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P ublished F o r T he Igbo Studies Association
GOLDLINE &  JACOBS PUBLISHING
A b o u t  t h e  J o u r n a l  - issn  2325-0801
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Daniel Lis, University o f  Switzerland
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Ihechukwu Madubuike, Gregory University, Uturu, Nigeria
Jude Aguwa, Mercy College, New York
Lucy Apakama, Alvan Ikoku Federal College o f  Education
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Victor Ukaogo, University o f  Nigeria
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lisher.
IGBO STUDIES REVIEW
ISSN 2325-0801
Number 7 * 2019
IGBO STUDIES REVIEW
ISSN 2325-0801
Number 7 * 2019
ARTICLES
Discourse, Imagination and Models of Resistance:
Re-reading Arrow o f God
Ifi Amadiume 1
Chinua Achebe's "'Chi' in Igbo Cosmology": Revisiting a Classic
Chijioke Azuawusiefe 29
Lagos Igbo Diaspora in Selected Writings by Flora Nwapa 
and Buchi Emecheta
Ada Uzoamaka Azodo 47
Igbo Value System Today and Chinua Achebe's Historical 
Novels: A Dialectical Discourse
Sheik I. Njemanze 65
Dynamic Roles of Igbo Women in the Nigeria-Biafra War 
in Ubesie's Isi Akwu Dam N'ala and Ezeigbo's Roses and Bullets 
Ehele Eucharia Okafor 82
Biafra Enclaves and Militia Activities in Mid-Western Nigeria 
Nigeria, 1967-1970
Odigwe A. Nwaokocha 103
Between Myth and Reality in the Analysis of the Traditions of 
Origin of Nri Kingship Among the Igbo of Nigeria
Nwankwo T. Nwaezeigwe 120
Ikwu Matri-Clans Among the Afikpo Igbo:
A Historical Overview 
Ikenna Ukpabi Unya 146
Symbolic Representations of Money among Igbo Traciers 
in Ladipo International Market, Lagos
Chimjere Ukpokolo & Jonathan O. Okereafor 164
The Impact of Road Transport on the Urbanization 
of Asaba Since 1991
Daniel Olisa Izveze 188
REVIEW ESSAY
The Igbo Challenge in Nigeria: Beyond Rancour and Recrimination, by 
Ihechukwu C. Madubuike. Glassboro, New Jersey: Golciline and Jacobs 
Publishing, 2012
Chinyere Ohiri-Aniche 207
BOOK REVIEWS
African Feminisms in the Global Arena: Novel Perspectives on Gender, Class, 
Ethnicity, and Race. Edited by Ada Azodo. Glassboro: NJ: Goldline and 
Jacobs Publishing, 2019.
Adaobi Chisom Egbe 224
SYMBOLIC REPRESENTATIONS OF MONEY 
AMONG IGBO TRADERS IN 
LADIPO INTERNATIONAL MARKET, LAGOS
CHINYERE UKPOKOLO*
University o f Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria 
&
JONATHAN O. OKEREAFORt
University o f Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria
Abstract
This article is a product o f  an ethnographic study ofLadipo International Market, Lagos Nigeria, 
focusing on symbolic representations o f  money among the Igbo traders in the space. Interactions 
amongst the traders, and with their clients have led to the development o f form o f relationships 
with shared interests and meanings. These, coupled with the organisational culture o f the market, 
contribute to its peculiarity, and are critical to successful business transactions. This article iden­
tifies the practices, ideas and objects the traders symbolically construct as money, and how the 
constructs mediate intra- and inter- group relations, and finally identifies the patterns in the 
traders' behaviours and social relationships when money mediates exchanges, and how symbolic 
meanings further reshape social relationships. The focus is not only to understand the obseivable 
phenomenon, but also to unveil the meanings that underlay the practice. Tlie study adopted eth­
nographic approach, using such methods as in-depth intewiews, participant observation and life 
history. Relevant documents were also considted. Collected data were analysed qualitatively. The 
study establishes that 'importation', 'imara anya ahia' (knowledge o f  trading skills), 'containers' 
and exotic cars are symbols o f money. Relationships are structured along the social categories 
engendered by these symbols on the one hand, and 'Master' and 'nzvaboy' (apprentice) line on the 
other hand, with each further invoking relational patterns and meanings.
Key words: Money, symbol, Igbo people, cultural values, Ladipo International Market, Lagos
INTRODUCTION
Money is one element of human culture that is often taken for granted 
largely because it has become a part of our everyday existence. Undoubt­
edly, most scholars conceptualise money only in economic terms, in its 
basic exchange functions. However, Allen Dyer notes that few cultural
' Chinyere Ukpokolo holds a Ph.D. in Anthropology. Sine teadies sodal and cultural anthropology 
in tine Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Her research 
interests include ethnicity, higher education, and gender studies. She has articles in Human Affairs, 
Cultural Analysis, journal ofH igher Education in Africa among others. Sine editor of Being and Becoming: 
Gender, Culture and Shifting Identity in Sub-Saharan Africa (2016 Spear Media) and co-editor of Space, 
Transformation and. Representation: Reflections on University Culture (2012, Goldline and Jacobs), 
t Jonathan Ujunwa Okereafor is a Ph.D. student in tine Institute of African Studies (Anthropology), 
University' of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria
Symbolic Representation of Money 165
anthropologists and sociologists have given some considerations to the 
social and cultural meanings of money, including how culture and envi­
ronment influence the idea of money.1 Money can be symbolised in di­
verse ways across cultures, and takes on different meanings even within 
the same culture. Meanings of money are therefore contextually defined 
across space and time, and also constantly renegotiated.
For some people, money is the whole essence of life, since most of our 
waking hours are spent making money or getting skills that will help us 
make money, such as trading or schooling. Without money it is difficult 
for one to acquire food to sustain life or have shelter and clothing, which 
are basic necessities of life. On money, people pin their hopes for survival, 
acceptance, achievement, success, fulfilment, and self-esteem. Little won­
der that money has become a powerful instrument of manipulation and 
influence in social relations. Consequently, Dominguez and Robin con­
tend that "[m]oney is something we choose to trade our life energy for, 
therefore, money is equal to our entire life."2 An individual's life, they ar­
gue, is said to be worth the cumulative sum of Iris life earnings since he 
spends most days on earth earning money.3 The strength of a nation, pro­
ductive capacity of its people and their cultural experience may be sym­
bolically expressed and embedded in their money. Thus, United Nations 
Development Programme (UNDP) posits that Human Development In­
dex (HDI) is a measure of how prosperous a country is, so that a nation 
may be rated poor or rich based on the strength of money, and how much 
individuals within the country' earn, among other things. Citizens of a 
country may also feel intelligent, poor or rich, secure or insecure, based on 
what they believe their money is worth. The point is that, different rela­
tionships are struck with money in different societies based on the kind of 
knowledge and meanings individuals and collectives share about money 
in relation to other commodities. The knowledge and meanings shared 
are embedded and expressed in symbolised forms and acted out in behav­
iours. The challenge for anthropologists is to identify meanings embedded 
in monetised cultural expressions. This challenge is more pertinent where 
most things, including life, are monetised and priced. It is, however, evi­
dently clear that in Nigeria monetization has permeated our national cul­
ture, because there are, in fact, shared ideas, feelings, and knowledge that 
are communicated and understood easily through pecuniary accounts. 
For instance, when a Nigerian says, 'settle him' meaning 'induce him with 
money' or 'What's for us now?' meaning, 'What are you giving us?' which 
is usually in monetary terms, are all expressions of tire meanings the peo­
ple hold of money. For a group to be able to communicate effectively, 
there must be mutual intelligibility, and the basis is shared cultural under­
standing, which is based on social consensus and shared experiences over­
time.
166 Igbo Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
Within the Igbo society specifically, social relations, cultural values 
and worldview are also communicated in monetary' terms. In their 
worldview as V.C. Uchendu rightly notes, "tire world is a marketplace 
and is subject to bargain/'4 He went further to observe that "the descrip­
tion of Igbo life in the idiom of market exchange is not a mere theoretical 
formulation...; it is the Igbo way and manifests in their everyday behav­
iour."5 Life is fundamentally about exchange, whether services, goods, 
emotions et cetera. Values are symbolically represented in monetary terms 
and terminology. For the Igbo, Chinyere Ukpokolo hints, the market is not 
just a place of exchange literally but also symbolically, and more im­
portantly, it is a place of spiritual transactions, between the physical and 
the spiritual.6 Little wonder that most markets in traditional Igbo societies 
are located near one deity or the other. Evil can be exchanged for good, 
sickness for health, -with the priest as the mediator of the spiritual transac­
tions.
This article is a product of an ethnographic study of Ladipo Interna­
tional Motor Spare Parts Market, Lagos, Nigeria, (hereafter called Ladipo 
Market) focusing on symbolic representations of money in the market. 
Ladipo market has, overtime, developed a unique market culture tinted 
with Igbo cultural values, and peculiar to the site. Interactions amongst 
the traders and their clients have led to the development of form of rela­
tionships imbued with a sense of community, with shared interests and 
meanings. These, coupled with the organisational culture of tire market, 
contribute to its peculiarity, and are critical to successful business transac­
tions. This article identifies the practices, ideas and objects the traders 
symbolically construct as money, and how tire constructs mediate intra- 
and inter- group relations, and finally identifies the patterns in fire traders' 
behaviours and social relationships when money mediates exchanges, 
and how symbolic meanings further reshape social relationships. The fo­
cus is not only to understand the observable phenomenon, but also to un­
veil the values that underlie the practice, or what Kessing and Kessing 
term "fire realm of ideas."7
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMING
What money means in a particular culture is a function of fire interplay of 
the environment and the ideas generated in that society. Some of these 
ideas are particularistic while others are universalistic. Often, the primary 
role assigned to money in most cultures is to meet the need of exchange. 
Thus, G.O. Nwankwo reasons:
What economics call money in fire conventional sense is those groups
of assets which discharge completely fire primary exchange functions
Symbolic Representation of Money 167
of money as well as its asset functions.. .The money quality of any as­
set is som ething im p osed  by  the business habits o f the p eo ­
p le .. .M oney is something which people in a given community call 
money.8
For James Peoples and Garrick Bailey money is perceived as "consisting of 
objects that serve as media of exchange in a wide range of transactions of 
goods."9
Simon Smelt, citing Polanyi, pointed out that goods and services are 
allocated in all societies according to three different modes of distribution: 
reciprocity, redistribution, and market exchange.10 Market exchange in­
volves a situation in which products are sold for money, which in turn is 
used to purchase other products, with the ultimate goal of acquiring more 
money and/or accumulating more products.11 Trade evolved from ex­
change market system, and barter was the first medium of exchange. 
However, the inability of barter to cope with changing complex economic 
reality of tire modem society necessitated the invention of money to deal 
with the increasing demands in a modem economy. Indeed, ethnographic 
evidence abound that point to tire origin of money in magical fonns. Ac­
cording to Simon Smelt, "while a commodity is used as an early money 
form, it is generally found to be one of singular importance to the com­
munity and hence at the core of the community's structure of beliefs".12 
Marcel Mauss also suggests that "money originated in sacred objects 
which, surviving over time, become involved in exchange.13 An example 
was Trobriand Island's vayguolci (a form of necklace) first described by 
Bronislaw Malinowski in his work Argonauts o f the Western Pacific.14 Invar­
iably, hundreds of objects have been used as money. In fact, cowrie shells, 
bronze, iron rods, copper and manila have been used as currency in Nige­
ria several centuries before the colonial period.15 The great variety of these 
means of payments shows that money can be whatever people in diverse 
societies generally accept in exchange for other things. At present, most 
monies are not made of any concrete material as they are nothing more 
than entries in (bank) accounts.
Focusing on the social context of money, Viviana Zelizer writes:
Money used for rational instrumental exchanges is not 'free' from so­
cial constraints but is another type of socially created currency, subject 
to particular networks of social relations and its own set of values and 
norms.16
In an earlier publication titled 'The Social Meaning of Money: Special 
Monies', Viviana Zelizer contends that money "corrupts values and con­
verts social ties into numbers", and also that "values and social relations
168 '3=0 Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
reciprocally transmute money by investing it with meaning and social 
patterns. '17 Surprisingly, anthropologists and sociologists have not given 
adequate attention, to the social meanings of money. Consequently, more 
often than not, the ideas of money in economics permeate discourse on 
money. Money is a symbolic object and as such carries cultural meanings, 
and anthropologists are well placed to interpret the symbolic meanings 
embedded in money.
Anatol Rappaport advocates that humankind be called 'a symbol- 
user' and to make the study of the symbolic process central to the study of 
humans.18 It is important to differentiate symbols from signals. Signals, 
according to Rappaport, are nothing more than a stimulus to which a re­
sponse has been conditioned. Symbols in contrast evoke response only in 
a relation to other symbols. Symbols have cultural contexts, and the mean­
ing ascribed to any symbol is a product of social consensus. Thus, the 
same object in different context can elicit essentially different response, or 
to put it in another way, a given symbol cannot be properly defined out­
side of a context. The study and use of symbols, semiotics, have become 
important because it generates a greater understanding of culture, which 
is conceived as being a constructed system of shared symbols and mean­
ings. It is the use of symbols, as significant form of discourse permeating 
all human societies that has led to semiotics becoming an important 
sphere of inquiry in anthropology, sociology, economics and other social 
science disciplines. The human being lives by symbols. Humans, accord­
ing to Hebert Applebaum "communicate meaning and create shared ex­
periences by using signs and symbols in many different realms of exist­
ence, for example, through art, music, architecture, gestures, clothing, 
space arrangements, and material possession."19 In fact, we are capable of 
attributing meaning to any event, action, or object which can evoke 
droughts, ideas, and emotions. Indeed, symbols have multiple meanings 
Money is value-laden. What constitutes value, in any human society, 
Haralambos hints, "is a belief that something is good and desirable. It de­
fines what is important, worthwhile and worth struggling for."20 When 
held by a group of people, values constitute ideas learnt and passed 
through succeeding generations of people. Values motivate individual 
and group behaviour. Shared values are crucial for tire operation of hu­
man society, and as Haralambos states succinctly:
Without shared values, members of society would be unlikely to co­
operate and work together. With differing or conflicting values, they 
would often be pursuing incompatible goals. Disorder and disruption 
may well result21
Symbolic Representation of Money 169
The Igbo, like other ethnic groups in Nigeria, have values, which define 
their lives and behaviour wherever they are. For instance, in the people's 
worldview, nobody is destined to be a failure in life as the individual can 
always change the course of his own life if he is faced with consistent fail­
ures. He achieves this either through shifting alliance or by invoking the 
aid of a more powerful force.22 People who fail to make success of their 
lives have no honourable place in the people's world. So, lazy people, 
debtors, beggars and other non-achievers may not have high status and 
honourable place as symbolised by titles in tire world of the Igbo.23 
Uchendu hints that the world for the Igbo is also based on an equalitarian 
principle, and that equality or near equality amongst the Igbo ensures that 
no one person or group of persons acquires too much control over the life 
of others. Equalitarian society, according to the Igbo, means that society 
ought to give all its citizens an equal opportunity to achieve success.
This article adopts an approach rooted on the framework of symbolic 
anthropology as advocated by interpretative anthropological position of 
Clifford Geertz.24 Symbolic anthropology focuses on the interpretation of 
symbols or symbolic aspect of existence. It studies the way people under­
stand their surroundings as well as the actions of the other members of 
their society. 'Interpretations' entail explaining the relationship between 
forms of action and the consciousness they are taken to express.25 These 
interpretations form a shared cultural system of meaning, that is, under­
standings shared among members of the same society.26 There are two 
major premises governing symbolic anthropology. Tire first is that "be­
liefs, however unintelligible, become comprehensible when understood as 
part of a cultural system of meaning." The second major premise is that 
actions are guided by interpretations, allowing symbolism to aid in inter­
preting ideals as well as material activities. It is the first premise champi­
oned in interpretative or cultural anthropologists that Clifford Geertz rep­
resents. Anthropologists such as Victor Turner and Mary Douglas repre­
sent the second.27According to Geertz:
A symbol is any object, act, events, quality, or relation which serves as 
a vehicle for a conception—the conception is tire symbol's mean­
ing-symbols are tangible formulations of notions, abstractions from 
experience fixed in perceptible fonns, concrete embodiments of ideas, 
attitudes, judgments, longings, or beliefs.28
He argued that cultural meaning is not deep in peoples head but is pub­
lic, communicated, and expressed in symbols, and can be adequately in­
terpreted by outsiders. Hence, he emphasised the need for "thick descrip­
tion" in the study of culture. By 'thick description' Geertz meant that the
170 Igbo Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
meaning of cultural phenomena can be revealed only after careful analysis 
of intricate coating of meanings. According to him,
The concept of culture 1 espouse... is essentially a semiotic one. Believ­
ing ... that man is an animal suspended in webs of significance he 
himself has spun, I take culture to be those webs, and the analysis of it 
to be therefore not an experimental science in search of law but an in­
terpretative one in search of meaning.29
For Geertz, an anthropologist studying culture needs not waste energy- 
searching for universal laws as classical anthropologists such as E.B. Tylor 
suggests. What needs to be done is to explain the 'w ebs of significance/ a 
form of 'meaningfulness' espoused by humans in order to unveil the 
meanings that lie under. This is the crux of an interpretive science. Using 
Ladipo Market, Mushin Lagos, as a case study, this study engages in the 
search for meaning through the interpretation of phenomena, objects and 
ideas symbolically representing money within the cultural processes and 
production at Ladipo Market. This study therefore raises and tries to an­
swer certain salient questions: What phenomena, ideas and/or objects are 
symbolised as money? What are the patterns in traders' behaviours and 
social relationships when money mediates exchanges? What cultural val­
ues are represented as money, and how do these shape and define in­
tragroup ad intergroup relations in the market?
STUDY CONTEXT AND METHODS
Ladipo Market is situated at Fatai Atere part of Mushin on the Owor- 
onsoki-Oshodi-Apapa express road in Lagos State, Nigeria. Established in 
the 1970s as a small retail market, it has grown to international status, hav­
ing motor spare parts as major articles of trade. There are, of course, other 
articles sold in this market, especially, used goods brought from foreign 
countries and exhibited in a number of large warehouses dotting the mar­
ket. There are, in addition, large stores for used household appliances, 
computers, phones and accessories, bicycles, used trucks, buses and cars. 
A number of traders in the market import their articles from foreign coun­
tries. But, basically, the market is a major source of foreign used vehicles 
and motor spare parts imported into Nigeria (see Fig. 3). Traders from 
other states in Nigeria and neighbouring African countries come to Lagos 
to source their motor spare parts from this market. The goods are dis­
played in large number of stores, warehouses and open spaces.
A visitor from Oshodi Bus Station arriving in the morning at Toyota 
Bus Stop on the Oshodi-Apapa express road in Lagos is greeted with an 
unusual number of youthful men hurriedly crossing to the left side of the
Symbolic Representation of Money 171
road, where the Ladipo Market, Mushin, Lagos, is situated, "the largest 
motor spare parts market in Africa," as claimed by the traders. The first 
striking scenery at this bus stop would be two large warehouses - } & F 
Warehouse and Conference Warehouse - and, often, parked conspicuous 
trucks laden with 20ft - 40ft containers. Men in their 30s and 40s are seen 
assembling in trickles, watching as goods are unloaded from the contain­
ers. They discuss in groups, sharing gists and repartees. Their voices are 
loud, and they look happy. But they also discuss business. At times, tire 
discussions are done almost in whispers. Traders trail cart pushers that 
move 'discharged' motor parts from the containers to the warehouses. 
The warehouses are where motor parts that just arrived from foreign 
countries are purchased and moved to Ladipo Market units.
Fig. 1: Map of Mushin showing location of Ladipo Market Source: (De­
partment of Geography, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria.
Houses here consist of large warehouses, bungalows and one-storey mar­
ket stalls arranged in row's largely along Ladipo Sheet. Food vendors also 
permeate the space. They work in a frenzy to get their early morning 
foods vended. Around the area where containers are discharged are 'Im­
porters' who w'ork with tire aid of their relatives or hired assistants or 
odibo (apprentices) who help them guard the imported merchandise, take 
records and apply identification marks on the goods. Sometimes, women 
import these goods, but most times importers are men who reside abroad 
or traders who live in Lagos and trade in Ladipo Market. Ladipo Market 
is, typically, a beehive of activities. Vehicles, pedestrians and hawkers
172 Igbo Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
struggle for available space on dilapidated streets. Males outnumber fe­
males and men under forty years outnumber other age groups in this 
space. They speak mostly Igbo Language and when the need arises, they 
speak Pidgin English. On the sheets, people walk as though they are per­
manently in a hurry. Cart pushers with shouts of Uzol Uzol Uzo! meaning 
'Give way!, Give way!, Give way!' move as though they would crush, 
with their carts laden with heavy metals, anyone that takes up their nar­
row parts. Whenever the cart pushers approach an exit gate of a ware­
house or a market unit with goods, they are charged a fee; most times 
owners of such goods pay the fee.
Ladipo Market is divided into cells and clusters of smaller market 
units and warehouses. With the exception of Ogboewu, Aguiyi Ironsi 
Unit, Promised land Unit, and Cortex Units, all other market units issue 
from a large house or number of houses along the streets that make up the 
Ladipo Market space. In the market units, people move around freely and 
more slowly. They sit in groups of twos or more discussing and watching 
for a potential customer. They spring up to their feet when a suspected 
buyer approaches. At Aguiyi-Ironsi Unit, 186 Unit (named after the house 
street number), Promise land and Cortex Units, shops are made of bricks 
and corrugated iron roofing sheets and arranged in rows. But shops and 
surfaces at Ogbuewu, Ogbo-iron and Bakkasi Units appear old and oily. 
Traders sit and discuss in sets according to their ages and shop proximity 
but jokes and arguments could be shared by everyone. However, ndi odibo 
(apprentices) stay more sober and more detached from ndi oga (masters). 
This is Ladipo International Market, Lagos, where this study was carried 
out Ethnographic approach was adopted for this study. As Spindler and 
Spindler stated:
Ethnographic study requires direct observation; it requires being im­
mersed in the field situation, and it requires constant interviewing in 
all degrees of formality and casualness. From this interviewing, 
backed by observation, one is able to collect and elicit tire native 
view(s) and die native ascription of meaning to events, intentions, and 
consequences.30
The major objective of die approach is to capture, understand and inter­
pret die lived life of motor spare parts traders at Ladipo Market, paying 
specific attention to symbolic representations of money among the traders 
in the market. The study population consists of traders, mostiy male busi­
ness owners, tiieir male odibo (apprentices) and buyers. These buyers are 
predominandy males, mainly traders from markets elsewhere, mechanics 
and end users. Our interest is on interpretation of action and die represen­
tations of meanings.
Symbolic Representation of Money 173
Thirty-eight self-governing sections make up Ladipo Market, each 
section occupies an open space or warehouse or block of stores. Some sec­
tions specialise in the sale of a particular product. For instance, Ogbo-ewu 
Unit is known for the sale of whole engines and engine accessories, but a 
greater number has no such specialisation. There are mostly male traders 
in the market. Female traders participate mostly as clerks or food vendors. 
There are also the Masters (male business owners) and nw aboy (appren­
tice) as well as importers and local retailers. Twenty-five informants com­
prising of two union leaders of the market, twelve shop owners, seven 
apprentices, three buyers and two mechanics were randomly selected for 
interview' from the thirty-eight sections of the market.
The methods of data collection employed are in-depth-interviews, 
participant observation and life history. The criteria for selection of key 
informants consisted of age, longer years of experience and good 
knowledge of the prevalent culture in Ladipo Market. Based on the above, 
seven informants were purposively selected as key informants. Two of 
them are union leaders - a secretary and a chairman each of two separate 
unions. Three Informants wrere men w'hose ages are fifty years and above 
and who had spent at least five years in the market, another two were 
nzvaboy or odibo (apprentices) who are less than twenty years and had 
spent more than three years in the market. Names of informants in this 
study are pseudonyms.
Adoption of life history as a method enables the researchers generate 
data from those whom wre believe 'have seen it all/ As noted by Mandel- 
baum, "Life histories studies...emphasize the experience and require­
ments of the individual - how the person copes with society than how*' so­
ciety copes with tire stream of individuals."31 Anthropologists, sociolo­
gists, historians and psychologists have developed strong traditions for 
use of life histories as research method. While scholars in these disciplines 
question the validity and reliability of life histories, they have also recog­
nized their immense potential to aid in the ethnographic examination and 
understanding of a society since the individual's experiences and behav­
ioural pattern tend to be synthesized from society's culture and the reac­
tions of other members of society to cultural expectations. Four life histo­
ries were recorded consisting of two masters and two apprentices.
Secondary sources of data were also consulted. Traditionally, inputs 
of qualitative data are in words; so, the outputs are usually also in words. 
We adopted the approach which accepts that there exist behaviours, sym­
bols, regulations, meanings, norms and mores that affect everyday life 
and that it should be the role of qualitative researchers to uncover and 
explain these regularities.32 We agree with Adler and Clark that in qualita­
tive field studies, analysis is guided by the data being gathered and the
174 Igbo Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
topics, questions and evaluative criteria that provide focus.33 Collected 
data were analysed qualitatively.
PRACTICES, OBJECTS AND IDEAS AS MONEY IN LADIPO MARKET
At Ladipo International Market, certain practices, objects and ideas are 
symbolised as money. Ideas are in people's heads and are acted out in 
what they do. This is the 'realm of ideas/ which informs and underlies the 
observable phenomenon.34
IMPORTATION PHENOMENON AND CONTAINERS 
AS SYNONYMOUS WITH MONEY
To traders at Ladipo Market, the word 'importation' or 'importer' conjures 
in the mind of the hearer a social category, which engenders a form of so­
cial interaction necessitated by economic transactions beyond die bounda­
ries of Ladipo market. Each is a buzz word which signals die existence of a 
social class tiiat is distinguished from the rest by success and achievement 
in business endeavor. 'Importer' is a symbol of 'being there', and not asso­
ciated with the novice in motor spare parts business taking place at Ladi­
po. Availability of adequate funds, experience and the necessary network 
are prerequisites to becoming an importer. Importation of goods is per­
ceived as high money yielding economic activity. For the Igbo traders, the 
act of importation is anchored on their belief that greater achievement is 
gained by venturing fartiier afield. The people have an adage that states, 
"Anaghi ano n'ulo efota ero ukwu," which means "nobody stays in the 
homestead and harvests large wild mushroom." Imported goods may be 
said to symbolise the "wild mushroom." It is generally believed that peo­
ple who bring in foreign goods into the country make enormous profits. 
Besides, generally, Nigerians hold in high esteem goods from foreign 
lands, inclu ding used products.
Since the advent of Europeans and their industrial goods in Nigeria, 
imported materials are highly prized in Nigeria. In line with this thought, 
A. O. Omobowale notes:
To native Africans, the transatlantic venture of the Europeans attract­
ed deep admiration; it conveyed symbolic notions of superiority-not 
only superiority of the Europeans themselves but also of the goods 
they had to offer for exchange.35
In addition to superior value attached to overseas products, fantasy about 
importation derives from some other central factors unique to Ladipo 
Market space, namely:
Symbolic Representation of Money 175
i. Importation is highly profitable in Ladipo market
ii. It takes enormous amount of money to embark on importation 
activities
iii. Importation is not for the novice in motor parts business
iv. Most traders come to Ladipo Market as impecunious people 
and importation is evidence of ascension to the pinnacle of the 
trading profession.
v. Importation activity is highly competitive in Ladipo Market.
The dream of every trader in I-adipo, therefore, is to become an importer. 
Witticisms involving odibo (apprentices) who facetiously claim to be im­
porters are prevalent. One young odibo was observed boasting when ac­
costed by a food vendor he was indebted to demanding to be paid, say­
ing, "Bia, o bu maka N50.00 k'iji akpari m? Mbosi ozo gbaa m ugiuo N50, 
000.00.1 ma kwa n'abu m Importer. Ego ka m bu," meaning, "Do you insult 
me because of paltry N50.00? Another day ask me for N 50,000.00 instead. 
Don't you know that I'm an 'Importer/ I am money."36
25 - r '
Fig. 2: Types of preferred car models import into Nigeria. Source: 
Humphrey Ukpebor, Exporting o f Used Automobile Parts from Finland to
Nigeria, 2012,26.
The concept of 'importation' inspires in tire traders an anticipation of 
success. A successful trader must acquire more of those socially- 
approved goods and engage in competitive endeavour among peers in 
the market and beyond. Hence, 'importers' flaunt symbols of their pecu­
niary success such as speaking regularly in English Language, dressing 
more glamorously in Europeans attires, a striking deviation from the
176 Igbo Studies Review No. 1, (2019): 164-187.
prevalent mode of dressing in Ladipo market, which consists typically of 
combination of greasy jeans, T-shirt and rubber boot. On the pyramid of 
social ladder, the importer is located at the peak while others are at dif­
ferent points along the pyramid. They move about in expensive cars, 
most of which came in as their trade products. A youthful informant, on 
spotting a good-looking lady passing by, commented:
Ndi Importer n'ebu umu aka nile n'agaghari na-ahia a. Importer7 nwere 
ego; nani ha nwere ike Horn N10, 000.00 maka hotel, nyekwa ha N10, 
000.00 n'elu ya. O nweghi ihe h aji ego erne. Ha n'ekeri umuaka a nile I n'aju 
n'ime onwe ha.
Meaning:
Importers take all these young ladies you see in this market. Only Im­
porters could pay N10, 000.00 hotel accommodation charges per day 
effortlessly and still give them [the girls] N 10,000.00 as gift. They have 
enormous money to spend. And they share each of these girls among 
themselves.37
Importers are, therefore, believed to acquire a large number of status 
symbols, including young ladies who, though aware that a particular im­
porter may have a wife at Inis foreign country of residence (some keep 
such oyibo wives as a means to obtain resident permits) and another wife 
in Nigeria, would willingly accept the position of "Importers girlfriend."
Fig. 3: Countries from where used (Tokunbo) automobiles are brought into 
Nigeria. Source: Humphrey Ukpebor, Exporting o f Used Automobile Parts 
from  Finland to Nigeria, 2012,27.
Symbolic Representation of Money 177
To the concept of 'importation' is also attached the ownership of "con­
tainers." Littered around warehouses and market units in Ladipo Market 
are large number of 20ft and 40ft containers, which arrive on daily basis. 
Regular scenes each morning is a crowd that gathers around containers 
discharging their foreign contents. These scenes evoke sense of money. 
Traders arrive at a container with expectations to run into products that fit 
into their line of business, which they could hold exclusive monopoly 
since some vital tokumbo parts come in irregularly. Such motor parts that 
come irregularly, which belong to popular automobiles in Africa, yield 
lots of profit to the traders. Containers, therefore, represent money and 
progress in Ladipo Market.
Plate 1: Cars being unloaded from containers at Conference Warehouse, 
Ladipo Market (Source: Fieldwork 2015).
SKILLS OF 'IMARA ANYA AHIA'
Imara cinya ahia (the internalisation of the intricacies of business) is synon­
ymous with tire idea of money. 'Anya Ahia' literally means 'eye of busi­
ness', hence imara anya ahia literally means 'knowledge of the 'eye' for 
business', that is, the skills needed for successful business venture. It is 
generally accepted that a deep understanding of intricacies of business has 
the capability to generate money for a trader. A young apprentice who 
learns the business properly does not require money to make money in 
Ladipo market With his skills he could start from nothing and soon gets 
to the position of 'Importer'. Business skill is a symbol of money. It is a 
skill that a master leaves with a graduate at the end of the agreed training 
period. Some masters offer their apprentice grants as low as N100, 000.00 
as settlement grant after their years of service, which could be as long as 
seven years. This sum is supposed to pay for shop accommodations and 
initial products. It is indeed too insufficient to support a novice in motor
178 Igbo Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
parts business. However, a beginner who possesses anya ahia in Ladipo 
wiU end up wealthy and ascend the social ladder. Business ideas represent 
money in Ladipo, without it a man may not survive. Physical cash is im­
portant, for it helps those who have it grow faster in their business line. 
More importantly, a man who must grow fast must add to large sums of 
money a deep grasp of trading skills in his business line. A beginner must 
understand how to discover the hidden money in discarded motor parts, 
for instance. Most people, masters and trainees alike, claim that if a begin­
ner has deep business ideas, he does not require money to staid business. 
A popular maxim in Ladipo market is: Ahia bu onye mam anya ya o zuo, 
meaning, "business success belongs to people who understand the intri­
cacies of business."
One afternoon during the fieldwork, a 'worthless-looking' engine was 
noticed being moved through the market enhance. Out of amazement the 
following conversation ensued:
Fieldworker: Sorry, is this engine still useful?
Traders 1 and 2: [Laughing and chorused] Yes!
Trader 1: Does it look old to you?
Trader 2: It is still in its best condition.
Trader 1: If you don't possess good business skills, you wouldn't 
know it's still very good.
Trader 3: That's why Igbo are wonderful; if it's a Hausa man he 
won't recognise the money in that old-looking engine.
Trader land 2: [Laughing, chorused] Big money indeed!38
Symbolic Representation of Money 179
Plate 2: Motor carcass displayed for sale at Ogbo-lron Unit. (Source:
Fieldwork 2015).
Most traders in Ladipo are proud of their knowledge of motor spare parts. 
They believe it is a fortification against business failure and poverty. They 
suppose individuals who get cheated in business are those who lack this 
quality, that is, the quality of 'imam anya aim'. Business skills also include 
the individual's ability to manipulate the market to his favour. It is a game 
in which only the smartest emerges victorious. Money lies in tire ability to 
outsmart others. It is a game that most Igbo participants in business trans­
actions understand and reflected in the rigorous bargaining activities tak­
ing place in the market
LATEST MODELS OF AUTOMOBILES AND THEIR PARTS 
AS SYMBOLS
Automobiles are status symbols in most parts of Africa, but in Ladipo 
Market, money is seen in latest models of cars. An average motor parts 
trader in Ladipo knows all the models and years of production of most 
vehicles in Nigeria, and their cost So, they have no adoration for cars as 
'laymen' have. Their passion and interest lie often with the latest models. 
They keep track of names of such latest models as they come to the Nige­
rian market, so 'End of Discussion' for a Honda 2011, for instance, is fol­
lowed by 'End of Discussion Continues' (see Fig. 2 for the types of pre­
ferred car models imported into the country). Such latest cars evoked 
sense of money because it gives the public a glimpse into the monetary 
worth of such an individual and Iris corresponding level of achievement, 
connections and knowledge of the direction of motor parts business. They 
are like 'pathfinders' in the business.
Among tire Igbo, symbols of success have progressed from horses to 
bicycles and then cars. According to Ben Naanen, in the 1920s, “the typical
180 Igbo Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
index of wealth among the Igbo was the pedal bicycle in which a few men 
were able to invest," and the model of bicycle generally preferred by tire 
1930s was the "white horse."39 In the Twenty-first century, for most Igbo 
traders in Ladipo, exotic cars help marketing endeavours because some 
highly placed individuals and corporate organisations would be easily 
convinced that a motor parts dealer is well established in business to han­
dle their vehicle accessories supplies if seen regularly visiting in expensive 
cars. Furthermore, exotic cars and their newest models yield money to the 
traders because their parts are highly sort after. Accessories of cars such as 
Venza, Tundra, Toyota Highlander 2010, Sienna 2008 and Lexus RS 330 at 
the period of research were regarded as 'money7. Similarly, engines, en­
gine wire and dash board of all 'big cars' represent money to both traders 
and touts in Ladipo market.
Plate 3: Buses assembled and exhibited for sale, and carcasses of buses 
awaiting assemblage at Promiseland Unit, Ladipo Market (Source: Field­
work 2015).
BUILDINGS, SHOPS AND LANDED PROPERTY
Houses symbolise personal achievement in most parts of Nigeria. For the 
average Igbo it is desirable for a man to build a house in his hometown. 
However, for those in cities, sense of achievement comes from having a 
house in tire village and in the city of residence as well. It is common in 
Ladipo to hear people refer to a young man as 'landlord in Lagos.' An 
important symbol of money for the Ladipo trader who must show off his 
achievement is a house both in the city and at one's hometown. Having a 
personal house in the village and in tire city makes a man's achievement 
complete. This enhances one's social status and signifies higher social mo­
bility. Extract below illustrates the meanings associated with such 
achievements. The discussion took place among traders:
Symbolic Represen tation of Money 181
Trader 1: You ought to talk to a Landlord with reverence. Do you re­
alise he is landlord both in Lagos and Asaba?
Trader 2: Landlord at Ijegemo! (ljegemo is one of the poorest and very 
remote communities in Lagos).
Trader 1: Landlord is Landlord, wherever he is located.
Trader 3: Soon he will move from Ijegemo to Isolo and gradually get 
to Victoria Island. He has built a house n'ebe nna \ja (in his father's 
place), built this large hostel for students at Asaba and is living in 'his 
own house' in Lagos.40
The location of one's property in Lagos determines the level of admiration 
one is accorded among the traders.
There is no doubt that the definition and symbols of success and 
achievement among the Igbo have changed over time. As Raphael Njoku 
notes, it has progressed from the use of family compound, number of 
wives, children, farmlands, European luxury goods and slaves as signs of 
wealth and the yardstick for measuring success, social status and power to 
the current reality.41 Similarly, Chima Korieh hints that in the agrarian 
Igboland, "men who distinguished themselves as yam farmers were also 
recognised and rewarded by their communities with the title of Ezeji or 
'yam king.'"42 To Ladipo Market traders, houses both at home town and 
in Lagos, the number of shops the individual has and the skills needed to 
make money determine one's respectability within the community. Abil­
ity to rent a shop is desirable, but possession of one's own shop is more 
desirable. In this regard, a teenage apprentice at Aguiyi Ironsi Internation­
al Trade Centre, Ladipo, suddenly pointed excitedly at a man standing a 
short distance away and proudly announced to one of the researchers: 
"That man standing there is the chairman of this Aguiyi Ironsi unit. See 
him looking clean. He has a shop this side and another that side. He has 
his own building in this market Too much money!"43 Sentiments such as 
this derive from the prohibitive cost of properties in the part of Lagos State 
where Ladipo Market is located. Apart from building or buying personal 
shops, traders also acquire lease rights from landowners, which include 
Mushin Local Government, for a period ranging from five to ten years. 
Such traders are referred to as 'Landlords' in Ladipo Market. They have 
their "Landlords' Association" which holds meetings periodically.
Symbolic object gives meaning to a people's existence, shapes their in­
teractions with their enviromnent and the choices they make in their day 
to day lives. To the Igbo traders at Ladipo market, money is located in the
182 Igbo Studies Review No. 1, (2019): 164-187.
phenomena associated with their trade, their objects of trade and skills 
needed to make money. Money is symbolised in material objects, such as 
their articles of hade and the social status symbolised by these objects. 
Thus, 'importation' symbolises higher social status, and hence symbol of 
money needed to make more money. For the importer, his social status 
amongst his people further gives him access to society's desirable goods. 
Social interactions and exchanges in Ladipo Market suggest how cultural 
production and interpretations given by a group of people within a social 
and cultural context further lead to a form of 'webs of significance' es­
poused by them.44
MEANINGS AND PATTERNS OF INTRAGROUP RELATIONSHIP 
IN LADIPO MARKET
Ideologies, symbolically constructed around 'importation' phenomenon, 
'imara anya ahia', latest models of automobiles and their parts, possession of 
buildings and shops, generate systems of meanings shared among traders 
in Ladipo Market. An individual, who has gone through the tutelage of 
learning the intricacies of his chosen business litre and has acquired 
knowledge, including the jargons of business transactions in Ladipo Mar­
ket, is deemed to always be in possession of money. It is assumed that if he 
adds to his knowledge, hard work, he has escaped the trap of poverty. An 
importer can use his identity for business transaction and have access to 
more money. It is a social capital. In some instances, tire 'importer' identity 
may function as collateral for access to some financial assistance among tire 
group members. Of course, an importer may not possess cash, but he is 
treated as 'rich' and he endeavours to act as though he has money and, in 
tire process, accorded reverence only reserved for 'moneyed' men among 
the group. They are termed 'dons' in business because importers would 
most likely have landed properties and business ideas, hence they are the 
smallest and richest. Knowledge of business ideas and ideals are money 
yielding, and representative of money. They situate those in possession of 
them in a particular social class and that enhances the level of popularity 
such individuals can enjoy. Money in this form is not considered only 
from the limited perspective of economists, which limits money traits to 
commercial utilitarianism with functions such as medium of exchange, 
unit of account, store of value and liquid asset. Rather, in this instance, 
money's most elemental function, as Allen Dyer rightly reasons, is "the 
creation of a shared experience, within which capitalism may function."45 
The author further notes: "[Mjoney creates the conceptual milieu in which 
our imagination and behaviour are shaped, leading to the commodifica­
tion of nature and human life - both of which are quintessentially not 
commodities."46 The value and meaning accorded to money in Ladipo
Symbolic Representation of Money 183
Market is embedded in the ideas and processes critical to successful ex­
change of motor accessories given that real money means that which a par­
ticular people call money.
A teenage trader must start his money-making existence by spending 
years learning the ideas peculiar to his chosen trading line under an estab­
lished older trader who would have to 'settle7 him at the end of his tenure 
by providing him with initial 'money grant' which could come in a form 
of cash liquidity, ideas, goodwill, prayers, wares, shop and highly-valued 
business network. Importantly, if a master does not offer much cash dur­
ing settlement but is able to provide other prerequisites of successful busi­
ness life, the nwaboy can still succeed. This assistance from the, master 
when happily awarded, is essential constituents of the 'settlement money' 
touted among Igbo traders as central to success in business. A master who 
offers the commercial money component of the settlement package but 
withholds other elements like ideas, goodwill and prayers stands the 
chance of being accused of being responsible, through diabolical agencies, 
on the event of his nwaboy's early failure in business. Commercial money 
offered grudgingly, without goodwill and prayers, are often presumed to 
be ogwu ego (ritual money), which is often believed to mysteriously return 
to the master or giver. The volume of settlement package and the mood of 
the master at the point of its transmission to the nwaboy reflect the nature 
of the relationship between the Master and the nwaboy prior to the period 
of settlement and gives clues to the future of their relationship over the 
course of their lives. The Master7s attitude from the onset is determined by 
his assessment of the nwaboy's level of honesty and dedication to duty. A 
master would most often grumble at the end of his nwaboy's tenure if there 
are sufficient grounds for doubt of his (nwaboy's) honesty and loyalty. 
Some masters would deliberately fail to offer any form of grant if they feel 
their nwaboy have plundered their shops. Often such mvaboy, if discovered 
earlier, is most likely returned to his parents early in his apprenticeship 
years without any settlement.
There is a small number of female motor spare parts traders in Ladi- 
po, most of them importers. They operate mostly at the warehouses, but a 
few also have shops in the markets. Female traders also acquire male odibo 
who serve tire normal five to seven-year term and receive grants. Most 
times the apprentice is a relative of the female importer. The common 
practice is for a female trader who aspires to trade in motor spare parts to 
acquire an apprentice, who is in turn sent to a male trader for imu ahia. 
The male trader is paid to train the young Odibo between six months and 
one year. They learn it through their boys because as Agozino and Anya- 
dike observe, "it is rare to find a girl who is apprenticed to a man, unless 
working as a store clerk/sales girl who is usually salaried."47 Most female 
traders noticed at Ladipo were older women, those who are above child­
184 Igbo Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
bearing age. The young apprentice lives with his Madam throughout his 
apprenticeship period. At the end of the imu ahici, the female trader opens 
a shop which the apprentice runs as shop manager until the end of his 
apprenticeship. She also goes to import goods which the Odibo manages at 
the warehouse. The apprentice also aids in enlightening the mistress on 
the intricacies of the trade. Female traders seldom know the 'mysteries' of 
the business.
Also observed at Ladipo Market is that there are lots of university 
graduates hading in the market. They come through their relatives who 
are already established in the trade. This category of graduates enrolls in 
the short-term training programme of 'imu ahia.' In the words of an in­
formant, Okwuchukwu, "As graduates, their business styles and methods 
are different. They apply their academic knowledge to business here."48
Every aspect of social interaction in Ladipo Market seems monetised. 
Thought patterns are designed and measured in standards prescribed by 
money. Friendship, kinship or brotherliness within the market, for in­
stance, are expressed and understood in the language of money. A brother 
who withholds from his brother a business deal or information leading to 
particular- money yielding business deal is regarded as an enemy. In fact, 
most brothers in Ladipo market end up as foes owing to disagreements in 
money transactions or regarding 'settlement package,' especially when 
tire Master and nwaboy relationship are between two brothers. Yet, two 
strangers may also become indissoluble 'brothers' due to a thriving busi­
ness relationship. So, money may have caused renegotiation of kinship 
ties in Ladipo Market. This constructivist model of kinship relationship 
makes kinship affiliation more negotiable than earlier stipulated. Most 
traders also conduct business with others based on their perceived shared 
origin. It is common for traders from the same town or state to regard 
themselves as related and offer themselves mutually beneficial assistance. 
But generally, traders, especially individuals in a particular trading line or 
union have formed a new kinship system different from what obtains in 
Igbo culture based on new standards created by money. 'Kin' members 
contribute burial money, child dedication money, court/police money, 
marriage money and other funds that cater for tire welfare of members. 
There are also contributory funds from which individuals draw money to 
fund special gaiety, especially tire annual festivities, like Christmas or 
Easter, which members need to observe in Igbo villages and towns.
CONCLUSION
The subject of this article has been to give insights into the symbolic repre­
sentations of money among the Igbo traders in Ladipo Market. Money has 
become the most important social phenomenon around which are built
Symbolic Representation of Money 185
other cultural elements of human society. Across time and space, the pri­
mary function of money as means of exchange and business transactions 
remains. Groups and individuals live their lives working to make money 
or learning in order to make money. Money is an aspect of culture but at 
the same time evolves particular kinds of cultures. Individuals evaluate 
their life-worth by the amount of money they make. Values, privileges 
and social statuses are also attached to individuals by their societies as­
sessing their possession of cultural goods, which the society imbues with 
significance.
Undoubtedly objects, ideas arid practices are represented as symbolic 
of money. At Ladipo Market, tire dynamic of intra-group relations as me­
diated by money has led to a reconstruction of kinship ties. One's kin are 
not only those that are affiliated to the individual consanguineously or by 
marriage, but as constructed through friendship in shared business ideals 
that are economically rewarding to those involved. The reconstructed cul­
tural values reflect an attempt to survive in a highly competitive and indi­
vidualistic urban society. Shared symbols of money and monetised goods 
are exemplified in the lifeways of traders in. Ladipo market where symbol- 
isation of money is built around the phenomenon of importation, import­
er, imam anya ahia, landed properties, shops, and latest models of automo­
biles and their accessories.
Monetised values, habits and behaviours existing in Ladipo Market 
throw light on how individuals and their interactions with their environ­
ment can engender cultural meanings. These 'webs of significance' the 
traders have spun can only be understood through interpretation and a 
critical search for meanings. The significance of hade in foreign-used 
goods, and in this case motor parts and their accessories, in the life of pre­
sent-day Nigerians reflects how cultural change has shaped 'significanc­
es.' Change in technology brings about a change in. cultural practices and 
meanings. 'Importation', 'importer', anya ahia, latest automobiles and their 
accessories and their names, and houses both at home and in the city are 
imbued with cultural meanings mediated by money. These symbols of 
money are marks of an individual's achievement, success, and a sign of 
distinction between and amongst people.
NOTES
1 See Allen Dyer, "M aking Semiotic Sense of Money as a  M edium of Exchange, 
journal o f Economics (1989), 23:503-510
2 Joe Dominguez and Vicky Robin, Your Money or Your Life, (New York: Penguin 
Books, 1992), 24.
3 Ib id , 23.
4 V. C. Uchendu, The Igbo o f South East Nigeria, (New York: Thom pson International 
Publishing, 1965), 15.
18-5 Igbo Studies Review No. 7, (2019): 164-187.
5 Ibid.
6 Ukpokolo, Chinyere, Endogenous Peace Processes and the Resolution of Aju- 
Afughi Religio-Cuitural Conflict in Nanka, Southeastern Nigeria, Orita Ibadan Journal o f 
Religious Studies Vol. XLflI/2 No. 2  (2011): 177-200.
7 R. M . Keesing and F. M. Kessing, New Perspectives in Cultural Anthropology, (New 
York: Holt, Rinehart &  W inton, 1971), 23.
8 G. O. Nwankwo, The Grammar o f Money: Inaugural Lecture, University of Lagos, 
1978.
9 Janies Peoples, and Garrick Bailey, Humanity: An Introduction to Cultural 
Anthropology, (Belm ont Thom son W ordsworth, 2003), 156.
10 Simon Smelt, "M oney's Place in  Society," Tlie British Journal o f Sociology, 31 (2) 
(1980): 210.
11 James Peoples, and Garrick Bailey, Humanity: An Introduction to Cultural 
Anthropology, (Belm ont Thom son Wordsworth, 2003), 157.
12 Sim on Smelt, M oney's Place in Society, The British Journal o f  Sociology, 31 (2), 
(1980), 206.
13 Marcel Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason for  Exchange in Archaic Societies, 
(London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1970), 92.
14 Bronislaw M alinowski, Argonauts o f the Western Pacific (London: Routledge and 
Kegan Paul,1922).
15 Bright Muller, Commodities as Currencies: The integration of Overseas Trade 
into the Internal Trading Structure of the Igbo of South East Nigeria. Cahiers d'Etudes 
Africanines 25 (7) (1985), 205.
16 Viviana Zelizer, The Social Meaning o f  Money: Pin Money, Paychecks, Poor Relief and 
Other Currencies (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), 19.
17 Viviana A. Zelizer, "T he Social Meaning of Money: Special Monies," American 
Journal o f  Sociology 95 (2) (1989): 334.
48 Anatol Rappaport, "T he Role of Symbols in H um an Behaviour," Review o f Gen­
eral Semantics 12 (3) (1955): 180.
19 Herbert Applebaum, Symbolic and Humanistic Anthropology in Perspective, Cultural 
Anthropology, (Albany: State University of New York, 1987), 477.
20 M. Haralambos and H. Robin, Sociology: Themes and Perspective (New Delhi: Ox­
ford University Press, 1980), 5.
21 Ibid., 5.
22 See Uchendu, The Igbo o f  South East Nigeria, 15.
23 See Uchendu, 77k Igbo o f  South East Nigeria-, Chinyere Ukpokolo, "Self Identity' 
and Chieftaincy Titles among the Igbo of South-eastern Nigeria," LUMINA: Interdisci­
plinary and Research Journal o f  Holy Name University, Vol. 20. (2009): 1-23.
24 Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation o f  Culture, (New York: Basic Books, 1973).
25 James Peacock, "Sym bolic and Psychological Anthropology': The Case of Pente­
costal Faith H ealing," Societyf or  Psychological Anthropology 20 (1) (1984): 38.
26 Marv Des Chene, "Symbolic Anthropology," Encyclopedia o f  Cultural Anthropolo­
gy, (1996)/174.
27 Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure, (Chicago: Aldine 
Publications Co., 1969); M ary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis o f Concepts o f  Pol­
lution and Taboo, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978).
28 Geertz, 91.
29 Ibid., 5.
Symbolic Representation of Money 187
30 George Spindler and Louise Spindler, "Ethnography: An Anthropological 
V iew ," Educational Horizons 64 (4) (1985): 155.
31 David Mandelbaum, "T he Study of Life History: Gandhi," Current Anthropology 
14 (3) (1973), 177.
32 M.B. Miles and A. M. Huberman, Qualitative Data Analysis, (Thousand Oaks, 
CA: Sage, 1994), 8.
33 Emily Stier Adler and R. Clark, How It's Done: An Invitation to Social Research 
(Belm ont Thom son W ordsworth, 2008), 454.
34 Keesing and Kessing, New Perspectives in Cultural Anthropology, 23.
35Ayokunle Olumuyiwa Omobowale, The Tokumbo Phenomenon and the Second-
Hand Economy in Nigeria (Oxford: Peter Lang 2013), 1.
36 Fieldwork, 13, November, 2015.
37 Kelechi, Personal communication, 21 November, 2015.
38 Jude, Ifeanyi and Chinedu, Fieldwork, 29 November, 2015.
39 Ben Naanen, "Econom y within an Economy: The Manilla Currency, Exchange 
Rate Instability and Social Conditions in  South-Eastern Nigeria, 190048 ," The Journal o f  
African History 34 (3) (1993): 437.
40 Chuks, Joe, Ifeanyi, Fieldwork, 29 November, 2015.
41 Raphael C. Njoku, "Ogaranya" (Wealthy M en) in Late Nineteenth Century Ig- 
boland: Chief Igwebe Odum of Arondizuogu, c.1860-1940," African Economic History 
36(2), (2008): 36.
42 Chima Korieh, "Yam  is King! But Cassava is the M other of all Crops: Farming, 
Culture, and Identity in Igbo Agrarian Econom y," Dialectical Anthropology 31(1/3), 
(2007): 223.
43 Nedu, Fieldwork, 19 November, 2015.
44 Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation o f  Culture (New York: Basic Books, 1973).
45 Allen Dyer, "M aking Semiotic Sense of M oney as a M edium of Exchange," Jour­
nal o f  Economics 23 (1989): 505.
4* Ibid, 505.
47 Biko Agozino and Ike Anyadike, "Im u  Ahia: Traditional Igbo and Global Com­
merce Culture," Dialectical Anthropology (2007) 31:242-243.
48 Okwuchukwu, Personal communication, 21 November, 2015.
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