervention policies and actions
designed to achieve human security, which may be broadly
coextensivewith the objectivesofthe state itself.
Federal devices such as affirmative action, power sharing, and
revenue sharing seek to address inequity at the individual and
group levels within the national state to ensure that
individuals and groups are guaranteed freedom from fear and
want. Federalism addresses historical disadvantages that
might be glossed over by a focus on individual rights, by
carrying on board group rights and claims such as those that
relate to environmental resources and cultural identities that
often precipitate conflicts. Federalism as a conflict
management mechanism engages the fact that security
concerns may emerge from cultural identities, contestations
over ownership and use of natural resources and their
consequential social and economicredistribution.
Importantly too, studies on the linkage between natural
resources and violent conflict emphasise ethnic heterogeneity
as a factor that exacerbates the challenge of competition for
natural resources and suggests the need to properly harness
natural resources, invest in the military, promote social
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 37
programmes in order to balance state-society relations and
guarantee human and social capital accumulation as hedge
against violent conflict (Tusalem and Morrison 2014:169).
Indeed, they often point to the institution of a developmental
state because it is believed that only such a state can carry out
the necessary social and capital investment programme that
canguarantee stability.
However,the studies are often not inward-looking because of
the focus on geographic determinants of violent conflict; they
hardly investigate the internal institutional framework of
governance and therefore do not gain from the vast studies
available on the political determinants of violent conflict. As
Wegenast (2013) has noted, there is a need to unify studies on
the geographical determinants of violent conflicts with the
literature on the political determinants ofviolent conflict.The
latter has shown that political institutions hold the power to
mitigate conflict and that the effects of institutions may vary
accordingto contexts. Studies on the political determinants of
conflicts have provided valuable insight on property rights,
electoral systems, electoral competition, structure of the
legislature, executive power and federalism as institutional
determinants of internal conflict and violence.With regard to
federalism, the rules of co-optation and power sharing are
foundto appease social forces by incorporating regional elites,
thereby reducing violence (Lijphart 1999, Wiesehoneier 2008).
With regard to Nigeria, Aiyede (2012) has shown how power
sharing and rotation of public offices have helped to ensure,
albeit precariously, some measure ofbalance in post-civilwar
Nigeria, especially after the annulled: presidential election of
1993. There is therefore a need to investigate how the
institutional arrangement of federalism may shape the
interaction between state and society in the context of large
natural resource revenues. In this light, this paper argues that
federalism provides a framework and opportunity for
addressing rebellion arising from the exploitation of natural
resources.
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38 E. Remi Aiyede
Religious extremism (especially the Boko Haram insurgency),
Nigeria's current major security challenge, has been ascribed
to the poor management of Nigeria's resources. During his
visit to Nigeria in 2013, President Bill Clinton attributed the
Boko Haram insurgency and religious extremism in the
northern part ofthe country to poverty, which he insisted was
the result of the mismanagement of Nigeria's resources by its
leaders (Oyeweso 2013). Indeed, the then Governor of the
Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Sanusi Lamido Sanusi,
provoked a heated debate in the media concerning the cause of
terrorism in the northern part of the country when he ascribed
such extremism to the high level of unemployment and poverty
in the area. According to him, "indeed, the security situation in
this part of the country is fundamentally linked to the absence
. of job opportunities and to the quality of life of the people.
Unless these real economic issues are addressed, we will not
likely find a long-lasting solution to the political and security
problems" (Onuba and Adesomoju 2013). In the ensuing
debate, questions were raised about the wide differences in the
distribution of national revenue among states because most
states depend on allocations from centralised oil revenue for
administration and development programmes.
In the debates, it became clear that Boko Haram activities
have been intense in states with very high levels of poverty in
the country as shown in Table 1. Boko Haram activities have
been prevalent in the North East and the North West, two
zones with the highest rates of poverty. The average poverty
rate in the North West geopolitical zone is 71.4%, which
remains the highest in the country. The North East region and
the North Central region, which have 69.1% and 60.7%
respectively, follow it. Poverty is least dominant in the South
West (49.8%), South-South (55.5%), and South East regions
(59.5%). Over half of all children in the northern part of the
country are stunted. While 41% of all children under five are
classified as stunted, 23% are severely stunted. The human
impact of this is devastating. Poverty-induced malnutrition is
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UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 39
commonplacewith 54%of its people living below the poverty
line.
Table 1: Geographical Distribution of Poverty in Nigeria
Regions Poverty rates (%)
North West 71.4%
NorthEast 69.1%
North Central 60.7%
SouthWest 49.8%
South South 55.5%
South East 59.5%
Source: National Bureau of Statistics
With youths constituting well over 60 percent of Nigeria's
population and with declining opportunities in paid
employment, one of the major challenges confronting Nigeria
is how to provide jobs for hundreds of thousands of this
segment ofits population who graduate from schools annually.
The number of unemployed members of the labour force
continues to grow from 12.3percent in 2006 to 23.9 percent in
2011. Thus, despite its growing economy, the proportion of
Nigerians living in poverty is increasing.
Thequestion has been whether poverty is sufficient to explain
terrorism and whether it provides a justification for engaging
in acts ofrebellion against the state. There are also arguments
about the causes of the huge disparity in poverty levels across
the states. That is, whether this disparity can be attributed to
political corruption and incompetence of the political
leadership in the North or the skewed revenue distribution
formula that is said to have generated huge disparities
between the expenditure powers of the sub-units (states) and
those of the national government, or between the revenue
allocated to oil-bearing states with small populations and the
non-oil bearing states- in the North with huge populations
(Omoh2012). The point of emphasis here is that there is a.
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40 E. Remi Aiyede
linkage between the design of the institutions of government
and the quest to achieve human security. This has so far not
been interrogated in the effort to address the human security
issues at the theoretical level.
Oil Politics in the Nigerian Federation
The Nigerian government adopted the federal idea as far back
as 1951, under the Macpherson Constitution. The Lyttelton
Constitution of 1954 introduced a full federal system of
government following agreements reached by the colonial
government (British officials) with the leaders of Nigeria's
political parties of that time - Alhaji Ahmadu Bello (Northern
Peoples Congress), Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (National Council of
Nigeria and the Cameroons) and Chief Obafemi Awolowo
(Action Group). The federal system of government introduced
in 1954 comprised three regions (North, East and West). The
Northern Peoples Congress (NPC), led by the late Sir Ahmadu
Bello, won control of the Northern Regional Government. The
National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), led
by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe won in the East, while Chief Obafemi
Awolowo'sAction Group controlled the regional government in
the West. Since then federal principles have been used to bind
the various centrifugal forces in Nigeria.
The Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970) has been linked to the
discovery and exploitation of oil in commercial quantity
(Adejumobi and Aderemi 2002, Obi 2005). Indeed, the
strategic importance of oil became initially visible during the
Civil War. When the Igbo declared Biafra, the new country
included the minority oil-producing communities, even though
the consent of these non-Igbo minority communities were
never sought before the secession was declared. The Nigerian
government, which had hitherto paid deaf ears to cries of
domination by these ethnic minorities, quickly divided the
country into twelve states, with the minority oil-producing
states put into two states, Rivers and Bendel. This action
raised the hopes of autonomy for the minority communities
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UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 41
within the Nigerian federal structure and they quickly joined
the Nigerian effort to quell the secession attempt by Biafra
(Adejumobi and Aderemi 2002; Obi 2005). But as I will discuss
presently, oil exploitation was to account largely for the
protracted conflicts in the Niger Delta (Obi 2005; Aiyede 2006).
As noted earlier, the use of territorial disaggregation began
with the policy of state creation during the civil war to win the
support of minority ethnic groups in the south eastern part of
Nigeria. Since then, Nigeria's federal system has developed
through disaggregation. The three major regions became four
in 1963, from which 12 states were created in 1967,19 in 1976,
21in 1987, 30 in 1996 and 36 states since 1996, including the
Federal Capital Territory. However, state creation, which was
very successful in dousing the fears of the minority groups at
the inception of the Civil War in 1967, became an instrument
fortheir further marginalisation by successive military rulers
when political considerations emerged as the basis for the
creation of additional states. Yet since the return to civil rule
in 1999, intergovernmental relations within a federal context
have provided a framework through which the grievances and
preferences of the Niger Delta have been pursued.
At independence Nigeria's public revenue was largely derived
from the export of agricultural produce such as cocoa, cotton,
rubber and groundnut. However, with the discovery and
exploitation of oil the economic structure changed, oil
gradually became the single most important material base of
the Nigerian state, accounting for over 70 percent of total
revenue and 76 percent of total exports. It thus became the
lifeline of the state's activities: bureaucracy, defence,
infrastructure and social services.
Therapid expansion of the oil sector transformed the Nigerian
economyinto a mono-mineral economy, the state into a rentier
state and the population into : consumers rather than
producers, underlined by a constant struggle for access to oil
resources. Not only did the struggles divert attention from
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42 E. Remi Aiyede
other productive activities, cheap oil money was also the
source of corruption and capital flight, rendering Nigeria a
typical case of the resource curse syndrome. In the struggle,
the majority ethnic groups became the dominant players in
politics while the minority peoples and communities from
where oil is exploited suffered neglect and severe externalities.
The struggle is particularly reflected in the practice of fiscal
federalism. The changes made in the revenue allocation
formula have reflected policy choices that did not favour the
minority oil-producing communities. Since the ascendancy of
oil as the major source of revenue, derivation has increasingly
become insignificant as a factor of allocation of revenue. Oil
producing communities, largely minority communities,
became marginalised in development projects and revenue
allocation even as they struggled to protect their interests.
They were deprived of control over oil resources while
suffering the adverse consequences oftheir exploitation. Thus,
a major conflict that is yet to end exploded over the control of
oil- resources and the revenue allocation formula within the
Nigerian federation. Given the dominance of oil in the
economy, any threat to oil exploitation becomes a threat to the
state. Being particularly subject to the vagaries of the
international oil market as expressed in the balance of
payment crisis that it continues to suffer since the oil glut of
the early 1980s, the state is committed to ensuring that local
efforts to disrupt oil production is stopped with all the powers
at its disposal (Obi 1998; Aiyede 2006).
The conflict over the modalities for the extraction of oil, the
management of oil revenue, especially the distribution of oil
revenue, therefore hit at the security of the state, as oil-
producing communities questioned the legitimacy of the state
and its actions. The activities of militant groups, such as the
Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND),
with their violent confrontations with the state, eroded state
.security in the traditional sense and thus eroded human
security. The Niger Delta became characterised for many
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UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 43
years as an arena of violence, where social dislocation
combined with deprivation and fear are defining elements, as
the consciousness and feelings of being victims became
widespread among natives of these oil-producing communities
(Osaghae 1995). Ibeanu, 1. (2006) identifies the numerous
negative environmental impacts of oil mining and refining on
the communities. They include pollution from oil spillage that
destroys marine life and crops, and makes water and
farmlands unsuitable for the livelihood activities of the people;
brine from oil fields which contaminates water and streams
making them unfit as sources of drinkable water; gas flaring in
the vicinity of human dwellings and high pressure oil pipelines
that form a mesh across farmlands leading to acid rains,
deforestation and destruction of wildlife; and the dumping of
toxic,non-biodegradable by-products of oil refining dangerous
toboth flora and fauna, including man.
While the strategy of safeguarding oil production has involved
use of the-carrot-and-stick approach, force dominated the
action of the government in practice. Ibeanu (2002) explains
that state aggression directed at the Niger Delta has taken
four main forms, namely: constant harassment of the leaders
of popular movements and organisations; instigating inter-
communal conflicts, especially along ethnic, religious and clan
lines, instigating internal divisions of popular organisations
and direct repression using the army and the police. Thus,
efforts by oil communities in pursuit of environmental and
social justice have largely been met with state violence by
successive military regimes.
Thehigh point of state violence was the execution of Ken Saro-
Wiwa and eight other MOSOP leaders (the Ogoni Nine) on 10
November 1995 during the Sani Abacha military regime. Saro-
Wiwa's appeal was still pending before the Court ofAppeal and
the Federal High Court when he was executed. The same
brutality was unleashed in 1999 under civil rule when Odi, an
oil-producing community in the Niger Delta, was completely
razed by soldiers on the orders of President Obasanjo in
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44 E. Remi Aiyede
reaction to the kidnap and killing of seven policemen by armed
youths in- the community. Scores of innocent people were
killed; thousands were rendered homeless and became
refugees and displaced persons in their own communities. The
national government has also visibly supported the use of
mercenaries by oil corporations in defence of their
installations, an action that was challenged by the Delta State
government in October 2003 (Aiyede 2006).
Apart from strong-arm tactics, the national government,
under pressure from the international human rights
community, increasing violent agitations by the youth of the
oil-producing communities, multilateral organisations (the
United Nations, Commonwealth) and the global civil society
movement, has set up structures to positively respond to the
needs of the Niger Delta peoples. In 1988, the Federal
Environmental Protection Agency (FEPA) was set up by the
national government to deal with environmental problems in
the oil sector and other areas. In 1993, the Oil Mineral
Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) was
established to provide infrastructures and social amenities as
part of the effort to respond specifically to the development
needs of the Niger Delta region after several years of claims
that the terrain of the region was too expensive and difficult to
develop. Several laws and regulations were then provided to
prevent spillages and gas flaring by imposing liabilities for
such occurrences on the oil companies. Then in 2000, the Niger
Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was set up to replace
Orv'!PADEC due to the failure of the latter to achieve the
objectives for which it was set up (Obi 1997; Osaghae 1995).
In spite of these measures, the Niger Delta remained a hotbed
of violence and a high level of militarisation given the level of
access of the youths to light weapons and the heavy and
sustained presence of troops of the Nigerian military.
Interestingly, the focus of the agitation of the Niger Delta
people then shifted largely from increase in the percentage of
derivation to outright resource control. The situation was
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UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 45
worsened by what appears to be a deliberate move by the
political elite from the region to instigate the youth to step up
such demands, and the fact that criminal elements have
penetrated popular organisations in pursuit of the former's
own interests (Mahler 2010).
Under civil rule since 1999, Nigeria's state governors have
formed various fora to pursue their varying interests through
the federal process. For instance, the Summit of Governors
and Members ofthe National Assembly from the South-South
Geo-Political Zone, largely oil-bearing states, pressed for
states' control of resources. They demanded that the Land Use
Act and other laws, which empower the Federal Government
to control the natural resources found in the territories of their
communities, be abolished. They also contested the distinction
between offshore and onshore oil in the implementation of the
13 percent derivation revenue allocation to oil-producing
states by the Federal Government by insisting that offshore oil
belongs to the communities. The Federal Government
maintains that offshore resources belong to the Federation.
They pursued this position through a series of public
declarations and communiques. However, a bill tabled before
the House of Representatives on 9 May 2001 by Senator
Harriman from Delta State and 13 others which sought
several amendments to the Petroleum Act failed after a
tempestuous session. It was thrown out with an 81 'No' votes
against 64 'Yes' votes along a sharp North-South divide. The
bill was to compel oil companies to site their headquarters in
their main areas of operation and to vest the ownership and
control of petroleum resources in the oil-producing states, local
governments and communities. It was hoped 'that these
measures would reduce tension, poverty and violence in the
oil-producing communities (Aiyede 2001).
Following the stalemate created by the events in the National
Assembly, the Olusegun Obasanjo-Ied administration
. instituted a suit, asking the Supreme Court. to declare that
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46 E. Remi Aiyede
"the natural resources located within the exclusive economic
zones and the continental shelf of Nigeria are, subject to the
provision of any treaty or other written agreement between
Nigeria and any neighbouring littoral foreign state, derived
from the federation and not from any state" (Djebah 2001: 9).
Clearly, this was a response to the demand by oil-producing
states in the country that there should be no dichotomy
between offshore and onshore oil in the calculation of the 13
per cent revenue allocation based on derivation.
In a decision made on April 5, 2002, the Supreme Court
declared that the littoral states could not legally seek to control
natural resources located beyond their seaward boundaries.
It however also declared unconstitutional the Federal
Government's refusal to begin sharing of the 13 percent
derivation formula from May 1999, and First Line Deduction
System (FLDS), the latter a procedure whereby the Federal
Government first deducts a percentage offunds credited to the
Federation Account for the payment of debt before sharing the
balance among the Federal, State and Local Governments,
among others.
The first decision threatened to aggravate conflict in the oil-
producing communities such that President Obasanjo had to
adopt a political solution by sending an appropriate bill to the
National Assembly. This bill, which was signed into law in
early 2004, abolished the dichotomy often made between
offshore and onshore oil in the distribution of revenue. These
moves did not however alter the agitations in the Niger Delta
in any significant way. At the Political Reform Conference
2005, the delegates from the Niger Delta staged a walk-out
over the issue of percentage allocated to derivation in the
revenue allocation formula (Ado-Kurawa2005).
On assumption of office in 2007, President Musa Yar'Adua
proclaimed security as one of his seven point agenda. He
reorganised the NDDC, revised the Niger Delta Master Plan
and created a Niger Delta Ministry. In June 2009, in a major
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move to address the security situation, douse the persistent
tension and deal with the violent protest in the Niger Delta,
President Yar'Adua instituted an Amnesty Programme. The
amnesty covered all militants who were willing to lay down
their arms. It involved an elaborate process of disarmament,
rehabilitation and reintegration of the ex-militants into
normal life. The amnesty window closed on October 24, 2009
after an extension.
According to Hon. Kingsley Kuku (Special Adviser to the
President on the Niger Delta), 20,192 ex-agitators were
demobilised and enrolled in a series of training programmes in
the first phase at the Amnesty Office Camp in Obumbra, Cross
River State. The second batch of 6,166 rounded off their non-
violence transformational training by December 20, 2011.
Following the completion of the non-violence training and
career classification in the camp, the Amnesty Office placed a
total of7,556 ex-militants in skills acquisition/training centres
and formal education centres both in the country and overseas,
besides others in re- integration centres.
The beneficiaries of the Amnesty Programme were trained in
33 centres in the country. Some were sent to schools in South
Africa, Malaysia, Russia, Israel, Sri Lanka, United States of
America, India, Cyprus, Poland, Ghana, United Arab
Emirates, the Philippines as well as Trinidad and Tobago.
Others were sent to facilities in Greece, Belarus, Canada and
Italy. Placement of the trainees in skills acquisition/vocational
programmes was based on their expressed interest in areas
such as pipeline welding, underwater welding, ocean diving,
crane operations, aviation, boat building, oil drilling,
automobile technology, fish farming and entrepreneurship, as
well as formal education (Francis 2014, Premium Times 2012).
The Amnesty Programme is acclaimed to be very successful.
Before the proclamation of amnesty for the Niger Delta ex-
militants, oil production dropped to an all-time low of 700,000
barrels per day. With the Amnesty Programme, production
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48 E. Remi Aiyede
immediately rose to 2.4 million barrels per day, reaching 2.6
million barrels per day. This is an increase of 1.9 million
barrels per day, with the production savings of crude oil for the
country at $104 million per day. The savings for Nigeria for the
year ending 2012 is estimated at a whooping N6.3 trillion
(NSRP 2014).
Beautiful as the Amnesty Programme may seem, it has raised
several issues concerning its implication for state-citizens
relations. For instance, if the government takes responsibility
for those who took up arms against it, should it ignore those
who suffer the consequences of oil but have not taken up arms?
Secondly, the robustness of the rehabilitation and training in a
country of massive youth unemployment renders it a very
attractive programme such that even non-violent youths are
willing to declare themselves ex-militants in order to benefit
from the programme. As the saying goes, all you need do to
gain access to employment and scholarship for overseas
training is to declare yourself an ex-militant in the Niger-
Delta. Should the government therefore transform the
programme into a permanent programme of empowerment for
Niger Delta youths?
There are several other issues that arise for the government.
These are to do with what happens after those trained abroad
return to the country. Are they to be offered automatic
employment or are they to be offered guaranteed pay until
they secure employment independently? What is the
responsibility of the various states and local governments, the
Ministry ofthe Niger Delta, and the Niger Delta Development
Commission (NDDC) for youth empowerment, education and
employment in this regard? How effective have the NDDC and
the Ministry of the Niger.Delta been in providing the required
social and physical infrastructures? What conciliatory
programmes are in place to build peace within communities in
that region?
From the preceding discussion, oil exploitation and the
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UNILAG Journal of Politics. Vol. 7, No.1, June 2015 49
distribution of oil revenue has become central to peace and
stability in Nigeria. This applies to other natural resources
where they constitute a significant source of revenue for
government and are crucial to federalism and human security.
Efforts to address the Niger Delta resource conflict have
followedthree non-violent approaches. The first set has been
carried out as part ofthe accommodative process ofthe federal
framework. These include the creation of states for minority
oil-bearing communities and the adjustment of the revenue
sharing formula, which the 1999 Constitution put at not less
than 13percent derivation.
The second set has been through intervention programmes
that target physical infrastructure and social amenities in
those communities as done by OMPADEC, NDDC and the
Niger Delta Ministry, as well as through corporate
philanthropy. The third is the Amnesty Programme. The
Amnesty Programme gives the Federal Government of
Nigeria an image of a detested strong external force having a
rethink and reaching out to the states and their protesting
militants for reconciliation and peace.
Thefederal structure defines the territories in a manner that
makes the problem less an ethnic group issue but rather as a
problem peculiar to an administrative territory which is
inhabited by multiple ethnic groups and requiring an
institutional response. That is why in spite of the violence in
the Niger Delta, no claim of genocide was ever made. These
conciliatory approaches have shown that the political
institution of federalism provides both a framework and an
opportunity for a variety of interventions to deal with the
NigerDelta challenge. These are distinct from the traditional
national security approach that contributed in no small
measure to the escalation ofviolence in the region. If properly
organised and sustained, these non-violent approaches,
including the amnesty programme, remain promising in
promotingindividual freedom from fear and want, just as they
allowfor the right to pursue a lifeofdignity.
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50· E. Remi Aiyede
There are calls for the amnesty approach to the BokoHaram
insurgency, but efforts to negotiate with the Boko Haram
group have not succeeded. Some have also argued that the
grievances ofthe BokoHaram are not similar to the case in the
Niger Delta. All agree that intervention to reduce poverty,
ignorance and disease and provide economicopportunities will
go a long in reducing susceptibility to radicalisation and
thereby recruitment into BokoHaram.
Conclusion and Recommendations
Generally, human security has come to emphasise freedom
from want, freedom from fear and freedom to live in dignity.
While efforts to promote human security may take various
forms, federalism provides a framework for dealing with
conflicts over natural resources as it provides a negotiated
guide for extraction of natural resources and distribution of
revenue from such resource extraction among the various
segments that constitute the state. Since human security is
directly linked with development, it is also tied to the way
political structure relates to development performance and
therefore to political institutions. Indeed, federalism provides
an institutional framework for the achieveinent of human
security, since, as the UNDP (1994) notes, human security is
connected to the "quality of growth and the equity of its
distribution." Thus, efforts to improve human security must
relate to the institutions that link citizens to the state.
In federal systems, fiscal federalism is central to an equitable
and negotiated approach to natural resource management. It
operates at the interface between individuals and the state,
as well as how groups provide space for the individual to
relate to the state at various governmental levels. Where
states are not embedded in society, the state suffers from
legitimacy deficit that may frustrate its drive for security.
Where state-society relations are problematic, as in divided
societies, federalism becomes an option central to both state
security and human security. However, the effective
utilisation offederalism, as I have argued elsewhere requires
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the transformation of state-society relations by responsible
political leadership (Aiyede 2013).
In the Nigerian case, we see how federal principles have been
used to address natural resource conflicts and how they have
been utilised to mitigate the effects of centrifugal forces and
guarantee a space for individual and group freedoms with
varying degrees of successes. Indeed, any human security
intervention must take into account the institutional
architecture of the state in order for it to promote institution
building and sustainability. In the case of external
intervention, state institutions and agencies must be
recognised and utilised together with non-state, non-formal
organisations in order to avoid the fostering of disengagement
or reinforcement of a shadow state which may further
undermine state legitimacy and deepen existing distrust
between the state and citizens.
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