From Alarinjo to Oniduro: Stand-up Comedy as a Neo-Cultural Expression in Nigeria
Adedoyin AGUORU
Department of English, University of Ibadan
This world is a comedy to those that think, 
a tragedy to those that feel 
- A.C Ward
Abstract
Comedy {Awada), a treasured genre among the itinerant {Alarinjo) theatre of the Yoruba, has 
come to have dominant influence on diverse performances in Nigeria. Indeed, it could be argued 
that contemporary Nigerian stand-up comedy has been largely influenced by the indigenous 
yfrarm/otradition of the Yoruba, which harks back to the turn of the 21st century. Building on 
Alarinjo as a dominant precursor, the Nigerian stand-up comedy platform, in the last two 
decades has integrated ethnic, linguistic and religious affiliations to become a bastion of 
recreation and remuneration transcending the boundaries of the nation-state. Phenomenal though 
it has been, researchers have hardly traced Nigerian stand-up comedy from its 
Alarinjoantecedents, it being a dominant source and influence, to its eclectic contemporary state. 
Therefore, this study, through neo-cultural lens, examines the development from Awada/Alarinjo 
to Stand-up comedy in Nigeria; with a view to providing a credible understanding of the origin, 
influences, trends, motifs and forms of the fledgling industry. While acknowledging the 
complexities inherent in empiricism and positivism,the paper charts a genealogical argument for 
Nigerian stand-upcomedy beginning with the performances of nameless palace satiric 
entertainers which are traceable to almost every ethnic group in Nigeria, the diverse comic 
performances inherent in mask dramaturges, through the ‘de-ritualized’ itinerant troupes among 
the Yoruba. It connects this with the professional travelling theatre of the Ogunde Tradition that 
brought the traditional theatres of Nigeria intolimelight, the art of Moses Olaiya, and Gbenga 
Adeboye, the precursor of Yoruba and indeed contemporary stand-up comedy in Nigeria.Linking 
these with aspects of the art of Alii Baba, Gbenga Adeyinka I, Julius Agwu, Basket Mouth, 
Gandoki, De Don Klint de Drunk and Mohammed Danjuma among others, stand-up comedy-as a 
contemporary art- is purposively interrogated. Thus, the paper chronicles the sociological, 
literary and multicultural metamorphosis of this theatrical and comical form.
Keywords: Alarinjo, Oniduro, Nigerian stand-up comedy, Neo-culturalism in comedy
Neo-culturalism and Stand-up Comedy in Nigeria
Stand-up comedy alone has transcended the distinct divides typical of the Nigerian multi-cultural 
space. Unlike other brands of art, which essentially depict specific ethnic leanings, stand-up 
comedy, has negotiated a detribalized status. As a result, the genre accommodates an overlap of 
cultural paradigms through the extensive use of multi-culture (Sengstock, 2009:244) without any 
group claiming ownership. Thus, the emergent stand-up comedy in Nigeria is immune from the 
puritan and structural narrative of ethnic slice in such a way that all cultures identify with but no
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culture appropriates the genre to itself. This is archetypical neo-culturalism, which refers to the 
alteration of the multiple traditions to evolve a post-modem new-tradition of wider claim. Neo- 
culturalism essentially operates to strike an appropriate intercultural balance in multi-cultural 
settings(Badiee/ al. 201 l).In essence,
If culture reproduced itself fully from one generation to the next, 
change would be impossible...There is a realm in which neo- 
culturalism has no rival: tracing individual behaviour to inter­
personal connections. This would apply first to the records of 
reciprocity and solidarity obligations and the rights and duties 
assigned to each actor according to his or her place in a vast 
system of interactions. It would also show that lineages are at the 
heart of such networks, be they family links, kinship ties, or 
relationships with neighbours. After all, the unexpected success of 
“social capital” stems from its ability to focus on networks of 
interactions among people (Badieet al. 2011:15).
At the wake of modernization, and imperialism, culture and popular art have evolved through the 
vestiges of diverse historical and cultural experiences, which continue to influence the fusion of 
different forms of art in syncretic fashion. These forms have now attained universal status within 
the Nigerian milieu. Universality, a principle that strings together recurrent ideas and experiences 
establishes patterns in archetypical features such as forms, themes and character types. Dasylva 
(2004) describes this as the measure of ‘universal trust’ that goes beyond the dramatic and that 
which achieves lasting philosophical significance among cultures. The presence of innumerous, 
yet unique, universal patterns in diverse culturesenables the melding of idea(l)s, which are 
modified or reinvented deliberately or fortuitously.
Stand-up comedy in Nigeria is largely indebted to this syncretic form of sub-cultures; and within 
this context, neo-culturalismis a platform of unification that enables a country with complex and 
diverse ethnic, cultural, religious and political identities to endorse a mixed-matched variety of 
Stand-up comedy as its new popular theatre. Thus, while this paper makes the claim that 
Nigerian Stand-up comedy has been largely influenced by professional Yoruba performances 
and comical forms, it does not impose the Yoruba culture on contemporary Stand-up comedy. 
Rather, it insists that a middle-ground has been achieved by neo-cultural blend of features to 
produce the cultural cocktail now known as Nigeria’s brand of Stand-up comedy.
Chronicling Humour in Nigerian Theatre
It is a global phenomenon for modemtheatrical forms to emerge from and be influenced by 
traditional/indigenous theatre (Ogunbiyi 1981, Ogundeji 2007, Brockette 2011).The critical 
writings of R,HortonA.Hom, E.O Kofoworola, C.G.B Gidley and several others in 
Qgunbiyi(198I), accounts for theatrical and dramatic forms within Nigeria: the Kalahari, Bori 
and Hausa and Yakamanci performances respectively. Other traditional forms such as Igbo 
ritual drama,Kwag-Hir of the Tiv, and the Aiarinjo, and the Yoruba Travelling theatrefrom 
which this paper takes its bearing are also documented in Ogunbiyi5s encyclopedic work on 
Nigerian drama and theatre. Indeed, traditional drama has folkloric essence, which it naturally 
transmits to stand-up comedy. Several writers notably King (2014), Nilsen and Nilsen (2000) 
and Mintz(1998), have defined the scope and elements of stand-up comedy. While Mintz has
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written that "stand-up comedy is arguably the oldest, most universal, basic, and deeply 
significant form of humorous expression," and that it performs "essentially the same social and 
cultural roles in practically every known society, past and present" (193). Nilsen and Nilsen’s 
The Encyclopedia o f 20th Century American Humor defines stand-up comedy as a post-1960 
phenomenon domiciled in ‘comedy clubs’ where solo performers as well as small groups have 
platforms to perform and produce recorded versions of these performance for television 
broadcast (287-291). Scholars perspective on the significance of comedic performance include 
the cultural critic, an unusual anthropologist who comments on day to day existence and unravels 
behavioural patterns that are tacitly or otherwise operating in the society.
WhereasMintz hopes to expand the humour scholar's engagement of the form by examining 
stand-up elements in the myriad of cultural forms such as skits, comedy teams, improvisation 
among others, Brodie (2015) approaches stand-up comedy from a folkloric stance, by stating 
that stand-up comedy imitates ‘...the forms of talk that occur in informal, day-to-day, face-to- 
face communication among intimates, which is the object at the heart of folklore stories’(217), 
thus providing institutional history and framework for standup comedy. This is crucial because 
the daunting task of generating humour, forging intimacy with and engaging the participation of 
the audience requires an array of folkloric elements and performance devices.
However folkloric the premise of stand-up comedy is, Ayakoroma’s (2013) claim that Nigerian 
stand-up comedy moved straight from the folkloric role of the village spokesman and ceremonial 
anchor to television in the early 1970s and 80s glosses over the existence of comedy as a 
professional form reaching back to the pre-colonial era. His reference toMaziMperempe’s 30- 
minute TV show on Radio Nigeria and Anambra State Television, Enugu as a classical example 
of early comedy and declaration of the art of Alleluia AtunyotaAkporobomeriere as the start of 
“serious” comedy in Nigeria areasserlions that do not situate Nigerian Stand-up comedy within 
its proper ambit, particularly the narrative of its evolution. This paper restates the interlinear 
narrativeby chronicling the transition of comedy from tradition to post-modernity.
The detail that the Yoruba have humour and laughter as dominant elements in their performance 
is underscored by the tenets of Ifa (Adeleke 2005). Adeleke also observes that laughter is an 
integral part of the social activities of the Yoruba, the role of laughter is perhaps more functional 
even philosophical as seen in Afolayan’s essay, Aguoru shrewdly observed that laughter and 
moderate reaction to jokes and humouris universally ought to promote health (Aguoru 
2016).Laughter and forms that provoke laughter have become a dominant part of Nigeria’s 
national identity.
The first generation of Yoruba theatre practitioners were court artistes', musicians and 
subsequently the mask dramaturge (Alarinjo), who regaled guests with satiric performances at 
king’s courts and elsewhere up till the early parts of the colonial period. Building on the 
longstanding Alarinjotradition,Nigerian professional theatre took root in the art of veteran 
Yoruba travelling theatre whose founding practitioners were Hubert Ogunde, Kola Ogunmola, 
DuroLadipo and Moses 01aiya(Aguoru, 2011; 2012). It should be noted that the second 
generation of Yoruba theatre preceded the inauguration of the first television station in Africa,
Yourt artistes are the different categories of entertainers in Palaces and who predominantly performed for 
royalty. These artistes are present in palaces across Nigeria and their performances are ethnic specific but do not 
necessarily have to conform to universal features of theatrical forms of which comedy is one.
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the Western Nigerian Government Broadcasting TV (WNTV), founded in 1959, even though 
they eventually benefited tremendously from the coverage of the media.
Further evidence that the second generation of theatre practitioners metamorphosed from 
traditional Yoruba theatre is the fact that they maintained the tenets of the Alarinjo performers, 
even long after they were featured on TV. By, taking advantage of the ease of transportation 
which came from technological advancement, the second generation professional travelling 
theatres’ itinerancy took Nigerian theatrical forms to international limelight. Today, stand-up 
comedy in Nigeria not only still alludes to folk as source, pointing out its primordial relevance,it 
has also adopted travelling with the theatre a dominant feature of the Ogunde School as its form 
of mobility. This authenticates the status of Alarinjo as a dominant precursor source, whose 
transcendental influence permeates theatrical forms and times. This is corroborated by Adedeji 
and Ekwazi (1998) whoaffirm that the mask dramaturge of the professional traditional drama of 
the Yoruba, the EegunAlare, playfully referred to as Alarinjo emanated from the mask cult. This 
mask dramaturge had two distinct forms; the spectacle and the revue. The spectacle was 
performed as a sole mime of mythological dramas enacting the myths of the deities or local 
heroes whereas the revue was, in their words:
... a medley. As a comic sketch, music, dancing and 
singing were its main features. There were three 
categories of the revue -  abstracts, sociological and 
historical ... All the revue masques depended for their 
effect on ‘audience participation \  Their sketches were 
mainly improvisational and capable of infinite changes 
their songs were topical and in most cases familiar. The 
dialogue included jokes and ribaldry, lack of 
premeditation and any carefully worked out scenario 
(156).
Nigerian contemporary comedy concert adopts this format in its totality as its programme 
featuring popular choreographers, solo instrumentalists, as well as trendy and trending old and 
new musicians to intersperse the comic sketches. On the itinerant routine of the stand-up Peretti 
(2002) observes: ‘comics ...are often nomads touring the country up to 300 nights in a year and 
many comedians are known for a body of dramatic - comic work that often acknowledges this 
history of comic traditions (20).This, seeming universalitinerary, has played out in many ways in 
contemporary Nigerian Stand-up comedy.
Another significant comic role that is enshrined among the Yoruba is that of the court jesters 
known asa in the palace of the Alaafin of Oyo, the foremost descendants of Oduduwa, the 
eponymous progenitor of the Yoruba. An asa, wears costumes (aaso) and made ‘...jest, created 
fun and satirised specific people’ (Ajayi, 1989; Aguoru, 2016). According to Ajayi, in ancient 
times, court jesters were a major source of entertainment in the palaces of Yoruba kings. By 
virtue of their profession, these jesters had to be creative and dynamic to keep their positions; 
they needed constantly to be on the ball so as to put in regular performances for specific days of 
the week, as well as during festive periods in the year. The asa, therefore, foreshadowed 
contemporary stand-up comedian, here translated as Oniduro (the one who stands) to fit Yoruba 
parlance. Trite to say, the hallowed use of humour is still celebrated by the Yoruba at specific
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periods of the year. The Oke Ibadan festival in Ibadan during which humour -  comics, ribaldry, 
jesting and joking - is venerated all day, testifies to the deep cultural implicature of humour 
among the Yoruba (Aguoru, 2016).
Eegun Apidan: Alarinjo and Oniduro in context
It is fitting at this point to consider specific narratives in support of the status of Alarinjo to 
stand-up comedy in Nigcria.Adedeji (1981, 1994) drawing from ethnographic journals from 
1826, describes how the ruling king had invited his guests to witness a performance given by the 
mask dramaturge which enjoyed the king’s patronage. Recall that the Alarinjo theatre evolved 
from the ritual Egungun (Mask) cult. Adedeji alludes to the story told about the origin of the 
Alarinjo, following the mischief of the council members, the Oyo-mesi. The people of Oyo at 
some point had been forced out of the capital, Katunga, by marauding populations. When peace 
was finally restored, the king sent emissaries to Katunga with the charge to ascertain the 
suitability of moving back to the capital. The Oyo-mesi, however were by then unwilling to 
return to Katunga, so they decided to put up a ‘scare show’. A scare crew comprised of a 
hunchback, a leper, an albino and persons with other physical deformities, disguised as ghosts to 
scare off the King’s emissaries. However, following a lead from his cymbalist, Ologbin, the king 
had members of the ‘scare show’ rounded up and subsequently converted them under the 
leadership of Ologbin, to entertainers in the kings court. The king, Alaajin Ogbolu was instantly 
nick named ‘Oba Moro’ the ghost catcher. One imagines that Alaafin Ogbolu must have had a 
morbid sense of humour to have been able to enjoy the re-enactment of the theatre of the six- 
stock characters that were made up of disabled and deformed persons who must have been a 
sight on stage!
The satiric story of the Ghost Catcher became the major play in the repertoire of the mask 
dramaturgy years after the demise of Alaafin Ogbolu and his faithful cymbalist who was 
poisoned because the Egungun cult saw the ‘deritualization’ (Ogundeji, 2003:7&8) of the 
masque performance as defying at the cult. It became mandatory to perform the play during the 
installation of a new Alaafin as well as during three significant Yoruba festivals: the orisaofo 
festival, orisamole festival and at the Oduduwa festival. At the wake of the futile scare show, the 
art of mask dramaturgy came to be known as Eegun Apidan or Oje’s art by the 17th century. 
Upon its deritualization, the Eegun Apidan became established as a court theatre. It earned for 
itself the respect accorded a lineage profession that metamorphosed into troupes and later 
evolved a guild system with each group acquiring expertise in specific instruments, dance, poetry 
or acrobatics. The Eegun Apidan became involved in annual competitions whichbecame the 
foundation for the formation of the professional Alarinjo troupe and actor succinctly captured in 
Adedeji’s words as ‘the costumed actor and a strolling player’ (Adedeji, 1981:224).
Anchoring on Adedeji (1981), Jeyifo (1984)and Clark (2008), Aguoru identifies Hubert Ogunde 
as the pioneer of popular Yoruba travelling theatre, and narrated, in high relief, the influence of 
the Alarinjo theatre on the Yoruba travelling theatre (2011, 2012). This marked a renaissance of 
Yoruba art, since the mask dramaturge cult had been robbed of followership and patronage due 
to Christian religious imperialism, which abhorred any trace of syncretism. Thus, Ogunde, the 
precursor of the second generation of the professional Alarinjo theatre, revived the form and 
adopted the tenets of the first generation Alarinjo in his performances, blending them with the 
operatic form. Adedokun (1981:19) classifies other genres of the Alarinjo tradition as musical,
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tragicomedy, farce or comedy and tragedy, with the adoption of extra-plotal beginnings, 
interlude, and endings. These can be seen in the opening and closing glees, in the use of comedy 
and the role of the comic in the development of Ogunde’s plots. According to Jeyifo (1984) these 
inclusions dovetailed to the art of the comic in Moses Olaiya, who was ‘... perhaps the biggest 
crowd puller of all time in the Travelling Theatre movement (13). Olaiya mastered his art and he 
was regarded as a comedian:
...whose productions being typically very long and 
uproariously comic...usually has his audience fully satiated. 
These deviations are also generally true of the host of 
imitators of the Olaiya School such as the OjoLadipo (Baba 
Mero) troupe and the Ola Omonitan (Ajimajasan) troupe 
(Jeyifo, 1984:13).
It is instructive noting that regarding form, Moses Olaiya redefined the aesthetics of performance 
by developing a framework for what became the tenets and principles of Yoruba comedy, and 
that those who towed his path followed suit. Adedokun (1981), Obafemi (2001) and Aguoru 
(2012, 2016) agree that the art of the Baba Sala of the Olaiya School takes root in the traditional 
role of the satirist in the Yoruba society either in the kings’ court, in festival or as portrayed in 
the traditional theatres. According to Adedokun the themes of this farcical genre are drawn:
... from everyday social misnomer, corruption and vices.
Obscenity, ribaldry and sheer vulgarity provide the verve 
of this highly extemporaneous theatrical specie ... these 
comedians hold individuals, social institutions and vices 
up to ridicule in a most hilarious manner in order to effect 
positive change(l 981:82-3).
One cannot quite overstate the significance of Olaiya’s comedy to the development of comedy in 
Nigeria and Africa. So significant was his contribution that WNTV, the first television station in 
Africa wrote of him as a talent they had ‘discovered’ and his art and performances part of the 
significant contribution they had made in drama on the African continent.
One of the areas we WNTV think we have made a 
substantial contribution is that of drama. Our viewers are 
most likely to recall Alawada, easily our most popular 
comedy featuring Baba Sala (MosesOlaiya) and his group.
Since 1967 when Baba Sala was discovered, he has 
established himself as a leading comedian in the country... 
his act is one which possesses international appeal, his 
dress, his facial expression... Alawada is often penetrating 
commentary on contemporary Nigeria (Obaro, 1979;43).
The celebration of his plays, on radio and TV gave him as much popularity as his live 
performances on stage. His continued influence on contemporary comedy is affirmed by Wole
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Soyinka who dedicated his play Alapata Apata (2011) to ‘Moses Olaiya, The Inimitable 
Alawada’. Of him he wrote:
Easily one of the greatest comic geniuses that the Nigerian 
stage has ever produced is Moses Olaiya...Moses Olaiya’s 
metier was broad, socially disruptive, falstaffian...Alaba in 
this play was the kind of character I dreamt for Alawada, 
from whom therefore, inspiration for this play came 
(Soyinka, 2011: x-xi).
The emergence of Gbenga Adeboye the multitalented ace broadcaster in the early 1990s marked 
the peak of the impact of the combined Alawada/Alarinjo as a dominant cultural influence of the 
depicted in Yoruba stand-up comedy in Nigeria. Adeboye transformed the comic on radio, the 
master of ceremony or anchor of formal programmes into a different art, employing diverse 
forms and scripts of the operatic, chants, poetry, humour, skits, and music-comedy. He adopted 
an eclectic style in his stand-up activities developing character sketches and made impact 
globally. He invented a variety of forms and styles of comedy that took his art to the 
international community and made him a name before his death at the age of 42. He had a 
humorously syncretic religious ideology that simultaneously permitted him to be a Pastor, Alhaji, 
and an Oluwo rolling in Islam, Christianity and the priesthood of indigenous and traditional 
religions of the Yoruba all in one. He also completed his archetypical identity and role play by 
adopting the archetypal role of the king when he crowned himself King of Oduology 
(Traditional fables).
Neo-Culturalism in contemporary Nigerian theatrical arts began to find expression through the 
art of GbengaAdeboye. The walls that held people bound: religious, ethnic, linguistic, political, 
and cultural and the layers of social stratification began to collapse as neo-cultural voices began 
to rise and the walls suddenly got demolished. All of a sudden, it was fun to poke at the poor and 
the rich and at all religions without expecting uproar.
As it was in the Alarinjo schools, the stand-up guilds began to spring up, forms of comedy 
concerts became established and promoters of stand-ups and comedy concerts emerged. The 
Nigerian public that had gone stage and cinema wary because of the dangers and insecurities of 
states of emergency, the numerous curfews that characterised the decades of military dictatorship 
and the incomprehensible democracies that followed had suddenly returned. Though the security 
issues persisted, in the midst of diverse and other unresolved challenges, a new theatre enjoying 
absolute followership of a new generation, uncommon patronage and playing to full houses with 
a myriad of outlets: stage, television, DVDs, the internet and travelling by air and through 
diverse social media had emerged. Whereas, the older generation that made up the travelling 
theatres assumed that ‘...the stage...is as good as dead...’ (Adedeji and Ekwuazi 1998:167), a 
neo-cultural Nigerian popular theatre that unites ethnicities in staged performances and meeting 
the utmost needs of a people in search of what transcends the politicking, that is the bane of the 
nation, had truly emerged.
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Trends in Contemporary Nigerian Stand-up Comedy
Most world theatres engage concrete structures and forms through which influences and 
analogies, movements and trends, genres and forms, motif-types and themes are 
examinable.Here the ‘empiricist and positivist’ approach that characterise analysis seeking 
evidences of influences and origins are combined with considerations of ‘analogies and 
convergences’ which play out in the neo-cultural forms, genres and the status of contemporary 
Nigerian stand-up comedy. The inclusion of genres, motif-types and themes from possible and 
plausible origin centre on criticism of the neo-cultural form which continue to evolve (Aguoru 
2011).
Ayakoroma (2013) claims that “serious” developments in contemporary stand-up comedy began 
with AliBaba (real name: Alleluia Atunyota Akporobo meriere), who commenced his career in 
comedy during his undergraduate days at Bendel State University in the 1988.AliBaba’space 
setting and trail blazing style and method of publicity indeed raised the tempo of the trends in 
Nigerian stand-up comedy. Whereas the precursor of contemporary Nigerian stand-up, 
GbengaAdeboye’s medium of communication was primarily Yoruba, part of his successor, 
AliBaba’s shine derived from the fact that he took the English convention which crossed ethnic 
boundaries. AliBaba gained sterling popularity by featuring on national television programmes, 
as well as on variety and personality shows. He signed up with companies and earned handsome 
income; thus, raising the stakes for Nigerian stand-up comedy. Other comedians on the heels of 
AliBaba like Gbenga Adeyinka 1st, Basket Mouth, Julius Agwu transacted comedy with the 
Educated Nigerian English (ENE) spoken by elites. Later on, still in a bid to reach wider 
audience, performers began to use Nigerian pidgin; notable among whom is Gandoki, who is 
famed as the custodian of pidgin comedy of the warri-waffi style. The waffi style pidgin has 
come to be the preferred variety among artists who now code mix and code switch it with 
English and a myriad of other local languages, in quintessential neo-cultural fashion.
Also following closely, in AliBaba’s stead were comedians like De Don, Klint de Drunk, I Go 
Dye to mention a few. In the last one and a half decades, several other prominent comedians 
such as Bovi, AY, Bash, Omo Baba, Seyi Law, Funky Mallam, Me Ajele, LafUp, Peteru, Still 
Ringing, Kelly Blind, SLK, Shete, Obama, Dr Smile, Dr Frick, Vitamin D, Rapindaddy, 
Olympia, Shem, Ojemba, Seeco, Me Dannie B, Gordons, Akpororo, Elenu, Acapella, Ajebo, 
Pencil, Kelly black have emerged. In more recent times Female performers like Lepacious Bose, 
Tatafo and Princess have also made their mark. Thus, the phenomenal AliBaba opened the 
floodgates for other stand-up comedians of his age; and collectively, that generation has 
enterprisingly cultivated, promoted and mentored the new generation of the 21st Century stand- 
ups in Nigeria.
Without doubt, by year 2000 the therapeutic value of comedy had come to the fore in Nigeria. In 
a country perennially under pressure, humour serves as an escape from the rat race of work, 
financial and social crises. To buttress this point, Gordon, alias Comedy Barlusconi, christened 
his performance “The Gordon’s Comedy Klinic Ward, a space that does good to individuals’ 
body, spirit and soul”. Indeed, borrowing from the premise of stand-up comedy, Nigerians are 
fast learning the tricks of weaving a joke out of life’s miseries, such as the high spate of 
kidnapping and the abduction of two hundred school girls by the notorious Boko Haram terrorist 
group.
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Online newspapers, billboards, television adverts and diverse social events are platforms through 
which Nigerian stand-ups maintain their social relevance and publicise programmes. In addition, 
streams of recorded performances on social media render stand-ups readily available to their 
patrons at the click of a button.
The impact of the Nigerian stand-up comedy in the international scene is worthy of mention, as 
this genre of entertainment avails Nigerians in the Diaspora not only of multi-cultural home­
grown humour, it actually keeps them abreast with contemporary national issues while they let 
down their hair. There is also the nascent development of Nigerian stand-ups like M.C Mark 
Comedian to the United Nations (CUN), who live and perform in the Diaspora.
Forms, Features and Theatrical Elements in Nigerian Stand-up Comedy
Ab initio, it was popular opinion that stand-up comedy was not matter for intellectual critique 
and that, irrespective of their shared qualities; stand-up comedy and theatre were unrelated 
disparate forms. While Peretti (2002) poignantly pointed out the need for a register of 
terminologies adept for critical discourse stand-up comedy and useful to operationalise concepts 
peculiar to the genre (22) Casper (2016) is quite point-blank. He insists that stand-up comedy 
ought to be included in the curriculum of college freshmen. In his opinion such
... performances deftly dramatise context, audience and the 
artistic proofs as well as provide a palatable, engaging and 
... enjoyable manner in which to introduce genre of specific 
writing (2016: 426).
Elements such as dialogue, songs, stage, and audience and action characterisation distinguish 
drama and theatre from other forms of literature or performance. Stand-up comedy engages these 
elements and diverse eclectic approaches in mediating the relationship between the audience and 
the stand-ups on one hand, and the stand-ups, stand-up comedy and die community on the other 
hand. Essentially mime and imitation are dominant acts of stand-ups, with stage business filling 
up the space (stage) where the stand-up transacts his business while the microphone is the major 
instrument and prop in his hand. Engaging these basic interpretative elements, the theatricality, 
impact and import of stand-up comedy as a form of theatre are unmistakable. In Peretti’s 
opinion the elements and forms of performance are adopted in specific ways by individual 
comedians. She notes that while some employ small jokes to build up the plot of a larger story, 
like a playwright developing scenes; some perform one-man shows, others pursue collaboration 
with theatre groups, yet others perform solo dramatic comic pieces by playing multiple roles. 
This is corroborated by Vigourox’s observation that comics rationalize their choice of stand-up 
comedy as opposed to a one person show with stage characters and props and a story line by 
invoking a sense of freedom to one’s self that the genre provides (2015:250). The flexibility of 
the form stand-up comedy takes is in itself its greatest asset.
For instance, Klint de Drunk, plays multiple roles in his performances. The strikingly recurrent is 
that of the comedian, the drunk, and narrator. The excerpt below is typical of a full length plot 
and storyline of his : he plays the role of a drunk, which in itself is a comical character who 
adopts the posture of a storyteller. He primes the audience by first cracking a political joke about 
Charles Taylor who was seeking political asylum in Nigeria at that time before proceeding to 
ridicule the “talented” reggae musicians for their gimmicks and antics.
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KJint de Drunk on Talent
The talent we have in Nigeria is so much that we are even 
bringing in other talented people.
I know one tailor, he is somewhere in Akwa Ibom, his name is 
Charles Taylor very talented.
Audience Response: Laughter
The most talented people in this country are the reggae musicians. 
After smoking Igbo (marijuana cigarette), their eyes will be red 
and their brains will block and they will want to sing for you but 
they will keep forgetting and coincidentally remembering. So 
before they sing they will think of the experience they 
experienced(experience they have had). Then they will remember 
one day, they are walking to see their friend and then they hit their 
leg on the stone ...music is set. When they want sing for you they 
will first dance for you, when they are dancing they are actually 
allowing blood to flow (gesticulation shows he is referring to 
blood flowing into their heads)
So that they will sing start singing:
Klint as reggae musician: Just the other day,
I say, just the other day
Klintas Narrator:Then they will make some noise,
Klint as reggae musician:Just the other day, I came out from my own
house ieo, eo, eoeoo
Klintas Narrator: They are trying to remember the lyrics
Klint as reggae musician: Then I saw my friend,
He was standing around the road,
So I decided, I decide,
So I decided ieo, eo, eoeoo
Klintas Narrator: A beg weytindemdey {please, what is the musician trying to decide)
decide or what are they yet to decide?
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Klint as reggae musician: Oh why, why, why, why, why , why ,why o
I started walking, walking, walking, walking, 
walking
So I stepped on stone, as was walking (5)
I cut my leg on a stone
Stone, stone, stone, stone, stone, stone, stone
Klintas Narrator: At this time they will contuse you with something
you don’t understand like;
Klint as reggae musician:Anida e,anida e,anida e,anida e
And other things like
Klint as reggae musician:0 why?Why?Why? Why o?
Klintas Narrator: So please, let me ask you for the title.
What is the title of the song? Is it?
0  why? 0  why o? (William 0 . 3)
Here, Klint de Drunk multitasks, he is the drunknarrator, who caricatures a highly intoxicated 
reggae musician. He is also a logical critic who intersperses his musical performance with 
dialogue and questions directed at the audience. He points out the apparent mishmash that most 
reggaes players give to the ever thrilled audience. His performance is a recitative and operatic in 
form. His lines are staccatos but he succeeds in narrating the tale of drunkard who wants to make 
jest of musicians who are on hard drugs.
Solo Dramatic Comic Piece
Mohammed Danjuma’sperformance is a typical dare devil religious joke and it is a solo 
dramatic comic piece.
Danjuma the Narrator:A few years ago we had Sharia not ...Christians killing Moslems. A
man was stopped by some people and asked what his religion was; he 
responded
Danjuma theMimic:“I am a Christian”.
Let me ask you a question every good Christian must know.
Danjuma the Mimic: In the name of the Father, Son and ...?
Danjuma the Mimic:Him Mama ( his mother)
Danjuma the Mimic: Are you sure you are a Christian?
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Danjuma the Mimic: Walai ta lai a sumobilai\( swearing like a typical Moslem) I am a
Christian.(William 0 . 3)
Here Danjuma engages dramatic irony. He juxtaposes images of the Sharia law and contexts 
within Moslems and Christians live in Northern Nigeria. He presupposes that an individual that 
tells lies about his religion will be found out. Such a person will not understand the 
fundamentals and basic observances of the religion and is bound to subconsciously recourse to 
the tenets of his or her religion. ‘Him mama’ seems logical following father and son, swearing 
in in a manner that is typically Moslem finally fives the fellow away.
There are as many styles of performance as there are themes, character types. Some are flashy 
and spectacular while others are provocative,are cathartic narratives or simply do what Peretti 
(2002:21) refers to as ‘shit talking’. Gandoki’s purge medicine, church festival and ‘shit full 
church’ (William 0. 3) jokes fall within this category. Though stand-up comedy in Nigeria has 
enjoyed extensive linguistic and pragmatic explorations, the theatricality of the form defies the 
initial inertia that affected the creation of critical tools to engage stand-up comedy. Without 
doubt stand-up comedy in Nigeria requires more critical attention being paid to its style and the 
form.
Nigerian stand-up comedians’ bewildering array of themes
The neo-cultural harmony of seemingly discordant voices is another instructive angle to Nigerian 
stand-up comedy. Dramatic performances, in their various forms possess didactic values which 
endears these performances to the audience who are usually impressed by the visualisation of 
ideas or societal ideals. The range of themes that characterise Nigerian Stand-up comedy folio is 
profoundly impressive particularly because they are imbued with directorial characteristics and 
humorously seek to influence the thoughts and habits of the members of the of society though 
humour and satire. These ideas often seem to be strung together in constructing a plot or overall 
theme of a comedy concert. Satire of diminishing social values is a dominant theme in Nigerian 
stand-up comedy.
Dario Fo shrewdly wrote, “comics always deal with the same problem - hunger, be it hunger for 
food, sex or even for dignity, for identity, for power” (Peretti, 2000:20). Hunger in this context is 
apt in describing the multiplex cravings of the audience, which the comics go to great lengths to 
meet.
For instance, the influence of women, especially young girls on men and older men are deplored 
in reckless abandon as thematic preoccupation for stand-ups in Nigeria while, stand-ups 
strategically assuage the hunger for sex and sexual innuendoes in aspects of the comedy concerts 
especially the structure of the performance which includes, rigorous or erotic dance, music and 
choreography of popular and contemporary Nigerian musicians.
Finely (2016) writes with a feminist perspective,
Part of what come to constitute black racial identity in the 
pop cultural imagination in the early 1990s was the barrage 
of mass media images in music, videos, television shows, 
song lyrics, and film of black youth engaging in illicit 
sexuality and displaying excessive materialism, titillating
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yet dangerous, anti-establishment practiced associated with 
street culture (781).
Performances that portray sex and sexuality meet such need, Bovi is excellent at portraying such 
scenarios through onomatopoeic sounds and mime. One can decipher the undertones even with 
Basketmouth’sshrewdness in the following excerpt:
Imagine the difference between Ajebo (a refined well-born and 
bred), bachelor and Pako (unrefined and unsophisticated) 
bachelor. Ajebo go dey(lives in a) duplex, sitting roomdownstairs 
and bedroom for upstairs. Abeg( I  beg2)  how he go tell babe 
(girlfriend) wey come visit am to follow am go him room for 
upstairs?( how easy will it be for him to convince his visiting 
girlfriend to go in to his bedroom) Whereas the Pako guy no get 
stress because him dey live just one room with no chair( has no 
such challenge ). Infact the only thing for the room nabed and 
small black and white TV. The bed sef no get any stick, he go just 
throw am for floor der (his apartment is sparsely furnished and his 
beddings are on the floor of his one room apartment) So 
sometimes, pakodey enjoy and no dey get stress with babes (he 
therefore implies that the unsophisticated bachelor usually has his 
way more with ladies)(William O. 3).
In addition, the comics seek to create characters that the audience can at once connect with and 
ridicule; they paint scenario which members of the audience can identify with, reduce them to 
ridicule and, by so doing, trigger humour and laughter. Comedians, with a keen understanding of 
society, create convivial plots which avail ordinary citizens the golden moments to poke fun at 
the rich and powerful, who, within the ambience of comedy take such satire as part of the 
humour. Hence stand-up comedies are apt social class levellers.
Social avarice like stealing and attitudes to stealing is portrayed in innumerable ways De Don in 
one of his performances point blankly speaks on this syndrome as a national issue though he uses 
stealing clothes off the line as example:
I don observe for Nigeria say if naija person lost 
something it dey pain am well well but if na we obtain 
somebody it no dey pain us. Na why be say for estate 
people dey move clothes anyhow for line. You fit imagine 
say person go open boutique with all the clothes wey he 
move from line.
( I  have observed that in Nigeria when one incurs a loss 
it is an extremely painful experience, but when one takes 
whatbelongs to or defrauds another it is accepted with
2Abeg (I begjhere indicates the consternation of the comedian. He wants the audience to reason with him.
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pleasantness. For instance, clothes that are spread on 
drying lines in residential estates are stolen with such 
impunity that one would think they are stolen for the 
purpose o fo pening a boutique) (William O. 3).
The ability to create stereotypes: round, flat, archetypical, gendered, class- base, national and 
ethnic is the highpoint of the characterisation of Nigerian stand-ups. The ability to see humorous 
peculiarities in the distinct ethnic groups that make up the nation is also instructive, for 
instanceBasketmouthwhile drawing attention to stealing as a social avarice plays it within an 
ethinc context:
Na only for Warri thief go steal your thing dem go still come 
block you say dem thief your thing. One guy for Refinery 
Junction, dem move stole) him phone, two months later the guy 
come stand for the junction dey wait for motor, na him one guy 
approach am say guy you stand here two months agoweydem 
steal your phone, one Nokia 3310, blue abi? The guy say yes 
hoping say he go see the phone, na him the guy go bring the 
phone say o boy put the pin number we no fit sell this thing since 
na, put the pin make I fit sell am. Dem go move your thing come 
block you say nadem move am. (It is only in Warri that a thief will 
steal what belongs to you and still come back to declare that he 
stole it! There was a guy at Refinery Junction whose phone was 
stolen, two months after the guy was at the same junction 
awaiting a cab when a fellow approaches him and says “you 
stood here two months ago and your phone was stolen? A Nokia 
3310, blue colour?” The victim says "Yes” in expectation that his 
phone had been recovered. The fellow returns with the phone and 
says "Old boy, put the pin number, we have not been able to sell 
the thing”. They will rob you o f your possession and still have the 
effrontery to tell you that they did!)
(William O. 3).
Here, one is made to see the effrontery of these people and not necessarily the vices of their 
villains. The ridicule is not only humorous but instructive.
Adultery and sexual perversion as rampant social avarices are also portrayed by contrasts and 
how the general posture and popular notions about these are humorously reflected:
Imagine small 18 years old babe go dey call him 
Aristo3Baby. Man wey old enough to be him papa. I love 
Lagos girls, na for only Lagos you go see young girls they 
call married men with confidence. Those girls go just take 
hand knack these big menwey some of them be chief like; 
honey, open the door for me, honey help me with that cup.
3 Elderly men who date very young girls they are also referred to as 'sugar daddies'
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If their wife call them like that or try that same thing with 
the, she go reach village that same day.
(Fancy a petite 18 year-old girl calling her elderly lover 
(Aristo) Baby. A man old enough to be her father! I  love 
Lagos girls, it is only in Lagos you will see young girls 
calling married men with confidence. These young girls 
casually knock the heads o f these big men, though a 
number o f  them are chiefs. They have the audacity to 
instruct their men; ‘honey, open the door for me, honey 
help me with that cup.' I f  their wives dare to refer to them 
like that or sends them on such mundane errands she will 
be sent packing and will in fact arrive her village that same 
day)(Okpocha B.2).
Basketmouth attempts a lesson on health education when he ridicules persons that have mouth
odour,
Mouth odour no be bad thing, no be sickness. Just know 
how to use it, if you get mouth odour you fit quarrel win the 
quarrel, argue win the argument, and settle fight without 
touching the people. Infact you no need insecticide for 
house
(Mouth odour is not a bad thing, it is not an illness. Just 
know how to take advantage o f it. I f  you have mouth odour 
you are sure to win an argument, you are sure to settle fight 
without touching people as a matter o f fact you have no 
need o f insecticides in the /iow5e)(Okpocha B.2).
He sharply contrasts this with onomastics of names and humorously implies that the name given 
to a girl or the name a girl bears determine how she is treated by her suitors or what she is 
offered by them in his words:
Basically,e get places wey u fit carry girl go, girls wey their 
name sound tush like Tasha, Latifa take them to Eko Hotel,
Le Meridian but if her name na Linda, Jennifer, Amanda 
take them to places like Mr Biggs, Tasty Fried Chicken but, 
if her name naChioma, Nneka, Kemi, Bisola no waste your 
money carry them go mama put, like Ghana rice. But if her 
name naAtutuboyoyo no carry them comot, give them 
money make them go cook for house.
(Basically, there are categories o f places that you can take 
girls to. For instance, girls that have sophisticated sounding 
names like Tasha, Latifa you take to Eko Hotel, Le Meridian 
but those with names like Linda, Jennifer, Amanda take 
them to places like Mr Biggs, Tasty Fried Chicken, i f  her
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name is Chioma, Nneka, Kemi, Bisola don't waste your 
money, take her to a local eatry where they sell food like 
Ghana rice. But i f  her name Atutuboyoyo don Y bother to 
take her out, give her money to prepare the food in the 
house) (Okpocha B.2).
He shrewdly connects these with the politics of good looks and how it should influence mate 
selection when he says:
I’m with an organization and we are trying to help children.
It’s an NGO we’re helping children and I want you people to 
support us. The children are suffering, if you know that 
you’re not good looking get married to someone that is good 
looking. The amount of ugly children in Nigeria is getting too 
much. If you no fine, help your pikin marry fine person! ( I f  
you are not good looking help you offspring marry a fine 
person!)^Okpocha B.2).
He humorously juxtaposes several unconnected yet logical images and imagery in constructing 
the plot of his narrative thereby achieving humour and laughter.
The comedians often thematically weave political problems, paint portraits of politician’s greed 
and mismanagement of funds in public office in to their performances. A thought provoking 
question is asked about the basic qualification and experience of politicians who run the nation:
But why be say we no dey ask our politicians of their 
experience if dem won contest and if we won look for job them 
go dey ask us of our own work experiences?( How be it that 
we do not ask politicians o f their experience when they want to 
contest and when we are job seeking they make work 
experience a major issue) (Okpocha B.2).
Ethnicity recurrently features as a source of contrast and comparison as comedians mimic and 
inflect their voices to tease out the differences in the speech patterns and the linguistic identities 
of the ethnicities that make up the Nigerian. De Don in the following excerpt stylishly takes a jab 
at Igbo boys from the hinterland;
No even make mistake of giving person from village your 
phone, the mistake wey I do, be say I give one guy from 
Enugu my phone say if anybody call make he tell the person 
to call back in the next 30minutes, the guy no know say phone 
get sweet melody, na so the guy dance to twelve missed calls.
(Don’t ever make the mistake o f giving someone that is from 
your village your phone. I  once committed the blunder, I  gave 
one guy from Enugu my phone with the instruction that 
anyone who calls should call back in 30 minutes. The guy
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didn 't know that the ring tone o f the phone is the sweet melody 
it makes, that is how he danced to twelve missed 
ca/fcXWilliam O. 3).
In some extreme cases the choice of delicacies of specific ethnic groups are satirised. AliBaba in 
one of his performances picked on dogs as pets and dogs as delicacies:
Did you know that the people that went for Tu Face’s 
wedding; there was a dog show as part of the show? You 
know, people went for boat ride, safari. {Laugh) And they 
bounced three people. They didn’t allow them enter. I don’t 
know why. Kate Henshaw, Ini Edo and Forester Giwa. They 
said we come to watch... {Laugh.) They asked them, “What 
part of Nigeria?” They said South East.They asked, “What 
part?” They said “Calabar”. They said you can’t come in 
here; it’s a dog show not abattoir (Utube 13th Nov 2016).
Poverty is a dominant theme which plays out in intriguing ways among stand-ups in Nigeria. 
Almost every stand-up identifies with the poor and with those who used to be poor but claim to 
have become celebrities. Poverty is an archetypal symbol that is played recurrently and the 
emergent stereotypes from this theme earlier referred to is the 1A jebo'{ aje butter) and the 
‘Pako\ ajepaki/pako) contextually ajebo refers to the offspring of the sophisticated elite who is 
reared on butter and ‘pakP referring to the offspring of the poor or wretched, reared on cassava/ 
wood, one who has become dynamic by being street wise and who struggles to fit into the upper 
class within the social strataBasketmouth in this exerpt portrays poverty as a symbol:
When we dey grow up things though so te things rough. My school 
deyApapa and I dey trek every day from Okoko to Apapa. I trek 
sote my shoes no road by themselves. During weekend ifdem send 
me to market, the shoe by itself go dey direct me go Apapa where 
my school dey. Imagine the difference between Ajebo bachelor 
and Pako bachelor...
(When wewere growing up things were so though that things were 
rough. My school was in Apapa and I  had to trek daily from Okoko 
to Apapa. I  trekked so much that my shoes could find their way to 
school. On weekends when I  am sent to the market, the shoes will 
by itself direct me to Apapa where my school is. Imagine the 
difference between Ajebo bachelor and Pako bachelor. ..)
(Okpocha B.2).
The Ajeboand the Pako have become recurrent character types and stereotypes in the repertoire 
of the Nigerian Stand-up comedy. Comedians and their audience no doubt privilege the 
Ptf&obecause of the humour generated by the crudeness but practical manner in which thePako 
resolves issues and in recent times more jokes have been shared on how the Pakos always 
emerge rulers and political leaders because of their ruggedness.
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Social stratification and the indices that distinguish the poor from the rich is also a laughable 
constant thematic preoccupation in Nigerian Stand-up comedy. Basketmouth portrays the 
challenges of heavy traffic in metropolitan cities in Nigeria and the street hawkers that take 
advantage of these queues to sell all sorts of items. He advances his plot by insisting that the 
hawkers respond to types of vehicles as indices of wealth or placement in the social strata and 
the owners of such vehicles are accorded commensurate honour:
Because of the holdupweydey Lagos, hawkersdey sell everything.
Dem they sell plates, spoon, knives, vegetable, and stove. You fit just 
park cook soup inside hold up. (The recurrent traffic jam in Lagos 
makes it possible for hawkers to sell everything. They sell plates, 
spoon, knives, vegetable, and stove. You might as well just park your 
vehicle and prepare soup in the traffic jam.) The most annoying thing 
is that the kind of car you drive determines the kind of product they 
sell to you. If you dey drive cars like Mazda 2.2, 404 dem go just 
come your car, ‘Sir, sir, sir recharge card, Five Alive’ but if you dey 
drive cars like V.Boot or all those bad, bad 504 dem go just come 
your side say ‘Bros, buy your rat poison’ (If you drive cars like 
Mazda2.2, 404, they will come by your car and advertise "Sir, sir, sir, 
recharge card, Five Alive” . But i f  you are driving cars like V.Boot 
or a rickety 504 they will just come near your vehicle and say ‘Bros, 
buy your rat poison ’ (Okpocha B.2).
Nigerian stand-ups constantly compare happenings or fictional experiences they claim to have 
had in other countries with their experiences in Nigeria. These jokes or humour laden stories 
comparatively examine attitudes, and the sense of order that seems to be lacking in Nigeria with 
the orderliness of other much more developed countries.
For instance the search light is turned on the Nigerian Police Force in this manner:
Two weeks ago when a friend of mine went to London, he tell me 
say the Police, the way them dey take (they will ask) ask for your 
papers they will stand beside your car and say ‘Sir pull over’, they 
will talk to you kindly. They will say ‘Good afternoon sir, can I 
have your papers?’ But for Nigeria dem go first block half of the 
road with drums dem go come shout ‘Park! park! Park here now!’ 
and they are always drunk. For night dem go say ‘Inner light’ even 
for hot afternoon, ‘Inner light’ The day wey I know say dem drink 
too much na one night when I dey drive comot for Island, nasodem 
stop me say ‘Park here! Inner light!’ Another guy come dey tell one 
okada (motorbike) man say ‘Park here! Inner light!’.
(  But in Nigeria they will first block half o f the road with drums 
and they will begin to shout 'Park! park! park here now! ’ and they 
are always drunk In the night they will say put on your ‘Inner light, 
even in the blaring afternoon sun ‘Inner light!' The day I  realised 
that they had too much to drink was one night when I  was driving 
out o f Island. That is how they stopped me and yelled ‘Park here!
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Inner light! ’ Another guy began to tell one bike man, ‘Park here! 
Inner light!)  (Okpocha B.2).
De Don paints another scenario of a fellow, whose vehicle has just been stolen,
I dey London last week when my friend lost his car as he come out 
from the supermarket, the guy no make one noise, he just comot him 
phone call police in another 20minutes them get the car back but in 
Nigeria here, if you lost your motor you go first craze for like one hour 
before person go remind you make you make police report you go dey 
hear things like ‘But I park my car here. No, no, no, here...I pass 
through Wuse... traffic jam at Area 1’. People go think say the car 
owner dey mad, dem go carry am go psychiatric, before you know 
demno go see him car again.
I  was in London last week when my friend lost his car as he came out 
from the supermarket, the guy didn’t make a noise, he just pulled out 
his phone, called the police and in another 20 minutes the vehicle had 
been recovered and restored. But in Nigeria here, lose your vehicle 
you will first run mad for about an hour before someone reminds you 
to make a police report. You will begin to hear the owner say things 
like ‘...but I  parked my car here. No, no, no, here... I  passed through 
Wuse... traffic jam at Area 1.' People will begin to think that the car 
owner is mad, they will take him to psychiatric, hospital and before 
you realize the car is gone for good.
(William O. 3).
In a domestic contextGbengaAdeyinka the 1st portrays a mother/daughter interaction and the 
difference in cultural responses to the issues relating to mate selection:
An American mother, if her daughter tells her, “You won’t 
believe, my boyfriend Brown. I tried him with my friend 
Jane and they’re getting married next week.” The mother 
will say “Oh my God! He did that to you? Oh my God! He 
broke your heart. You need to see a therapist. You need to 
lie down.” Try that with a Yoruba mother; “You know my 
boyfriend Kola? You know my best friend Rita? I tried Kola 
with Rita o. They’re getting married in three months’ time.”
“Kare, omo ‘rebi’yan (Very good,achild as ‘good’ as 
pounded yam). Tester, tester. That your Rita friend like this; 
you tried your boyfriend with her; they’re getting married.
Emi konimo bi e(I definitely didnot give birth to you).
Omo ale ni e; mo ti so tele(I’ve always said it, you are 
bastard). Sa lo gbomika’namofelo’we (Go and put my bath 
water to boil).” Till you get married and leave this house, 
what is your name? Tester !(U Tube)
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Here, we see the sharp contrast in the responses of the mothers that are socio cultural and 
psychological. Other topical issues include the regular distractions that members of the audience 
live with and which may not allow the audience respond appropriately to the show such as 
losing a girlfriend or being robbed prior to the show.
The ability to create national and ethnic stereotypes is the highpoint of the characterisation of 
Nigerian stand-ups. Imitation, mimicry and expressive body language are ingeniously engaged to 
portray character types. Politicians and the Nigerian political scene, for instance, feature 
abundantly as objects of jokes. In recent years the body language of former President Goodluck 
Jonathan as well as the choice of words of his wife and then First Lady, Dame Patience, the 
looks of former President Olusegun Obasanjo, as well as Governor Oshiomole of Edo State have 
been hatched and re-hatched countless times in jokes and comic skits.
The Nigerian film industry and its stars constitute another class of character types replete in 
stand-up comedies. The comics often underscore ludicrous absurdities and illogic in the 
production of Nigerian home videos, known as Nollywood.
Nigerian home videos no try (are still behind times), watch American movies 
listen to the sound track, the sound track does not have anything to do with 
the title of the movie, the sound track and the name of the movies na the 
same thing. Slow motion for American movies na(w) for some kind bad 
place (scene) wey(tffcrf)the actor wan (wants to) shoot, fall, roll but Nigerian 
film even when ... they write the name of the producers na (it is) with slow 
motion even when Ramsey Noah dey talk na (is talking, it is) with slow 
motion, the most annoying part na(w)their posters, from the poster you don 
(have) understand the movie(Okpocha B.2).
Such banters thrown at Nollywood stars have helped improve video production in Nigeria in no 
small measure, especially in the areas of adverts and voice over for the trailers that precede the 
film debuts, and the narrative and musical animation in action films.There are also jokes on 
spousal communication and ridicules that take place in public spaces particularly articulated 
with the use of dramatic irony for instance Gandoki interrogates a man’s lack of sense of 
responsibility with the practicality of death in a very unique manner:
I dey church na him our pastor say make all widows come out 
for prayers, see as widows dey come out, na him one lady 
come out too, na him her husband hold her, ‘Are you a 
widow?’ Na with tears the woman take reply am say ‘Out of 
the 8 children wey we bom u no train anyone of them’ (.I was 
in church, our pastor called widows out for a special 
ministration, as they were filling out a woman joined them her 
husband pulled her and asked ‘Are you a widow?' the woman 
tearfully replied ‘O f the 8 children we have you did not train 
one... ’) (William 0. 3).
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In the final analysis the themes range from anything to everything from domestic to health 
issues even, family planning, and the use of condoms in prevention of STDs.
Irrespective of the thematic preoccupation, the success of the stand-up comedian is determined 
by the versatility of his art. Stand-ups remarkably incorporate the solo-artist and the many voices 
and body language of absent characters, whose momentary characterisations are nonetheless 
unmistakably vivid. Double (2016) was right in saying, ‘... the comedian appears on stage 
apparently as himself. But within gags and routines, comics often briefly take on the voice and 
posture of the characters they describe’ (Double 2016). The rigour and intense rehearsals put into 
the development and scripting of the jokes and other elements of the performance, as well as 
proper audience profiling help to ensure the success of the comedian’s art. Ted Ray, a renowned 
European comic, wrote:
Every night, hour after hour, I would stand in front of the 
mirror in my bedroom, grimacing, smiling, and winking, 
with the idea of getting the most effective expression for 
putting over a joke...Every inflection of voice and every 
shade of emotion as reflected in a comedian’s voice do 
count tremendously and I was determined that if hard work 
and ceaseless rehearsal would help, no trouble on my part 
would be too much (Double, 2016:317).
The success of the stand-up in Nigeria no doubt takes root in the proficiency of these comics in 
communication, particularly verbal arts and body language. The ability to convincingly, assume 
multiple personalities, including that of the opposite gender, or adherents of other religions adds 
spice to the art of the comedian.
Music comedy and Christian comedy as other forms of Nigerian stand-up comedy
Nigerian stand-up comedy privileges the variety form as its programme. Mime, dance 
choreography, musical interludes, solo instrumentals. There are operatic comedies where topical 
issues are re-enacted, others include humour-endowed by the crass wits legendary 
GbengaAdeboye and contemporary Julius Agwu; stand-ups with lengthy hours of comedy 
theatre.
There are operatic comedies where comical and topical issues are portrayed these can be seen the 
opera of GbengaAdeboye and music comedy of Julius Agwu. These comedians have full length 
videos that are operatic comedies and which portray socio cultural and political issues in the 
community. Julius Agwu’s Different work dey o, is an extremely humorous type of this form, in a 
full length song he juxtaposes the image of ‘work’, with the new meaning workassumes in 
contemporary Nigeria.He uses Pidgin English to spice the song while national characters, 
professions and settings feature prominently in this music comedy. He portrays as well as satirises 
the Soldier, Gateman, the Honourable members in the House of Assembly and men who ride the 
motorbike among others. He conclusively ridicules a trend that became popular when mobile 
phones became a dominantform of communication in Nigeria. He subtly implies that the 
annoying manner people adopt of ‘flashing’ numbers instead of making actual calls have also 
become a profession of sorts.
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Stand-up comedy in Nigeria has also created room for itself in religious spaces and among 
Christians and Muslims with the emergence of comics like Holy Mallam in the Church and Funky 
Mallam in the Mosques. The quintessential prophet and his interpreter is also excellently played 
by AY and Still Ringing.Tribal stereotypes found in the art and characterisation Funky Mallam 
and LafUp are also examples of forms that celebrate specific ethnic identities’.
Conclusion
The emergence of the neo-cultural form of stand-up in Nigeria comedy has been the concern of 
this paper. It hasexamined the unanimous adoption of a multicultural position within the usually 
polemic Nigerian multi-ethnic space. It has interrogated theinfluence of traditional comedy,on 
the contemporary form of stand-up comedy in Nigeria.Evidently, stand-up comedy in Nigeria 
has benefitted tremendously from professional travelling theatresparticularly the AwadaAlarinjo 
Yoruba tradition. Navigating through times and themes by eclectic neo-cultural modifications, 
the current form has achieved an intercultural balance to the extent that a new culture has 
emerged. Critically chronicling professional contexts of humour in Nigeria, the trends reveal 
features of traditional forms of comedy that are sustained as well as contemporary and syncretic 
forms that have emerged. Dramatic and theatrical elements such as actors/caricaturists, props, 
stage, music, mimeare implements that are thematically engaged in satirising and for creating 
humour in Nigeria. While stand-up theatres seem to have ‘plateaued’ in some parts of the world 
(King,2014:59) contemporary Nigerian Stand-up theatres thrives and narrate the Nigerian story 
with humour coated lips to audiences in situ and in the Diaspora. Indeed the audience is part of 
the dramatis personae in live shows and in absentia on social mediaand other media as they burst 
out in boisterous laughter at the folly of their very lives as humorously depicted by the multi­
faceted stand-up comedian.
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Discography 
AdeboyeGbenga Different Strokes {VCD}
AdeyinkaGbenga the 1st UTube 
AlliBaba UTube 
Agwu Julius Musicomedy
Okpocha Bright BasketMouthUncensored {VCD} Volume 2 
WilliamsOpa Nite of a Thousand Laughs {VCD} Volume 3
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