IBADAN JOURNAL
OF EUROPEAN STUDIES
Nos. 8, 9 and 10: 2008, 2009 and 2010 
ISSN 1595-0344
A Journal of the Department o f European Studies 
University o f Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
IBADAN JOURNAL OF EUROPEAN STUDIES 
(ISSN1595-0344), a publication o f the Department of 
European Studies, University o f  Ibadan, is published once a year 
in November. Each issue is a Collection o f  original research 
papers on all aspects o f European civilization, such as language, 
culture, linguistics, literature, history, politics and institutions 
including Modern European and African thoughts. The aim o f 
the journal is to encourage scholarship in all its richness and 
diversity. The journal is formally recognized as a publication o f 
international standards.
Advisory Board
Prof. Dr. Susanne Gehrmann Germany
Prof. F.A. Irele Havard University, USA
Emeritus Prof. Femi Osofisan University o f Ibadan
Emeritus Prof. Bio la Odejide University o f Ibadan
Prof. Flavien Gbeto Universite d'Abomey-Calavy, 
Cotonou
Prof. R.A. Adebisi Ahmadu Bello University, 
Zaria
Dr. Yaroslav Koval Pushkin Institute, Russia
Editorial Board
Prof. (Mrs) Aduke Adebayo Chairperson
Prof. L.B. Ayeleru Editor
Dr. R.A. Sanusi Member
Dr. S.A. Ademuyiwa Member
Maria Akinduro Member
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
List of Contributors
Abiodun Akande, Emmanuel Alayande College o f Education, 
Oyo.
Akin Ademuyiwa, Department o f European Studies, University 
o f Ibadan,Ibadan.
Aigbovia, Kessington, Department o f European Languages, 
University o f Lagos, Akoka.
B. Sofela. Department o f History, University o f Ibadan, Ibadan.
Charles Cliff Feghabo; Department o f English/ Literary 
Studies, Niger Delta University
Doyin Odebowale, Department o f Classiscs, University o f 
Ibadan, Ibadan.
Elisabeth Fourn, Departement de Sociologie-Anthropologie, 
FLASH, UAC, Benin.
Emmanuel B. Omobowale; Department o f English, University 
Ibadan
Ezekiel Olagunju, Department o f  Foreign Languages, Obafemi 
Awolowo University, Ile-Ife
Goke A. Akinboye, Department o f Classics, University o f 
Ibadan,Ibadan.
Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson, Institute o f African Studies, 
University o f Ibadan, Ibadan.
Remy Oriaku, Department o f English, University o f Ibadan, 
Ibadan.
Sanni- Suleiman, A, Department o f French, University o f Ilorin
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
Sola Olorunyomi, Institute o f African Studies, Universeity o f 
Ibadan,Ibadan
Yakubu Adegboyega Adeoti, Department of European 
Studies, University o f Ibadan, Ibadan.
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
Contents
Notes for Contributors............................................................  iv
Editorial N o te ...........................................................................  v
List o f Contributors...................................................................  vi
Model o f Economic Integration in Latin America 1958- 
1978: a Comparative Analysis o f  LAFTA and CACM 
B. Sofela.............................................................................. 1
Conciliation vie familiale et emploi salarie des femmes a 
Cotonou
Fourn Elisabeth............................................................ .......... 27
iroke: Icon, Instrument and Insignia o f Ifd
Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson and Abiodun Akande.................... 53
Vincent Egbuson'sZ-ove My Plane/and the quest for 
Fanonian Eco-justice
Emmanuel B. Omobowale and Charles Cliff Feghabo....... 83
Between African Migrants in Search o f Opportunities and 
Their Nervous European Hosts: Divergent Attitudes to 
Migrant Labour and International Prostitution in Five 
African Novels
Remy O riaku ................................................................. 101
Probleme der Wiedergabe von Yoruba-Substantiven Ins 
Deutsche
Ezekiel O lagunju.................................................... 118
Ma'al, Arete and Dike: The Evolution o f Classical Legal 
System
Doyin O debow ale............................................................. 133
Proverbs And Foreign Language Teaching In Nigeria: 
The Example O f French
Sanni- Suleiman, A ........................................................ 148
O f the Classical, Achaism and Context in Masterpieces 
Sola O lorunyom i............................................................. 165
The European Union in Search o f  an Appropriate
Institutional Model: Federalism Revisited
Akin Adem uyiwa................................................................. 174
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
MAJIEHbKMM MEJIOBEK" PYCCKOH JlMTEPATYPbl
19rO  BEKA -  HAYMHblM B 3rJIflfl
Aigbovia, K essington............................................................. 185
Allegory in BuIgakov’sThe Heart o f a Dog and
Aluko’sChiefthe Honourable Minister
Yakubu Adegboyega A deoti....................................... 192
Traversing Euro-African Waters : Maritime Trade and 
Commerce o f Rome in Africa
‘Goke A. A kinboye................................................................... 206
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
A
lroke: Icon, Instrument and Insignia of Ifa
Ohioma Ifounu POGOSON
Institute of African Studies 
University of Ibadan 
Ibadan
and
Abiodun AKANDE
Emmanuel Alayande 
College of Education 
Oyo
Introduction
The lroke Ifa (also called diviners’ board tapper) is one of the 
tools of Ifa. Diviners carry it around as a symbol of identity. 
lroke is a long and narrow carved piece of wood or tusk. Some 
studies have divided the iroke into top middle and bottom 
sections in order to study them adequately. They are usually 
only about 30 to 40 centimetres in length. It is used to tap the 
edges of divination boards during divination sessions. This 
action is repeated continually to hold the presence and attention 
of supernatural forces and to signify ase. an appeal to 
Olodumare to sanction said prayers. Babalawo Famoriyo (2013) 
says that when prayers are said during a divination session, the 
babalawo may say ase (may it come to pass) or tap the edge of 
his divination board three times, suggesting ase.
The description of the divination session by Pogoson and 
Akande (2011:15) illustrates the use of iroke ifa in a divination 
process. The session starts with the Babalawo saluting ifa and 
asking ifa to provide appropriate answers to his client’s 
problems. He goes on to call on the attention of Orunmila, the 
deity that originated ifa and was present with God (Olodumare)
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 54
at the time of creation and is believed to know the secrets of the 
world. Orunmila is also believed to know the prenatal destiny 
(aydnmo) of every individual and by this, he is said to be 
capable of foreseeing and foretelling the future. With these 
powers, Orunmila has the knowledge of how men can realise 
their destiny. The babalawo also salutes and invites the 
following to partake in the session: Olodumare (the Supreme 
Being), the aldle (owners of the land), awon agba (the elders), 
awon baba nld (the progenitors) and various ancient babalawos. 
From the foregoing, it is evident that the babalawo has indeed, 
called a conference of forces and the only known instrument 
with which the babalawo continues to enjoy the participation of 
these forces on the issue at hand is by tapping the iroke on the 
edges of the divination board.
The history of i f  a and some of its paraphernalia have benefitted 
from enriching, informative and analytical studies in the past 
(Clarke 1939, Abimbola 1968 and Bascom 1969). It is however, 
regrettable that not enough attention has been given to the 
iconology, use, importance and imagery o f iroke ifa in 
particular. It has only been scantily described and mentioned in 
passing when discussing ifa or its art objects. Yet, this particular 
instrument and insignia is an icon of Yoruba religion and art in 
its own right. Abiodun (1975) and Laggamma (2000:52) 
recognise the iroke as an essential component of the divination 
kit of a babalawo. Abiodun’s study of ifa art objects is one of 
the tew works that pay attention to iroke ifa. It employs ifa 
divination verses and other oral traditions in the interpretation of 
the significance of iroke and other ifa art objects. This study is 
undoubtedly informative. However, the vastness of the odii ifa 
makes it impossible for one author to exhaust the knowledge 
pertaining to iroke in the two hundred and fifty—six (256) 
verses. Besides, Abiodun’s study is not focused on iroke alone, 
but on all ifa art objects. This research will concentrate only on 
iroke ifa and interrogate more odii (ifa verses) with the aim of 
unearthing new information on the iconology and relevance of 
iroke. Close attention will also be given to examples of iroke ifa 
from Yoruba communities in Oyo (Nigeria), and Sabe (Benin
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Ibadan Journal of European Studies. No 8, 9. 10 55
Republic). Lastly, this study intends to draw attention to iroke 
ifa as an important icon in Yoruba wood carving art corpus as it 
is in religion. It is, in fact, at par with agere ifa and ose sango.
Iroke ifa is one of the many paraphernalia of ifa divination. 
Other items used for divination includeopon ifa, agere ifa, ikin 
ifa, op'ele, and ibd. A brief examination of these other items of 
divination will help in the placing of the iroke in proper context.
Opon Ifa  (divination board)
Opon Ifa, usually carved with wood, is either circular or 
rectangular. It is often adorned with relief decorations on its 
edges. The themes of the decorations are diverse and range from 
zoomorphic to anthropomorphic representations. Witte 
(1994:67) has noted that many of the images on the borders of 
Yoruba ifa divination boards are of activities of humans and 
animals that have been mythologically proven to have one 
relationship or another with ifa. Such animals are even 
mentioned in some of the poems of odii ifa. We have concluded 
elsewhere that sometimes the images are extemporised by the 
carvers and that it is only the esii head, usually at the top central 
position, opposite the diviner, that is constant (Pogoson and 
Akande 2011:15-17).
Agere ifa (ifa palm-nut bowl)
This is usually carved with wood; it is the container where the 
palm-nut for ifa divination is kept. According to Roache 
(1974:20-25),agere ifa comes in many forms and styles. They 
range in style from very simple ones with a single simple 
column supporting a large dish at the top to the ones bearing 
complex mythical images. He cites the example of an agere ifa 
that portrays what could probably be the representation of a 
Yoruba myth. In it, two hunters or warriors attack a wild animal, 
which grasps a huge coiling snake in its mouth.
Drewal and Drewal (1983:60-67) gather a tradition that narrates 
that agere was at a time the wife of Orunmila, who is said to 
have hid her husband inside her stomach to protect him. It was
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Qhioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodim Akande 56
reported that she was so industrious that her husband engaged in 
business activities with her. The keeping of ikin ifa (divination 
palm-nuts) that represents Orunmila the husband of Agere, 
inside the agere ifa is, therefore, symbolic of the relationship 
between Orunmila and Agere ifa. Agere ifa is also used as a 
container for preparing medicine, which is a symbol of her hard 
work. Abiodun (1989:1-18) observes that agere ifa is ideally 
depicted as a woman because of the importance of women in 
Yoruba pantheon. He adds that the figure of a kneeling woman 
carrying a bowl is common to all Ifa and Osun art repertoire. In 
Ifa, it is known as agere ifa or ibdri ifa and in Osun and other 
cults, it is generally known as arugba (one who carries the 
calabash).
A number of iconographic identities are associated with agere 
ifa. They must have three main sections: the top where the ikin 
ifa is kept, the middle section where any form of picture may be 
depicted and a flat base on which the entire structure will rest 
that also serves as the handle. Important to the agere ifa form is 
that the top part must be deep enough to hold the palm nuts 
without falling off, the middle section can carry any cultural 
depiction, although the representation of a woman is most 
common and the base must serve to hold the whole carving and 
its content without tilting.
Ikin ifa (divination palm-nuts)
These are the sixteen palm-nuts from ope ifa (ifa palm tree). 
Each fruit of this palm tree should have four eyelets on its thick 
bottom side. These palm nuts are kept in agere ifa.
Opele (divination chain)
The opele is a chain with eight half pods of a rare tree called 
opele (Schrebera qolungensi). The palm nuts are inserted into a 
strong string at regular intervals. Stringed alongside with the 
pods, sometimes it could be glass beads, metals, cowrie shells, 
and or rarely coins. Leather throngs or ordinary tough cotton 
strings are used. Clarke (1939) records that the best dpeles are 
made of brass chains. During a divination session, the ifa priest
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Ibadan Journal o f European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 57
holds the opele in the middle and throws it in front of him to 
cast. According to Babalawo Aworeni (2009), opele was once a 
human being and a servant of Orunmila. Orunmila bought opele 
as a slave from the market with the intention of using him to 
clear his farm. Unfortunately, after buying opele, Orunmila 
discovered that one of his legs was shorter than the other, so he 
could not be of much help on his farm. Orunmila then took 
opele home to live with him. When opele got to Oninmil&’s 
home, he exhibited strange and rare wisdom and, therefore, 
joined Orunmila in his business of divination. On one occasion, 
Orunmila is reported to have traveled when opele was called 
upon to perform a divination for the king. On that occasion, 
opele committed a great offence, which he himself reported to 
Orunmila on his return. Orunmila got so much annoyed that he 
hit opele on the head with his iroke. According to the tradition, 
the opele is reported to have broken into eight pieces. Orunmila 
did not want to throw opele away; he therefore, had to use 
strings to join him together and from thence, he used him as an 
instrument of consultation.
Ibd (instrument for casting lot)
Ibo is a pair of cowry shells and a piece of bone tied together. 
After casting the lot, the cowry shell stands for an affirmative 
reply while the bone stands for a negative reply. This is in 
respect of every question posed during a divination session. 
Several other materials may also be used as ibo and they have 
different symbolic meaning. For example, a piece of rock stands 
for good health while the black nut represents Orunmila himself.
The ibd is used to pinpoint the details of the solution to the 
problem. Ibd is brought to the divination scene after a particular 
odii ifa has been identified and recited as appropriate solution to 
the problem of the client. After the divination, the client is asked 
to hold an ibd in each hand, two of them in one hand and the 
remaining one (as they are often three in number), in the other. 
As the diviner carries out his investigation, he asks the client to 
drop the ibd in a particular hand at intervals. He may also ask 
the client to drop the one in any hand of his choice. The diviner
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 58
is not privy to which hand the client has held particular ibd. 
Therefore, as the materials are dropped, on the diviner’s request, 
he is led to know how to approach a solution to the problem. 
This leads and keeps him on the right track. For example, the 
diviner can address ifa by making a statement demanding to 
know whether there is a solution to the problem or not, he then 
asks the client to drop the ibd in his left or right hand. If what he 
drops is the cowry shell, the implication is that there is a 
solution to the problem. However, if the client drops the bone, 
this implies that the solution to the problem is yet beyond 
reached reach. Further divinations will, therefore, have to be 
made for other probable solutions.
Iyerositn (divination powder)
This is the white powdery remains of irosiin or bamboo trees 
eaten by termites. It is spread on the divination board, on which 
the results of the permutation from the scooping of the ikin ifa 
by the babalawo are printed.
On ifa and its paraphernalia
As earlier stated, the history of ifa, sometimes called Orunmilaa, 
has been discussed by many Yoruba scholars. Many of the 
stories of ifa have been based on oral traditions which have 
variants from different Yoruba communities. As these stories 
are subjected to various interpretations, it is difficult to know the 
original version. Johnson (1921), one of the early writers of 
Yoruba history, traces the origin of the Yoruba from the Eastern 
part to I le-Ife and suggests that Shetilu (also called 
Agboniregun), the originator of ifa divination, had been in lle- 
Ife before Yoruba people came to meet him there. Johnson 
points out that Shetilu was originally from Nupe land. But in 
another oral tradition, also by Johnson, he claims that an Alaafin 
of Oyo, Onlgbogl, who was dethroned for this action, introduced 
ifa worship.
Clarke (1939)posits that the beginning of ifa divination among 
the Yoruba may be unknown but that the source of ifa divination 
power was obtained from the phallic god, elegbaa (also called
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Ibadan Journal of European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 59
esii), on the promise to give him the first portion of every 
offering to God by those who consult ifa. Clarke, tracing the 
history and identity of ifa among the Yoruba pantheon, observes 
that some of the names given to ifa, such as drunmila or 
oloriinmila (both names indicate that the bearer has domain and 
power from heaven) can be compared with those of the Supreme 
Being, Olodiimare or Olorun (the owner of heaven). Clark, 
therefore, suggests that ifa or drunmila must be the mouthpiece 
of Olodiimare (Clarke 1939). He further postulates that 
Olodiimare communicates with men and they with him through 
ifa. Clarke also engages the controversy of the relationship 
between esii and ifa, as he argues that esu and ifa are the main 
messengers of drunmila. He posits that Orunmila may just be 
another name for Olodiimare since drunmila, in some myths, is 
the leader of the four hundred and one (401) deities sent by 
Olodiimare. Clarke’s position about the relationship between 
esii and drunmila can also be used to explain the reason why 
esii head is usually carved at the topmost part of ifa divination 
boards.
Furthermore, Idowu (1962:19) records that esw.one of the 
Yoruba divinities, was the universal police and keeper of the ase 
(divine power) with which Olodiimare created the universe and 
maintained its physical laws. Ifa was put in charge of divination 
because of his great wisdom, which it is said he acquired as a 
result of his being present when Olodiimare was creating the 
universe. Ifa, therefore, knows all the hidden secrets of the 
universe. This is why he his called akerefinusogbon (the small 
one whose mind is full of wisdom).
According to Abimbola (1977:1), the Yoruba believe that ifa 
was one of the four hundred and one divinities (drisa) sent by 
God (Olodiimarej to the earth (aye), as the divinities descended 
from heaven (drun) into the city of Ile-Ife at the beginning of 
creation. Ifa was said to be the youngest and the wisest of all. He 
was, therefore, nicknamed Akerefinusogbon (the small one 
whose mind is full of wisdom), and because of his wisdom, he 
was put in charge of divination.
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 60
McClelland (1982:12) in his study o f  ifa traditions in Ede, Oko, 
Ikirun and Osogbo states that Orisanla (sometimes called 
Obatala) and Orunmila were critically involved in the creation 
o f the world. I f  Orunmildwas involved in the creation o f the 
world, as found in this myth, this is an indication that ifa 
worship had existed before human beings and by implication, 
the Yoruba people. This may suggest that the time o f origin of 
thei/a worship is beyond the knowledge o f  the Yoruba people 
themselves.
Today,ifa worship can be found all over the world. The 
expansion o f ifa worship is credited to the dispersal o f  the 
Yoruba, the original owner o f the culture, all over the world. 
Evidence abounds to attest to the diffusion o f the Yoruba from 
Nigeria to establish communities in other parts o f West Africa 
and indeed, other parts o f  the world. They are well known to 
have migrated to Ife, a region o f Atakpame in Togo and to Sabe 
and Quidah in Benin Republic. The Yoruba people in Ife or Fe 
in Togo were said to have migrated to their present location 
from Ue-Ife around the 13th century (Gayibor 1992:12, Odji 
1997:14). The expansionist wars o f  Old Oyo Empire in the 
17thto the 19th century, when Oyo sought to expand her 
territory for the reasons o f  slave trade led to Oyo conquering the 
regions o f  Abomey down to ports o f  Novo and Quiddah. This 
led to the spread o f Yoruba people to the west o f the West 
African regions. The concomitant transatlantic slave trade o f the 
16th to the 19th century saw many Yoruba forcibly moved from 
Nigeria and Benin Republic to the Americas where they served 
as slaves. In all the new communities where they have diffused, 
ifa is still worshipped. Despite their unwholesome predicament, 
they tenaciously continued to worship ifa and other religions in 
their new lands. Ifa  worship is now even gaining popularity 
among Americans. In a study carried out by Meyer and 
Bede-Fagbamila (1997:33), they record a large number of 
Americans living in Chicago who regularly consult babaldwos 
(ifa diviners) to inquire about their businesses and other personal 
problems.
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Ibadan Journal of European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 61
Specific studies on art objects used in ifa divination and worship 
include that of Abiodun (2000) who addresses the recurrence of 
equestrian figures in Yoruba woodcarvings. He interrogates ifa 
oral literature (odiiifa) with the aim of finding the original 
meaning of the equestrian in Yoruba art. His conclusion 4s that 
the horse is an animal of prestige and a crucial factor in the 
determination of the strength of armies. It is therefore symbolic 
of prestige, royalty and superiority.
Drewal (1983:136), Drewal and Drewal (1983:60) and Witte 
(1989:59) carryout studies on Yoruba ifa divination boards. 
Drewal and Drewal (1987: 225) identify the compositional 
arrangement of decorative patterns on Yoruba divination board. 
They point out ‘serial’ and ‘seriate’ arrangements on the borders 
of divination boards. Drewal (1987) identifies nine sections of 
the ifa divination board. Other studies that address ifa divination 
but do not delve into the wooden objects of its worship include 
those of Ezio Bassani (1994), Manuel Jordan (2000), Louis 
Brenner (2000), and Pemberton (2007).
Furthermore, Lagamma (2000) surveys the works of art 
associated with oracles in Africa and concludes that art and 
oracle illustrate some of the ways by which African cultures 
seek to transcend the limitations of human knowledge by 
reaching out for the intervention of the divine. Lagamma (2000) 
identifies iroke ifa as an instrument that initiates communication 
between the natural and supernatural. He notes that when the 
diviner strikes with a tapper (irokeifa), on the flat surface of a 
wooden board, opon Ifa, the communication is initiated.
Pogoson and Akande (2011) attempt a comparative analysis of 
the decorative patterns on divination boards from Isale Oyo, 
ijebu and Osogbo. Theysubmit that divination boards from Isale 
Oyo combine features found on boards from Osogbo and Ijebu. 
The features on the Osogbo and Ijebu boards combined in the 
boards found in Isale-Oyo, have already been identified by 
Witte (1994). The boards from Ijebu have a part of the esu head, 
located on the oju opon, extending into the centre {farm opon)
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 62
of the board, while the boards from Osogbo have the head of esii 
contained within the limits of the borders of the board.
Iroke Ifd
To establish iroke ifa as an icon within the Yoruba woodcarving 
corpus, its iconography must fulfill the laws of archetypal 
models. The archetypal theory on model states that for any 
image, idea, or pattern to become and be considered a 
widespread model, it must have specific features that are 
universal to all. Vasina (1984) submits that the mental image of 
an archetype exists before the object itself. The idea, therefore, 
is that the image must guide the maker. Archetypes have 
independent lives of their own; their appearance creates 
awareness and poses no questions. The appearance of iroke ifa 
can be best exemplified by a Yoruba saying that “Odu kii se 
cdmd fun oloko “Odu (a particular green leaf vegetable) is easily 
identified by farmers.”
According to Chief Dii'po Gbenro (2014), a Yoruba language 
expert and a traditional chief of Ibadan, there is a particular 
myth of ifa that narrates an ordeal of Orunmila and how he had 
to sell his instruments of divination, including his iroke, to get 
out of an impending disaster. In the narrative, Orunmila who 
was to receive some important visitors from heaven (drun) was 
so broke that he could not afford to entertain these visitors. He 
then instructed his wife to take his instruments of divination to 
the market to sell in order to get money to entertain his visitors. 
Orunmila's wife sold the iroke for egbefa owd eyo (1200 
cowries), the opon ifa for egbeje owd eyo (1400 cowries) and 
the irukere (fly whisk) for erindlnlogbdn owd eyo (26 cowries). 
The proceed from the sales was then used to prepare a great 
feast for these important visitors. When the visitors had finished 
wining and dining, they felt impressed with the lavish 
hospitality of Orunmila and thanked him. They then declared 
their identity as ajogun (evil forces with destructive powers) and 
that because Orunmila's generosity was impressive, they 
promised not to harm him or lay their hands on things that 
belong to him. Orunmila was happy and thankful to ifa and
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Ibadan Journal of European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 63
ancestor babalawos. This story simply portrays how physical 
materials were sold, but the result was the spiritual rescue of 
Orunmila from destructive forces.
According to Famoriyo, a babaldwo from Isale Oyo, verses of 
eji ogbe and ogunda iwori, narrate stories in which the iroke ifd 
is mentioned. He first spoke on eji ogbe, the founder of 
Otunmoba (Otun) town. The verse goes thus:
Iji ti mo ji, mo mu iroke baba mi itorofmi 
itorofini
Iji ti mo ji, mo mu irukere baba mi itorogbaja 
itorogbaja
Mo ke ibosi, mo pe Akintula baba mi 
Akintula o, Akintula 6 je  mi mo 
Omo erin ti fan kikan kikan 
Omo erin ti fan bi igboro ti goke aid 
A bi ito ginniginni bi eji ro pale 
A kini nile Ido
Oun 16 difd fun ogede Oyagan
Ogede Oyagan n sunkun alairlbi 6 n gbaawe dirl
pdn
0  loun ko bimo, O wd n f i  owo osiin nu dgiri 
gbigbe
0  rl omo leyin adie, 6 bit puru sekun
0  ni eye oko se e bimo ju  eni lo
Ogede Oyagan to awon babaldwo lo
Awon babaldwo won bu ikin ifa da
Erin hlayo ganbu loju opon
Ogbe lotiin un Ogbe losi
Ebo ni won ni ko rii
Won ni ko rubo si iroke ati irukere
O rubo, ebo re fin, ebo re da
Ogede Oyagan wd bimo yanturu
Ogede Oyagan wd n yin Ifd
Ifa wd nyin Elediimar'e
Eledumare wd n yin ara re lalede orun
Ediimdre nikan ni ko ni eni a n fiyin fun
O wd lanu koto, orin ifd 16 bo sii lenu
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 64
O wa ranse si agogo lode Igboro 
Opa kogokogo lode Iserimogbe 
O wa nase tan seyin, ijo fa  a
0  ni, e wo omo Abitula berere 
E wo omo Abitula berere 
Ogede Oyagan. A kii ragan Eesun 
E wo omo Abitula berere
Meaning:
As I woke up I took my father’s iroke 
As I woke up I took my father’s flywhisk
1 called my father Akintula 
Akintula, please answer me 
The child of the elephant that trumpets hard 
The child of the elephant that trumpets while 
climbing the alo
The one with plenty urine like the dew-falls 
The one that greets in Ido 
The same performed divination for the barren 
banana tree
Barren banana tree was crying for not having 
children
She said she was barren, and was rubbing her
hand of calm wood oil on walls
She saw the hen with chickens, she burst into
tears
She exclaimed that how can birds of the forest 
have children and she would not have 
The barren banana then consulted babalawo 
The babalawo made divination with ifa palm- 
nuts
It was the big elephant that was revealed on the 
divination board
ogbe on the right, ogbe on the left (e/7 ogbe)
She was asked to make sacrifice 
She was to sacrifice to iroke and fly whisk 
Barren banana performed the sacrifice and the 
sacrifice was acceptable
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Ibadan Journal of European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 65
Barren banana then gave birth to numerous 
children
Barren banana then praised ifa 
Ifa in turn praised the Olodumare 
Olodumare praised himself in the skies 
Olodumare does not return praises to any other 
person
He then opened his mouth and started to sing 
He sent for the gong from Igboro 
Opa kogokogo (stick for beating drum or gong) 
from Iserimogbe
He then stretched out his leg backwards, dance 
consumed it
He said look at the children of Abitula,
numerous, numerous
The children of Abitula are numerous
The barren banana, We do not come across a
barren e.sun
Look at the children o f Abitula, numerous, 
numerous.
In this odu of ifa, Ogede Oyagan (referred to as Abitula in the 
verses) was barren and had been asked to make sacrifices to 
iroke and iriikere for her to be able to have children. She did this 
and consequently, she gave birth to many children. Famoriyo 
explains that even today, similar prescriptions are made for 
those who are faced with difficult times, and come to consult ifa. 
They may be asked to sacrifice a hen each to iroke and iriikere. 
This odu ifa eulogises the powers and position of iroke ifa and 
brings it to the level of an drisd (god or goddess). This is 
undoubtedly a eulogy of the enormous powers encapsulated in 
iroke and iriikere in the paraphernalia of ifa and Yoruba 
cosmology.
Famoriyo recited another o dii Ifa dealing with iroke, 
Ogundawori, which further eulogises the importance and power 
of iroke:
Ogundd ni eleku 
Iwori. ni ije konko
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Qhioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 66
Lo difd fun won lode Oro
Won ni hi won rubo si aikit ara won
Won gbe ebo nibe, won rubo
Nje iroke mi iroke ide ni
Irukere mi irukere baba ni
Ajere ti mo f i  n difd sebi Olodiimare Id f i  le mi
lowo
Lo difd fun Olddro
Igba ti won ni ko rubo si aiku ara re
O wa gbebo nibe, o rubo
Won ni kb setutii fun Iroke, Irukere dun Ajere
Oldrod gbo sawon alawo lenu, o rubo
O rubo si iroke, Irukere dun Ajere
O rubo tan ebo re fin, ebo re gba
Ta lo wa so Oldrod di oba?
Orunmila lo so Oldrod doba.
Ero Ipo ero O f a,
E wa ba ni jebutii ire gbogbo
Jebutu ire la wa wa
Oldrod wa n yin awon alawo re
Awon alawo n yin I f  a
I f  a wan yin Olodiimare oba
Odumare wa n yin rare
Edumare nikan ni kb leni tifogo fun
Meaning:
Ogunda is the Eleku (ancient babaldwo)
Iwori is the Konko (ancient babaldwo)
The two performed divination for the people of 
Oro
They were asked to sacrifice for longevity
They sacrificed
My iroke is made of silver
My fly whisk is made of bronze
The agere with which I make divination, it is
olodumare that gave me
The same performed divination for the king of 
Oro
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Ibadan Journal of European Studies. No 8, 9. 10 67
When he was asked to perform sacrifice for 
longevity
He performed the sacrifice
They propitiated iroke, irukere and agere
Oloro heeded to his babalawo's instructions, he
sacrificed
He sacrificed to iroke, irukere and agere 
His sacrifice was accepted 
Who then made Oloro the king?
Orunmila made Oloro the king; it is orunmila 
that made Oloro, king
Oh people of Ipo and Offa, rejoice with us for our 
fortune
All and sundry we are favoured
Oloroo praised his babalawo
The babalawo praised ifa
Ifa in turn praised Olodumare
Olodumare praised himself
Olodumare is the only one who does not praise
any other personality.
As in bji ogbe that was recited earlier, bgunda iwori 
corroborates the importance of iroke within the Yoruba 
divination system. In bgunda iwori, the king o f Oro’s fortune 
was realised after he sacrificed to three the paraphernalia of ifa, 
namely; iroke, irukere and agere. In addition to the known 
connotations and powers of iroke. these two odurevealiroke’s 
supernatural ability to provide for every human need when 
propitiated. It is an instrument that can be propitiated for the 
realisation of good destiny by men. The figure of the kneeling 
woman, usually found in many Yoruba carved wooden objects, 
which Abiodun (1989) points at as symbolising a woman in 
labour and a time for the bringing forth of the destiny of men, is 
therefore, highly suitable as an illustration in the middle section 
of the iroke.
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 68
Iconography of iroke ifa
Abiodun (1989)viewsz>o£e as a good example of the striking 
appearance of women in Yoruba sculpture. He observes that the 
iroke consists mainly o f three sections: the topmost or pointed 
end section; the middle section, and third or bottom section in 
order of importance. Elsewhere, Abiodun (1979) attempts an 
interpretation of ifa art objects based on oral tradition. He 
suggests that the topmost part of the iroke symbolises the inner 
spiritual ori (head), while the middle section, which is usually a 
depiction of human head or a kneeling nude female figure 
holding her breast symbolises humanity choosing destiny. He 
explains that to the Yoruba, the choice of destiny is of utmost 
importance and that a woman is significant in the choice of 
destiny. The woman usually represented in a kneeling position is 
a symbol of ikunl'e abiamo ‘the pain associated with child birth,’ 
often regarded as the greatest act of reverence that can be shown 
to any being, especially to appease the gods and solicit their 
support. This is not unconnected with the fact that it brings forth 
a new life.
The features that essentially qualify a carved object as an iroke 
are its possession of the three parts already mentioned and 
described. The inside o f the handle may be hollow for the 
attachment of bells. An iroke must be portable and 
ergonomically designed for ease of holding it, and it must be 
strong enough for tapping on the opon ifa without damage.
Plate 1 is an iroke ifa that belongs to Taiwo Abimbola of lie 
Titun, Oyo; it has three sections. The first, the top, is the conical 
cap of the iroke and terminates with a curve at the tip. It is this 
section that usually hits the opon ifa when tapping during 
divination. The next section is the middle section, which is 
usually the section where the artist carves an illustration. This 
particular iroke bears the carving of two human heads (most 
likely female) backing each other. The coiffures on the heads of 
the figures are elaborate and elongated to terminate in the cone, 
which is also the cap on the heads. The coiffure on the heads is 
the traditional Yoruba siikii hairstyle. The third section of the 
iroke, the lowest part, is the handle in which a rattle bell is
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Ibadan Journal o f  European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 69
embedded. On the surface o f  this iroke are criss-cross carving 
decorative lines that form interlocking patterns. The criss-cross 
pattern probably also serves as grip for the holder. It is hollowed 
out on the inside and metal bells are attached (see plate lc). 
When the babalawo taps it on the board, the metals rattle. The 
iroke may also be shaken to rattle the bells. The babalawo 
sometimes jingles the iroke to attract ase (Abiodun 1994). The 
hollow and the resonance qualities o f  the wood help to echo the 
sound o f  the bell.
Plate la
Irokelfa: Tafwo Abimbola, lie Titun, Oyo 
24.4 cm
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 70
Plate lb
lrokelfa side view
Plate lc 
lrokelfa
The inner part o f the handle that doubles as a rattle
Plate 2 is another o f T&iwo Abimbola’s iroke. It 
conforms to the three-section archetype o f Yoruba iroke. In the
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Ibadan Journal o f  European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 71
middle section, an equestrian is depicted. The horse rider has a 
decorated coiffure, which terminates at the conical part o f the 
iroke. Horse riders are not unusual imagery in Yoruba 
woodcarving. Indeed, Thompson (1974) notes that the image of 
the mounted figure is widely found in West Africa as an 
expression o f domination. Among the Yoruba carved wooden 
figures o f horsemen honouring warriors are kept in the homes of 
veterans o f military exploits. Morton-Williams (2005) equally 
points out that the ‘m otif o f the mounted warrior, usually in 
wood and rarely in ivory, is common in several settings in 
Yorubaland. It can sometimes be found in temples or shrines of 
gods (drisa) and in the palaces o f  kings. He maintains that they 
are also found in the superstructure o f some epa masks. The 
lower section o f the iroke in plate 2 is the handle.
Plate 2a
Irokeifa: Taiwo Abimbola, lie Titun, Oyo 
21.1 cm
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande
Plate 2b
Irokeifa: Talwo Abimbola, lie Titun, Oyo 
(side view)
The woke in plate 3 belongs to Babaawo Famorlyo o f lie Odd 
Oje, Isale-Oyo. The unique feature o f this iroke is not only in it 
length; it does not also have the middle section. The artist ha 
creatively carved a human face from the top section, thui 
making up for the lost middle section. The features o f the fac< 
on the Iroke are simple and are sunk, rather than relief on th< 
wood. The bottom section is hollow and has a bell attached t( 
the inside.
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Ibadan Journal o f  European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 73
Plate 3
Iroke Ifd\ Famoriyo, He Odo-Oje, Isale-Oyo.
10.2cm
The iroke in plate 4 also belongs to Famoriyo. This iroke 
has the three parts. In the middle section is the representation of 
a man’s burst. The carving is simple.
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 74
Plate 4
Iroke Ifd4. Famoriyo, lie Odo-Oje, Isale-Oyo.
14.4cm
Plate 5 is an iroke ifd, that also belongs to Famoriyo. 
This particular one is made with beads. This type o f bead is 
traditionally called otutu opon. Ojebode o f Oroki area o f Isale 
Oyo also has one o f this type (Plate 6). According to Fasakin 
(2013) this type o f  iroke is usually held by babalawos when 
going out on important occasions. They are not often used for 
consultations. Scholars very rarely mention this type. The iroke 
with otutu opon are made with sticks, strings, adhesive, and 
strings.
Plate 5
Iroke ifd, (made with otutu opon beads): Famoriyo, lie Odo-Oje,
Isale-Oyo.
25.7cm
Plate 6
Iroke ifd, (made with otutu opon beads): Ojebode, Oroki Area,
Isale-Oyo
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Ibadan Journal o f  European Studies. No 8, 9. 10 75
Plate 7 is an iroke belonging to Chief Morakinyo, the 
A are Isese Yorubaland o f lie Arowopale, Isale-Oyo. The 
representation in the middle section is that o f a standing male 
and female backing each other. Her breast, though not 
protruding, and her coiffure identifies the female. On the head of 
the two figures is an abstracted bird form on which the top 
conical section is mounted. The base is the handle o f the Iroke.
Plate 7
Iroke ifd: Chief Morakinyo, Adre Isese and Oba Edu, lie 
Arowopale, Isale-Oyo.
30.6cm
Plates 8 and 9 are Iroke ifd from Alapiinni and ljalumo 
areas of Sabe in Benin Republic. The representations in the 
central position o f both iroke are o f a kneeling woman holding 
their breasts. However, the facial features o f the figures in these 
iroke are not clear enough. The gender o f the kneeling figure in 
plate 8 is obscure. The facial features are totally absent, thus the
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 76
face is blank. There are no surface decorations with lines and 
patterns. Plate 9 is a little more detailed than plate 8. In plate 9, 
the coiffure is distinct while some facial features are clearly 
carved.
Plate 8
Iroke ifd: Falaise Ojerinde, Alapiinni Area, Sabe 
20.1cm
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Ibadan Journal o f European Studies. No 8. 9. 10 77
Plate 9
Iroke i f  a : Fadupe, Ijalumo areas o f Sabe 
16.8cm
Conclusion
Generally, most iroke have three sections, but there are instances 
where there might be more or less than three sections. For 
example, the iroke in plate 3 has two sections; the carver 
collapses the middle section and fills the upper section with a 
human face. The iroke is, therefore, shorter than the ones with 
three sections. Another novel one is the beaded iroke in plates 5 
and 6. These iroke are obviously for prestige purposes more than 
tapping boards.
Also observable is the fact that there are similarities in the 
iconographic patterns o f iroke i f  a, agere i f  a and ose Sango. 
They all equally tend to have three sections. A typical agere ifa 
has the top section, which is the cup in which ikin ifa is placed
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Ohioma Ifounu Pogoson & Abiodun Akande 78
during divination, the middle section, the place where the carver 
carves a particular image and the third section is the base. Ose 
Sango also has three segments. The upper section is the axe 
head, which, according to Thompson (1976), indicates the 
tongue of fire usually carried by Sango devotees. The middle 
sections of the ose, like in agere and iroke, usually have some 
form of representation carved in. The base section of the ose is 
the pedestal on which it stands. Armstrong (1983) posits that 
sometimes,ose is simply carved with a handle surmounted with 
twin blades. He also notes that there are instances where the 
blades are further adorned with human faces at the centre or at 
the end of each blade. Describing the next section, Armstrong 
(1983) notes that this portion may portray a variety of forms, but 
mostly it bears the carving of a full human figure, which is 
sometimes male but most times kneeling females.
The middle section of Iroke,agere and ose Sango serves as the 
decorative platform for the artists. In this section, the artist has 
the freedom to choose and decorate the object within a limited 
repertoire of images. Commonly employed images in the middle 
sections are equestrian, kneeling female figure holding her 
breast and a standing male or female figure. It must however be 
emphasized that the carvers are at liberty to extemporize as they 
carve.
Also important to note is that all the babalawos interviewed 
agreed that it is not compulsory, although desirable, for a 
babalawo to hold an iroke //aduring divination. The iroke 
inspires concentration and indicates ase and sustains the 
attention of the diviner, client, mortal and supernatural forces, 
during the divination session. The iroke is the physical insignia 
of authority of the babalawo, both at spiritual or social 
gatherings.
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Ibadan Journal of European Studies. No 8. 9. 10____________ 79
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___________  “Woman in Yoruba Religious Images.” African
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____________  “Riding the Horse of Praise: The Mounted
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