Gender and female reproductive
communication in Ugep, Nigeria
KOBLOWE OBONO, Ph.D and OKA OBONO, Ph.D
Abstract
Gender affects the communication of female reproductive matters in Ugep.
Biological and cultural determinism of gender stratification theories help
explain this sex-based interaction. The functionalists suggest that families
are organized along instrumental-expressive lines, with men specializing in
instrumental tasks and women in expressive ones. Accordingly, the study
reveals that mothers play a greater role in the communication of female
sexual and reproductive health matters. They are evaluated better
communicators, more frequent communicators and with less negative
styles of communication. This finding shows a gendered communication
structure where there exist very little discussions among fathers and
daughters. Rather than sexuality communication, fathers’ conversation is
focused on education, career aspiration, child discipline and material
provision. Mothers were thus identified as playing the major expressive
role in female communication. Gender-role attitude is therefore
significantly associated with reproductive communication in the family.
Key Words: Communication, Reproductive Health, Gender, Adolescents Girls,
Roles
Introduction
The construction of female sexuality is derived from parental communication in the
family. It is a gender-based interaction where mothers and fathers have different levels of
commitment in discussing sexual and reproductive matters with adolescent daughters.
This communication is vital because of the concern over adolescent reproductive health
outcomes. The apprehension stems from the fact that young people, especially girls, are
the most vulnerable segment of the population with challenging reproductive health
issues. They are exposed to unintended pregnancy, clandestine and unsafe abortions,
multiple sexual partners, maternal mortality and sexually transmitted infections,
including HIV/AIDS. Adolescents are sexually active and with a high prevalence of
reproductive health diseases because they lack information and adequate access to
reproductive health services. Worldwide, they are described as facing social, economic
and health challenges that were unimaginable decades ago. Although their educational
prospects are improving, and marriage and childbearing are occurring at later, more
mature stages, there still remain areas of reproductive concerns.
Against this background, adolescent girls remain a critical group in Nigeria.
Educating and exposing them to the right information is essential to reducing child and
maternal morbidity and mortality, HIV/AIDS, among others. While some authors have
argued that adolescence is “an artificial phase thrust upon us by an industrial society”
*Koblowe Obono, Ph.D Mass Communication Department, College of Development Studies, Covenant
University Ota, Nigeria
**Oka Obono, Ph.D, Sociology Department, Faculty of the Social Sciences, University of Ibadan, Nigeria
JCMRJournal of Communication and Media Research, Vol. 2, No. 2, October 2010, 67 – 76 .
© Delmas Communications Ltd.
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Koblowe Obono, and Oka Obono: Gender and Female Reproductive Communication 68
.(Apter, 1990: 24), others view it as a purely transient phase in human
development whose accompanying crises will disappear with time. There is need
to investigate the complex demands society makes on this cohort through
existing communication and social control.
In spite of this debate, the interest in female sexuality has not been accompanied by a
corresponding level of knowledge on patterns of parent-daughter communication.
Ordinarily, girls’ access to sexuality information in the family is curtailed, although effort
is now made to intensify sexuality communication to maximize personal goals. The
contribution of fathers in this communication remains questionable but the key difference
lies in the relative theoretical emphasis placed on either biological determinism or the
autonomy of culture. The paper explains how gender affects the communication
processes implied in female sexuality.
Theories of Gender Stratification
Men and women differ in their access to privilege, prestige, and power due to the
stratification of gender. The problem of who does what, when, and how has traditionally
been answered in favour of males. All societies use anatomical differences to assign
gender roles but gender identities are the conceptions people have of themselves as being
male or female. Theories of the sex hierarchy help explain the origins and consequences
of women’s status in society. Two notable theories in this regard are biological and
cultural determinism. Gender is a means of explaining the hierarchical positions and
power that underlie inequality. It manifests as differential possessions, prerogatives,
freedom as well as honour, status and prestige.  These differential privileges relate to
mothers in semi-urban societies.
Summarizing the various perspectives of gender inequality, Hughes et al (2002) state
the position of different theorists. The Functionalists suggest that families are organized
along instrumental-expressive lines, with men specializing in instrumental tasks and
women in expressive ones. Conflict theorists contend that a sexual division of labor is a
social vehicle devised by men to ensure themselves of privilege, prestige, and power in
their relationships with women. The Interactionists argue that gender inequality persists
because of the way men and women are defined. Feminists argue that women are
disadvantaged because society is patriarchal. Gender roles can thus be seen as arising
from biological development or cultural contributions.
Women are biologically different from men. Some of their roles also differ, leading
to disagreement about the exact nature and consequences of this difference. Some
sociologists, anthropologists and psychologists argue that it is sufficient to explain the
basic sexual division of labour in all societies. With the rise of Women’s Liberation
Movement, the reason for a sex-based division of labour and women’s role has been
debated. The first group maintains that sexual division of labour is determined by
biologically or genetically based differences between men and women.
The nature of this determinism has been characterized by Tiger and Fox (1971) as
the human biogrammar.  According to them, women are programmed by their
biogrammar to reproduce and care for children because “nature intended mother and
child to be together”. This explains their close emotional bond as a genetically based
predisposition which is particularly important for the welfare of the child.    In a cross-
cultural study, Peter Murdock in Haralambos and Holborne (2004) found hunting,
lumbering and mining as predominantly male roles, while domestication was largely
female’s. The woman is tied to home-based activities because of her physique and
biological function of childbearing and nursing.
Parsons characterizes the woman’s role in the family as expressive, one that talks
more often and provides warmth, security and emotional support. This attribute is viewed
essential for effective socialization of the young. However, the inability of the biological
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Koblowe Obono, and Oka Obono: Gender and Female Reproductive Communication 69
determinant to completely answer the gender role question and its complete neglect of the
autonomy of culture brought about the consideration of the cultural factor.
The autonomy of culture is the antithesis of biological determinism. The cultural
approach attempts to locate sexual differences within the framework of cultures. Oakley
in Haralambos and Holborne (2004) argue that culture, not biology, determines the
behaviour of sexes. Her observation of the Mbuti pygmies of the Congo rain forest
revealed that both sexes took hunting and caring of children as a shared activity and
responsibility of husband and wife. Although Aken'Ova (2004) believes in sociobiology,
he notes that culture makes it possible to 'counter' the dictates of genes. Humans are able
to do so because of their biological sense of awareness. Cultural factors thus vary among
societies and are influenced by changes in the society.
Methodology
The study was conducted through the survey method and complemented with focus group
discussions (FGDs) and in-depth interviews (IDIs). The combination of qualitative and
quantitative methods permitted the extraction of descriptive, narrative, analytic and
observational information concerning the study problem. These research methods are
used to gain deeper understanding of reproductive communication processes. Qualitative
methods enabled the explanation of certain behavioural patterns of men and women as
well as the communication that corresponds to it.
The survey targeted women aged 35 years and above and girls aged 10-19 years in
Ugep, Cross River State. The age of mothers enabled the extraction of information from
women who already have adolescent girls at the time of research.  Questionnaires were
administered to 446 mothers and 447 daughters, giving a total of 893 respondents. For in-
depth understanding of the phenomena, 15 in-depth interviews (IDIs) of men, women,
and adolescent girls were conducted. 6 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) of adolescent
girls and women provided further clarification on the nature of sexuality communication
in the family.
Qualitative modes of data analysis provided ways of discerning, examining,
comparing, and interpreting meaningful patterns. The mass of words generated by
interviews and focus group discussions were described and summarized, relating ideas to
biological characteristics of respondents. Descriptive method of analysis was used to
determine the role of gender in communication. Quantitative data were analyzed with the
statistical package for the social sciences (SPSS) and data presented in numerical form,
Qualitative data complemented survey findings. Data are presented in words, describing
how individuals and groups view and understand the world and construct meaning out of
their experiences.
Results
The research sample comprised 893 respondents. The ages of sampled daughters are
grouped into preteens (10 –12 years) or 11.1 percent of the sample; early teens (13 –15
years) or 30.2 percent; and late teens (16 –19 years) or 58.6 percent. The proportion of
late teens is higher and significant as they comprise girls that have passed through the
different phases of adolescence and could provide insightful information on sexuality
communication based on their experiences. They provided the adolescent “point of view”
information on the communication processes that occur in the family, especially with
mothers and fathers. The ages of mothers were quinquennially grouped with the highest
representations being mothers aged 34-39 years (24 percent) and 40-45 years (22.4
percent).  The least represented are mothers aged 55-59 years (9.8 percent).
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Koblowe Obono, and Oka Obono: Gender and Female Reproductive Communication 70
Gender Roles in Female Sexuality
Mothers play the greater role in female sexuality. They achieve this through female to
female communication which enables the patterning of girls’ sexual behaviour.
Comparing the roles of mothers with fathers, respondents attributed the moulding of
daughters’ sexuality image to mothers. This communication results in shaping,
safeguarding and determining girls’ sexuality. Accordingly, 77.4 percent of respondents
indicated that mothers determine girls’ sexuality, 90.1 percent added that mothers
safeguard female sexuality, while 87.7 stated that mothers shape daughters’ sexuality
(Table 1). Only 2.9 percent and 11.6 percent of fathers respectively safeguard and shape
girls’ sexual and reproductive health outcomes.
Table 1: Gender roles and female sexuality communication
Variables Daughter Mother Total
No % No % No %
Who determines
daughter’ sexual
behaviour 113 26 77 17.5 190 21.7
Father 318 73.1 359 81.6 677 77.4
Mother 4 0.9 4 0.9 8 0.9
Others N=435 100 N=440 100 N=875 100
Who safeguards
daughter’s
reproductive 53 12.4 27 6.1 80 9.2
health 375 87.4 409 92.7 784 90.1
Father 1 0.2 5 1.1 6 0.7
Mother N=429 100 N=441 100 N=870 100
Others
Who shapes
daughter’s
reproductive  life 62 15.1 35 8.2 97 11.6
Father 345 83.9 391 91.4 736 87.7
Mother 4 1.0 2 0.5 6 0.7
Others N=411 100 N=428 100 N=839 100
This may be related to cultural construction where specific responsibilities in the
home are directed to certain individuals based on their gender. These sex-related duties
are passed down from generation to generation through socialization processes in the
family. Hence, consciously and unconsciously, intentional and unintentional, verbally
and nonverbally, parents constantly discuss the appropriate ways of behaviour with
children. For example, while most boys are socialized to be in control (with toy guns),
girls are exposed to house chores and caring for siblings (with dulls).
Gender and Female Reproductive Communication
Reproductive communication is important to point females to appropriate ways of
behaviour. Through it, parents inform, educate, persuade and discuss health and social
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Koblowe Obono, and Oka Obono: Gender and Female Reproductive Communication 71
issues with girls. Mothers relative to fathers engage daughters in sexuality
communication. Table 2 reveals that 95 percent of mothers frequently discuss sexuality
with daughters relative to 4 percent of fathers. The effort to equip, maintain and sustain
girls with sexual and reproductive health knowledge is thus handled by mothers but
effectiveness in communication is to a large extent depends on the level of freedom
enjoyed by communicators. Adolescents should be encouraged to freely state their views,
ask questions and express themselves without condemnation from parents. This is
important since the sexuality aspirations of most secondary school students are
influenced by the media (Obono and Obono, 2009).
Table 2: Gender and reproductive communication with daughters
Variables Daughter Mother Total
No % No % No %
Who frequently N=437 100 N=438 100 N=875 100
discusses
reproductive matters
with daughter: 24 5.5 11 2.5 35 4.0
Father 410 93.8 424 96.8 834 95.3
Mother 3 0.7 3 0.7 6 0.7
Others
Who is girl free with N=432 100 N=440 100 N=872 100
during reproductive
communication 22 5.1 8 1.8 30 3.4
Father 393 91.0 425 96.6 818 93.8
Mother 17 3.9 7 1.6 24 2.8
Others
Who daughter N=426 100 N=440 100 N=866 100
mostly rely on for
reproductive advice 33 7.7 13 3.0 46 5.3
Father 375 88.0 421 95.7 796 91.9
Mother 18 4.2 6 1.4 24 2.8
Others
Who girl confides in N=431 100 N=441 100 N=872 100
during reproductive
problems. 17 3.9 6 1.4 23 2.6
Father 389 90.3 417 94.6 806 92.4
Mother 25 5.8 18 4.1 43 4.9
Others
Mothers were also identified as encouraging participatory communication. About 94
percent of females noted that girls are freer with mothers during reproductive
communication than fathers. This freedom brings about reliance on mothers for
reproductive advice (92 percent). Daughters also confide in mothers most times they are
confronted with reproductive health challenges. Only 2.6 percent confide in fathers
because reproductive communication with fathers is low.
The results portray a gender-based socialization process in which there is little
communication between girls and their fathers. This shows that traditional gender
constructions and social norms hinder discussions of sexual and reproductive health
issues among adolescent females and their fathers. Gender-role attitude is significantly
associated with reproductive health communication. This implies that, gender-role
attitudes matter for discussing sexual matters with specific members of the family.
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Koblowe Obono, and Oka Obono: Gender and Female Reproductive Communication 72
Qualitative research corroborates this finding. Girls in IDIs noted the non holistic
attitude of fathers in communicating with them. Their interaction is usually limited to
some issues, overlooking sexuality. Their discussions are focused on education and
career aspirations. Fathers rarely discuss sexuality because they are more interested in
daughters’ education; material provision, discipline and provision for the family. Hence,
they have limited time to discuss sexuality with daughters. Although this is the opinion of
girls, this attitude is questionable since fathers have enough time discussing other issues.
Reasons adduced to the role of mothers in female sexuality include the fact that
daughters are closer to their mothers by nature and nurture, mothers are more at home to
identify and attend to daughters’ sexuality needs and the belief that the society has
designed it so. According to a woman:
It is difficult for a man to discuss sexuality with his daughters. There are
very few men that have this kind of time. All the work is done by the
mother because daughters are closer to their mothers. The society looks up
to the woman to bring up her daughter in the right way to bring respect and
honour to the family. We tell them as early as possible how to behave…
We take this seriously because when the girl becomes bad, people will
blame the mother, not the father, for the child’s behaviour.
Although this view is held by most mothers, others noted that some fathers sometimes
discuss with their daughters because they are duty-bound to do so. They easily contribute
when they find their wives talking to girls. According to females, some fathers are not
totally complacent but believe that the task to discuss sexuality with daughters is to a
large extent the mother’s.  In the words of a young mother:
Some fathers do not speak sexuality with their daughters because they are
not very close to them. It is women that mostly do so but when the father
hears the mother talking to the daughter on some delicate issues, he then
adds his own opinion. Even when fathers talk, they use fewer words to
capture many issues.
Another woman added:
Fathers will say “it is the duty of the mother to talk to the daughter because
it is not my concern”. They would say “If I have to do this, I will beat her
and kill her and people will come and carry her dead body”. Fathers are not
so eager because they see this as a woman’s business. They feel the mother
has more and better knowledge of what goes on with the girl as well as the
happenings in the town. She has to tell her daughter how to behave and
also inform her that as she is maturing, she may be pregnant or get sickness
if she sleeps around with men.
Views about fathers’ communicative behaviour are not only held by mothers as daughters
in FGDs stated that fathers hardly spoke to them about sexuality. According to them,
fathers spend less time at home to understand their sexuality needs and challenges. This
contributes to their passivity and inability to fully identify with daughters’ sexuality
communication.
Addressing the issues from a holistic viewpoint devoid of systemic error, bias and
unfair judgment, IDIs of fathers were conducted. They examined men’s views on girls’
sexuality including the place of fathers in communication. This information was used to
complement data obtained from females concerning the role of fathers in female
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Koblowe Obono, and Oka Obono: Gender and Female Reproductive Communication 73
sexuality. The findings clarified and further enriched understanding of the phenomenon.
They reveal that fathers discuss with daughters but not in similar manner and magnitude
as mothers.
Although all fathers noted dissatisfaction with the sexual activities of young girls,
some confirmed to having little or nothing to do with daughters’ sexuality. In their view,
since it is mothers that are more often with daughters, they should as well bear the greater
responsibility of pointing girls to socially acceptable ways of behaviour. Some fathers
complained about girls’ unchanging reproductive behaviour even after such interactions.
The interviewed men claimed that they discuss sexuality with their daughters but
noted that most men in the community do not. They indicated that mothers should bear
the greater responsibility in this training due to their biological similarities. Identical
make up would promote understanding and freedom of sexuality discussions. Some men
highlighted:
Father A: It is every man’s responsibility to ensure the sexual training of
his daughter but some men are not doing anything to help their daughters
to live sexually responsible. I communicate with my daughters but I can’t
say the same about other men. I do so not in a quarrelsome manner but my
daughters are always very uninterested.
Father B: I can’t see any way in which the men are helping their daughters
to live responsible sexual lives. If they were doing anything to help, there
would have been a difference… I can only speak for myself. I
communicate with my daughters and it has been an old time practice and
my daughters do not see anything wrong with my discussions with them.
Father C: I can’t say if men actually engage daughters in sexuality
communication. I can not generalize the efforts men are putting into the
female sexuality. Some men are serious about it but others are not.
The discussions with fathers point to the fact that they do not exhibit the same level of
commitment and enthusiasm as mothers. The pattern of communication matters. Why are
daughters “always very uninterested”? What is the response of fathers to this attitude? Do
fathers have alternative strategies that ensure successful communication with daughters
or do they simply give up and allow daughters to behave as they like? These and many
more questions could be asked regarding female sexuality communication by fathers.
Refraining has become the easiest way out for fathers concerning female reproductive
communication.
Discussions with mothers, daughters and fathers show that fathers are often
impatient with their daughters and this discourages communication. Mothers on the other
hand are consistent, persistent and persevere with young girls despite challenges. Some
men clarified that they become impatient and refrain from discussing with their daughters
when they do not observe changes in their conduct. Certain communication approaches
discourage father–daughter interaction. According to fathers, men communicate through
various methods; “some men often go about it in an irrational and angry manner therefore
making daughters mute and incapable of asking questions and expressing themselves”.
This attitude affects father-daughter reproductive communication.
Although most men initially noted that “both fathers and mothers have equal
responsibility on sexuality education of the girl-child”, they concluded by stating that
mothers bear the greater task. In other words, the biological determinism factor was
highlighted as a contributory factor. This is expressed in the utterances of fathers who
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Koblowe Obono, and Oka Obono: Gender and Female Reproductive Communication 74
believe that mothers and daughters have the same sexual features, which automatically
make it easier for both to understand themselves. Summarizing, a father observed:
Both father and mother determine daughter’s sexuality behaviour but
mothers should discuss more frequently because both of them are females
and would understand each other easily. Mothers should communicate
more because they have the same biology.  Generally, mothers are doing
their best to help their daughters move in the right direction. I feel mothers
should educate daughters more on sexuality because of their identical
anatomy.
Based on biological and sociocultural expectation, girls’ sexual outcomes are usually
attributed to mothers. Accordingly, a father stated that changes in daughters’ sexual
behaviour are a result of “the carelessness of parents especially the mothers to train up
their girls”. Some of the mothers in FGDs blamed fathers for their inability to correct
their daughters because they too are guilty of sexual impropriety with young girls. Men in
this category are unable to communicate sexuality with their daughters as they have no
moral justification for doing so.
Discussion
The discourse of reproductive communication among parents and daughters has been a
long standing one. This is because of the identification that adolescents’ sexual and
reproductive health is a challenge as well as an opportunity. Adolescents are a key cohort
that lack accurate reproductive health information, skills in negotiating sexual
relationships, and access to affordable confidential reproductive health services. Many
adolescents were uncomfortable discussing sexuality with parents or adults. Likewise,
parents, health care workers, and educators were unwilling or unable to provide
complete, age-appropriate reproductive health information to young people. This is
attributed to their discomfort about the subject matter or the false belief that providing
this information would increase adolescent sexual activity. Poor sexuality knowledge and
lack of sexual health information and services have placed young girls at risks of
pregnancy, abortion, STIs, and HIV/AIDS (Casey, 2001; Isiugo-Abanihe et al, 2002).
Despite widespread agreement that parents should play a large role in the sexuality
education of their children, both parents and teenagers find communication about sex and
sexuality difficult. The limited discussions around sex and sexuality are not shared
equally by fathers and mothers. Sexuality communication styles of mothers were
described as more positive than those of fathers. Specifically, mothers were evaluated as
better sexuality communicators, as more frequent communicators and as having less
negative styles of communication than fathers.  Hence, both culturally and in the view of
daughters, mothers have an important role to play in family life education of adolescent
girls.
The role women perform is biologically and culturally determined. Gender roles
arise from biological development or cultural contributions. The biological aspects of
gender consist of the physical differences between men and women, but the role biology
plays in producing behavioural differences is shrouded in controversy. Gender roles
probably represent the earliest division of labor among humans but various societies have
specific social definitions of appropriate behaviour for males and females.
A sex-based division of labour exposes women to decisive step in constructing
female sexuality. Their role in contemporary social structure is not only expressive but
constructive. They are instrumental for the production and reproduction of female
sexuality. In their dual responsibilities, women perform active roles in the industrial,
managerial and ministerial sectors of the economy in addition to family duties. Globally,
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Koblowe Obono, and Oka Obono: Gender and Female Reproductive Communication 75
women’s roles have transcended subordination to development partners. They encounter
challenging tasks in the society and at family level.
Gender power relations within marriage, particularly the degree of dominance and
asymmetry have determined the role of each spouse in the management of households.
What is clear from a gender perspective is that there are important differences between
men and women and such differences are not expected to be exploitative but
complementary. However, men’s roles as husbands and fathers in many societies
continue to follow the traditional patriarchal order. The father perpetuates the values that
he grew up with, influencing attitudes towards the construction of female sexuality.
There remain opportunities for changing value systems and norms that define the
core of society because change is a constant aspect of human existence. Giddens’ (1984)
approach to social action is that of praxis, regular patterns of enacted conduct by active
actors who interact with each other in situations of habitual, reflexive, reflective, and
more conscious ways. His structures and systems also appear to be more dynamic and
less closed, so that they can accommodate many different forms of power and social
change. This reflects the true nature of change and the positive attitude of mothers and
daughters to interact and reflect on strategies toward reproductive development,
contradicting previous assumptions of the taboo status of sexuality in most African
settings.
Mother-daughter communication may support other processes, including non-
communicative, evolutionarily adaptive processes for survival and reproduction.
Communication is expected to develop self-organizing systems, given certain
assumptions. Women and men have individual functions to perform that will contribute
to the operation of the society. There is need for continuous modification of the state of
individuals and groups to accommodate social change.
The multiple roles of the mother as a home keeper, care giver and wage worker has
diverse implications. Children could easily be exposed to ‘foreign’ worldviews or
affected by friends and media. Diffusion of reproductive innovations through social
interaction can however accelerate change. Informal social interaction is gendered and
promotes the spread of reproductive innovations through learning and social influence. It
offers a powerful mechanism for coping with uncertainty and ambivalence of urban life.
This interaction further provides channels for the exchange and assessment of often
contradictory reproductive messages. Hence, informal mother-daughter discussions
complement formal channels. Exchanges on relative benefits and disadvantages occur
almost exclusively within the circuits of informal communication networks.
Gender communication is not limited to fathers, mothers and daughters. Warren
(2001) observes that mothers communicate sexuality more with daughters than with sons.
From a very early age, males and females are taught different linguistic practices.
Communicative behaviors that are acceptable for boys, for example, may be considered
completely inappropriate for girls. According to Mulvaney (2005), communicative
practices not only reflect notions about gender, but also create cultural concepts of
gender. Message sources privileged by society as legitimate knowledge generators create
a web of socially compelling discourses. Mothers’ attitudes toward daughters should be
that of care and trust to encourage freedom of speech, since adolescents feel intense need
for privacy and confidentiality.
Studies by the International Center for Research on Women (1996) illustrate the
critical role of gender and sexuality in influencing sexual interactions and people’s ability
to practice safe behaviours. They highlighted the importance of increasing women's
access to information and education, skills, services and social support to reduce their
vulnerability to HIV/AIDS and improve their reproductive health outcomes. As primary
socializing agents, mothers occupy a significant place in the discourse of female
reproductive communication.
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Conclusion
Women are identified as playing key roles in constructing female sexuality at a period of
social change. This function is performed and maintained through positive reproductive
communication patterns. The role women perform is biologically and culturally
determined through a sex-based division of labour. Gender differences and inequities
limit daughters from adequately gaining from fathers in the area of sexual and
reproductive communication.
Once parents recognize the importance of their own role in the education process,
programmes can focus on providing information and helping parents develop approaches
for communicating with their children. This would expose parents to tackling the sexual
and reproductive challenges of adolescents through the utilization of appropriate
communication structures. Because unintended pregnancy, maternal mortality and STDs,
including HIV/AIDS are much higher among adolescents, there is need to reach them
with reproductive health information as part of efforts for their development as well as
the resolution of reproductive health problems through family level communication.
Hence, the family has a great responsibility in training up its young to avert sexual and
reproductive health hazards.
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