1 DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS
| AND CULTURAL STUDIES
\ University of Uyo, Uyo
Nigeria
Vol. VII No. 2, December, 2012
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
i I?yth
;
RELIGIOUS STUDIES
DEPARTMENT OF RELIGIOUS 
AND CULTURAL STUDIES 
UNIVERSITY OF UYO, UYO 
NIGERIA
Issn 1119 9709
Vol VI No 2 December 2012
IBADAN UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
TABLE OF CONTENT
1. Climate Change and Environmental Determinism in the context
o fA frican Religious Beliefs. By Anthony Z.Apenda ...............1-8
2. Child-witch Phenomenon in Akwa Ibom State:
Socio- Religious consideration
By Anthonia M. Essien & Vincent E. E yo h ........... 9-18
3. Abortion Debate in Contemporary Christianity.
By Manasseh E. Udo Ph.D .........19-26
4. Dominant Symbolic Omens and Premonition among the
Ikwerre and what they presage. By OlumatiRowland ..........27-33
5 . Ethics in the Nigerian Public Service: Enhancing Role,
Professionalism and Ethical Value.
By Essien D. Essien Ph.D .........34-39
6. The Role of Christianity in social Integration in 
Abak Local Government Area of Akwa Ibom State
By Umanah, Victor Sunday  40-48
7. Socio-Cultural practices leading to Child Death in
Ancient Rome and Ibadan. By Monica O. Aneni .........49-59
8. Health care practice in Orthodox and Tiv Religious Cultures:
A comparative Analysis. ByTernaAfella .........60-65
9 . Religious Factors in the Electoral Process and the quest for an
Enduring Democracy: ' yin Nigeria.
By Olumuyiwa O. Familusi.  66-78
10. Ohafia as a Matrilineal society: Issues, Relevance and challenges:
A Socio-Religious Study. By Ka!u,ChukwumaAmogu ......... 79-87
11. The Practice o f Sacrifice among the Benue People
By Andrew, Philip Adega  88-97
12. A survey o f History and Cultural Practices of some Ethnic 
Groups of North Central Nigeria before the advent of Christianity.
By Mapaiyeda, Solomon Makanjuola P h .D ....... 98-112
13. Understanding aspects of Tiv Religion and Marriage customs:
A Retrospective view. By A. Z.Apenda. ..... 113.-120
14. Environment And Housing: A Theological Analysis of
Right to Shelter in Akwa Ibom State
By Donat us Pius Ukpong ......121-132
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“3
A SURVEY OF THE HISTORY AND CULTURAL 
PRACTICES OF SOME ETHNIC GROUPS OF 
NORTH CENTRAL NIGERIA IN PRE-CHRISTIANITY ERA
By
MEPAIYEDA, SOLOMON MAKANJUOLA (Ph.D)
ABSTRACT
Any attempt to embark on writing the history of peoples and their cultural norms and 
practices is designed with a view to make readers have deeper understanding of the peoples, 
culture and politics of a particular geographical entity. Nigeria as heterogeneous state has over 
250 ethnic groups with powerful ones exercising undue domination over the weaker ethnic 
groups.
Three significant factors necessitated the need to embark on this project. The first is the 
monumental and historical misplacement of Kogi and Kwara States in the North Central Nigeria, 
a product of colonialism and military rule in Nigeria. This argument is premised on the presence 
of a large population of the Yoruba in the two states which used to be part of Old Oyo kingdom.
Secondly, most scholars seem not to have taken adequate cognizance of the Yoruba stock 
in the two states under review. Attention had been centred on the Yoruba people and culture in 
south western Nigeria. Therefore, there is the need to fill the gap by documenting the history and 
culture of these peoples.
Furthermore, the paper articulates the implication of cultural contact with foreign 
religions. To an extent, moral laxity in the country is traceable to foreign influence on Nigerian 
peoples who abandoned their cultural heritage and fail to teach them to the succeeding 
generation.
The paper concludes by advocating a new orientation towards inculcating the good 
morals and values into the younger generation.1 
1. Introduction
In commencing discussion on the history of the peoples of the States under review, it 
might be important to state briefly the geographical spread of the areas occupied by the groups of 
people under review. Secondly, it may equally be necessary to mention that although there was 
no Kogi or Kwara State in Pre-Christian Era. discussion on the geographical spread would 
definitely account for the reason why some areas within the States have to be controlled by either 
the Northern or Southern rgions in both the political terrain as well as religious circle.
The florin Emirate which emerged in 1823 (Hogben and Kirk-Green. 1966:283-290) 
prior to the British Colonial rule was the only known constituted political” authority in Pre- 
Christian era. Until 1817 florin itself was part of old Oyo Empire in the Western province. 
However the palace coup staged by Afonja, Are-Ona Kakanfo (Commander-in- Chief) against 
his suzerain, the Alaafin of Oyo led to the carving out of florin from Oyo Empire. (Adeleye 
1971:36) Unfortunately. Afonja's rule in florin was short-lived owing to the declaration of Jihad 
by Abd-al Salam, Alimi's son who overthrew him and established the Emirate system of 
government under the direct control of the Sokoto CaliphatefAdeleye 1971:36).
The Emirate covered florin. Kaiama. Bussa and Pategi to the North. To the West and 
South, it shared boundaries with Oyo and Ondo Provinces. In the East, it covered areas populated 
by the Ibolos, Igbonrinas, Yagbas. down to Lokoja. This eastern part seems to be the most 
conductive area due to the presence of rivers and luxuriant grass favourable to cattle-rearing and 
faming. This attracted the Fulani and Hausa immigrants to settle there.
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Two events towards the end of the nineteeth century undermined and seriously weakened 
the emirate system of government in Ilorin. The first was the attempt by Old Oyo to regain llorin 
which degenerated into frequent clashes (Hogben and Kirk-Green. 1966: 296-297). Secondly, 
the persistent Colonial interest in Ilorin spurred the Royal Niger Company to undertake military 
action against the emirate.(Garvin. 1977:16-17) And so through military invasion that swept 
Bida. Jebba and Ilorin in 1897. the British took control of administration by subjugating the Emir 
and his Baloguns and establishing a province in Ilorin in the place of emirate. (Hogben. 
1967:294) The consequential effect of the establishment of the province was the demarcation 
and re-demarcation of boundaries which continued to be a recurrent feature in the administrative 
system of the province.
Kogi State is in the heartland ofNigeria.(Akamisoko. 2002:88) within the North Central 
geopolitical zone of the country. Though relatively a young State, its capital city. Lokoja. 
between 1899 and 1901 serv ed as the administrative headquarters of Northern Nigeria and the 
Royal Niger Company. It shares common boundaries with Niger. Nassarawa. and the Federal 
Capital Territory to the North. To the East it is bounded by Benue State: to the South by Anambra 
and Enugu States and to the West by Edo. Ondo, Ekiti and Kwara State. 
(http://www.kogistateofnigeria.org/otherpages/historv.htm).This strategic position has made it 
easy for people to see Kogi State as the most centrally located of all the States of the federation. 
The major towns of the State include Ajaokuta, Kabba, Okene, Idah, Isanlu, Koton-Farfe, Dekina 
and Lokoja. For the purpose o f this thesis, the history of the people of Kabba, Igbira and Lokoja 
would be considered.
II. The Okun People of Kabba
Kabba people, can be referred to as an ethnic or cultural group in Yorubaland which share 
similar historical origin with other peoples like the Egba, Ijebu. Ife. Ijesa and 
Ekiti(http://www. kogistateofnigeria.org/otherpages/historv.htm). in Yoruba nation.
Kabba people are known as “Okun" for several decades owing to their style of greeting 
“O-kun o” meaning “well done". Other areas identified as Okun people are the Yagba living in 
Mopa. Isanlu Ponyan. Ife-Olukotun. Ayetoro-Gbede in Kogi State and part of Ekiti Local 
Government area of Kwara State. Kabba is the principal town in Oweland. The term “Owe" 
describes the people who reside in the town of Kabba as well as in the sorrunding villages such as 
Ogbagba. Iduge. Gbeleko, Bolorunduro. Okedayo. Avedun Egbeda.1' Okeofa. Iyah. Avongon. 
Adesuwa, Gbehin Kakun. Odo Baba. Obele and Ohakiti.(Fadipe. 1976:29). Kabba is about 247 
Kilometers South-east of Ilorin, 78 Kilometers South-West of Lokoja and 14 Kilometers wide 
running south to Kabba-Ebira boundary. On the origin of Kabba or Owe which are used 
interchangeably, we have two notable versions. The most popular tradition among the people 
state that Oweland was founded by three brothers; Aro, Reka and Balaja'interview with ChiefT.T 
Tolorunju). They were said to be hunters who migrated from Ile-Ife. In their course of hunting 
expedition, they came to the foot of three hills popularly known as Okemeta where Aro; the 
eldest instructed that they should observe some rest. Aro was said to have commanded thus. 
“Katu Eru kia mu akara je" meaning untie the load and lets eat the loaves there in” (Interview 
with Dr. S. Adekunle). This hill under which the three brothers had a long rest later'became Katu 
hill. From there, they extended their hunting and farming to the foot of the fork-tree which was 
abundant in the region at the time. They used to climb the tree to have some rest. Information 
from H.S Bridel had it that Kabba derived its name from “the fork-tree which means “Igi-aba. 
Oke-Aba or Oka aba"1 Bridel, 1931).
From that spot, further exploration of the region continued until the discovery of the third 
hill. This is the location o f Odo-IIu., a fertile area, prominent for its lofty grass where “Eregba" 
fruits and the large flowing rives (Ohe and Arelu) are situated. Thus the three brothers from Ile- 
Ife founded the three settlement K atu, Kabba and Odolu and gave them a common name “Ow'e"
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Another version stated that one Obadiode. an hero, whose origin was not known, rather 
than the fact that he was from the Southern part of Nigeria, founded Oweland. He was said to 
have lived with his wives and sons on top of the hill above Kabba about thirteen generations ago. 
Having decided to move to the pain below, he divided the area into three wards known as Katu. 
Okaba and Odolu. Subsequently, he handed over these wards to his sons to rule.
This version although looks vague, yet shows one significant point which is absent in the 
earlier one. It traced the institution of Obaship to Obadiode. and this point is generally 
acknowledged by all sections of Oweland. On the origin of Kabba therefore. P.C. Bloyd asserts 
that little significance should be attached to these traditions, beyond the desire of the present day 
Kabba to be associated with other Yoruba( Biobaku. 1973:708) Nevertheless, the fact that Owe 
people believe that their leaders especially Obaro. Oba-dofin and Obajemu were descendants of 
Obadiode. make the traditions worthy of note.
Cultural Norms and Practices
As regards the culture of the people, the practices were many. Discussing al oil them 
would definitely be too wide for the purpose o f this research. Therefore, discussion on the socio­
cultural life o f Owe people would be limited to some traditional festivals and cultural practices.
Firstly, there are three main traditional festivals in Owe: Eiye, Oka and Ekiho festivals. 
The celebration of these festivals, otherwise known as Oro. dates back to gntiquity. Oro Eiye 
(Atanda, 1980:24.) which is the least of the festivals in Owe marks the arrival of new yam around 
July. Usually before its celebration, no one was allowed to bring new yam home. During the 
observance o f the festival, sacrifices are offered to the ancestors whom the people through have 
been generous to have spared their lives throughout the period famine.
In case of Oka festival, its celebration is centered on the worship of Ebora Deity. It is the 
most prominent traditional festival in Oweland. The purpose is to seek pease, blessing and 
prosperity of the people and to avert any wrath of the gods.
The Ekiho festival is observed in the month of December which naturally ushers in 
famine seasons. The chief purpose of the celebration is to propitiate the ancestors to spare their 
lives throughout the people of famine and also to protect them from being infected by 
contaminated diseases. A dimension to the events is the wrestling contest organized around a 
camp-fire known as “Agura (Atanda. 1980:24) at night, and at dawn, flutes made from “Ighe” 
grass are blown to praise the gods of harvest.
Another important cultural phenomenon is the institution of the indigenous marriage 
system in Owe. In the past, marriage is considered to be the affair of the extended family, and not 
just the concern of the Iwo individuals. This is so because Owe people like other Yorubas 
regarded marriage as a cohesive force. For this reason, the background of the family to which 
their sons or daughters would be married was usually investigated. Owe people would like to be 
convinced that there was no dangerous disease like leprosy, epilepsy, insanity or tuberculosis in 
such family. Again, they would make sure that the family was not notorious for debt, murder, evil 
magic, or any other societal vice. In addition, parents would also find out whether or not their 
families were in any way related. Due consultation with Ifa Oracle (Idowu, 1973:39) would have 
been made before betrothal. Today, this custom is not considered as relevant. Most young men 
and women settle the issue of marriage without reference first to their parents. Top on the priority 
list today is beauty and status rather than other considerations that would make their marriage 
long lasting. In our modern world, it seems that one of the reasons for breakages in marriage is 
the emphasis on individualism, a product of Christianity through civilization.
The concept of an intermediary known as “Alarino’' which is almost phased out today 
was prominent in the past. Traditional marriage which took place in the night was an occasion of 
joy in both the bride's and bridegroom's houses. After praying for her happiness, peaceful union, 
fruitfulness and long life, the bride's parents handed her over to the eldest woman from the 
husband's family. She was then accompanied to her new home by some women and young girls,
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where her chastity would be tested. It was a source of pride if the bride was discovered to be a 
virgin. In the case of a bride who had been proved unchaste, a symbolic message was invariable 
sent to her parents the following morning. Consequent upon this shameful message, the bride 
would have to face some measure of discipline both from her husband and also her own parents.
Another cultural norm and practice prevalent among Kabaa people was the initiation rite. 
The first initiation into the Ebora deity was in 1913 (Fashagba. 1970: 24).. It was recorded that 
young men at the attainment of maturity were so initiated so as to enable them participate in the 
phenomenon of secrecy. Hence Onaiyekan quoted John as saying;
Only the males who have been initiated into the cult o f the local 
titular divinity called Ebora could go up the wooded hill (Owoke) 
for worship during the festival. Children and women and strictly 
excluded(Onaiyekan, 1980:74).
Furthermore, initiation was also a necessary requirement for taking any chieftaincy title 
in Kabba. In addition, there was an initiation rite that is strictly performed by the women. This is 
known as “Ofosi religious cult” Women so initiated w'ere considered as the wives o f the Ebora 
deity hence they performed significant role at the installation o f a new chief and burial 
ceremonies of tiitled holders in Kabba.
Moreover. Kabba people observed certain taboos. These taboos were the unwritten laws 
binding on all and sundry. In the past, no one was allowed to plant “Jokolo”(a kind of bean whiter 
and bigger than the Soya beans) because Ebora deity does not eat cake made o f it. Two. rearing 
o f pigs as domestic animals was disallowed because of certain diseases associated with it. Three, 
planting groundnut and beni seed were prohibited because of the hotness o f the ground 
associated with it. Four, to clap hands at night wras considered a disturbance to the gods, and to 
whistle in the night was to provoke the spirit. The taboos were veritable means of preventing 
health hazards and environmental pollution
Atanda observed that cultural norms were a product of Yoruba Traditional religion. They 
served the purpose of regulating people's social life which gave them a high standard of morality 
(Atanda. 1980:28). I.
III. The People of Ebiraland (Anebira)
The Ebira commonly known as 'Ebira-Tao' inhabit the land of Okene, Okehi. Adavi and 
Ajaokuta Local Government areas of Kogi State. They are considered to have settled in their 
present locations by the middle of the 15Ih century (Yakubu. 1994:9).
Yakubu quoted Dr. J.R Adive as saying that “Ebiraland covers an area o f about 9.000 
Kilometers. The latter also tried to correct the misconception that the language that is spoken by 
them is called Ebira and the people refer to themselves as “Anebira” meaning people o f Ebira. 
The pronunciation and the wrong spelling of Ebira as “Igbirra' came as a result o f the Yoruba's 
influence which happened to be a dominant neighboring language and the influence of the early 
Mission School teachers most of whom, Adive asserted were Yoruba. In his sub-mission, Yakuba 
Noah observed that the use of Igbirra instead of Ebira mav have come as a result o f the Yoruba' 
interpreter to the District officer during the British occupation of the area, who documented the 
mistaken acroym (Yakubu, 2002:24). Ebira people lived with this wrong identity for long time 
until 1957 when Dr. Onipe discovered that since 'gb' is not an alphabet in Ebira language but in 
Yoruba, the name should rather sound 'Eb' and not “Igb”
Historical facts available reveal that Ebira people originally came from Jukuns; passed 
through Idoma land and eventually Migrated en mass from there to Ebira Opete southward of 
the present Ajaokuta. From there, they spread to Igara (Etuno); a town in Akoko Edo area of Edo 
State. Those who settle at Okehi hills founded the districts known as Okengwe, Adavi. Ihima, 
and Okene in the then Kabba province of Kogi State.
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The occupation of Ebira people is mainly farming. But one needs to mention that poor 
agricultural location resulting from rocky terrain and infertile soil compelled some Ebiras to 
further migrate to areas like Ekiti. Owo. Auchi. and Iseve among others. This situation has led 
most Ebiras to maintain two homes a permanent residence at home and a temporary one at farm 
centers. While Ebira men engage themselves in farming, the major economic activity' of the 
women is weaving of cloth of different designs and texture of domestic used as well as export 
purposes.
Traditional Beliefs and Cultural Practices
Traditional Religion in Ebiraland is not different from other would religions. This is 
evident in the fact that the Ebiras are notoriously religious. Their religion permeates all the 
departments o f life to the extent that it has become part and parcel of their daily lives. Their 
traditional religion referred to as "Aheke Ozi Ete mean "the religion of their forefathers”. The 
Ebiras are not left out of the belief in the Supreme Deity' yet evidences abound the He could be 
approached through different means.
Their concept of the Supreme Being (God) is similar to that of Ashanti people of Ghana. 
While Ebira people call God “Ohomorihi” meaning "the giver of rain”. G. Parrinder asserted that 
the Ashantis believe that God is in the sky, hence the necessity for daily offerings in pots which 
are put on the roofs o f their huts for the great God of the sky.(Parrinder. 1974:57). The Ebiras 
identify God with rain judging from their sole dependence on rain for their agricultural activities. 
For the fact that water is needful for life, they have the view that the 'king' who gives rain is the 
Great creator.
Apart from this concept of the Supreme Being. The Ebiras believe in environmental and 
ancestral spirits as means though which sacrifices are offered to appease the Supereme Deity. 
These spirits called 'Oris' are often believed to be in the forests, streams, rivers and hills.
An interesting aspect of their tradition is the doctrine of reincarnation which surfaces 
everywhere in Ebiraland. Yakubu stated the when a baby is born, the question on the lips of 
Ebira Relatives is “Ene Ve” meaning "Who has come. By this they would want to know whether 
it is the old father or mother who died recently that has come back to life again. Hence we have 
names that are evidences of this belief such as “Adava” meaning “Father has come back”, and 
“Onootu" (Oni Ozutu) meaning "the one sent by Ozu generally refers to the dead relation whose 
spirit is believed to be incarnate in the living. Ehusani posited that "Ozu” is also used to mean 
one's guardian angle.
Discussing marriage in Ebira land is like discussing the African marriage system. Ebria. 
native law and custom give room for polygamy. It reads, "There shall be no limit to the number of 
wives a man may have at any time” (Yakubu. 2002:62).The imposition o f monogamy at the 
inception o f Christianity on Ebira people is viewed as Whiteman's oppressive meansures and a 
sign o f white supremacy. The preparation to marriage in Ebiraland in very similar to that of 
Kabba people.
In conclusion, a prominent custom among Ebiras in the olden days was slavery. High 
level of poverty has been given as a factor responsible for the practice. It is said that most parents 
sold their children in exchange for food. Another reason advanced for the prevalence of slavery 
was the coming of the Arabs who invaded the area in the second half of the 19" Century. During 
this period, some Ebiras were captured as slaves. IV
IV The People of Lokoja,
Lokoja, the headquarters of Kogi State is in the middle belt of Nigeria. The city is 
sandwiched between a range of intimidating hills called “Mount Patti” and the confluence of the 
rivers Niger- and Benue. Lokoja lies on the right side of the Okene-Abuja road at kilometer 
seventy-six. It has been observed that this strategic location and the safety provided by Mount 
Patti contributed to the peopling of the city.
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Historically. Lokoja came to the limelight in the 19 century when European explorers 
like Mungo park. McGregor L aird, the Lander Brothers. Captain Trailer. Williams B. Allen and 
Balfour Baikie among many others ventured to explore of the Niger and its territories at various 
times. (Akamisoko. 2002:88). 1 lie motive o f their exploration was to Lind market for European 
industries.
Ry I860, there was already a British settlement in Lokoja. warehouses, stores and 
factories were already established along the River Niger.(Akamisoko, 2002:88). Ezebube 
observed that most ot the structures are still standing today. Apart from these structures. Lokoja 
is inundated with relics of its past as well as natural landmarks of tourist importance such as Holy 
Trinity Primary School (established by LJishop Crowther) in 1867. Lugard's summer House on 
Mount Patti: the iron of liberty, a reminder of abolition of slaves set free in 1860's' a concrete 
cenotaph in the heart of the city where the flags of the Royal Niger Company and the Union Jack 
exchanged positions on January 1.1900: the World War cenotaph which carries the names of 
fallen heroes in the first and Second world wars; and the European Cemetery for government 
officials, white missionaries and Sierra Leonean Missionaries and officials who died in Lokoja. 
The city boasts of the relics of the first prison and the first bank vault in Nigeria. Lokoja served as 
the first administrative headquarters of Nigeria after the amalgamation o f the Northern and 
Southern protectorates ofNigeria bv the British Colonial Government under Sir Fredrick Limard 
in 1901-1902
Therefore, it is no gainsaying to assert that Lokoja belongs to the class of cities which 
embraced political, commercial and religious prominence. A striking feature of the city is the 
diversity of ethnic heterogeneity. Prominent among the ethnic groups are the Nupe, Yoruba. 
Hausa, Igala. Ebira. Oworo. Bassa-nge and Kakanda. The presence of these tribes has led to the 
use o f many languages in the area. Hence. Akamisoko observed that “the highest concentration 
o f  th e  m u l t i - l i n g u a l  i s m  in N i g e r i a  is, to be f o u n d  in L o k o j a " .  
(http://www.kogistateofnigeria.org/otherpaues/historv.htm).
Before the penetration of the Europeans around 1 830. the first settlers were said to be the 
Bassa-nge and the Oworo.(Akamisoko. 2002:90). The Bassa-nge were of Nupe stock. 
Originally they were inhabitants of Gbara in the Nupe Kingdom. Quoting Nadel. Akamisoko 
asserted that the Bassa-nge migrated to Lokaja from Nupe kingdom in 1759 following a dynastic 
Feud.
The Oworo were of Yoruba stock. They were said to have migrated to Lokoja area from 
lle-lfe around 1801 .(Akamisoko, 2002:90). Inter-tribal disputes as well as the love for adventure 
and hunting are factors that accounted for their migration. The Hausa migrated from Kano. 
Sokoto. Katsina and Kebbi for trading, fishing and farming.
At this juncture, it would be difficult to discuss various traditions, religious beliefs and 
cultures of the ethnic nationalities of Lokoja. But it could be sufficient to asset that each ethnic 
group is a reflection of its place of origin. While the Nupe emphasized more on Ifa oracle, the 
Oworo (Yoruba) worshipped the Supreme Being (Olodumare) as well as other divinities that 
they worshiped in Ile-Ife. So also are the other ethnic groups who worship what they believe in. V
V The People of Ilorin
Ilorin. the capital of Kw'ara State is located on the fringes of the Savannah region to the 
South and North of the forest Zone. It is bounded to the South by Ovo and Osun States, in the 
North by Niger State with Abuja to the East.( (http://wvvw.kvvarastateoov.com/about.htmL
Omotoye asserted that local traditions associate the name of Ilorin with some of its 
occuptational activities such as hunting elephant where they were commonly found (ilu-erin. 
place of elephants) or where people engage in iron work (ilu-rin, place of iron) or ilo-irin- 
Sharpening of iron(Omotoye, 1998:106). Despite the fact that there is no precise evidence at our 
disposal concerning the establishment of Ilorin. we have the record to show that three 
generations of the family of Afonja had lived in Ilorin village before Afonja brought it to 
limelight about the last decade of eighteenth century. Following his appointment as “Are Ona-
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Kakanfo" the commander-in-chief of Oyo Empire's provincial army by Alaafin Avvole about 
1796, Afonja tried to assert his independence from the Alaafin o f Oyo. To achieve and maintain 
this, he joined forces with Solagberu. the leading Yoruba Muslim of llorin. and the Fulani and 
Hausa merceniaries (Omotoye. 1998:172).
Unfortunately for Afonja. Alimi (a Fulani Muslim) and his descendants regarded him as a 
traditionalist, hence Abd-al-Salatn (son of Alimi) Murdered Afonja and made llorin the Southern 
outpost of the Jihad. Omotoye opined that the event was the genesis of the suppression of the 
Yoruba traditional religion in preference for Islam in llorin. With the growth of Islam in llorin 
and after the consolidation of the Emirate, it was observed that attempts were made to stop the 
practice of the traditional Yoruba religion.
Traditional Religious Beliefs
Contrary1 to reports that suggest the non-existence of Traditional Religion in the city, 
llorin like any other Yoruba society believed in Olodumare, the Supreme Being. They 
worshipped him through divinities like-Ogun, Obatala and Sango among others. The most 
prominent traditional festival in llorin before the establishment of the Emirate system was 
Egungun and I fa. The festivals are among the commonest festival in any Yoruba community.
Festivals serve as religious and social phenomenon in Yoruba Society. According to 
Emile Durkherm;
Religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to 
sacred things set apart and forbidden beliefs and practices which 
unite into one single moral community... to those who adhered to 
them. (Durkhein. 1915:47)
The domination of the political administration of llorin by the Fulani/Hausa necessitated 
the policy o f making Islam the official religion in the Emirate. Traditional Religion and 
celebration o f Traditional festivals are regarded as "idolatry" in the Emirate. This negative 
attitude to the celebration of traditional festivals has earned the community a derogatory 
appellation among other Yoruba people represented by expression such as
I Iu tobi to yii ko leegun 
Esin leegun won 
Oko loro won.
A city as big as this without masquerade
Horse is their masquerade
Spear is the festival there (Jawondo.2002:163).
From research, it is observed that llorin community celebrates traditional festival such as 
Egungun (Masquerade). I fa worship and other rituals as against the view of Danmole and some 
Islamic fundamentalists who claim that llorin is void of traditional rituals. Dannmole posited 
that there is no evidence for the existence o f important traditional Yoruba shrines in llorin before 
19,h century. But Ibrahim Jawondo said.
Adherents of Traditional African Religion largely populated 
llorin up to the beginning of the nineteenth century. This could be 
substantiated by the assertion that Shaikh Alimi could not stay in 
llorin at the first visit because it was a land full of idolators 
(Jawondo.2002:163).
Some took to worshipping nature like the Asa river, Sobi hill, mountains and rocks. 
Baobab tress, land and forest and other physical phenomena. There was the ancestral 
worshippers who venerated the tombs of the ancestors and deified them. There were the Egungun
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and Igunnu Masquerades too. Some professional worshipped gods that were spiritually 
conceived as having connection with their Jobs. For instance, most farmers worshipped the 
goddess of land and ferti I ity (ORisa Oko). the hunters worshipped the god of Iron (Ogun), so also 
were the blacksmiths. There were also spirit (Oro) worshippers. They worshipped the spirit of 
twins (Ibeji) and triplets.
Some taboos were woven around the gods and goddesses to inculcate the spirit oneness 
and more importantly, instill moral codes and respect for cultural values into the minds of the 
youths. It is astonishing to note that some of these practices still exist today though secretly. 
Sacrifices of all kinds are seen at popular road junctions, extreme outskirts of the town, along 
farm routes and on farmlands. This implies that the drastic steps taken by the Emirs in the 19"' 
century to stamp our African Traditional religious practices in Ilorin only succeeded in 
suppressing it (Jawondo,2002:164).
At times, in order to rid the land o f traditional religions, adherents were sponsored to 
Mecca. For instance, the house of Anafi Ajala, a renowned Babalawo of immense repute, was 
ransacked and all the paraphernalia of the Ifa oracle and charms were burnt. Fie is now an 
“Alhaji”. Oludare Olajubu has done an excellent study on Who is Who in Ilorin Babalawo 
(Olajubu, 1992:2). This is a clear indication that there are many believers in traditional religion in 
Ilorin. But they entertain the fear of being intimidated, if they should practice their faith in 
public.
There is also the constitutional rights and provision for an individual to adhere to any 
religion of his or her choice. The constitution ofNigeria (1979) sections 37 and 39 guarantees 
freedom of worship. Equally, Nigeria is regarded as a secular State, whereby no religion is 
officially superior to the other. In Yoruba society in particular, the issue of religious liberty and 
religious pluralism are recognized and tolerated; it is possible to find people of different faiths in 
the same household living peacefully. Hence, religion is seen as unifying phenomenon.
Cultural Norms and Practices
The people of Ilorin are lovers of music. During ceremonies like marriage, naming, 
burial and religious events, musicians were always present at the occasions. The musicians were 
at first comedians who entertained the public. They later turned praise-singers who eulogized 
families, lineages, clans and individuals (Jawondo,2002:164). The musicians up the 1823 were 
fed and given farm produced. By 1910. valuable personal belongings were added. Such 
ceremonies and festivals were characterized by pomp and pageantry. All sorts of locally made 
alcoholic drinks as well as palm wine were served to people. Yoruba, the lingua franca, was the 
language of business and of the musicians mostly Yoruba. The performing musicians were 
usually from the lower class o f the community. The society saw them as lazy individuals who 
could not sweat for their earnings (Jawondo.2002:164).
Another aspect of the cultural life of the people of Ilorin is the Fulani/Hausa culture that 
dominated the Yoruba/IIorin community. This dominance could be seen in the naming of a child. 
The naming of a child is one of the social ceremonies among the Yoruba. In Yorubaland, names 
are not given to children without genuine reason. There is a saying that “lie la n wo so omo 
I'oruko”, meaning we consider the state of affairs in the house before .we name a child. In other 
words the parents would look at the circumstances surrounding the family when the child is born 
before a name is given to him.
Even though Ilorin is a Muslim dominated community, the Yoruba Muslim still give, at 
lest, a Yoruba name to their children apart from the Muslim names. This result in names like 
Yusuf Lanre Badmus, Abubakar Olusola Saraki, Abdulahi Olusola Mohammed, and so on. 
These are a demonstration of an attachment to their Yoruba roots. But recently, the present Emir 
jettisoned and rejected his Yoruba name Kolapo. According to him. he should henceforth be 
addressed, as Alhaji Ibrahim Zulu-Gambari (Tribune, 28"1 August, 1995, P.l). This is an 
indication that the Emir is merely influenced by the Fulani/Hausa. affinity, in-spite of the fact 
that he bore the name Kolapo for about fifty-six years.
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The Afonja descendants in Ilorin and some prominent Yoruba leaders like Chief Joshua 
Olawovin have spoken against the denunciation and rejection of the Yoruba name by the Emir. A 
group of Kwara State solidarity group. Lagos branch, has equally condemned the act of the Emir. 
According to the release, "the Ilorin Fulanis are not full blooded Fulanis, the late Alhaji Sulu 
Gambari bore the appellation "Alabi Opo Omo Laife” which is not a Fulani appellation. The 
Emir was advised not to severe his blood relationship with his Yoruba brothers.
VI. The Ibolo People of’Offa
Samuel Johnson described Off people as “Yoruba oflbolo extraction in Old Oyo Empire 
(Johnson. 1921:79). He alluded to the fact that among the notable rulers of the Old Oyo Empire 
was the Olofa of Otfa who was the head of all Obas in Ibolo country. This shows that Offa held an 
important position in the Old Oyo Empire. Tracing the origin of Offa is like discovering that ot 
the history of Yoruba race, which is a difficult task to undertake. Since it could not be stated with 
absolute certainty when Offa was founded, most of what we know of its origin is from oral 
traditions carefully preserved and handed down from generation to generation. However, 
majority of the historians believed that Offa town was founded by Olalomi popularly known as 
Olofa-gangan-meaning “one whose spear straightly attacks objects'’. He was said to be a prince 
from lle-lfe. the cradle of Yoruba race. Samuel Johnson maintained that Olalomi's first port of 
call after leaving lle-lfe was Oyo-lle where hostility from the people as well as unfavourable 
climate forced him to leave and journeyed through River Naika. on the w-ay to Irra town 
(Johnson. 1921:79). Also stiff opposition from the Nupes around the place led to further 
migration to lloffa, Offa-Oro, Offa-Irese where he finally settled and evolved chieftaincy 
institution.
That the people of Offa are from lle-lfe is supported by Hermon's record of 1929( 
Flermon. 1929). where he asserted that the progenitor or founder (Olalomi) brought "Iporf and 
the "Haris” (Servants and crowns) from lle-lfe. The "lpori‘ is know n as "Edi" in lle-lfe. It is on 
record that the coming of the Fulani Jihadists from Ilorin put an end to the wearing of the crowns 
in Offa. Yet these antiquities are still kept in the palace of the Oloffa till date.
According to Abodunrin. geographically. Offa is a gap town situated between the Yoruba 
and Kukuruku hills with a fine and conducive weather all the year round. The climatic condition 
is the basis of occupation of Offa people, which is farming (Abodunrin 15). Apart from this, 
hunting which was traceable to Olalomi was the game of the people in the past. Other economic 
ventures commonly found among the Yoruba. like weaving, goatrv and so on occupy offa people.
Similar to this was the worship of Omoka Moremi wTiose shrine is frequented by Kings. 
Queen (oloris). Princes and Princesses. Moremi was a native of Offa but married to an lle-lfe 
warrior. She was deified in lle-lfe for her bravery in preventing the Igbo warriors from carrying 
Ife into slavery. Dopamu likened her to the Jewish Deborah, a political and military leader.
Cultural Norms and Practices
A prominent cultural practice in Offa was the observance of a taboo that surrounded 
child-brith. For seven or nine days depending on the sex of the baby, the mother was forced to eat 
only Ate soup. Ate is a kind of Okro soup devoid of oil or salt in that condition. People traced this 
practice to the maltreatment given to slaves married by Offa kings. The kings wives (who were 
indigenes) would only cook Ate for the foreigner after the delivery of babies under the pretence’ 
that some palace deities forbade the consumption of oil or salt. When the slaves later discovered 
the hypocrisy, they were said to have cursed the entire community that any woman in Oifa who 
refused to eat Ate, would not have her baby survived. Hence it became a general norm for all 
women to observe.
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VII. The People of Igbomina
An answer to the question 'who are the Igbominas? lias been attempted by various 
authors from the middle of the 19'" century to the present. W.H Clarke (1 854-1 858) did not regard 
them as Yoruba even though he knew that they spoke the Yoruba language. He said 'we were no 
longer in Yoruba land, though the Yoruba language is spoken... we had entered the country of 
the Igbomina which as to number of towns, is scarcely second to either Yoruba proper or Ijesha" 
(Clarke. 1972:49). Samuel Johnson in 1897 regarded them as “Oyos with Ekiti 
sympathies (Johnson. 1921:109). P.A Talbot in 1926 regarded them as true Yoruba under the 
sovereignty of the Alaafin but under the direct leadership o f Orangun of 11a (Talbot. 1969:288). H 
.B Hermon-Hodge in 1926 said that they were “another branch of Yoruba stock whose exact 
origin in as doubtful as that of the Ekiti” (Hermon-Horde. 1929: 37). CAV. Michie saw them as 
heterogeneous people who. although mainly Yoruba, arrived from different places and at 
different times in various groups to settle in Igbominaland between 14,h and 17th centuries 
(Michie. 1959:115-119).
The Igbominas are no doubt Yorubas and their language is easily understandable by any 
Yoruba man. They are found mainly in present day kwara State in Irepodun and Ifelodun Local 
Government Areas with headquarters at Omu-Aran and Share respectively. However, Ila the 
town which most early writers regarded as the land of all Igbomina. is in Osun State.
On the etymology of the term 'Igbomina', Olasehinde stated that it was derived from 
'Ogbon'. a short cutlass which the people believed their progenitors used in clearing the thick 
forests from Ile-Ife to their present location. He concluded that, we have Igbomina from 
“Ogbonmona” meaning “cutlass knew the way”(Olasehinde, 2003:1).
The popular account of the etymology of the word Igbomina from oral tradition was 
linked with Esinkin Olomu who was reputed to be a prince and great warrior at lle-Ife. He was 
believed to have possessed "Ogbo (a cult object in form of a club) with which he led the way 
because with the help of "Ogbo' the way was always clear to him. Hence, his appellation 
'Ologomona' from which Igbomina was derieved.
Igbomina is located to the South-east of Ilorin within longitude 8"and 9" North, and 
latitude 4"and 6" East. It is bounded on the West by Ilorin on the North-east by Yagba. on the 
South-east by Ekiti, on the North by the Nupe. on the South-east by the Ibolos and on the South 
by the Yoruba of Oyo State. Share is located on the strip of land which stretches a little further into 
the north and so Share has closer links with the Nupe than other Igbomina towns.
Cultural Norms and Practices
Discussing the customs of Igbomina people is like discussing the customs and practices 
in Yorubaland because of their similarities. As a matter of fact, marriage, naming and funeral 
ceremonies, dressing and greetings in Igbominaland are very similar to what obtains in other 
Yorubaland.
The only cultural practice well celebrated in Igbominaland in the past is the institution of 
Igbo Song, which served as a guardian of morality and a catalyst of social cohesion when it 
comes to preservation of moral values. Ayantayo observed that "Igbo Song was not just a 
medium of expression or entertainment, it assessed ethical standard that cuts across social, 
political, economic, business and religious life of the Igbomina (Ayantayo. 2002:50). Few of the 
ethical contents of Igbo Song would be discussed in details.
The first ethics is social justice. In Igbomina society, high premium is placed on the virtue 
of social, justice, which according to Braham entails giving to individuals in the society their 
dues accordingly. Justice also embrances equality and freedom of all persons. In other words, 
social justice is the application of general principle of justice to the social order, such as 
distributive justice and retributive justice. To claim that social injustice exists is to claim that a 
future or practice of social order violates a general principle of justice. On this note, an Igbo 
Song, which tends to ensure justice and to move social injustice, says:
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Eeyan e yato 
Oruko Io vato
Eeyan e yato 
B'inaki se je I’obo se je 
Oruko lo yato 
Eeyan e yato
Ni idi eyi ohun ti se ti Taiye file lowo 
Ohun ti se ti kehinde e tile lowo 
Kaye le r'orun fun gbogbo wa 
Eeyan e yato
There is no difference among persons 
Only names differ
There is no difference among persons 
Chimpanzee's head does not differ from that of monkey 
Only names differ
There is no difference among persons 
For this reason 
Give Tavo his due 
Give Kehinde his due
In order to make the world habitable for all of us
There is no difference among persons (Ayantayo, 2002:55).
Through the above. Igbo singers as trying to emphasize the equality of all men in the 
society and perhaps before God w ho created all things. This understanding forms'the religious 
argument in favour of equality of human beings. Arising from this, the Igbo singer is concerned 
about fair play in the society. In other words, there is no room for discrimination among members 
of Igbomina society irrespective of gender, political or religious difference. In this sense, the 
Igbo singer sees justice as a condition for a peaceful and happy society. This thought is rooted in 
Igbomina religious mythology. To the strong person who attempted to use his/her position in 
society to oppress the weak person, an Igbo song warns.
Esu s'omo asa
Ko f  owo kan omo adiye
Esu s'omo asa
Ko f  owo kan omo adiye
Should hawrk be bedeviled!
To harm chicken 
Should hawk be bedeviled!
To harm chicken (Ayantayo. 2002:56).
The song warns powerful people to refrain from oppressing weak ones. The relationship 
between a powerful person and a weak person is likened to the relationship between a hawk and a 
chicken. The masses are ready to defend the weak. That is why they dare the powerful to oppress 
the weak. The powerful people, in the context of the song comprise the rich, the people in power, 
the affluent, the kings, princes, and princesses, while the weak consists of the pauper, slaves, 
beggars, destitutes, the disadvantaged, and handicapped people.
Another ethics focuses on sexual morality. It is important to note that the Igbomina 
people like other African nations, place high premium on fidelity in marriage. Therefore, extra­
marital sex for female and incest are denounced. Wives are to be loyal and faithful to their 
husbands. Anything short o f this is interpreted as violation of marriage morality. A woman who 
violates this ethics by committing adultery is not only condemned privately, but the Igbo singes
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sing her misdeed publicly. An example is in this song:
Ewure d'oko losan an 
Hue mu
Aguntan d'oko losan 
IIu muo
Jiyegbe d'oko losan an 
IIu emu 
Ti e leleo
Goats had sex publicly in the afternoon
The public people did not arrest them
Sheep had sex publicly in the afternoon
The public did not arrest them
Jiyegbe (name of a person) had sex in the afternoon
The public arrested her
This case is abnormal
Ojukan ladaani 
Eyindokodoko 
E e ma gbo o 
Agbere sise tije?
Oro e suwon 
E ma san se 
Eyindokodoko.
E maa gbo o
Nitori pe 
Ojukan ladaa n ni
Cutlass has only one sharp face 
Listen you adulteress 
Why adultery?
It is not a good act 
Please desist from it 
You adulterers
Listen, cutlass has only a face (Ayantavo. 2002:57).
The song expresses the mind and the attitude of Igbominato sexual intercourse regarding 
when and where it takes place. While animals are allowed to have sexual affairs in daylight, it is a 
taboo for human beings to do the same thing in the afternoon. The Igbomina like other Yoruba 
society believe that sex is a secret and private affair, which should be done privately for an 
important reason. Having sexual affair during the daylight perhaps when the children are yet to 
sleep is* considered a bad act because it is a way of exposing the youth to sexual matters at a 
wrong time. Therefore, sex is considered a nocturnal activity. To enforce discipline on the sexual 
matter, the Igbomina make sexual affairs in the afternoon a taboo. Within this understanding. 
Juyegbe's sexual activity in the afternoon with another man is considered abnormal because it 
violates the Igbomina sexual ethics.
The second song however extols the virtue o f faithfulness in marital life by emphasizing 
that like a cutlass with one sharp-face; a woman should have one husband. This is a way of 
reiterating that husband and wife must be faithful to each other. This song is a means of 
promoting fidelity in marriage. This message is relevant today as various advertisements are 
being sponsored by United National, family support movements, and WHO to promote fidelity
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in marriage in order to stem the spread of HTV/AIDs in African. Though we have no statistics of 
HIV/AIDs victims among the Igbomina people, but we believe this song will be relevant as a way 
of preventing illicit sex, which could lead to the spread of HIV/AIDs in our society. The whole 
issue points to the sanctity and sacredness of sex in marriage. The fact being buttressed here is 
that adultery is an immoral acts, which violates African sexual ethics.
Furthermore, an ethical song addresses religious tolerance. Arising from the fact that the 
Nigerian society is religiously pluralistic. Igbo singers emphasize a need for religious tolerance. 
This is an atmosphere in which adherents of traditional religion are tolerant of Muslims and 
Christians who are members of the society. In the same manner. Muslims are expected to be 
tolerant of Christians and vice versa. Tolerance, in broader perspective, is conceived as making 
room for other people's beliefs, opinion, customs, behaviour, tastes, choices and so forth. It is 
also the recognition of genuine difference in people's intelligence, physical structure, wealth, 
social position, and relations, merits, opportunities and achievements. Recognizing the fact that 
there can never be uniformity in a religiously pluralistic community an Igbo song reiterates;
Esin e yato
Olorun kan ni gbogbo wa n bo
Ni dudu ni. ni funfun ni
Ni idi eyi. eyin eeyan a maa gbo
Esin e Raja
Ninu Olorun
Ke si yato o
, Esinefaja.
There is no difference in religions
We all worship the same God
Both white and black
For this reason, listen my people
There is no reason for religious conflicts;
In God. there is no disparity;
There is no reason for religious conflict (Ayantayo. 2002:59)
It is deducible from the above that cases of religious bigotry, fanaticism crises and 
conflicts which pervade the contemporary7 religious world are uncalled for: they have no room in 
the social morality of the Igbomina. The issue of religious tolerance in Nigeria as explored by the 
Igbo singer is opposite today as a few religious leaders are using religion as a tool to perpetuate 
division and rancor at national and international levels. In spite of proliferation of religious 
groups in Igbominaland, we are not aware of any case of religious conflict among people of 
living faiths. However, the message here, if well popularized outside Igbomina society could 
help stem the tide o f religious conflict in Nigeria and abroad. This is important because we are 
cognizant of how religion was used negatively in the Middle East to cause conflict that has led to 
loss of lives and properties. From the above, there is need for religious tolerance in order to bring 
about peace in the world. Apart from the issue of religious tolerance, Igbo song is also concerned 
about cooperation in social relations and the virtues of good character.
VIII Conclusion
The richness of the culture of the peoples discussed above can not be over-emphasized, 
given their roles in the regulation of morality, prevention of health and environmental disasters, 
promotion o f gender equality, peaceful co-existence among adherents of different faiths in the 
society, protection o f human rights and of course maintaining long lasting marriage, among 
others. Though colonialism brought all ethnic groups under one administrative system, yet 
Nigeria has failed in enhancing the socio-economic development of the country. This is
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attributable among other factors to its inability to harness the developmental potentials in 
cultural pluralism. On the contrary, it allows contacts with Christianity and Islam to becloud the 
cultural potentials which leads the various ethnic groups to adversarial relationships capable of 
causing disintegration. This research, therefore, suggests that, irrespective of modern 
civilization, the progressive aspects ofNigerian culture should be upheld and incorporated in the 
education curriculum of the nation for the puipose of teaching both the present and future 
generations.
Secondly, this work recommends that the dominant ethnic groups in Nigeria should 
desist from using their political power and influence in oppressing the subgroups who by fate 
found themselves where they now live in.
In conclusion, the factors of linguistic homogeneity, common tradition and common 
ancestry are enough to accord the Yoruba stock in Kogi and Kwara States due recognition most 
especially by historians of Yoruba descent. The former have suffered generational neglect in the 
history of Nigeria
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