The Faces of Muslim/Christian Peaceful Co-existence and Shurt'ah
Application in Nigeria by Dr. Ibrahim O. Uthman and D.'. Lateef O.
AbbasI
Abstract
This paper focuses on the complexity of peaceful coexistence between Muslims and
Christians in Nigeria and how this affects their understanding of the place of the
Shari' ah in modern Nigeria. This paper questions the popular reading of the origin and
development of the Shari'ah imb+-jlic in Nigeria and locates this in the desires of both
Muslims and Christians to claim their portions of the "national cake" or the nation's
resources. Though the paper agrees that there are indeed elements of what can be
termed 'political Islam and Christianity' in Muslim/Christian relations in Nigeria, it
explains how the prevailing Boko Haram quagmire can be traced to the dangerous play
with politics in Nigerian recent history. It finally shows how this menace can be curbed
through the application of some principles that intersect with Muslim/non-Muslim
peaceful coexistence, pluralism and religious dialogue as being realized in Malaysia
today. It also explains how this Malaysian example can help in re-directing the future
relations of Muslims and Christians in Nigeria towards a sustainable, peaceful,
multicultural, religious and equitable Nigerian society.
Key words: Shari'an Muslim/Christian relations, Inter religious conflicts, Dialogue
and Boko Hararn.
;';''''>.'
IIbrahim O. Uthman holds a PhD in Usul al-Din and Comparative Religion from the International Islamic
University, Malaysia. He is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Arabic and lslamic Studies at the
University of Ibadan and is currently the Business Manager of AI-Fikr, journal of Arabic and Islamic
Studies of the department. He is the immediate past Departmental PG Coordinator and 2013 Visiting
Scholar of the United States of America Institute of Religious Pluralism and Public Presence, University of
California, Santa, Barbara. He has taught at the universities in Nigeria and Malaysia. He Spent his 20 10
annual leave as a visiting lecturer at USIM, Mala) sia. He has also published in numerous journals
including American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences (20 I0), Islamic Studies (20 10),Journal of African
and oriental studies (2009) IKIM Journal ofIslam and International Affairs (2006), Journal ofIslam in Asia
(2005) and the Journal of Religion and Culture, (2000 and 200 I). He was a Consultant of the Mapping the
Global Muslim Population by Pew Research Centre, 2009.
Lateef O. Abbas is a Senior Lecturer at the Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies of the University of
Ibadan, Nigeria. He obtained his BA (Hons) in Arabic Language and Literature, MA in Arabic and Islamic
studies and PhD in Islamic Studies all i-.v:: the University of Ibadan specializing in Imamship Islamic
Institutions. He worked briefly, after his first degree, as a Producer at a state television and thereafter joined
the teaching profession at the higher institutions. He teaches Islamic Law (Shari'ah) and jurisprudence.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Introduction
Nigeria, a colonial creation, is today having a large Muslim population in the majority
and is made up of 36 federating units as seen in Figure 1. Pew Forum in a recent
demographical survey puts the Muslim population at 78,056,000, which was 50.4% ofthe
entire population.i estimated to be 154,500,000.3 Christians are estimated to be 50%,
40% while Traditional and other Religionists constitute the remaining 10%.
The national political system according to the Nigerian constitution is multicultural and
religious in nature and it has a multiple multicultural and religious constitutionally-based
legal system." In fact, the Nigerian constitution not only recognizes the rights of the
citizens to freedom of belief and worship, it also permits them the rights to propagate
their religious beliefs such as the implementation of the Sharf' ah and Common Law. The
Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria succinctly highlights these rights as
fundamental human rights to which all citizens, including women are entitled. It also
provides that nobody shall be made subject to any religious law by force in Nigeria that is
not with the person's accord' Hence, Muslim scholars in Nigeria generally uphold that
the country is constitutionally a multi-religious and not a secular society."
However the history of the implementation of the Sharf' ah in Nigeria has always been
characterized with many flaws leading to interreligious conflicts since the advent of
2 Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life Mapping the Global Muslim Population: A Report on the Size
and Distribution of the World's Muslim Population (Washington D. C.: Pew Research Centre, 2009), pp. 5
and 30.
3 C02 Emissions From Fuel Combustion Highlights (France, International Energy agency, 2012), p.88.
4 Ibrahim Olatunde Uthman, "Roles of Arabic and Islamic studies in a Secular Society" Journal offor
Nigerian Teachers of Arabic and Islamic Studies, (2002), 80-88
5 Federal Republic of Nigeria, The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, (Lagos: A Daily Times
Publications, 1979), Section 35, paragraph 2.
6 Rashid, Syed Khalid ed. Islamic law in Nigeria (Lagos: Islamic Publications Bureau, 1986 cited in
Uthman, Ibrahim Olatunde (2002) "Roles of Arabic and Islamic studies in a Secular Society."
2
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
colonialism in Nigeria. While many Christians opine that the political nature of Islam is
responsible for continual Muslims' agitation and its attendant Christian's opposition for
the implementation of the Shari'ah which the Nigerian constitution recognizes, it is
argued here that the Shari'ah imbroglio was created by the direct frictions of the mutual
and contending struggles for state power in order to garner the wealth of the country. This
study proceeds to explore a bnef history of the early Muslim/Christian encounter in
Nigeria and how the struggle for state power and the national wealth contributed mainly
to the rise of socio-cultural and religious cor tlicts in the country and the prevailing Boko
Haram quagmire. It then shows the need for Nigerians to adopt some policies that will
engender Muslim/non-Muslim peaceful coexistence, multiculturalism and human rights
among others and how some Shari'ah principles can be useful and desirable in re-
directing the future relations of Muslims and Christians in Nigeria towards a sustainable,
peaceful, multicultural, religious and a gender friendly and equitable united Nigerian
society.
Islam in Nigeria and Early Muslim/Christian Encounter
The history of Islam is very long and rich in the areas now known as Nigeria. While the
chronology of the advent of Islam in Nigeria remains debatable, according to Babatunde
Aliu Fafunwa, a foremost Nigerian professor and historian of education, Islam came into
Nigeria 300 years before the coming of Christianity." Though Wright puts the advent of
Islam in Nigeria as far back as the Seventh century," this is debatable as the advent of
Islam in the Kanuri Kingdoms of Kanem and Bomu took place around the 11th century.
The presence of Islam in Kanem-Bornu Empire has been documented in many reports
7 Aliu. B. Fafunwa, History of Education in Nigeria (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1982), p. 7.
8 R. Wright; "Islam and Liberal Democracy: Two Visions of Reformation" Journal of Democracy (1996),
vol. 7: 2, p. 66.
3
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
when Muhammad Mani introduced Islam into Kanem during the reign of Mai Bulu.9
Muhammad Mani and other traders from Fezzan introduced Islam into the Empire
through the trade routes between Tripoli and the Lake Chad Basin. JO However, Islam
came to many other areas of what is known as Nigeria today around the fourteenth
century. This is because of the very important role played by scholars from the old Mali
Empire in the entrenchment of Islam in these areas. At the time of the decline of the Mali
Empire, it was in Nigeria especially the Northern part, such as Kana, Katsina and Zaria,
that many of its scholars went to settle. Even the Yoruba in South-western Nigeria still
refer to Islam as "esin Imale" meaning the religion of Mali (Abdul, 1982:121). It is also
supported by the "Kano Chronicle" that documents the presence of Muslims in Kano by
the middle of the 14thcentury I I
Contrary to the view that Islam was not strong in Yoruba land (Southwest Nigeria) before
the coming of colonialist and Christianity, Islam can be said to have gained a strong
foothold as far back as the 1550s in Yoruba land according to S. Johnson when a Muslim
cleric, Baba-kewu reprimanded the Alaafin of Oyo for killing some of his subjects due to
the death of his son. The King was then compelled to apologize before the people. The
action taken by the cleric must have been the result of a strong Muslim presence and
influence, hence, J. O. Awolalu (1979) established that by 1840, Islam was fully
entrenched in Yoruba land and some Muslim communities were already flourishing. A
key factor that brought about this influence was the conversions to Islam by many kings
9 S. A. Balogun, "History ofIslam up to 1800" in Obaro Ikime (ed.) Groundwork of Nigerian History
(Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books, 1980), p. 211.
10 Christopher Steed, "The Islamic Heritage of Nigeria" in Christopher Steed and David Westerlund The
Triple Religious Heritage of Nigeria: The Essays (Uppsala: Teologiska lnstitutionen-Uppsala Universitet,
1995), p. 67. ,
11 H. A. R. Palmer, "Kano Chronicle" Sudanese Memoirs (1928), Vol. 3, pp. 104-105.
4
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
in Western Sudan. Another factor was the services rendered by Muslim clerics generally
to the Kings and warlords in Yoruba land. For instance, Bashorun Ga of Ibadan had a
Muslim spiritual mentor who came from Iwo,Aare Latosa also had Shaykh Bello as
spiritual mentor, while Alfa Ishaq was the spiritual adviser of Balogun Akere of lbadan.
These Muslim clerics rendered prayers for spiritual fortification especially during wars
.'1 \
(AbduIRahmon, 1989: 23-24).
By the time Lagos state became a British Colony, the influence of Islam had gained
momentum considerably among the Yoruba. It is on record that the Muslims in Lagos
actually petitioned the British Colonial Government in 1899, demanding for the
establishment of the Islamic legal system and Muib Opeloye, the: former Dean of the
Faculty of Arts, Lagos State University and a professor of Islamic Studies explains that
the strong presence of Islam in Yoruba land resulted in the establishment of Islamic
courts by some Yoruba Muslim traditional rulers in their domains (Muib, 2001).
Nonetheless, Christianity preceded :slam in other areas of what is known as Nigeria. For
instance the growth of Islam in the mid-western region during the colonial area was
largely the result of the efforts of migrant Muslim traders from northern and western
Nigeria. In 1890, it was reported that the establishment of a military base in Calabar, an
important Efik town facilitated the arrival of Muslim traders and the building of a
mosque. The natives were reportedly impressed by the dress and devotions of these
Muslims that Goldie of the Primitive Methodist Society in Calabar, concluded that in
5
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
time, the natives could begin to imitate them.12 From 1896 there were also reports of
Muslim elephant hunters from Kano in Elele, Port Harcourt. 13
In 1903, Muslims in eastern Nigeria were also reported to have been mainly traders, some
of whom did settle there before indigenous leaders such as Alhaji Sufiyan Agwasim, a
Roman catholic converted to Islam.14 Yet, despite the presence of migrant Hausa
Muslims in Igboland, from that time, Islam was mostly seen as the religion of the Hausas,
a belief that was deepened by the Nigerian civil war. IS By 1984, therefore, Abdurrahman
Doi, the Bangladesh Islamic scholar who was based in Nigeria at the time collected the
statistics of Igbo Muslims and put their figures at 3,450 persons. 16 In addition, in 1991
the figures were estimated at 10, 000 persons.!" Using a conversion rate of 1 Muslim for
every 1000 Christians, the figures can today be put at 16, 000 from an Igbo population of
over sixteen Million.18
The origin of Muslim/Christian Conflicts and the Shart'ai: Imbroglio
That Islam was therefore very strong in Nigeria Northern and Southwestern Nigeria
before the advent of Christianity in Nigeria created a great misunderstanding when
Christian missionaries started using Western education to Christianize non-Christians or
as an instrument of conversion. Through this educational evangelism, Christian
missionaries, indeed the Christian Church, succeeded beautifully in Yoruba land. Many
12 Hugh Goldie, Calabar and its Mission (Edinburgh: Oliphant Anderson and Ferrier, 190 I), pp. 352-354.
13 Abdulrazaq Kilani, Minaret in the Delta: Islam in Port Harcourt and its Environs 1896-2007 (Lagos:
Global Dawah Communications, 2008), pp. 42-43.
14 Peter B. Clarke, West Africa and Islam: A Study of Religious Development from the 8th to the zo"
Century (London: Edward Arnold Publishers Ltd., 1982), pp. 224-226 and 228-229.
15 Onwuka Njoku, "A synoptic Overview" in Toyin Faiola (ed.) Igbo History and Society: The Essays of
Adiele Afigbo (Trenton, NJ: African World Press, 2005), p. 37. '
16 Abdurrahman Doi, Islam in Nigeria (Zaria: Gaskiya Press, 1984), p. 181.
17 M. Akoshile and I. Umunna, "Igbo Muslims: Their Trials and triumphs" Citizen (1993) 4, p. 18l.
18 Egodi Uchendu, Dawnfor Islam in Eastern Nigeria' A History of the Arrival of Islam in Igboland
(Berlin: Studies on Modem Orient, Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2012), pp. 37-38.
6
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Muslims in order to go to school had to be converted to Christianity and became
Christians as Yusufbecame Joseph, LawaI Lawalson and Ibrahim Abraham among others
(Adekilekun, 1989: 1-83). The conversion of Muslims to Christianity through the Schools
led to the first religious conflict and indeed retarded Muslim education in Nigeria.
However as shown by Akintola (2008: 47),19 the colonialists lay the blame for this
retarded Muslim education "squarely on the Muslim doorsteps as reflected in Henry
Carr's" depiction of Muslims as clogs in the progress of colonial administration. This
depiction of the Muslims by the Colonial masters was in turn rejected by the Muslims as
reflected in Fafunwa's analysis that Muslim education was retarded because missionary
cum colonial education was irretrievably tied to Christianization?O This view is also
supported by a Christian and historian of the Ibadan school, Ayandele, who explained
how the Christian Church used education for conversion in Southern Nigeria, in
particular."
As a result of their revolt Muslim education along Western lines was retarded in the
North. For instance, according to Peter B. Clarke because the Emirs opposed the
introduction of English as the medium of in truction in schools, "one of the consequences
was that in places like Bauchi Emirate there were by 1952 only 18,000 people literate in
English out of a population of over one million, and in Kano the figure was 23,000 out of
a population of almost three and half million.,,22 The rejection of colonial education by
Muslims is not restricted to Nigeria as Muslims all over Africa tend to boycott colonial
19 Is-haq Akintola, "Islam in Africa" in Hussein Solomon, Akeem Fadare and Firoza Butler (eds.), Political
Islam and the State in Africa (South Af+ca: The Centre for International Political Studies, University of
Pretoria, 2008), p. 47.
20 Fafunwa, History of Education, p. 72.
21 E. A. Ayandele, The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria 1842-1914: A Political and Social Analysis
(London: Longman, 1966), p. 129.
22 Clarke, West Africa and Islam, pp. 192-193.
7
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
schools because of discrimina.icn against them and the attendant conversion to
Christianity. In fact, it was the case in Kenya where Muslim education was retarded for
many years because of the fear of conversion to Christianity.r' This is also the case in
Ethiopia where Muslims were converted to Christianity in missionary schools, leading to
a long and turbulent history in the country.i" Some scholars have contrasted this
retardation of Muslim education with the 19th Century Sokoto Jihad of Sheikh Usman
Dan Fodio and the defunct Sokoto Caliphate in pre-colonial Northern Nigeria which have
been linked to the conversion of non-Muslims to Islam in the north and other West
African Countries such as Gambia.
According to historical reports, non-Muslims, some of whom were targeted by the 19th
Century Sokoto Jihad suffered bitterly during both the Jihad and Sokoto caliphate that
followed it. This included forced conscription into Islam, the raging army and feudal
emirate system under the caliphate. The fourth Bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Sokoto,
a versatile scholar, Bishop Dr. Fr. Matthew Hassan Kukah and the founder and General
Coordinator of the Interfaith Council of Muslim and Christian Women's Associations in
Kaduna, Sr. Kathleen McGarvey describe the Sokoto Caliphate founded after the 19th
Century Sokoto Jihad by Usman Dan Fodio as follows:
By far the most relevant source of conflict between Christians and Muslims in
Nigeria today lies in the historical narratives about relationships between the
various ethnic groups in the northern part of the country after the emergence of
the Sokoto caliphate in 1804. This caliphate had come into being after the bitter
wars led by Usman Dan Fodio, a Fulani scholar in the palace of one of the Hausa
23 A. H. S. El-Busaidy, "Islam in Kenya" in Hussein Solomon and Firoza Butler (eds.) Islam in the 2 I"
Century, 47.
24 C. N. Ubah, Islam in African History (Kaduna: Baraka Press and Publishers Ltd., 2001), 45-73.
8
UNIVERSITY OF I ADAN LIBRARY
rulers, who mobilized other Muslims and overran the Hausa city states through a
Jihad. Many Hausas who until then had practiced African Traditional Religions
became Muslims during the period."
Hence, the British conquest of caliphate in 1903 was seen as "liberation by both a section
of the Hausas and the overwhelr.vj non-Muslims who had lived under the oppression of
the caliphate.t''" Consequently, it follows as earlier shown by Kukah that this and other
experiences still account for some of the tensions generally in the relations between
Muslims and Christians in Nigeria. Since the caliphate came into being through wars
coupled with the above deprivations suffered' by non-Muslims, Islam came to be seen and
judged through this lens, especially by the less-privileged Nigerians.v'
However, some scholars have attempted to rebut the above allegations. According to
Peter B. Clarke, the British scholar of religion and founding editor journal of
contemporary religion, quoting Murray last the Hausa rulers who mixed Islam with
indigenous traditional practices su2li as the use of talisman and collection of un-Islamic
taxes coupled with venal Islamic scholars were the main target of the Sokoto Jihad.
According to him, the Maguzawa or non- Muslim people who resided in the emirates and
their boundaries "were not really the targets for jihad in the early 19th century." Rather, it
was primarily a reform movement, reforming lax Muslims, not converting pagans.i" It
may therefore be concluded that the Sokoto Jihad was not out to force people to become
Muslims at the point of the sword. In fact, it was prepared to win the people through
25 Matthew Hassan Kukah and Kathleen :,: cGarvey, "Christian-Muslim Dialogue in Nigeria: Social,
Political and Theological Dimensions" in Akintunde E. Akinade (ed.) Fractured Spectrum,. 14.
26 Kukah and McGarvey, "Christian-Muslim Dialogue in Nigeria, 14.
27 See Matthew Hassan Kukah, Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria (Ibadan: Spectrum Books, 1993).
28 Peter B. Clarke, West Africa and Islam: A Study of Religious Developmentfrom the s" to the 2011i
Century (London: Edward Arnold Publishers Ltd., 1%2),218-222.
9
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
preaching, teaching and persuasion rather than force and not bent on outlawing Muslims
because of certain reprehensible and condemnable beliefs and practices of indigenous
traditions mixed with Islam?9
It must however be observed that the introduction of the "Indirect rule" administration by
the British High Commissioner in Nigeria as an administrative instrument to garner the
support of the elites and aristocracy for British rule contributed in no small measure to
the exacerbation of the relations between the emirs, the custodian of the legacy of the
Sokoto Caliphate and the people generally, including non-Muslims. This is because the
indirect rule policy gave the British colonialists legitimacy and divided the opposition
against its unpopular policies by using traditional rulers as "political messengers" to do
the British government's dirty work and at the same time leaving real powers in the
hands of the British colonial administrators. Thus, while the policy served the colonial
interests, it alienated the traditional rulers from the people in areas of taxation, culture
and religion. Not unsurprisingly, the designation of many areas as emirates and the use of
emirs in Northern Nigeria as administrators, even in regions where they hitherto had no
powers were interpreted by many as maintaining and expanding the Islamic Caliphate
structures. 30
It is also noteworthy that today, Muslims all over the world are making giant strides to
address the anomaly of Muslim educational retardation through the Islamization
project. 31 As a matter of fact, as explained by Clarke above, the Muslims in Southwestern
30 Klaus Hock, "The Omnipresence of the Religious: Religiosity in Nigeria," in Bertelsmann Stiftung (ed.),
What the World Believes: Analysis and Commentary on the Religion Monitor 2008 (Gutersloh: VerI,
Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2009),272. .
31 For details on the Islamization project and the proponents, see Ibrahim Olatunde Uthman, "Muslim and
Science: Contributions ofIslamic Universities to Professional Ethics" American Journal of Islamic Social
Sciences (AJISS), USA, 2010, vol. 27:1,54-73.
10
~.,t i ~I _
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
could be said to have began this Islamization project in Nigeria, following the manner
they responded to the challenges of Western style education through the establislunent of
schools that provided modem education with a firm grounding in Islamic sciences.V In
addition to the Egbe Killa in Lagos mentioned by Clarke, other Islamic organizations that
pioneered this Islamization project are the Ahmadiyyah Movement in Islam, Ansar-ud-
Deen Society of Nigeria, Nawar-udd-Deen Society of Nigeria and Anwarul-Islam Society
in Nigeria etc. that took up the challenge of what I have termed Educational Jihad in the
face of Christian educational evangelism by founding Islamic schools that provided the
Western-style education with Islamic grounding.v'
The Evolution and Metamorphosis of Boko Haram (Bl;I)
Beyond the problem of retarding Muslim education, the use of education to convert
Muslims by the Christian Church and the subsequent boycott of education by the Muslim
North is one explanation of the phenomenon of BB in Nigeria. As Andrew Walker, a
freelance journalist who has conducted research on the group has written, "a range of
conflicting narratives has grown up around BB when one looks deeper, however, one
finds that politics-more precisely, control of government patronage-is the primary
cause of many of these conflicts.,,34 For example, one of such narratives, which have not
been employed before is why the term, BB has stuck with the infamous Islamic
movement implicated in various terrorist activities in Nigeria. While the real name of this
infamous Islamic movement is Jama 'atu Ahl al-Sunnah LI al-Da'awah wa al- Jihad
(Movement of the people of the Prophetic Tradition for propagation and Jihad), it is
32 Clarke, West Africa and Islam,224-226 and 228-229.
33 Uthman, "Muslim/Christian Encounter in Nigeria,"89-91.
34 Andrew Walker, "What is Boko Haram," in Special Report (Washington: United States Institute of Peace
(USIP), May 30, 2012),1-15. Available online at http://www.usip.orglpublications/what-boko-haram
II
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
commonly known as Bl-l, mainly by the Media and even some of the people in the
Northeast. Though members of the movement denounce the name Bl], the name has been
given prominence by the government and Media. B or boko has both etymological and
historical roots. Boko which, in classical Hausa language literally means deception or
deceit is used in Hausa to describe a "fake bride" or "bride of deception" known
"amaryar boko." This has historically been a feature of the Hausa wedding, where a
grandmother usually dresses up like the bride as part of a practical joke played on the
groom. H or Haram is the SharI'ah word for forbidden, prohibited or unacceptable.
Hence, while the term, BI:I may mean that secular education is in Islam prohibited, it
could also mean as was originally used during the Fulani/Hausa Muslim north contact
with Christian education to mean that evangelism deceptively camouflaged as secular
education is prohibited and unacceptable in Islam.35
This definition of boko is confirmed by no less authority than the well-known historian
and author of The Hausa Factor in the History of West Africa, Mahdi Adamu, who writes
that in Hausa, the word simply means fake and was often used to connote the "fake
bride', amaryar boko, who rode the horse in place of the real bride as the convoy of
celebrants escorted her to her new home. The real bride would secretly be carried earlier
by two or three women to her home. But when the missionary brought education to the
Hausa speaking people, the people generally rejected it and labelled it, ilimin boko or
fake education. According to him, since that period, the name ilimin boko or very rarely
ilimin zamani has remained the standard translation of education among the Hausas.36
Thus Bl] has only appropriated the Hausa historical pride in the hitherto educational
35 Da'wah Coordination Council of Nigeria, The Boko Haram Tragedy: Frequently Asked Questions
(Niger: Da'wah Coordination Council of Nigeria, 1430/2009), 1-2.
36 See Mahdi Adamu, The Hausa Factor in West African History (London: Oxford University Press 1978).
12
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
system that culminated in the rejection of ilimin boko in its preaching as could be
gleamed from the answer given by the late founder and leader, Muhammad Yusuf during
one of his numerous lectures recorded in an audio-tape when he was asked why the group
was against Western education and he replied that the movement was against education
in schools established by the missionaries 0 that use modem curriculum whether at the
elementary, secondary or tertiary levels. Another point that is obvious from the answer of
Yusuf is that the BI:! use of the historical ilimin boko is not restricted to western
education but rather encompasses any form of education that is taught in a modern setting
using modem curriculum classrooms and an organized school structure, including
Makarantun ilmi where the so-called Islamic education is taught."
The BI:! has also been known for a long time by the people in Bomo and Yobe states as
Yusufiyun (Yusufis), an ascription to the late founder and leader, Yusuf. The movement
is also referred to as Yusufiyya'i due to the largely cult-like following and uncritical
acceptance of the views of the founder." The BI:! began as an Islamic movement,
organizing religious preaching, lectures and sermons in different centres, mosques and
open spaces. It is noteworthy that between the period of its formation in 2002 and 2009,
the BI:! was not involved in any violent or terrorist act. It rather conducted itself
peacefully in its religious public preaching and dialogical engagements with different
Muslim scholars in Northern Nigeria. The series of events that changed the face of the
BI:! began in 2002 when according to popular narrative, Yusuf was co-opted by the then
37 See Ahmad Murtada, "Boko Haram ir; ~!igeria: Beginnings, Principles and Activities," AbdulHaq al-
Ashanti (translator) (Kano: salafimanhaj, 2013),4 also available at http://www.salafimanhaj.com/accessed
on April 14,2015. See also Da'wah Coordination of Nigeria, the Boko Haram Tragedy: Frequently Asked
Questions (Niger: Da'wah Coordination of Nigeria, 1430/2009) and Da'wah Coordination of Nigeria, the
Boko Haram Tragedy and the Boko Haram Tragedy: Responses to the Ideology of the Boko Haram Group
(Niger: Da'wah Coordination of Nigeria, 1430/2009).
38 Murtada, "Boko Haram in Nigeria,4.
13
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Borno state gubernatorial candidate, Ali Modu Sheriff, for the support of his large youth
movement, in exchange for full implementation of Sharf"ah and promises of senior state
government positions for his followers in the event of an electoral victory. Sheriff denies
any such arrangement or involvement with the sect. After the electoral victory and the
government failed to implement full Shari'ah as promised, Yusuf became increasingly
critical of the government and official corruption. In short, "after the politicians created
the monster," "they lost control of it".39 Then came 2009 when BI:I suffered police
brutality over the implementation of a directive on the use of helmets on motorcycles. Its
members on funeral procession were brutally attacked by the police because of the failure
to use helmets on motorcycles or perhaps because of their refusal to bribe the police.
Yusuf then wrote an open letter to Federal Govermnent, calling for a redress of the harm
done to his movement in 40 days, otherwise the government should prepare for "Jihad
operations which only Allah will be able to stop." Unfortunately security agents stormed
the stronghold of the movement leading to the brutal killing of its member. Thus began a
protracted massacre of members of the movement and extra judicial killing of its leader,
Yusuf in police custody. With the assassination of Yusuf, Abubakr Shekau who had
served as the deputy to Yusuf emerged the new leader of the movement and its complete
metamorphosis into a terrorist movement in alliance with al-Qaida became complete. The
period between 2009 and 2010 was a terrifying nightmare for the Bij members. In
describing this nightmare, Mohammad Haruna, the well-known and seasoned Nigerian
journalist writes that in crushing the Bl], between 800 and 1000 lives, mostly innocent
civilians, were reportedly killed, including the founder of the group, Muhammed Yusuf,
39 International Crisis Group, "Curbing Violence in Nigeria (II): The Boko Haram Insurgency" in Africa
Report (3 April 2014).
14
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
his father in law, Ba'a Fugu Mohammed, and the sect's chief financier, Buji Foi, a former
commissioner of religious affairs in Governor Ali Modu Sherrifs Borno State
Government, who were victims of extra-judicial killings by the security forces. Despite
the promise of President Yar' adua to order an investigation into the alleged extra-judicial
killings, nothing was heard unti(six months later when in February 2010, al-Jazeera, the
English channel global television station, aired a shocking footage in its news bulletin
which showed the security services going n an arbitrary house-to-house-search-and-
arrest of presumably Bl;I followers and then lining them up and shooting them in the
back. In the words of Haruna, "it was a mark of the impunity with which the security
forces indulged in the killings that the officers who appeared to be in charge of the
operation did not bother to hide their name tags on their chests.,,40 Since then, the Bl;I has
metamorphosed into a monster, "targeting not only security forces, government officials
and politicians, but also Christiri- critical Muslim clerics, traditional leaders, the UN
presence, bars and schools." Later it "evolved into pure terrorism, with targeting of
students attending secular state schools, health workers involved in polio vaccination
campaigns and villages supporting the government."?'
The key discovery in the case of Bl;I is that government has been playing a dangerous
politics. Granted that the government of Sheriff at the state level started this politics and
late President Yar'adua mismanaged the BI:I with the extrajudicial killing of its founder,
his successor and immediate past President, Jonathan's administration appears for a long
time seemingly hell-bent on playing this dangerous politics with Bl;I terror. It appears BI:I
40 Mohammad Haruna, "On Boko Haram: Two Years On" in his People and Politics Column available at
Gamji.com.
41 International Crisis Group, "Curbing Violence in Nigeria (II): The Boko Hararn Insurgency" in Africa
Report (3 April 2014).
15
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
was hijacked by his presidency to destroy the Muslim north, in preparation for their
agenda of "do or die" in the just concluded 2015 general elections in Nigeria. Evidence in
this direction includes the apparent ties of some members of President Jonathan
administration with the BI:I. This claim is given credence when the first bomb blast in the
country occurred during the so" Independence Day Anniversary celebrations at Eagle
Square, venue of the celebrations on I" October 2010. President Jonathan reacted by
making his famous declaration that he knew those behind it and their sponsor. However,
his declaration was rejected by the militant group in his hometown, MEND which
claimed responsibility for the bomb blast. In fact, a leader of the group in South Africa,
Henry Emomotimi Okah who has since been tried, found guilty and jailed over his role in
the fatal bombing during the Golden Jubilee of Nigeria's Independence on October 1,
2010 by the South African Courts claimed in court affidavit sworn to during his trial that
he received a call from Mr. Moses Jituboh, the Head of Personal Security to President
Jonathan on the day of the bombing of 1 October 2010 who solicited his cooperation with
former President Jonathan towards shifting blame for the Independence Day bombings to
some Northern politicians, notably General Ibrahim Babangida, former military president
who was initially in the running for the 2011 presidential election with former President
Jonathan. He also claimed to have received two SMS'es on 2 October 2010 from Mr.
Tony Uranta asking him to tell J.G (Jomo Gbomo the spokesperson for MEND) to
withdraw the statement because the government seeks to blame the bombing on Northern
elements. To Okah, his refusal to co-operate with the presidency was why the Federal
Government under former President Jonathan instigated the South African Police to
arrest and prosecute him.42
42 Abuja Bomb Blast: Henry Okar implicates Goodluck Jonathan, http://saharareporters.com/news-
16
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
This claim of former President Jonathan administration's involvement with the BI:I is
further strengthened by the failure or unwillingness of the government to prosecute and
convict alleged members of the BI:I who have been apprehended and are still in custody.
Yet these members of the BI:I have been implicated in terrorist acts such as the bombing
of churches and mosques and killing of prominent individuals and Islamic scholars.Y
Prominent among such members of the BI:I is Aminu Sadiq Ogwuche, the alleged
mastermind of the Nyanya Motor Park bombing in Abuja. Since the case was discharged
by the Federal High Court in Abuja on November 24 for "lack of diligent prosecution, the
Nigerian Police and the SSS have engaged each other in an embarrassing blame game
over the bungling. In addition, in January 2012, shortly before the New Year gift of
increases in fuel price which President Jonathan gave Nigerians, he made another of his
famous declarations that members of the BI:I had infiltrated the highest levels of his
government and the military. Perhaps as noted by Walker, this new declaration by the
president might have had more to do with distracting Nigerians away from the new
painful fuel price increases he was about to make than with the actual truth.44 The role of
politics with religious conflicts in Nigeria did not however start with BI:!. It started with
the application of the Sharf' ah.
Sharrah and Religious Conflicts in Nigeria
Furthermore, the manner the colonial masters in Nigeria undermined the operation of the
Sharf' ah or the Islamic law also contributed in no small measure to the rise of religious
conflicts in Nigeria. Though Le-d Lugard, the then Governor-General promised not to
undermine the practice of the Sharf' ah or intrude into the lives of Muslims in Nigeria, the
page/abuja-bomb-blast-henry-okah-implicates-goodluck-jonathan-al-jazeera accessed on July 11,2013
43 ldowu Sowunmi, "History of Sectarian Bloodbaths" This Day Newspaper (1 August 2009), 65.
44 Walker, "What is Boko," 1-15.
17
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
British government led by him later abolished penalties they considered repugnant to
natural justice such as amputation, death penalty non-inheritance of an heir that differs
from the religion of the deceased. In 1943, for example, the Supreme Court overturned
the decision of an alkali court that Mary, a Christian could not inherit from her Muslim
father. Again in 1948, the West African court of appeal set a death sentence passed on a
murderer aside because it was contrary to the British common law (Karbi- Whyte, 1993).
This led to many violent demonstrations by Muslims in Northern Nigeria in the colonial
era and since that time; there has been a train of killing, burning and destruction of lives,
properties, Mosques, Churches and houses particularly in the middle Belt region. Since
then Christians have perceived the implementation of the Sharf' ah in Nigeria as symbol
of Muslim domination. For instance, the demand by Muslims during the 1975
Constitution Drafting Committee work for a federal Sharf' ah COUlt to sit over appeals
from state Sharf' ah courts was totally rejected by the Christian members of the 1977/78
constituent Assembly. Its deliberation resulted in a total stalemate with Muslims from the
North walking out of the conference until the Yoruba Muslims served as mediators that
diffused the tension. Led by Chief M. K. O. Abiola, the Yoruba Muslims became the
vanguards of a compromise acceptable to both Muslims and Christians over the Sharf 'ah
stalemate. That compromise is the provision of a special committee of the Supreme Court
in place of a federal Shari'an court to sit over appeals from state Sharf' ah courts (Laitin,
1986:418).
It is therefore necessary to note here before proceeding further, that the Shari'ah
imbroglio in Nigeria predated the Nigerian nation state, if it can be called that and is
therefore not a product of power struggle between Muslims and Christians like the former
18
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LI RARY
president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo who term it "political the Shari'ah. The
agitation for full implementation of the Shari'ah is not about Muslim's frustration with
Christian rule or fear of the Christian gaining political power in Nigeria; it is about
Muslims' right to practice their r :1;sion in a multicultural and pluralistic Nigeria."
However the most violent crises in Nigeria over the Shari'ah were to occur in Kaduna.
This happened over the re-introduction of the criminal aspects of the Shari'ah following
the democratic dispensation that ushered in a new republic in 1999. Though the Sharf 'ah
initiative came from Zamfara state, no conflict has taken place over there till today. The
assumption by many Christians was that some Northern states such as Zamfara concluded
that their state is an overwhelming Muslim state and therefore passed the Shari'ah as the
law governing everyone in the State and consequently the Christian in Kaduna state
which a major Christian belt in the North gathered to protest against the re-introduction
of the criminal aspects of the Shari'ah' whi_ch eventually turned into violent riots and
demonstrations.
The above assumption to us does not reveal the whole picture. On the one hand, there are
many institutions in Nigeria that Muslims perceive as symbols of Christian domination,
though in the name of secularity. These symbols include the common Law which has a
Christian antecedent, work-free Saturdays and Sundays, the official recognition of two
Christian bodies, the Catholics and Protestants in the army, Air force, Navy and all other
similar national sectors while only one Muslim body is recognized. We there argue that
there is a more serious factor to e.; lain Muslim/Christian conflicts in Nigeria; especially
over the Shari'ah. and this is socio-economic factor. It is this factor that is responsible for
45 Joseph Kenny OP, "The Challenge ofIslam in Nige-ria" accessed on August 07,2012 at
http://www.josephkenny.joyeurs.com/Challenge.htm
19
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
"political" Islam and Christianity as would be seen in the next section where we argue
that virtually all religious crises in Nigeria have economic undertones and are informed
by perceived grievances of social injustice.
Shurt'ab imbroglio and the Socio-economic Dimensions of Religious Conflicts
It can be argued that though Zamfara state is a predominantly Muslim state with pockets
of Christians, this does not explain the Christians' support for the introduction of the
Shari'ah by the people. They must have supported the move because they were
economically and politically well off. In fact the state was the first in the country to
approve a then new minimum wage of 5,000 naira. This amount was far higher than what
even the Federal government was paying the (The Nigerian Tribune, January 27 2000).
This economic dimension in religious uprising in Nigeria has been argued to have started
with the emergence of a radical group known as Maitatsine in Kano led by one Malam
Muhammadu Marwa in 1980, which attacked and killed other Muslims who did not
belong to the group. According to Lewis (2002) this group had its primary constituency
among the Northern Muslim talakawa (commoners) and it took the combined operations
of both the Police and Armed forces of Nigeria to quell the attacks of the group."
Similarly, the Major Gideon Orkar led coup of 1990 reflected this economic dimension.
Its religious dimension could be seen when the leader of the coup mentioned the excision
of the five core Muslim states in the north. Interestingly, the leader of the coup comes
from the middle belt area that may be regarded as Bible belt region of Nigeria. He also
accused those states that were to be excised of domination over the other parts of the
46 Lewis Peter M. (December 2002) "Islam, Protest and Conflicts in Nigeria", African Notes, Washington:
Center for Strategic and International Studies, Number 10.
20
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
country. More so, it came on the heels of many allegations against the Babaginda regime
first over the Organization of Islamic Confer ence (OIC) issue.
Though the regime's attempt to join the OIC was purely to obtain economic assistance
from the Islamic Developmen. :}ank, it was however accused by the Christian
Association of Nigeria in open letter of being a principal agency of Islamization in
Nigeria barely two months before the above coup. The open letter of the Christian
Association of Nigeria also shows that its grouse was mainly over perceived lopsided
political appointments (African Concord, February 5 1990: 36-37).
Therefore the contention her is that there is indeed both "political" Islam and political
Christianity in Nigeria which arises as a result of the fight for the so-called Nigerian
'national cake' as seen when people begin to identify with Islam or Christianity for
political ends like getting government's sponsorship for pilgrimages either to
Mecca/Medina or to Jerusalem/Rome. What is sadly very clear is that these pilgrimages
are not sponsored for religious but political motives. This has led to the occurrence of
some state governors in Southwestern Nigeria, paying for Christians and their concubines
to go on pilgrimages to Mecca.
Shurt'ab and Peaceful Coexistence in Nigeria: The Malaysian Example
Malaysia, which can today be regarded as the best model for peaceful coexistence and
multiculturalism and the entrenchment of Islamic cultural shares a lot in common with
Nigeria. A Muslim mosque, Chinese temple, Indian temple and Christian Church are
located at a distance of a few hundred meters from each other in Malaysia just as Muslim
mosques, Christian churches and African Traditional temples exist together in many
places, especially Southwest Nigeria. Secondly, there are many in Malaysia, both
21
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Muslims and non-Muslims who consider the idea of the Shari'ah as antithetical to the
ideals of secularism and plural society which the country represents just as we have them
in Nigeria. In fact, this is the position of the Malaysian Consultative Council of
Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Sikhism (MCCBCHS).
However, the Federal Constitution of Malaysia like the Nigerian Constitution make
provision for what has been termed "legal pluralism" that is "the provision to establish
native court systems in addition to the existing common law and Shari' ah law.,,47 In
recognition of the two countries' plurality, the Sharf' ah does not have any status of
superiority and neither is it an independent law in the two constitutions. However unlike
Nigeria, which is divided along religious and ethnic lines, Malaysia, while upholding the
Sharf' ah law is today able to unite its multi-religious and multicultural people and
develop its society. One way this has been achieved and which can be of immense benefit
to Nigeria is the active involvement of the Malaysian government in the organization,
registration and activities of religious bodies, including mosques and churches. This has
helped the government to nip in the bud any religious activity, preaching or doctrine that
could engender religious conflict or terrorism. There is therefore the need for Nigeria to
emulate this Malaysian example though the Nigerian Inter-Religious Council (NlREC)
founded by the government of Olusegun Obasanjo in its apparent determination to
promote the ideals of peaceful coexistence, especially among the various religions in
Nigeria.l" For NlREC to succeed in addressing serious religious and socio economic
issues, which divide the Muslims and Christians of Nigeria, including the menace of , it
must be constitutionally empowered to organize, register and monitor religious
47 Abdul Rashid Moten, "Malaysia as an Islamic State: A Political Analysis" IKlM Journal of Islam and
International Affairs, (2003), vol. 1, no. 1 pp. 1-69. .
48 Olusegun Obasanjo, Address to the Nation on the Sharia Crisis, Wednesday March 1,2000.
22
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
organizations and their activities. The contention here is that must be given constitutional
and legal strength to check religious excesses in the country. The current dialogical
exchange among scholars which NlREC is focusing on is not what is necessary in
Nigeria today. The gathering of scnolars 'to compare and discuss the finer points of their
intellectual traditions, ,49 has always been going on in Nigeria, especially at the behest of
the Catholic Church. it is not the dialogue between eminent scholars of the Supreme
Council for Islamic Affairs in Nigeria and the Christian Association of Nigeria as
currently occurring that can provide the religious impetus for Muslims and Christians in
Nigeria to collaborate and work together for the development projects of the country. To
borrow from Kenny 'in interreligious relations we need two eyes': one to see the failure
of governance in Nigeria, the other to see the hungry and angry Nigerian Muslim and
Christian masses. so Perhaps the ~reatest area where a constitutionally strengthened
NIREC can help is in recommending policies on contentious issues like Islamic Banking,
Friday prayers and wearing of hijab in schools.
Conclusion
The analysis of Nigerian engagement with peaceful coexistence and pluralism in this
c
~
paper shows that the country can learn from countries such as Malaysia It-is.inspiring its
people towards progress and development. This will undoubtedly be of great benefit in
resolving the crises of religious politics playing out in Nigeria. Consequently, the paper
recommends the adoption of the Malaysian multicultural model for use in Nigeria
because Malaysia is today similar to Nigeria in composition as well as a modern state that
49 Charles B. Jones, The View from Mars Hill: Christianity in the Landscape of World Religions
(Cambridge: Cowley Publications, 2005), 168.
50 Joseph Kenny. "Interreligious Dialogue in Nigeria: Personal Reminiscences of40 Years", in, Anthony A.
Akinwale (ed.), All that they had to live on. Essays in honor of Archbishop John Onaiyekan and Msgr.
John Aniagwu, (Ibadan: The Michael J. Dempsey Center for Religious and Social Research, 2004), 191.
23
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
has adequately conjoined modernity and Islam, especially as far as plural legal systems,
democracy, the leadership roles of Muslim women and balancing Muslim/Christian
relations for economic development projects are concerned.
'. 24
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
REFERENCES
Abuja Bomb Blast: Henry Okar implicates Goodluck Jonathan,
http://saharareporters.com/news-page/abuja-bomb-blast-henry-okah-implicates-
.)..
goodluck-jonathan-al-jazeera accessed on July 1, 2013
Adamu Mahdi, The Hausa Factor in West African History (London: Oxford University
Press 1978).
Akinade, Akintunde E. "The Precariou Agenda; Christian-Muslim Relations In
Contemporary Nigeria, Public Lecture, 2002.
Akintola Is-haq, "Islam in Africa" in Hussein Solomon, Akeem Fadare and Firoza Butler
(eds.), Political Islam and the State in Africa (South Africa: The Centre for International
Political Studies, University of Pretoria, 2008).
Akoshile M. and I. Umunna, "Igt c Muslims: Their Trials and triumphs" Citizen (1993) 4,
p. 181.
Ayandele E. A. The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria 1842-1914: A Political and
Social Analysis (London: Longman, 1966), p. 129.
Fafunwa Aliu. B. History of Education in Nigeria (London: George Allen and Unwin,
1982).
Badawi, D. S. A.A. Islam Hadhari Approach: towards a Progressive
Civilization/Selected Speeches, by Dato Seri Ahmad Abdullah Prime Minister of
Malaysia (Malaysia, Department of Islamic Development Malaysia, 2007).
Bakar, O. "Islamic and Political Legitimacy in Malaysia" in S. Akbarzadeh and A. Saeed
(eds.), Islam and Political Legitimacy (London: Routledge Curzon, 2003).
25
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Balogun, S. A. "History of Islam up to 1800" in Obaro Ikime (ed.) Groundwork of
Nigerian History (lbadan: Heinemann Educational Books, 1980), p. 211.
A. H. S. El-Busaidy, "Islam in Kenya" in Hussein Solomon and Firoza Butler (eds.)
Islam in the Zl" Century, 47.
Camroux, D. "State Responses to Islamic Resurgence in Malaysia: Accommodation, Co-
option, and Confrontation, Asian Survey (1996),36/9: 852-868.
Clarke, Peter B. West Africa and Islam: A Study of Religious Development from the 8th to
the 20th Century (London: Edward Arnold Publishers Ltd., 1982).
C02 Emissions From Fuel Combustion Highlights (France, International Energy agency,
2012.
Da'wah Coordination of Nigeria, the Boko Haram Tragedy: Frequently Asked Questions
(Niger: Da'wah Coordination of Nigeria, 143012009).
Da'wah Coordination of Nigeria, the Boko Haram Tragedy and the Boko Haram
Tragedy: Responses to the Ideology of the Boko Haram Group (Niger: Da'wah
Coordination of Nigeria, 143012009).
Doi Abdurrahman, Islam in Nigeria (Zaria: Gaskiya Press, 1984).
Federal Republic of Nigeria, The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, (Lagos:
A Daily Times Publications, 1979), Section 35, paragraph 2.
Goldie Hugh, Calabar and its Mission (Edinburgh: Oliphant Anderson and Ferrier,
1901), pp. 352-354.
Haneef, M. A. "The Development and Impact of Islamic Economic Institutions: the
Malaysian Experience in K. S. Nathan and M. H. Kamali (eds.), Islam in Southeast Asia:
26
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Political, Social and Strategic Challenges for the 21st Century (Singapore: Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies, 2005).
Haruna Mohammad, "On Boko Haram: Two Years On" in his People and Politics
Column available at Gamji.com.
Hock Klaus, "The Omnipresence of the Religious: Religiosity in Nigeria," in
Bertelsmann Stiftung (ed.), What the World Believes: Analysis and Commentary on the
Religion Monitor 2008 (Gutersloh: Veri, Be:rtelsmann Stiftung, 2009.
Hourani, A. Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1939-1978 (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1970).
Ibrahim, 1. "The Position of Islam in the Constitution of Malaysia" in A. Ibrahim, S.
Siddique and Y. Hussain (eds.), Readings onIslam in Southeast Asia (Singapore:
Institute of Southeast Asia, 1985).
International Crisis Group, "Curbing Violence III Nigeria (II): The Boko Haram
Insurgency" in Africa Report (3 April 2014), '2013
Jones, Charles B. The View from Mars Hill: Christianity in the Landscape of World
Religions (Cambridge: Cowley Publications, 2005).
Kenny, J. "Interreligious Dialogue in Nigeria: Personal Reminiscences of 40 Years", in,
Anthony A. Akinwale (ed.), All that they had to live on. Essays in honor of Archbishop
John Onaiyekan and Msgr. John Aniagwu, (Ibadan: The Michael J. Dempsey Center for
Religious and Social Research, 2(04).
Kenny Joseph OP, "The Challenge of Islam in Nigeria" accessed on August 07,2012 at
http://www.josephkenny.joyeurs.com/Challenge.htm.
27
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Khairi Mahyuddin, 'Muslims and non-Muslim relations: Bridging the gap and Building
respect', in Ab Rahman, A. et al. (Eds.): The World Today: Current Global Issues,
(Malaysia: Universiti Sains Islam, Malaysia, 2007), 5.
Kilani Abdulrazaq, Minaret in the Delta: Islam in Port Harcourt and its Environs 1896-
2007 (Lagos: Global Dawah Communications, 2008).
Kukah Matthew Hassan, Politics and Power in Northern Nigeria (Ibadan: Spectrum
Books, 1993).
Kukah Matthew Hassan and Kathleen McGarvey, "Christian-Muslim Dialogue in
Nigeria: Social, Political and Theological Dimensions" in Akintunde E. Akinade (ed.)
Fractured Spectrum: Perspectives on Christian-Muslim Encounters in Nigeria (New
York: Peter Lang, 2013).
Mohamad, M. "Malaysian Democracy and the End of Ethnic Politics? Australian Journal
of International Affairs, (2008), 62/4: 441-459.
Moten Abdul Rashid, "Malaysia as an Islamic State: A Political Analysis" IKiM Journal
of Islam and International Affairs, (2003), vol. 1, no. 1 pp. 1-69.
Murtada Ahmad, "Boko Haram in Nigeria: Beginnings, Principles and Activities,"
AbdulHaq al-Ashanti (translator) (Kano: salafimanhaj, 2013), 4 also available at
http://www.salafimanhaj.com/accessed on April 14,2015.
Muzaffar, C. Islamic Resurgences in Malaysia (Petaling Jaya: Penerbit Fajar Bakti,
1987).
Njoku Onwuka, "A synoptic Overview" in Toyin Falola (ed.) Igbo History and Society:
The Essays of Adiele Afigbo (Trenton, NJ: African World Press, 2005).
Obasanjo, O. Address to the Nation on the Sharia Crisis, Wednesday March 1,2000.
28
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Palmer H. A. R., "Kano Chronicle" Sudanese Memoirs (1928), Vol. 3, pp. 104-105.
Peter Lewis M. (December 2002) "Islam, Protest and Conflicts in Nigeria", African
Notes, Washington: Center for S,,·?tegic and International Studies, Number 10.
Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life Mapping the Global Muslim Population: A
Report on the Size and Distribution of the World's Muslim Population (Washington D.
C.: Pew Research Centre, 2009).
Sowunmi Idowu, "History of Sectarian Bloodbaths" This Day Newspaper (1 August
2009),65.
Steed Christopher, "The Islamic Heritage of Nigeria" in Christopher Steed and David
Westerlund The Triple Religious Heritage of Nigeria: The Essays (Uppsala: Teologiska
Institutionen-Uppsala Universitet, 1995.
Ubah C. N., Islam in African History (Kaduna: Baraka Press and Publishers Ltd., 2001),
45-73.
Uchendu Egodi, Dawnfor Islam in Eastern Nigeria: A History of the Arrival of Islam in
Igboland (Berlin: Studies on Modem Orient, Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2012).
Uthman Ibrahim Olatunde, "Roles of Arabic and Islamic studies in a Secular Society"
Journal offor Nigerian Teachers of Arabic and Islamic Studies, (2002), 80-88.
Uthman Ibrahim Olatunde, "Muslim and Science: Contributions of Islamic Universities
to Professional Ethics" American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences (AJISS), USA,
2010, vol. 27:1, 54-73.
Walker Andrew, "What is Boko Haram," in Special Report (Washington: United States
Institute of Peace (USIP), May 30, 2012), 1-15 . Available online at
http://www.usip.org/publications/what-boko-haram
29
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Wright R. "Islam and Liberal Democracy: Two Visions of Reformation" Journal of
Democracy (1996), vol. 7: 2, p. 66.
'11.\ '.
30
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY