AN EVALUATIVE STUDY OF THE POLITICAL EDUCATION
PROGRAMME OF THE DIRECTORATE FOR
SOCIAL MOBILISATION (MAMSER)
1987 - 1992
BY
ISAAC ADEKEYE ABIONA
B.A. (Hons) Classics, M.Ed. (Adult Education) IBADAN
,
A THESIS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF ADULT EDUCATION
SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF EDUCATION IN PAR-
TIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN
1995
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my profound gratitude foremost to my supervisors, Dr.
M.O. Akintayo and Dr. O.A. Adeola of Adult Education Department, Univer-
sity of Ibadan. I sincerely thank them for their criticism, comments and tim~_, __
spared in guiding this study to a success. I appreciate their invaluable help and
efforts.
I wish to recognise the immense contribution of Professor M. Omolewa, our
Head of Department, for his encouragement and advice in the course of this
study. I am particularly grateful to Professors CN. Anyanwu and J.T. Okedara
for stimulating my interest in a Ph.D programme in Adult Education. I thank
them for their interest in my academic pursuit. Many thanks to Professor Tunde
Adeniran, (former Executive Secretary, MAMSER) and Head of Department
of Political Science for his advice and suggestions in course of this study.
My sincere thanks go to all academic staff of Adult Education Department
for their various contributions to my success. I specially thank Dr. E. Osuji, Dr.
M.A.L. Omole, Dr. (Mrs.) Egunyomi, Dr. Gbola Adekanrnbi and Dr. R.A.
Aderinoye of Adult Education Department.
I deeply appreciate the encouragement and kindness of my brother and
sisters - Mr E. Ade Abiona, Mrs. 0.0. Famakinwa, Mrs. 'Funke Fakayode and
Mrs. 'Yemi Adebayo. I wish to express my profound gratitude to my brother,
'Remi Famakinwa for his interest in me.
I also appreciate the encouragement, support, love and kindness of my
darling wife, Bamike Abiona and the understanding and love of my children,
Adeniyi, Adedamola, Adejorin and Omolara.
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III
Special thanks to my colleagues in the Planning, Research and Statistics
Department, Osun State Ministry of Education, Osogbo for their support and
encouragement. I specially thank Messrs. M.F. Komolafe, A.A. Adebisi, M.O.
Alabi, A.O. Olatunji, A.O. Amoo, A.S. Ogunjobi, H.O. Ogunlae and others.
I wish to recognise the fatherly care, understanding and encouragement of
Late Mr. G.O.A. Falade, a Director - General in Osun State Government.
Mrs e.O. Odediran of osun State Ministry of Education is worthy of men-
tion. She took pains to type all the manuscripts despite her tight official sched-
ule. May God Almighty bless you.
I also appreciate the help and encouragement from the administrative staff
of Adult Education Department, University of Ibadan.
Finally, I give glory to God for His love and mercies.
,
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DEDICATION
To my parents, Pa Gabriel Adebayo Abiona and Madam Esther Ajibola
Abiona for their love and care.
To my darling wife, Bamike, for her love, support and encouragement.
To my children, Adeniyi, Adedamola Adejorin, and Omolara for their love
and understanding.
To the Glory of God for His Goodness, Providence and Mercies.
,
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v
CERTIFICATION
I certify that this work was carried out by Isaac Adekeye Abiona in the
Department of Adult Education, University of Ibadan.
---S-U~R-----------
Dr M.O. Akintayo,
Department of Adult Education
University of Ibadan,
Ibadan.
,
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
1. TITLE PAGE i
2. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii-iii
3. DEDICATION iv
4. CERTIFICATION v
5 i. TABLE OF CONTENT vi-viii
5 ii. LIST OF TABLES ix-xi
5. iii. LIST OF FIGURES xii
5. iv. LIST OF APPENDICES xiii
6. ABSTRACT xiv-xvi
CHAPTER ONE:
INTRODUCTION
,
Historical Background of Nigerian Politics 1-7
The Political Bureau 7-16
Statement of problem........................................................................ 16-19 5
The Need for the Study 19-23 9
Significance of Study 23-24
Objectives of Study ., 24-25
Research Questions 25-26
Defmition of Terms 26-29
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An Overview of MAMSER 47
CHAPTER TWO
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Political Education . . . . . . . . . . 48-56
Political Culture . 56-66
Mass Education . 66-70
Evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70-75
LITERATURE REVIEW
Political Education and the Society .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 76-81
Political Education and Mass Literacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 81-85
. Political Education and Adult Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 85-86
Methodology of Political Education 86-90
Content of Political Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 90-92
Evaluation of Political Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " 92-95
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
Research Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 96
Population and Sample Size 96-98
Instrumentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 98-99
Procedure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 99-101
Statistical Tools for Analysis , . . . . . . .. 101
Integration of the Questionnaire with the __ ..._. .. ._.
Research Questions 101-103
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VlIl
Donaldson - Scannell Model of Evaluation l 0 3
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS ··················104 - 146
CHAPTER FIVE:
SUMMARY, POLICY I~iPLICATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND
CONCLUSION
Policy implications 14 7-:'--Ti'(Y-
Implication for Political Education,
Programme and Adult Education 159 - 16 2
Implication for Change in Implementation,
Strategies and Management of Political Education Programme ..... 162 - 164
ImP1i·cati.ons Iior Future Researc h . 165
Summary/Conclusion 165 - 170
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REFERENCES _~171. :- 185
APPENDIX 18;6. - 199
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LIST OF TABLES
TABLE Page
1. Distribution of sample size of respondents by sex 9 8'
2. Distribution of sample size of respondents by communities 100
3. Frequency distribution showing the sex of the respondents in
the urban and rural communities 10·5
4. A nalysis of sex distribution of the respondents in the
two commurut.ie. s 1-06
5. A comparative analysis of a Frequency distribution on the Marital
Status of the respondents in the Urban and rural communities ... 106
6. A comparative analysis of a Frequency distribution on the age
of the respondents in the urban and rural communities 1 o 7
7. A comparative analysis of a Frequency distribution showing
occupatio. n 0fth e respon deennttss iIn the two communit.ie.s ".............10'8.
8. Frequency distribution showing the educational background
distribution of the respondents in the urban and rural
communities 109
9. Analysis between the respondents of the urban and rural
communities on their knowledge of MAMSER'S objectives and
programmes 111
10. Analysis of the delivery strategies used by MAMSER in the
Political Education Programme in urban and rural communities11i
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11. Distribution of respondents view on the effect of the political
education programme on people's participation in politics 115
12. Distribution of respondents' views on the relationship of literacy
and po1m··ea 1parti.c.ipatio.n 0f the communit.ie.s . 118
13. Distribution of respondents' views on the awareness of their rights
as citizens educated by MAMSER : 120
14. Distribution of respondents' views on the impact ofMAMSER'S
Political Education Programme on the change of attitude
and culture 121
15. Analysis softhe respondents' perception of the influence of
the political education programme on tribalism i 2 3
16. Analysis of urban and rural communities perception of the
impact of the MAMSER'S Political Education Programme
on the organisation and administration of the political parties ...126
17. Distribution of respondents' views on the impact ofMAMSER'S
Political Education Programme on thuggery, election violence
and ngging 131
18. Analysis of the urban and rural communities perception on the
possibility of the political education programme solving Nigeria'S
political problems :.:.' 132
19. Analysis of the urban and rural communities perception on the
•
future of civilian administrations in Nigeria 1035
20. Analysis of the urban and rural communities perception
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on the impact of the political education programme on political
instability in Nigeria i 138
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Xll
LIST OF FIGURES
FIGURE PAGE
1. The Organisatioual Structure of the Directorate for Social
Mobilisation (MAMSER) 44
2. National Organisational Structure for the Directorate for Social
Mobilisation (MAMSER) 45
3. Donaldson-Scannell Model of Evaluation 103
LIST OF APPENDICES
PAGE
1. Questionnaire on evaluating the Political Education Progranune
of the Directorate for Social Mobilisation (MAMSER) . 186 -I 194
2. Directorate of Social Mobilisation Decree No. 31 of 19 "'de •• •••••• 195 - 199
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ABSTRACT
The study evaluated the strategies employed by the Directorate for Social
Mobilisation (MAMSER) for its Political Education Programme in Nigeria
between 1987 and 1992. This was with a view to determining the best strategies
for political education within the context of Nigerian environment.
Chapter One is the Introduction to the study. A brief Historical Background
of Nigerian Politics which resulted in the setting up of an agency for political
education was reviewed. The chapter also contains the Need for the Study,
Statement of Problem, Research Questions and the Overview of MAMSER.
Chapter Two is the Conceptual Framework where concepts related to the
study were examined. The concepts reviewed included Political Education,
Political Culture, Mass Education, Evaluation Process and Models of Evalua-
tion.
Relevant related Literature on Political Education was reviewed. The
review covered Political Education and the Society, Political Education and
Mass Literacy, Political Education and Adult Education, Methodology of Politi-
,
cal Education and Evaluation of Political Education Programme.
The Descriptive Survey Research Design was adopted for the study. A set
of questionnaire was designed, using a five-point Likert Scale as the instrument
for the study. 800 randomly selected subjects drawn from rural and urban
communities in Oyo State served as the subjects for the study. Oral interviews
and records available at MAMSER'S Offices at the Local Offices and State
Headquarters were used to complement the data collected' through the ques-
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XIV
tionnaire from the respondents. Key figures involved in the planning and
implementation of the MAMSER Political Education programme like the then
Secretary to MAMSER, Professor Tunde Adeniran and the Bauchi State then
Director of MAMSER, Dr. Musa Moda were interviewed.
The data collected through the instrument administered to the respondents
were analysed, using correlation co-efficient, chi-square and t-test statistical
tools.
From the study, the following findings were established.
(i) MAMSER was designed to fail by the government.
(ii) Most respondents were aware of the existence of MAMSER as a
government organ;
(iii) Most respondents did not understand the content and objectives of
MAMSER's political education programme;
(iv) The delivery strategies used for the propagating/disseminating the
political education programme by MAMSER were not effective;
(v) Most of the personnel of MAMSER were not trained adult
educators with expertise of mobilising adults;
(vi) There was no specified curriculum for the political education
prdgramme and
(vii) There was no effective monitoring of the programme.
Based on the findings, the policy implications were identified and a feasible
-- policy for political edu-cation was recommended in Chapter Five for better
political awareness in the Nigerian polity to include:
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(i) A framework for a political education programme in Nigeria;
(ii) Training of all personnel in adult education and political education;
(iii) Training in management and administration for all the cadres of
MAMSER's staff;
(iv) Preparation of curriculum/syllabus on political education geared to-
wards the Nigerian environment.
(v) Involvement of other Government Agencies, Ministries and Universi-
ties in the Planning, Implementation and Evaluation of the programme.
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CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Political Education is an important form of adult education programme. It
promotes political participation, civic responsibility, national consciousness,
national security, economic development, national unity and integration. Ac-
cording to Pye (1965:p.52) Stone (1974: pp 80-89) and Anyanwu (1987: p
66-69), political education brings about political stability, national integra-
tion and economic and social development. It is the realisation of the impor-
tance of political education that prompted the establishment of the Director-
ate for Social Mobilisation (MAMSER) to solve the problems of political
instability, ethnicity, and disunity in Nigeria. This study evaluated the Politi-
cal Education Programme ofMAMSER, 1987 - 1992.
1.1 Historical Background of Nigerian politics:
Nigeria became an independent nation on 1st October,1960. The period
between attainment ef independence and now had been characterised by po-
litical restlessness and instability. Nigeria had two civilian regimes and six
military governments within this short period.
The period between 1960 and 1965 witnessed some escalating political
disturbances in parts of Nigeria with increasing loss of confidence among the
political parties and among political leaders. As noted by Diamond (1987),
more troubling was the actual performance of the political actors. Allover
the nation, ruling regional parties were used increasingly to harass and
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repress political opponents. In this way, each ruling regional party consoli-
dated its position in 1960 and 1961 elections and ensured that opposition was
demoralized.
Anderson (1967:p.16) observed that the problem with Nigeria in the first
republic was basically lack of political education and tribalism. He contended
that "the 1964 Nigeria electoral campaign was with the ethnicity at fever pitch
and the major contenders all clearly labelled in the perceptions of the voters."
It was easy to predict what man would vote for National Council of Nigeria
Citizens (NCNC) or the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA).
The energy which could have been expended to pursue economic growth,
unity in diversity, stability and better life for all and sundry was diverted to
pursue unhealthy political rivalry. There was political tension especially in
the Western Region between Awolowo's Action Group and Akintola's United
People's Party. This was sequel to the crisis in the Action Group in 1962
which led to the split of the party into two. Akintola who was the premier of
the West was removed from office and this caused a disorder in the Western
House. The Federal Government under prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa
Balewa appointed an Administrator for Western region and declared a state
of emergency.
Chief Awolowo, the leader of the Action Group, opposition ofF ederal House
was found guilty of treasonable felony and sentenced to ten years imprison-
ment while other party members charged with him also received prison sen-
tences ranging from two years to fifteen years.
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Diamond (1988) argued that with the distribution of national power and
resources at stake, electoral conflict became more tribalistic and violent.
The 1964 election was marred by organized political thuggery and official
obstruction and repression of opposition campaign. The political tension that
the 1965 election generated led to a chain of events in the annals of Nigeria.
There were chaos, civil disobedience, arson and loss oflives. This eventually
led to the first military Government in Nigeria.
The first Military coup in Nigeria was led by Major C. Kaduna Nzeogwu.
This took place in Januar,y 1966 and it led to the death of top Government
functionaries and political heavyweights in Nigeria. The likes of the Prime
Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir. Ahmadu Bello
and ChiefS.L. Akintola were assassinated. While Major Nzeogwu was still in
control of theN orthern Legion, the Federal Government was formally handed
over to Major-General J.T.V.Aguiyi-Ironsi, (the most senior army officer) in
Lagos. Major Nzeogwu conceeded the administration of the Northern Region
to the authority in lagos under Ironsi.
However, General Ironsi and Nzeogwu were Ibos. Moreover, in the coup,
leaders in the Northern Region and Western Region were assassinated while
those in the Eastern Region were not touched. Thus the tribal sentiment which
had been the bane of politics in Nigeria brought an abrupt end to Ironsi re-
gime. Ironsi was assassinated in another coup on 29th July, 1966 and Lt. Col.
Gowon from Northern Nigeria became the Head of State on l st August,
1966.
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The crisis that followed this eventually led to the death of many Nigerians
who resided in the Northern and Eastern Nigeria. On 27th May, 1967, Gowon
announced the creation of twelve states in the Federation. Lt. Col. Ojukwu,
the then governor of Eastern Region, refused to recognise Gowon's authority.
Hence, he announced the birth of Republic of Biafra. This resulted in the
Nigerian Civil War which started in July 1967. The civil war brought untold
hardship to many homes. It brought economic ruin to the nation. Export of
palm oil, coal and rubber was disrupted during the war. This brought about a
loss of foreign currency which could have been utilized for economic ad-
vancement of the nation. Though the then head of state, Yakubu Gowon,
claimed that the civil war was fought without incurring debt. or taking loan
from external sources, he failed to add that the revenue expended on the war
could have been put to better use to enhance the development of the country.
When the civil war ended in 1970, Gowon embarked on a programme of
reconstruction, rehabilitation and reconciliation.
On 1st October, 1970, the government announced a transition to civil rule
which would take place within six years. However, Gowon changed his mind
in 1974 and declared that there was no definite time to return to civil rule.
Subsequently, he was overthrown in a coup led by Brigadier Muritala
Muhammed on 29th May, 1975. Muritala Muhammed announced a detailed
time-table for the restoration of civilian democratic government on 1st Octo-
ber, 1975.
The fact that Nigeria had been ruled through the barrel of the gun had never
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5
been a guarantee of political stability. There had been quite a number of mili-
tary coup-detat which had threatened the stability of the nation. Such coups
had raised questions on the credibility of the military administrations as being
corrective of anomalies in civilian regimes or short-cut for ambitious army
officers to force their way into power. Every military officer had seen himself
as a potential Head of State or Governor. There was an abortive coup six
months after Muhammed ousted Gowon. This coup was led by Lt. Col. Dimka
and it resulted in the death of General Muritala Muhammed, General Obasanjo
who took over from Mohammed formally handed over the rein of government
to the civilians for the second republic in 1979.
The second republic was a presidential form of government. Immediately
the ban on politics was lifted, quite a number of parties sprang up. After the
1979 elections, National Party of Nigeria which had Shehu Shagari as the
presidential candidate took over from General Obasanjo.
In the first election conducted under civilian regime in 1983, the problems
which were identified in the first republic reared their ugly heads again. Amodu
(1989:pl-15) captured the violence which attended the 1983 elections in the
second republic. He noted that "In 1983 gubernatorial elections in Nigeria, all
parties had along with their supporters psyched themselves into believing, in
some states, that winning the elections was a do or die affair. In Niger State,
this was exactly the situation the Nigerian People's Party supporters found
themselves. When they learnt that their party did not win the gubernatorial
election in the state, they went on acts of destruction and killing, not caring
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6
that in the process they might lose their lives". Such was the situation in most
parts of the country, especially in Ondo, Oyo and Ogun States. Many people
were killed, arson and looting became the order of the day.
The armed forces toppled the government of the Shagari on the 31st De-
cember, 1983. The administration was accused of mismanagement of
economy, corruption, high prices of food, problems with health care delivery
and education. Generals Muhammed Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon snatched
the mantle of leadership through a coup. BuharilIdiagbon administration
brought another phase of military administration to the country and also the
end of the second republic. Buhari summed up Shagari's regime as inept,
insensitive and corrupt.
The BuharilIdiagbon regime arrested and tried many of the politicians of
the second republic before special tribunals set up to try corrupt politicians
and to recover public money squandered. Some prominent politicians fled out
of the country to avoid possible punishment as many of the arrested politi-
cians were detained indefinitely without trials. This administration launched
the War Against Indiscipline to wipe out indiscipline, corruption and other
vices that permeated the lives of Nigerians during the tenure of previous re-
gimes, especially the Shagari's regime. The BuharilIdiagbon's administration
was best noted for its draconian laws. Many Nigerians lives in fear of pos-
sible arrest and imprisonment without trial.
BuharilIdiagbon's regime ended with a counter coup led by General Ibrahim
Babangida in 1985. The new administration accused the BuharilIdiagbon's
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7
regime of repressiveness, intimidation and oppression. It was noted that the
administration kept many Nigerians under surveillance and many unions and
professional groups were banned. General Ibrahim Babangida changed the
title of Head of State under the military to the President.
On January 1st, 1986, President Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida announced
in his budget speech that his administration would relinquish power to an
elected civilian government in 1990. In furtherance of this pledge, he set up a
seventeen member Political Bureau headed by Dr. SJ. Cookey.
1.2 The Political Bureau
The Political Bureau was inaugurated on 13th January, 1986 and was spe-
cifically charged with the responsibility of preparing a framework which will
eventually lead to the Third Republic and at the same time look into the
problem of instability in Nigeria. The Political Bureau was charged with the
following responsibilities:
(a) Review Nig,eria's Political history and identify the basic problems which
have led to our failure in the past and suggest ways of resolving and
coping with these problems.
(b) Identify a basic philosophy of government which will determine goals
and serve as a guide to the activities of government.
(c) Collect relevant information and data for the Government as well as
identify other political problems that may arise from the debate.
(d) Gather, collate and evaluate the contributions of Nigerians to the search
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8
for a viable political future and provide guidelines for the attainment
of the consensus objectives.
(e) Deliberate on other political problems as may be referred to it from
time to time.
The Bureau was given a year to complete its assignment and its report
was fmally submitted on 27th March, 1987.
The report of the Political Bureau (1987: pp 3-20) included issues such as
determination and classification of the Nigerian Society and analysis of the
environment in which Nigerians live. The argument of the Political Bureau
was that the class structure has to do with peculiar problem in each social
stratification. It was also expostulated that the failure to maximally and posi-
tively exploit the potentials of each class for the well-being of the Nigerian
people remains one of the clearest indications of the failure of the nation's
past political systems.
The Political Bureau (1987: p 3-4) classified the Nigerian Society into six
social stratification as follows:
(a) 'fraditional rulers
(b) Landed gentry
(c) Industrial/Commercial elites
(d) Intellectual and Military elites
(e) The quasi-proletariat
(f) Workers, peasants and unemployed
The traditional rulers were accorded a unique position in the society. This
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9
group of people are the emirs, obas, obis and chiefs who attained their present
position because of their royal link with the past. They are regarded as royal
fathers and their role is basically restricted to traditional matters.
The landed gentry which constitute the second group derived their wealth
and livelihood from landed properties which were either inherited or acquired.
The group of people do play an important role in the socio-economic life of
the nation.
The third stratum identified by the Bureau is the Industrial and Commercial
elites who are the back-bone of the economy of the nation. The group is made
up of industrialists, business magnates, top bankers and others who "dictate"
what the economy should be.
Intellectual and military elites were also classified. These are academicians
and senior military officers. They are regarded as the think-tank and brains of
the nation. The academicians, accountants etc, contribute to the well being of
the nation. The next class is the quasi-proletariat which is made up of inde-
pendent working class. They are mainly traders and self-employed people.
The last class of people consists of those who constitute the labour force.
They are workers, peasants and unemployed. They are the low level income
earners and hardly sustain themselves on their income. The unemployed also
constitute part of last stratum.
The Federal Government endorsed the analysis of the Nigerian Society by
the Political Bureau and also accepted that there should be a positive develop-
ment in terms of" social engineering, clear directive principles and committed
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10
purposeful leadership ".
The Bureau reviewed the Nigerian Political History from the pre-colonial
to the post-colonial era. It was observed that the British Colonial Government
merged many tribes together "without taking into consideration the view of
the people and the ethnic and cultural diversity of the Nigerian society". It
was argued that the problem in Nigerian political arena was precipitated by
the Colonialists.
The Bureau concluded that:
inadequate and defective structures, institutions and orientation
which colonialism bequeathed to Nigeria at independence and
partly on reluctance of succeeding Nigerian governments to
tackle basic problems such as unbalanced federation, regional-
ism, sectionalism alienation of the populace from the institu-
tion of government and major state apparatuses and conception
of the state as an instrument for exploitation rather than an in-
strument for the promotion of welfare and development were
responsible for the misfortune of Nigeria.
It was noted that there should be a new orientation for Nigeria. The solu-
tion to political culture and philosophy should be directed towards
promotion of the welfare of the people to whom sovereignty
must be restored by constitutional provisions, which should
ensure social justice and equality for Nigerians, irrespective of
any other considerations.
The new political system is supposed "to restore the balance between
rulership and responsibility on the other". The new system should ensure
social justice and equality irrespective of state, ethnic origins, religious affili-
ations and social status. The Federal Government accepted the Bureau's call
for a new political culture and philosophy.
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The Bureau also examined the political economy of Nigeria. It is the con-
tention of the Bureau that Nigeria had been a supplier of labour to the indus-
trial world and at the same time, consumers of readily made manufactured
products of European industries. Nigerians mainly engaged in agriculture.
There were limited manufacturing industries on small scale production. It
was noted that:
The political economy of the colonial state was intended to sub-
jugate, eliminate and exploit the Nigerian people and their re-
sources. In the process of negotiating independence, the Nige-
rian leadership became fragmented in their struggle for the spoils
of the political economy because the expansion of the political
economy opened increasingly opportunities to the Nigerian elites
for political, administrative and commercial activities.
Fajana (1975, pp 179-197) noted that the economic predicament of Nigeria
was precipitated by Lord Lugard who was the architect behind the amalgam-
ation of Northern and Southern protectorates. Fajana (1975: p. 192) pointed
out that:
Lugard's proposals were meant principally to train Nigerians to
produce raw materials for European factories: there was no
thought of developing the industrial potentialities of the coun-
try. We have no evidence that anything was done about the use
of manure and the control of pests. Nor was the teaching of
crafts carried beyond repairing doors and windows made in
Europe.
Nigerians themselves did not help the situation. The Political Bureau noted
that the trend which colonialists started continued in our political economy.
There was exploitation of farmers in the 1960s. Coupled with such exploita-
tion was the rising market prices of finished goods and increased taxation to
the extent that there was political tension.
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The Political Bureau further stated that the Military administrations made
efforts to revive the economy but the efforts yielded only little dividend. The
Bureau also noted that:
The second military rule that replaced the second republic has
embarked on policies and programmes aimed at rescusitating
the economy and effort which has been compounded by high
rate of inflation and low level of industrial capacity utilisation.
There is a close relationship between economy and politics. It is the politi-
cal power that stipulates the type of economy or ideology which a nation
should pursue. This explains the Bureau's emphatic call on political economy
devoid of external control.
It is argued that the "promise of providing full economy opportunities and
promoting freedom and democracy called for organisation of the economic,
social and political institutions in such a way as would eliminate oppression".
One of the terms of reference of the Political Bureau was the identification
of a basic philosophy of government for Nigeria. The philosophy should spell
out goals and activities of government. The Bureau recommended that Nige-
ria should take te a Socialist Socio-Economy System in which the state shall
be committed to the nationalisation and socialisation of the commanding heights
of the national economy.
The Federal Government rejected the recommendation of socialist ideol-
ogy on the ground that an ideology will eventually evolve with time and po-
litical maturity. Thus by rejecting socialism, the Government is indirectly
endorsing capitalism. Otherwise one could assume that the Federal Govem-
ment wanted people to believe that Nigeria is operating on a Zero ideological
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
13
base.
One of the areas that the Bureau touched is the issue of a New Political
Orientation for Nigeria. The Bureau was of the view that:
The low consciousness of the people had made them vulnerable
to manipulations of the power elite in the society. The backlash
from such actions has been the emergence of a culture of help-
lessness, apathy and indifference to the political progress.
The Bureau called for urgent and concerted efforts to create the right politi-
cal culture in Nigeria. This new political culture would be attained through
coherent and clearly guided efforts of a social mobilisation and political edu-
cation programme. It is argued that the concept of social mobilisation signi-
fies that people are being mobilised towards a certain goal or ideology.
The Bureau went further to identify the strategies which social mobilisation
and political education should take. The new programme should involve "Co-
operative unions, women's organisations, youth and students' organizations,
age grades, village wards and clan councils which should be institutionalised,
democratised and given specific functions to perform in the political system.
Government agertcies, traditional authorities and mass media should also play
vital roles".
The Bureau was of the view that the low level of education of Nigerians
and lack of proper awareness of rights and obligations is the bane of the citi-
zenry. The politicians and elites had exploited this situation to their own ad-
vantages through manipulation of state apparatus to suit their own selfish
ends.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
14
It was therefore recommended that government should establish a body to
be known as National Directorate of Social Mobilization and Political Educa-
tion with the following objectives.
1. Awake the consciousness of the mass of the Nigerian citizens to their
rights and obligations within the Nigerian nation.
2. Inculcate in them the spirit of patriotism and commitment to social
justice and self-reliance through:
(a) Mobilising and harnessing their energies and the natural resources
into production;
(b) Preparing them to fight internal and external domination of our
resources by a few groups or countries;
(c) Making them shun waste and vanity and shed all pretence to af-
fluence evident in our past life-styles in general;
(d) Promoting equality of opportunities in all spheres of our life and
(e) Creating necessary basic democractic institutions such as farmers
co-oper,atives, village clan and ward councils to promote discus-
sion of local affairs and taking decisions on them.
3. Make them realise that the sovereignty and the resources of the nation
collectively belong to them and it is their right and duty to ensure that
they at all times take necessary steps to resist any attempt to deprive
them of the valuable rights.
4. Make them realise that it is equally their right to ensure that those in
government primarily serve their collective interests and if necessary,
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
15
such people could be removed if found wanting.
5. Inculcate in the citizens the need to eschew all such vices as corrup-
tion, dishonesty, election and census malpractices, ethnicity and reli-
gious bigotry which have bedevilled our body politics and uphold the
virtues of honest, hardwork and commitment to the promotion of na-
tional integration.
6. Inculcate in them generally, all other virtues of patriotism and active
participation in national affairs.
The Bureau recommended that the Directorate should be permanent be-
cause the task of social and political mobilisation should be a continuous
exercise and the Directorate should be autonomous to enable it function ef-
fectively.
The programmes of the Directorate should involve organisations and insti-
tutions such as the family, educational institutions, farmers' co-operative so-
cieties, labour unions, professional and voluntary associations, women's
organisations, students' unions, youth clubs, religious organisations and the
armed forces. It was clearly stated that:
Involving these organisations and institutions should mean, more
importantly, making sure they participate actively in devising
policies and programmes and implementing them.
It was recommended that the activities of the Directorate should include
devising more effective strategies for the implementation of mass literacy
campaign. It is pertinent to note that the Bureau's recommendation of mass
literacy programme is towards an end. The Bureau was convinced that illit-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
16
eracy was a bane in politics of the nation.
The Bureau's concept of mass literacy is not only literacy to those without
it, but also vocational training to them and to the unemployed as this would
go a long way towards moulding better citizens out of them. [Findings and
Recommendations of the political Bureau (1987).]
The Federal Government accepted the recommendation on National Direc-
torate of Social Mobilisation and Political Education. However, the body would
be known as the National Directorate of Social Mobilisation (MAMSER).
The main objective of the agency was to provide political education for Nige-
rians. It was believed that the political education programme of MAMSER
will put an end to the political instability and this could ensure an enduring
democracy. It is the aim of this study to evaluate the impact of this political
education programme on Nigerians.
1.3 Statement of Problem:
The instability th,at characterised the political scene in the first and second
republics in Nigeria had been a source of persistent headaches to many well-
meaning citizens. The military administration had punctuated what could have
been an uninterrupted civilian regime due to crisis that often followed elec-
tions in this country.
Political Scientists had postulated many theories and advanced reasons for
the nature of Nigerian politics. They had tried to go back to Nigerian Political
history since the 1914 amalgamation of North and South protectorates by
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
17
Lord Lugard in order to suggest that the violence which had been attending
Nigerian election started from the British colonialists who used force to subdue
the tribes, kingdoms and empires in Nigeria.
Ojelabi (1970 p. 295) argued that the period between 1960 and 1965 was
characterised by political disturbances in many parts of Nigeria and the fact that
politicians had no confidence in one another. Even in the second republic,
Nigerian politicians did not portray a sense of political maturity, sense of
belonging and it was evident that they did not learn from the past mistakes. It
----has been strongly contended that lack of political education led to the fall of the
second republic. Hence the intervention of the Babangida's Administration to
establish MAMSER for the purpose of political education for the 3rd Republic.
The political education programme was expected to bring political stability to
the nation. In this respect, Nigerians would be politically conscious oftheirrights
and obligations to the nation. The whole nation would be united despite the
different ethnic and religious backgrounds. In the end, there would be a great
civic society in which justice, duty, responsibility and tolerance exist. The
objectives of the poJitical education programme of MAMSER were aimed at
attaining a united democratic Nigeria.
It has been argued by the political bureau that the instability experienced by
Nigeria sprang out of low political consciousness of the people. It is this
phenomenon which had made them vulnerable to manipulation of power elite
in the society. The blacklash from such actions had been the emergence of a
culture of helplessness, apathy and indifference to the political process.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
18
The instability and lack of continuity in administration in Nigeria had greatly
hindered the economic development of the nation. There has been as many
National Plans for Nigeria as there had been governments. Each regime or
administration usually comes up with fresh plans and programmes thereby
jettisoning the previous plans of the former administration.
It is no gainsaying that foreign investment is at its low ebb becawuse of
- ------··---political instability plaguing the nation. Despite the continuous inducement in
terms of economic concession offered to foreign investors, the fear of instability
had kept foreign investors away.
Increase in number of abandoned projects due to frequent changes of hands
at the helm of affairs had not augured well for the nation. Each administration
often embarked on new projects, in most cases for personal gain, in order to
enrich their purse. Examples of these abandoned projects abound in all states
of the Federation. Low-cost housing units built by Shagari administration which
had been abandoned half-way not been completed by succeeding regimes. This
had resulted in wastage of public fund which could have been better utilized.
Apart from the economic loss brought about by instability in affairs of the
nation, the human and material loss should not be left out. Instability was usually
accompanied by loss of lives and property. Military coups and counter coups had
led to the death of many prominent civilians and senior military officers.
Hoodlums often seized the opportunity to go on rampage and perpetuated evils
such as arson, looting and other atrocities. The social sphere would be disrupted
because of insecurity in the nation. It should not be forgotten that instability
heightened ethnicity fever and fear of possible civil war in the nation.
In the end there would l~e a great civic society in which justice, duty, re-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
19
sponsibility and tolerance exist.
1.4 The Need for the Study
Many political scientists had conducted researches into the political insta-
bility in Nigeria. They had stressed that ethnicity, lack of political education,
intolerance, among others, are factors which contributed to the predicament
of the nation.
The Federal Military Government under President Babangida was quite
aware of this political crisis and the need to fmd a lasting solution to the
problem, of political instability in Nigeria. It is known that the Military is not
supposed to venture into politics. The military is a professional outfit and is
supposed to be identified with security and protection of the nation against all
external and internal aggressions but not a political party that should rule.
MAMSER was set up to educate all Nigerians politically in order to put an
end to the political instability which had been the bane of politics in the coun-
try. It was the belief of Babangida's administration that the solution to the
crisis in the Nigerian politics was the MAMSER's political education
programme.
MAMSER was in existence for over five years and it is not too short a time
to evaluate the contribution of MAMSER to political education in Nigeria.
There had been many critics, especially Nigerianjoumalists, who had con-
demned the existence of MAMSER on the ground that the functions of this
Directorate could have been better implemented by agencies which had been
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
20
handling the concerned programmes previously if given necessary backing in
terms of moral and fmancial support. 'Evaluation of the political education
programme will bring to light whether MAMSER really justified its exist-
ence.
Evaluation will expose how far MAMSER was able to fulfill the objectives
of providing political education for Nigerians.
It is quite interesting to note that MAMSER was specifically established to
fmd solution to political instability in Nigeria. Vice President Augustus
Aikhomu's first charge to the Directorate when it was launched in 1987 at
Abuja was that the immediate activities of MAMSER in the following four
months should include proper education of the Nigerian people about the
virtues of making a success of the forthcoming Local Government Elections
later in that year and making them to avoid all the vices associated with such
elections in the past.
If Vice President Augustus Aikhomu gave MAMSER j.ust four months to
teach political education to the citizenry, it was timely to embark on the evalu-
ation of the political education programme of MAMSER after five years of
existence.
Since it was the aim ofBabangida's administration to fmd a lasting solution
to the problem of political instability which had been attributed to lack of
political education, it is pertinent to evaluate the political education programme
of MAMSER which was meant to bring political stability to the nation .
•
So far, little or nothing had been done to assess the impact of Political
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
21
Education on the citizenry who had been called political illiterates. Political
Education as a programme of Adult Education had not been evaluated. There
had been focus on Literacy Education from time to time.
Political Education is a programme under Adult Education and not Politi-
cal Science. Political Scientists had concentrated efforts on political science
theories but Adult Education deals with the development of people.
The above is buttressed by Mhaiki (1981) who tried to draw a line between
Political Education and Political Science.
Political Education is not the same as Political Science. While
Political Science deals with history, structures of governments
and parliamentary procedures, mainly the interest of academi-
cians, political education deals with the development of people
on the effort to make them conscious of their national ideolo-
gies.
As a programme under Adult Education, Political Education aimed basi-
cally at adults who had attained eighteen years and therefore eligible to vote.
Thee is no gainsaying the fact that evaluation of MAMSER's political edu-
cation programme enhance and enrich the success of the programme since it
was part of the recommendation of the Political Bureau that MAMSER be
entrenched in the constitution in order to ensure continuity.
Evaluation of a programme such as political education which involved im-
parting of knowledge is very crucial. Ebel (1979 pp. 5-22) rightly stressed the
importance of evaluation in a teaching programme. He said: "To teach with-
out evaluating the results of teaching would be foolish"
Gronlund (1981, pp 1-18) asserted the importance of evaluation in all edu-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
22
cational programmes. He conceptualized evaluation in term of "a systematic
process of determining the extent to which instructional objectives are achieved
by pupils". He further argued that evaluation provides a means of maintaining
learning progress and diagnosing learning difficulties. He noted that periodic
evaluation during instruction provides a type of feedback - corrective proce-
dure that aids in continuously adapting instruction to group and individual
needs. Evaluation instruments will provide a relevant measure, or description
of the extent to which those changes have taken place.
Lindvall and Nitko (1967, p.4) contended that:
evaluation is equally essential to the total process of education
because until we have information as to whether or not change
in behaviour has been produced, we have no way of knowing
that instruction has indeed taken place. Evaluation will identify
outcomes that have not been achieved and will thus indicate
what still needs to be learned.
Evaluation is not strange to the Directorate. MAMSER had prepared the
ground for evaluation of her programmes through the Research, Monitoring
and Evaluation Division of the Directorate. However, it has been argued that
most internal evaluation units could be subjective. It is easy to claim success
where non exists and the huge public revenue expended on the Directorate
would go down the drain without accountability.
There is dire need for External Evaluation such as this research. The Exter-
nal Evaluation will be objective and it is welcome on the following grounds:
1. It is non-government commissioned and it is therefore free from bu-
reaucratic control;
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
23
11. It is not prone to susbjectiveness which often characterises internal
evaluation;
111. It is educative and result oriented since the purpose of this research is
to add to knowledge;
IV. It might pave way for further research.
1.5 Significance of Study
This research is significant as it demonstrates the relevance of the often
emphasized but usually ignored need for an inter-disciplinary approach. It is
the contention of Amucheazi (1975, p.21) that the:
only realistic approach to social phenomena in the developing
countries is to draw from history, political science, education,
psychology and sociology.
The above submission is strengthened by Okedara (1981, p27) who as-
serted that "Adult Education cuts across levels of education, so it cuts across
disciplines. Thus, Adult Education can be further classified according to some
of the disciplines it works with". It is therefore important for Adult Educators
to make researches into the activities of MAMSER. Mhaiki (1981, p.152)
really drove home the significances of this study in Adult Education. He stated
that:
~<{)\\tit£~\ '11must be an mdispensable component of adult
education programmes to synthesise the various tribes, chiefs,
vernaculars and religious sects into national policy in economic
social and cultural development. '
As earlier noted, MAMSER was deeply involved in the transition to civil
rule.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
24
There had been allegations of incompetence and lack of proper understand-
ing of the expected role of MAMSER against officials of MAMSER. Many
critics, especially journalists, had observed lack of understanding of the ob-
jectives and functions of MAMSER on the part of staffers of MAMSER and
the public. Some journalists who wrote commentaries on the agency perceived
the role of MAMSER as an information agency and this was why there have
been suggestions that it should be merged with the Federal Ministry of Infor-
mation. It was specifically suggested in the "Guardians" on March 3, 1993
that MAMSER be scrapped.
It is, therefore, one of the important dimensions of this study to assess the
strategies and impact of MAMSER's political education programme on the
people.
1.6 Objectives of study
The objectives of this study include:
1. Evaluation of the specific objectives of MAMSER vis-a-vis political
education of the masses.
11. To assess the strategies employed by MAMSER for facilitating politi-
cal education.
111. To examine reasons for success or failure or problems of the Director-
ate.
IV. To examine the organisation and administration of MAMSER.
•
v. To examine the policy implications of the political education
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
25
programme in Nigeria.
VI!. To design a plausible model of political education strategies.
1.7 Research Questions
The following Research Questions were examined in order to elicit infor-
mation on the impact of MAMSER's political Education Programme on the
masses.
1. Towhat extent had the strategies ofMAMSER facilitate the success of
the political education programme?
2. Has the political education programme any effect on people's partici-
pation in politics?
3. Towhat extent has illiteracy affected the success of the political edu-
cation programme of MAMSER?
4. Has political education programme any effect on the political culture
of Nigerians?
5. Is political leaning of Nigerians now free of ethnicity/tribalism?
6. Has political education influenced the organisation and administration
of political parties?
7. Has political education reduced the incidence of thuggery, arson, riots
and killings among the politicians?
8. Has the MAMSER's political education brought hope for a stable ci-
vilian government in future?
9. What is the effect of MAMSER's political education programme on
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
26
the issue of political instability in Nigeria?
10. What had been the areas of successes and failures of MAMSER's po-
litical education programme?
1.8 Definition of Terms
The terms and concepts in this study that the researcher uses are defmed
operationally in order to reduce ambiguities. This is important in that some of
these concepts and terms are ambivalent in nature, and are capable of mul-
tiple and differing meanings, connotations, interpretations and usage because
of their inter-disciplinary applications. For the purpose of this study, the terms
and concepts are used and interpreted as follows:
Political Education
For the purpose of this study, political education is defmed as a con-
scious attempt to educate the citizenry on the national political ideas, his-
tory, feelings, opinions, rights and duties of the citizenry, through formal and
non-formal educatio,n. The purpose is to create, establish and affirm a new
political behaviour and culture in line with the national democratic values.
The main objectives of political education is having a national democratic
society where the masses are conscious, vigilant and highly organised to pro-
mote and defend democracy in order to have political stability. In this study,
civic education is also regarded as a form of political education.
Mobilisation
It is a socio-political process aimed at creating a new political culture to
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
27
replace political apathy, instability and negative attitude to national demo-
cratic institutions.
The people must be involved in taking active part in decisions affecting
their general welfare and developing pride in productive work, self-reliance,
self-discipline, social justice and selfless discharge of obligations for the great-
ness of the nation.
Mass Education
Mass education refers to an effort to conscientize the illiterates in Nigeria.
Mass education is not limited to the skills of reading and writing but it is also
the realization of any desirable potentiality that a man possesses.
Mass education in this context is in socio-cultural perspective which is
geared towards social matters, such as political education, social justice, self-
reliance and national development. It is therefore to create socio-political con-
sciousness which makes every member of the society to participate fully in all
aspects of the national life.
Political Culture
It is the collective attitude, values, feelings and response to politics, and
national institutions in a nation. Political culture aims at national identifica-
tion of individuals with the nation.
In Nigeria, a new political culture is expected to replace primordial politi-
cal culture. This new political culture is to be created through popular aware-
ness, active participation in politics and national affairs and increased identi-
fication of individuals with the national democratic institutions, orientations
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
28
and beliefs.
Political Socialization
Political Socialization is the individual relationship, knowledge and atti-
tude towards the nation's political system. It is a non-formal form of political
learning that affects political behaviour, and social attitudes of each citizenry.
Political Socialization develops through personal experiences in school, the
family, clubs, societies and Non-Governmental Organisations.
The personal identity, congnitive and emotional aspects of character of an
individual determine how the individual receives the political beliefs and how
he organises these beliefs.
Organisation
Organisation is defined in this study as pooling together of resources in
term of personnel and material, in order to work for a common purpose. It is
also a process of executive action to ensure that the resources, activities and
authority relationship are coordinated in order to achieve the set objectives of
political education i,n Nigeria.
Strategies
Strategy is a term which is used for many purposes. It means art or skill of
planning and management of any affair. However, for the purpose of this
study, strategies are specific programmes of action mapped out and executed
in order to attain the goals of the political education programme.
Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOS)
The Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOS) are the various non-gov-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
29
emmental coalitions, small or large, groups or networks which may be social,
economic, religious or professional in nature, mostly engaged in development
and welfare services at all levels and in all parts of the world (Allen 1980 and
Hall 1986).
In this study, NGOS are mainly noted for their literacy efforts in the soci-
ety. Examples of the NGOS are the Nigerian National Council for Adult Edu-
cation, Nigerian Baptist Convention and others.
Evaluative Study
In this study, the concept means the systematic assessment of objectives,
goals and effects of the political education programme of MAMSER with a
view to making policy implication for a better political education programme
in Nigeria.
1.9 An Overview of MAMSER
This study evaluates the objectives, strategies, organisation and programmes
of the Directorate for Social Mobilisation with particular focus on political
education. The programme and the objectives of MAMSER should be deter-
mined before embarking on evaluation. According to Gronlung (1981), it is
important that an evaluator should have a sound knowledge of any educa-
tional programme which is to be evaluated. Thiede (1964) also supported that
the fIrst step in evaluation is determining what to evaluate. Mhaiki (1981)
agreed that in evaluating a programme, we look first at its educational objec-
tives.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
30
In line with the above suggestions by scholars, the researcher examines the
objectives, programmes and organisation of the Directorate for Social
Mobilisation.
The Directorate for Social Mobilisation: (MAMSER)
MAMSER emerged following government's acceptance of the recommen-
dation of the Political Bureau. The government therefore decided that the
body would be known as the National Directorate for Social Mobilisation
(MAMSER).
In an address which was tagged "A signal for National Reawakening,"
Babangida (1987) referred to MAMSER as "one of the most important ele-
ments in our preparation for return to civil rule. As you may also recall the
transition programme combines for the first time, a learning process and a
withdrawal process".
The Social Mobilisation Programme was designed for the "generated body
of our national civil community and the members of the Armed Forces". In
.
other words, it has been acknowledged that the focus of mobilisation is for all
Nigerians. '
MAMSER was expected to be lasting. The effect would be beyond the
tenure of that Military Government. This implies that it was not meant to
serve only immediate need of the Transition Programme. It had been aimed
principally to eradicate dishonesty, distrust and disharmony, dis-service and
corruption. A Decree was to be promulgated in order to back MAMSER so as
•
to give it the backing of the law.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
31
The principal task of MAMSER was to mobilise Nigerians. It was to stir
their consciousness. Babangida (1987, p.lIO) stated that MAMSER was:
to raise our individual and collective national consciousness and
enable us dream and attain lofty goals; to seek and to attain
what is noblest in human nature, place the highest value and
respect the dignity of human life to re-discover the meaning of
duty and accept responsibility ...
One would recall that one of the recommendations of the Political Bureau
was that the Directorate of Social Mobilisation should arrest the low con-
sciousness of the people.
According to the Bureau (1987p .77)
the low consciousness of the people had made them vulnerable
to manipulations of the power elite in the society. The backlash
from such actions has been the emergence of a culture of help-
lessness, apathy and indifference to the political process.
Babangida fmnly believed that the woes of the nation had been created by
the past administrations. This view had been one of the topical issues raised
by the Political Bureau. He submitted that the development of thi.s country
depends on the readiness of the citizenry to be alive to their civic responsibili-
ties. MAMSER (1~87, p.IO) therefore, aimed at:
galvanising the natural goodness, the creativity and the reason-
ableness in the Nigerian to help himself and the nation to attain
the greatness the past so often promised but always failed to
fulfil. In a real sense therefore, what we are about to launch is a
mobilisation programme which should lead to the re-orienta-
tion of our people to face with reviewed faith and re-invigo-
rated vision the challenge of taking this nation to the greatness
she deserves.
•
Social Mobilisation is the active participation of the citizenry. It must be
seen in terms of involving:
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
32
the people to increase their level of awareness of certain set of
objectives with a view to achieving them.
MAMSER (1987, p 10)
Babangida (1987) stressed the importance of political and civic education
of the leaders and the led. He opined that no matter the excellence in the
leadership, society can only attain greater heights if the followership is in
tune with the leadership. Babangida (1987, p 12) added that:
such followership must be educated to understand and to ap-
preciate, be morally and spiritually committed, sociallyawak-
ened and fully mobilized to conform in its every behaviour to
those principles and practices which guarantee the fulfillment
of societal goals.
In his address on 25th July, 1987, President Babangida stated what the
broad objectives of the Directorate should be.
Objectives of Social Mobilisation Programme
According to Babangida, the broad aims of MAMSER were:
1. to enlighten, educate, and motivate all citizens towards the goals and
objectives of the Nigerian State;
11. to create a responsible and responsive leadership through the dissemi-
nation of,appropriate political rules;
lll. to create a responsible and conscious public through the dissemination
of appropriate political rules;
IV. to encourage a functional dialogue between the government and the
people through the establishment and inculcation of political norms;
and
v. to develop and sustain adequate political conventions which will guar-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
33
antee a positive and stable political culture.
1.10 Functions of the Directorate:
On 2nd September, 1987, the Vice President Rear Admiral Augustus A.
Aikhomu (Rtd.) (1987, pp 17-20) formerly the Chief of General Staffinaugu-
rated the Directorate for Social Mobilisation at the Federal Capital Territory,
Abuja. Apart from defming what Social Mobilisation entails, he spelt out the
function which included:-
1. Establish an appropriate framework for the positive mobilisation and
education of all Nigerians towards economic recovery and develop-
ment and a new social and political order.
2. Awaken the consciousness of all categories of Nigerians to their rights
and obligations as citizens of Nigeria.
3. Inculcate in all Nigerians the value and spirit of civic responsibility
and commitment to social justice and economic, self-reliance through
mobilisation and harnessing of their energies and natural resources
into productive use.
4. Sensitize, induct and equip all Nigerians to fight against internal and
external domination of our resources by a few individuals and groups.
5. Re-orientate all NIgerians to shun waste and vanity and to shed all
pretences of aftluence in our life styles.
6. Promote pride in the consumption of home-produced commodities,
and in self-reliance.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
34
7. Prepare the framework for creating the basic institutions and norms of
democracy at all levels of our society.
8. Create consciousness about power and its use and about the proper
role of Government in serving the collective interest of Nigerians.
9. Ensure that the materials which appear in the Mass Media, both elec-
tronic and the print, are in consonance with the national objectives of
self-reliance, social justice, human rights democratic norms, economic
recovery and economic development.
10. Propagate the need to eschew all vices in public life including corrup-
tion, dishonesty, electoral and census malpractices, ethnic and reli-
gious bigotry.
11. Propagate the virtues of hardwork, honesty, self-reliance commitment
and promotion of national integration.
12. Inculcate in all Nigerians the virtues of patriotism and positive partici-
pation in national affairs.
MAMSER is supposed to permeate private and public life of individuals -
both old and young. In what is styled "wider society", the activities of
MAMSER shall be focused on areas such as family, students, etc. This is in
accordance with the recommendation of the Political Bureau which stated
that:
To achieve the desired results, the programmes of the Director-
ate should involve such organisations and institutions, as farm-
ers" cooperative societies, labour unions, professional and vol-
untary associations, women's organisations, students" unions,
youth clubs, religious organisations and the armed forces. In-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
35
volving these organisations and institutions should mean, im-
portantly, make sure they participate actively in devising poli-
cies and programmes and implementing them.
In the Babangida's address (1987, pp -14) at the inauguration, he stated that
the Directorate is granted autonomy and it is free to work our her strategies.
He stated that "the Directorate for Social Mobilisation is completely free to
map out its approaches and strategies for the attainment of the above func-
tions".
Professor Jerry Gana (1987) identified three important areas which the Di-
rectorate should focus. There were:-
(a) Mass Mobilisation for self-reliance, social justice and economic re-
covery.
(b) Political Education
(c) Mass Education.
Mass Mobilisation
It is specified that the programme is meant to mobilize Nigeria's labour
resources to generate greater productivity in order to bring about economic
recovery and self-reliance. It was the contention that if the labour is mobilised
effectively, the labour force will transform the abundant natural resources
into goods and services. Professor Jerry Gana submitted that the Mobilisation
of the creative energies of the people is the root of genuine development.
The Political Bureau reports (1987) indicated that mobilisation be directed
to five national goals which• are:-
(a) a united, strong and self-reliant nation.
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36
(b) a great and dynamic economy
(c) a just and egalitarian society
(d) a land of bright and full opportunities for all citizens
(e) a free and democratic society.
Gana (1987, pp 23-29) argued that it is the human resources of a nation that
ultimately determine the nature, direction and pace of its socio-economic de-
velopment. Nations are built through the creative, productive and innova-
tive hardwork of the people. Gana (1987, p.34) added that
Real development is an essentially human issue - it concerns
the capacity and creative ability of a people to effectively trans-
form the natural resources of their environment into goods and
services.
The Chairman ofML\MSER (1987 p.34) buttressed his argument with the
National Third Development plan where it is contended that:
It is clear that development does not start with goods and things,
it starts with people - their reorientation, organisation and disci-
pline. When the accent of development is on things, all human
resources remain latent, untapped potential, and a society can
be poor amidst the most opulent material resources".
It is evident that if the creative energies of the people are mobilised for
,
great production, there would be a solid foundation for greater economic de-
velopment. The above is based on the massive and fertile land at the disposal
of the nation. It is believed that if the labour forces to transform the abundant
natural resources into goods and services are mobilised, there would be de-
velopment.
The strategies to achieve mobilisation of the people would include the use
of radio and television programmes. Through these media, there will be dis-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
37
semination of information on social mobilisation activities. The popular
organisations at the community level will also be involved. In this direction,
the assistance of Local Government is very important. Mobilisation shall also
include co-operative, labour union, town unions, professional unions, etc.
1.11 Political Education
It is the lack of political education among the citizenry that brought about
MAMSER.
Gana (1987, p.25) contended that:
Raising the political maturity and consciousness of the masses
in this country is perhaps the most critical function of the Di-
rectorate.
The terms of reference of the Political Bureau were very specific on getting
to the sources of political problems in Nigeria in order to fmd lasting solution.
The Bureau's terms of reference which bordered on political education had
been indicated on page 6 in this study. Thus the Directorate was charged
with creation of a new and positive political consciousness among the masses.
It was the submission of the Political Bureau that:
we are convinced that a political conscious, effectively mobilised
and properly motivated population is the greatest detergent to
bad governance. (Findings and Recommendations of the Politi-
cal Bureau (1987 p.77).
It was also part of the observation of the Political Bureau that:
There was clear evidence that the behaviour of Nigerians in the
political process had been largely negative. The low conscious-
ness of the people had made them vulnerable to manipulations
of the power elite in the society. The backlash from such ac-
tions has been the emergence of a culture of helplessness, apa-
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38
thy and indifference to the political process. (Findings and Rec-
ommendations for the Political Bureau 1987, p.77).
It was further stated that "Political Education is important, not only for
democracy, but for the fact that mental liberation can become a powerful
material force in the process of production, in other words, awareness (or
consciousness) is a resource on its own because the activity of production
incorporates a clear knowledge of the real world".
MAMSER (1987, pp 24-42) set out to reduce to practical terms the theo-
retical aspects of the political education programme. In a fourteen point dec-
laration, what political education programme implies was identified.
1. educating Nigerians to realise that democracy is an indispensable pre-
condition for rapid national development;
11. transforming unjust traditional structures through the promotion of
elected committees at village ward and neighbourhood levels;
111. educating Nigerians about their rights and duties as citizens of Nige-
na;
IV. educating Nigerians about the dangers of apathy and political silence;
v. promoting the formation or revitalisation of popular organisations at
all levels of our society to ensure democracy and social justice;
VI. raising the consciousness of the Nigerian masses to realise that their
poverty derives from exploitation, domination and lack of democracy
in the nation;
VII. educating Nigerians through popular organisations such as Labour
Unions, Co-operatives, Women Associations, Farmers' Associations,
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
39
Professional Associations, Community Development Associations, etc.
to take democratic decisions on public issues affecting their lives;
Vll1. educating and mobilising the Nigerian masses to realise that the people
themselves are the best defenders of democracy and social justice;
IX. educating Nigerians to view government as their agency and govern-
ment officials as public servants, NOT masters, and that it is their own
national duty to intervene and correct such officials when they do wrong
or abuse their positions;
x. removing institutional obstacles to popular participation of the masses
in public affairs and the development process;
Xl. educating and mobilising Nigerians against ethnic, religious and sec-
tional intolerance and manipulations;
XlI. educating and mobilising Nigerians to identify, expose and reject cor-
ruption in all facets of Nigeria's national life;
Xll1. educating and mobilising Nigerians to identify with the Nigerian Na-
tion and to reject any manipulations of acts which threaten the unity
and integrity ef the Nation;
XlV. educating and mobilising Nigerians to identify with just and demo-
cratic struggles of Africans, black people and other oppressed people
in any part of the world.
The Directorate produced "Political Education Manual" which is a booklet,
stating the content of Political Education as conceptualized.
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40
Mass Education
Mass Education was the third pillar of MAMSER. It is interesting to note
that Mass Education was seen as complementary to Political Education. Po-
litical Bureau recommended that:
To complement the activities of the Directorate, government
should revive and devise more effective strategies for the imple-
mentation of its mass literacy campaign. The mass literacy
programme should aim at giving not only literacy to those with-
out it, but also vocational training to them and to the unem-
ployed as this would go a long way towards moulding better
citizenry out of them. (MAMSER HANDBOOK P .27).
MAMSER identified literacy education as a strategy for mass mobilisation.
To this end, compulsion was placed on attainment of literacy education if
mass mobilisation was to succeed. It was stated that:
To break ignorance, we believe that a nation - wide mass
literacy programme is essential. (MAMSER BOOK 1987, p.27).
As part of the methods of executive of literacy education, it was proposed
that there should be Social Mobilisation Corps ofMAMSER Brigade with an
initial membership of 25, 000 youths who would be employed in mass lit-
eracy and mass mobilisation programmes. It was argued that:
a literate society is a liberated society" and mass mobilisation
can "break ignorance and the culture of apathy and the culture
of apathy and silence.
(MAMSER HANDBOOK 1987, P.27)
It was the submission of MAMSER that:
literacy represents a vital key to knowing one's rights, duties
and responsibilities. It represents access to the liberation of the
mind and the body. It is a sure way to ensuring that individual
Nigerians know not only their rights but their responsibilities,
obligations and the limitations society. It is therefore, our con-
viction that by giving Nigerians the opportunity to be liberated
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41
through mass education, we are, at the same time, giving them
the right and opportunity to be free from all kinds of diseases
and deprivations usually associated with illiteracy.
(MAMSER HANDBOOK 1987, P 27)
The Directorate believed that Mass Literacy would liberate the Nigerian
nation from ignorance and other liabilities that have militated against devel-
opment of the nation. The Directorate was determined to reduce illiteracy in
Nigeria by 1992. In order to achieve this target, MAMSER would co-operate
with all existing agencies involved in adult education.
Structure and Organisation of MAMSER
Retired Admiral Augustus A. Aikhomu, in his address on the occasion of
the inauguration of the Directorate for Social Mobilisation on Wednesday
2nd September, 1987 in Abuja, highlighted the organisational structure thus:
The Directorate for Social Mobilisation is composed, empow-
ered and structured as a national body at the Federal level, and
is directly responsible to the Presidency. At the State level, the
Directorate is located in the State Military Governor's Office,
and is responsible to the National Directorate. The State Direc-
torate is the co-ordinating organisation of the social mobilisation
within the state; all appropriate State Ministries, Government
Agencies and non-governmental bodies shall, either be repre-
sented in the Directorate or be co-opted into it, as appropriate.
A uniform structure of organisation for all the State Director-
ates should be worked out by the National Directorate.
(MAMSER HANDBOOK, 1987, P.18)
At the Federal level, the National Directorate was described as "Think-
Tank which was expected to formulate policies, programmes and projects,
together with effective strategies for their implementation, monitoring and
evaluation.
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42
The National Directorate was organised into the following functional and
specialised Departments:
(a) Mass Mobilisation
(b) Political Education
(c) Mass Education
(d) Armed and Security Forces
(e) Research, Monitoring and Evaluation
(f) Administration and Finance
(g) Information and Publicity
(h) Family and Social Relations
At the State level, the Directorates were expected to co-ordinate and super-
vise mass mobilisation programme at the grassroots level. Professionals were
to be the head of the following divisions:-
(a) Information and Publicity
(b) Mass Mobilisation and Logistics
(c) Political Education
,
(d) Mass Education
(e) Administration and Finance
(f) Monitoring and Evaluation
Each state should have an Advisory Council for social mobilisation made
up of relevant ministries, cultural associations, community development as-
sociations, women's associations, youth organisations, labour unions and other
interest groups. The council was to work out relevant strategies for effecting
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
43
programmes of social mobilisation within the social cultural setting of each
state.
At each Local Government level, there should be a MAMSER Committee
under the Chairmanship of" a distinguished and popular member of the com-
munity".
The office should be headed by a professional officer who should see to the
day to day execution of social mobilisation programmes. He was to serve as
the secretary of the Local MAMSER Committee.
At the Ward Level, there would be an Assistant Social Mobilisation Officer
who was expected to facilitate social mobilisation programmes. He was to be
assisted by a Committee comprising all leaders of popular organisations at the
Ward level.
At the Community Level, MAMSER would intensify efforts to involve
organisations such as community development associations, co-operatives,
farmers, market women, etc. in MAMSER's programmes. It was even speci-
fied that where such organisations did not exist, the Directorate should co-
operate with DFRRl to promote their formation.
As earlier stated, the organisation and administration of any set-up or
organisation should be under focus too when there is a review or evaluation
of programmes implemented by such organisation. MAtvlSER's structure
should be scrutinized in order to assess and evaluate the execution of the
three pillars on which the programmes were based.
The Organisational structure rans as follows:-
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44
FIGURE 1
DIRECTORATE FOR SOCIAL MOBILISATION
ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE
Executive Board
I
Chairman
I
Executive Secretary --,
I I
Mass Mass Political Fina nee and State Research
Mobilisation Education Education Adi rums- Liaison Monitoring and
trati on and Evaluation
Logistics
---
I I I
Armed and Family Finance Administration Internal Information
Security and Auditor Unit
Forces Social
Relations
, Source: MAMSER'S Handbook, Abuja 1987.
•
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45
DIRECTORATE FOR SOCIAL MOBILISATION
NATIONAL ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE
LEVEL ORGANISATION
FEDERAL NATIONAL DIRECTORATE
STATE STATE DIRECTORATE
,
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46
MAMSER AND THE TASK OF PROVIDING POLITICAL
EDUCATION FOR NIGERIA
It was observed that MAMSER was confronted with some problems at the
inception.
The problems become so enormous that MAMSER sponsoedr the 15th
Conference of Nigerian Political Science Association to prepare an "Action
Programme for MAMSER's Political Education Programme with a view to
finding solutions to the problems. The conference which was held between 27th
- 30th June 1988 noted that the constraints affecting MAMSER included:
(1) Crisis of identity. MAMSER had no clear mandate from the govern-
ment which established it, and the ambivalent policy statements
from the government further created more problems. The agency
was torn between accepting to be a government agency and carving
out an autonomous image for itself. Moreover, the work of MAM-
SER appeared inconsistent with the original intentions of the
government which set it up and intended it to be an agency for
fostering a supportive political culture.
(ii) Government policies and actions subvented the mission of MAM-
SER. Hence it was difficult for MAMSER to liberate the country's
economy from foreign domination.
(iii) MAMSER had no clear mandate and area area of juridiction, espe-
cially as there are the other government agencies like DFRRI and
NDE which had overlapping functions.
(iv) The Military Government acts were anti-democratic and thereby
constituted danger to mobilization.
(v) MAMSER was faced with hostility of the press and elites.
(vi) MAMSER had internal problems, including its actions sometimes
supported government policies; lack of understanding of what their
mission was about, lack of credibility of some functionaries and
failure to get at the grassroot.
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47
The conference advised that if the problems were removed, MAMSER
would be effective in educating the masses politically. The conference noted
that MAMSER, as was constituted by then could not effect all of its programme.
Its goals of political education were achievable only on a limited scale. The
conference recommended that emphasis should be on the target areas of least
resistance. Moreover it was upheld at the conference that Education holds the
key to the realization of all the other goals of mobilization.
Professor Tunde Adeniran, the former Secretary of the Directorate agreed
that the observed constraints affected the performance ofMAMSER in achiev-
ing the set objectives of the programme. He noted, principally, the attitude of
the elite and the press towards the Directorate right from the inception. He
claimed that the hostility had negative effect on what could have been a unified
effort to inculcate the spirit of unity and patriotism into the citizenry.
Dr. Musa Moda, a Director of MAMSER at the Bauchi State, in his view as
an adult educator, remarked that the use of Adult Education strategies for
.
implementing the Political Education Programme of MAMSER that time was
,
suggested by him, but he observed that, since a tree does not make a forest, and
that he was just one of the Director of MAMSER in the country, his idea could
not be imposed on the governance.
In view of the suggestions at the Political Scientists Conference above, it is
hoped that MAMSER adopted the right strategies, especially, adult education
strategies in its programme. This evaluative study aimed at assessing the success
•
or otherwise of the political education programme.
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CHAPTER TWO
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
2.00 For clear understanding of this study on political education in Nigeria,
conceptual issues related to the study are analysed in this chapter. The main
issues which are subjects of focus are principally conceptual meaning of po-
litical education, political culture, relevance of mass education to political
education and evaluation theories.
2.1 Political Education
Political education goes beyond the indoctrination and education given by
political parties to the party members, supporters and prospective members. It
is neither the philosophy of the programme of a political party nor any at-
tempt to canvass for votes from the electorate.
Political education has been defmed as deliberate attempts to teach politi-
cal ideas Stone, (1974, p.80-89). Stone explained what he conceptualized as
"ideas". He identified such ideas as the knowledge of one's country, feelings,
opinions about the government, general attitude, civic knowledge etc. He
further stressed that political education is inculcated into the children in school
and at home.
The above submission by Stone (1974) was upheld by Dudley (1973
p. 257), a political scientist. Dudley argued that political education does not
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
49
come into being through mere process of social interaction or modernity. It is
a deliberate attempt to educate the citizenry. He contended that:
In societies where this (political) awareness had been built into
experience of the citizens, it had come about not only through
a process of continued social interaction but through a process
of political education given to the citizens.
Stone (1974) and Dudley (1973) recognised that political education should
be a programme which should be pursued. In a formal school system, it could
be an approved curriculum.
There are two key words or phrases which should be given closer ex-
amination from the submissions of Stone (1974) and Dudley (1973). The two
scholars agreed the political education has to be "deliberate attempts" and
the course content should be "political". Stone (1974) went further to identify
teachers as agents of political education and parents complementing the teach-
ers' efforts at home. This indicates that political education is conceived within
the context of the formal school system.
From ,the definition, it must be a pre-planned and well designed
programme with specific, identified and spelt out objectives which should be
realised at the end of the programme when evaluated like other educational
programmes. It could also be a prepared and approved curriculum like other
educational programmes and learning through personal experiences only come
in through the role of the family as an agent of education.
The above assertion limit the scope of participants in political educa-
tion to those in formal school system. It left out those that were never
opportuned to attend a formal school.
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Adult Educationists such as Freire, Oyedeji, Bola and others argued that
informal education should take care of those without formal education. A
citizen who could not have political education through the formal school
system could still have access to political education through organised adult
education programmes. While not dismissing the importance of the school
and family in political education, it should be given to all citizens in order to
play their expected role in the society. Every member of the society has a role
to play.
Fanon (1965), thought of political education as individual identification
with the nation in terms of personal experience of each citizen in the nation.
In other words, political education should be personalized. Fanon described
political education as:
making the nation part of the personal experience of each of the
citizens because it is national and because it is a link in the
chain of national existence, ceases to be individual limited.
He argued that it is through this "indoctrination that the masses are taught
purposefully that everything depends on them, that collectively, they and they
alone are responsible for either progress or stagnation of the society. Political
education therefore brings about personal identification with the national goals
and aspirations.
Stone (1974) and Fanon did not hold divergent views on what should form
the core of the context of political education. However, Stone (1974) noted
that political education is a children-oriented programme which should be
imparted right from school and that parents are also agents of education.
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51
Fanon (1965) on the other hand, believed that it is a programme for adults
whereby "the masses are taught purposefully" .
Stone (1974) thus limited his political education concept to a section of the
people-children, who do not have immediate need for political education.
While the children are very important because they are prepared for the fu-
ture, scholars in Adult Education had argued that it is more economical to
teach adults in that adults spend lesser years to learn what children learn and
also it costs less to teach adults .Apart from economic benefit, any educa-
tional programme given to adults serves immediate needs of the adults in
particular and the society in general.
Political education as conceived by MAMSER IS supposed to serve
immediate need and to bring political stability to Nigeria if adults are
politically educated.
Janowitz (1983) and Anyanwu (1981, PP 67 -71) argued that civic educa-
tion is the same with political education. Janowitz (1983) contended that civic
education ex,poses students to central and enduring political traditions of the
nation, teaching essential knowledge about the organization and the operation
of contemporary governmental institution and fashioning essential identifi-
cations and moral sentiments required for performance as effective citizens.
Janowitz went further to identify what should be evaluated at the end of teach-
ingllearning process in civic education. He asserted that:
Effective civic education would result in increased understand-
in.g .and mea.ningful national identifications. It would strengthen
CIV1C consciousness.
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DAN LIBRARY
52
Janowitz added that civic education could be attained through the school
selected voluntary associations concerned with national and patriotic mean-
ings. It is noted that Janowitz perceived civic education as meant for all and
sundry.
Anyanwu (1981,pp .66-71) also equated civic education with political edu-
cation. He argued that civic education is specifically meant for adults. His
argument is based on the premise that adults are directly concerned with vot-
ing and politics. Anyanwu (1981,p.67) stated that the civic education:
educates the people on the concepts of their national and state
government in order that they may become an enlightened elec-
torate, able to understand the tenets of government and to take
their place successfully in the local administration particularly
in the rural areas.
He further noted that:
civic education helps to rescue the masses from the danger of a
direct rule by a elite minority beneath the appearance of demo-
cratic government.
Thus civic education helps to guide against the exploitation of
the masses by the few professional politicians.
The view ,of Anyanwu (1981, p.67) above is undoubtedly influenced by the
situation of Nigeria. He fmnly believed that civic education could save the
masses from the claws and exploitation by few professional politicians. How-
ever ,the definition of civic education above is limited in scope in that it is not
clear what "professional politicians" means. It is assumed that they are people
involved inactive politics ."Professional politicians" also exist in developed
countries though citizens are already exposed to political education.
Mhaiki (1981, pp151) on his own part, had the view that political education
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
53
"deals with the development of the people in the effort to make them con-
scious of their national idealogies". Mhaiki (1981, pp 151) further argued that:
true development is the development of people who will give
proper direction to the development and modernization.
He is convinced that elections and voting are very important in a democ-
racy but they are "democratic instruments only when people are politically
conscious and politically educated. Otherwise rich and the powetful would
manipulate the masses no matter whether the system is a one party or multi-
party government. Political education therefore produces people who could
effectively exercise democratic decision ."Mhaiki (1981,p.152)
In Nigeria, the Political Bureau advocated that political education should
be given to adults to bring about political stability to the nation. In the exact
words of Gana (1987, p 41) the goals of MAMSER's political education
programme in Nigeria is to create :
a nation democratic society where the masses are conscious,
vigilant, and organised and in which social injustice, poverty
and foreign domination of our national economy are totally elimi-
nated. This implies the creation of a new national political cul-
ture ~hich would facilitate the establishment and consolidation
of an integrated enduring and viable democratic political order
in the Nigerian society.
Some scholars confused political education with political socialization.
Almond (1960, pp 87-90) Stone (1974, p.80-89) drew a clear line between the
two concepts. Almond (1960, P 87) stressed that political socialization is the
"process of induction into the political culture. Its end product is a set of
attitudes, cognitions, value standards and feelings towards the political
system, its various roles and role incumbent". Almond further stresses that
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54
the process of socialisation should bring about a change in terms of attitudes
to the political systems, knowledge about the system and expectation and
spelling out duties and roles of citizenry.
Stone (1974, pp 80-89) also noted that socialization relates to individual
relationship, knowledge and attitude towards hislher nation's political sys-
. tern. Acquisition of political attitude is based upon individual character struc-
ture. The identity, cognitive and emotional aspects of character determine
both the receptivity of the individual to beliefs about aspects of his political
world and how he organises these beliefs.
Greenstein (1968 p 87-90) and Dawson and Prewitt (1969) however pre-
sented political socialization as political education. Greenstein (1968) argued
that political socialisation is all formal and informal deliberate and unplanned
learning at every stage of the life cycle, including not only explicitly political
learning that affects political behaviour but also nominally non political learning
that affects political behaviour such learning of politically relevant social
attitudes and the acquisition of politically relevant personality characteristic.
Dawson and Prewitt (1969) divided socialisation into two aspects, namely,
Direct and Indirect socialisation. Indirect socialization is learning through
experiences in school, the family, and in clubs. This concept involves the
acquisition of pre-disposition which are not in themselves political objects.
Direct socialization on the other hand is specific learning of orientations to
politics and experience with the political system.
In the above contention of Greenstein (1968, p 87-90) and Dawson and
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Prewitt (1969), the aspect which deals with specific political learning is really
political education. While the other aspect, that is through experiences is
political socialization.
Political Socialization is not part of what this study intends to evaluate. For
the purpose of this study, the aspect of Greestein's, Dawson's and Prewitt's
definitions which are same with political education are accepted.
Tomey (1977, P 87-90) argued that political education is best approached
through an integrated child oriented programme. He argued that:
Childhood political learning is critically important because it
resents valuable never to be repeated opportunities on which to
build a guided and systematic political education. During this
period children's intellectual, emotional and social development,
their political selves are still being formed. When we postpone
over attention to political education until the high school years
we run a risk - that our instruction in later years will be less than
maximally effective.
Research in Adult Education however, has proved Tomey's concept
inadequate. Kidd (1973), Knowles (1970) and Cole (1979) pointed out that
adults are still capable of learning and the fact that they have practical expe-
rience on the,ir side makes them better learners than children.
Political education could be given to adults without "running a risk" if the
importance of the experience that adults have is taken into consideration.
The Directorate for Social Mobilisation also conceptualized political edu-
cation in terms of education for adults in order to serve the country's immedi-
ate need - stability. From the various submissions which stated that political
education is a deliberate attempt to teach political ideas to the citizenry, it
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
51>
could be deduced that it is a pre-plamied educational programme to serve the
national needs.
MAMSER specified that the goal attainable in political education is "the
creation of a new national political culture which would facilitate the estab-
lishment and consolidation of an integrated enduring and democratic political
order in the Nigeria Society".
From the various definitions, arguments and submissions of theorists on
what political education is, there is a need to redefme the concept to suit
developing nations in general and Nigeria in particular. Most available litera-
ture on political education had been form Western scholars and their views
had a dose of western concepts. It is therefore our view in this study to con-
ceptualize political education in terms of:
a conscious attempt to inculcate political ideas, history, knowl-
edge, opinions and feelings about the government in the citi-
zenry through formal and non-formal education, in order to
create, establish and affirm a new political behaviours and cul-
ture in line with the nation's democratic values and institutions
in-place of the primordial culture.
MAMSER stated that there is a close relationship between political educa-
tion and political culture. This view is supported by Pye (1965) who con-
tented that political education greatly influences political culture.
2.2 Political Culture
Pye (1965 P 52) contended that "the concept of political culture assumes
that such individual must, in his own historical context learn and incorporate
into his own personality the knowledge and feeling about the politics of his
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people and his community". He further stressed that each generation must
learn and receive its politics from the previous generation.
Political culture is further described as the collective attitude and response
to politics of a nation by the citizens. Pye (1956 P 7) further submitted that
politics itself "involves the expression of collective values of a people, the
feeling of people about their social and group identities and above all the
tests of loyalty and commitment". This political culture brings national iden-
tification. According to Pye (1965, p 7) national identification is:
The beliefs of individuals and the extent to which they con-
sider themselves members of their nation or state.
National identification is not just a question of physical and legal member-
ship of a political system, that is living within the geographical boundaries of
a country and being subject to its laws. The psychological membership of a
political system which makes one feel a sense of belonging is created by the
right political education and culture. Pye (1965) asserted further that "unless
most members of a system identify themselves as members of that system,
,
such generalized loyalty will be hard to generate".
The sum total of such individual loyalty and identification form the politi-
cal culture of a nation: Pye and Verba (1965, p. 89-91) conducted a research
on this aspect of political culture.
Pye and Verba (1965 p. 89) describe political culture as "an integral aspect
of political beliefs an individual holds being, of course, part of the totality of
beliefs."
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.SS
From the submission above, it is the totality of individuals political beliefs
about their country or nation that form the political culture in such nation.
The political education given to the individuals of such society therefore helps
the citizenry to develop the political culture.
In the same vein, Almond and Verba (1965) conducted a research on politi-
cal culture. In a comparative analysis of political attitudes in five countries -
United State, Britain, Germany, Italy and Mexico, Almond and Verba used
the term culture in the sense of individual's psychological orientation toward
his community. The researchers defmed political culture as internalized in
the congnitions, feelings and evaluation of its population. Almond and Verba
identified three types of political culture in this regard. They referred to them
as parochial political culture, the subject political culture and the participant
political culture.
A parochial political culture is "so simple and unobtrusive that the indi-
vidual does not think twice about whether it exists. In such societies, there are
no specialized political roles for members because the political orientations
to these roles are not separated from their religious and social orientations. A
parochial culture does not expect anything of his political system because he
is unaware or in more differentiated societies, only dimly aware on a feeling
level of the existence of a political regime". This assertion was criticised by
Stone (1974, p89) on the ground that if an individual is not aware of existence
of a political regime, it is not possible to have any feeling towards it.
Subject political culture is described as having loyalty and dedication to the
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59
ruler and the reward appropriate to loyal service. Verba and Almond (1965,
p. 89) remarked that the typical subject does not make any input into the
system nor does he think of himself as being able to change of make any
input into the system not does he think of himself as an example of this
culture. It is noted, however, that the British political culture today contains
lively participant traditions, though the Head of State is monarchic.
Participant political culture refers to a situation whereby the members of
the society are oriented to the system as a whole, and to both the political and
administrative structures and processes. The activist traditions of the United
States is an example of this culture. In assessing the three theoretical political
cultures, Stone (1974 p. 90) advanced that none of the three types of political
cultures which Almond and Verba hypothesized is found in its pure form in
any particular country. He argued further that:
A political structure may be maladaptive for the society. For
example, a model parliamentary democracy could be set up in a
small African Country whose political culture is mixed paro-
chial and subject. Difficulties are to be anticipated in such a
situation since the attitudes of the citizenry do not correspond
to the demands for active participant imposed by the structure
of the system"
Even Almond and Verba (1965, p.92) who made the research believed that
it is an ideal situation to havethe three propounded cultures. They asserted
that:
In general, a parochial, subject to participant culture would be
most congruent with respectively, a traditional political struc-
ture, a centralized authoritarian structure and a democratic po-
litical structure.
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Czuduowski (1968 p. 879) and Parson (1977; p. 639) also stressed the im-
portance of political culture in a nation. Czuduowski (1968) stated that politi-
cal culture is concerned with the personal and subjective meaning ascribed by
individuals and groups of individuals to behaviour which has been objec-
tively defmed as politically relevant.
Parson (1997, p.639) also defmed it as the attitudes, beliefs and values
held by a population directed towards the political system of which it is a part
and includes what people know about that political system and their evalua-
tion of its work.
The political culture identified and defmed by these theorists had heavy
dose of western culture and has little or no direct relevance with African
countries. Osagbae (1981) in a research on political culture in Ibadan, noted
that "even though there exist a few studies of political culture and political
attitudes in Africa, most of the few available ones have been set in the frame-
work of theories of modernization and political development".
The theorists argued that African States are undergoing the twin processes
of modernization and political development, which are characterized by
changes in the political, social, economic, intellectual religious and psycho-
logical systems. The changes which came after colonialism weakened the
traditional political cultures and popular awareness of other groups and ac-
.tive participation in politics increase with greater identification of individu-
als with the political system as a whole.
It is argued that the political instability in Africa is due to the perpetual
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61
task of modernizing the old societies to meet the demands of secularization.
Secularization, according to Welch (1971, pp 7-11) is for modem society, not
a traditional society in that it involved a transformation of attitudes, and
widespread awareness of participation in political process and such
awareness is created by political education.
Almond (1960) argued that five factors should be taken into consideration
when studying the political culture of any developing country. He stressed
that a researcher should note:
(i) the type of traditional cultures which are involved;
(ii) the auspices under which westernization has been introduced (whether
by western colonial powers or by local elites);
(iii) the functions of the society which have been westernized;
(iv) the tempo and tactics of the westernization process; and
(v) the type of western cultural products that have been introduced.
Pye and Verba (1965) added that apart from the above generalization, there
exists political culture of rulers which could be termed "elite culture" and
another political culture for the ruled which could be termed "mass culture ".
The elite political culture is more homogenous than the mass political culture.
Palmer (1985, p. 22) held the view that:
an elite capacity is to motivate its subject and to organise and
direct them once they have become motivated.
Elite and mass political cultures exist in developing countries and this have
implications on development of democracy in these nations. In his address
on the occasion of the launching of Mass Mobilisation Directorate, Babangida
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(1987, p. 12) identified two political cultures necessary for the leader and the
led in Nigeria. He further stated that:
In my humble opinion, leadership is certainly crucial but no
degree of excellence in the leadership can lead society to nobler
goals unless the followership must be educated to understand
and to appreciate, be morally and spiritually committed, socially
awakened and fully mobilized to conform in its every behaviour
to those principles and practices which guarantee the fulfilment
of societal goals. Leadership in elected administrations and the
political class ...
As earlier mentioned by Almond (1960), the type of traditional cultures in
developing countries is one of the factors which affect political culture in the
developing countries. In this regard, Nigerian is no exception. A number of
anthropologists, historians and archeologists had pointed out that in tradi-
tional Nigeria, there were as many types of culture, institutions, orientations
and beliefs as there are tribes. In other words, each tribe had distinct political
culture quite different or seemingly different from others. It is argued that the
modern political culture is an upshoot of the traditional political culture. This
is the contention of Coleman (1965, pp.15-18) who stated that "traditional
political systems have largely shaped the political perspectives, orientation to
politics and attitudes toward authority of all but a small fraction of Africans
involved in modern political activity".
Apter (1967) also stressed the direct infiltration of tradition into modern
political culture. He observed that:
We are a product of lives lived before us and part of a chain of
cultural and social continuity which carries the past into the
future.
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63
Eleazu (1977, p.67) observed that the political culture is tied with political
history in Nigeria. He argued that:
In the confrontation with modernity, people bring with them
cues drawn from their own cultures, the response they make (or
do not make) their adaptability or other wise can be traced to
their indigenous attitudes and orientations.
He also identified three pre-colonial political cultures in Nigeria. The po-
litical cultures are crescive authority, ritual authority and coercive authority.
The crescive authority is made of territorial unit of political organisation which
was small usually a village or a group of villages.
The political relationship was based on kinship and lineage systems were
diffused. It is noted that in such society, there was equality respect for author-
ity and a general disposition to participate in decision-making rather than
have decisions arbitrarily imposed. Examples of such tribes are lbo, Ibibio,
Ijawetc.
The ritual authority is conglomerations of villages with common ancestry
and united for purposes of defence against common enemies. They were united
through so,me myth surrounding their origin and "a form of kingship is insti-
tuted in which the king does not really serve as Primus Inter Pares, character-
istic of the crescive authority type, but an embodiment and soul of the people".
The political culture was based on rituals and service to the king.
The coercive authority is marked with the clear cut distinction between the
ruler and the ruled. It is noted that societies with ritual authority developed
coercive authority through conquest and trade. Examples of coercive author-
ity were Sokoto Caliphate, Oyo Empire and Benin empire.
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64
Thus the colonial rule brought people with different political culture
together and the problem of exchanging their traditional political culture and
loyalty with the new national loyalty had been a persistence headache. Almond
and Powell noted on this issue that "the question of orientations toward the
modern political system as a whole constitutes one of the most serious develop-
mental problems in the political culture of new nations because these new states
have been constructed from a variety of ethnic political and geographical
subnational units without any common political bands and whose members by
and large have little information and loyalty beyond their local unit".
As earlier pointed out, the traditional institutions had always been the
reference point in the modern politics and this had brought with it competition
of ethnic groups, with primordial loyalties. It could be argued, therefore, that
through ethnicity, people merely transfer their primordial loyalty to any mem-
ber of the ethnic group representing them at the national level.
Joseph (1987, pp. 3-15) and Gavin (1980) even suggested that the best way
to describe Nigeria political culture viz-a-viz political socialization is patron-
client relationship which was developed out of ethnicity and expected rewards
for those that support the political party currently in power. Gavin argued
further that the political conflicts in Nigeria may be based either on communal
solidarities or solidarities based on identity of, or more often, all alliance of class
interests.
Pye (1965, p. 518) stressed that there is a connection between political
culture in any society and the attitude and behaviour of the people. He argued
that "the notion of political culture assumes that the attitudes, sentiments and
cognitions that inform and govern political behaviour in any society are not
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6~
just random congeries but represent coherent patterns which fit together and
are mutually reinforcing, "The attitudes" sentiment and cognitions are the:
traditions of a society, the spirit of its public institutions, the
passions, the collective reasoning of its citizenry and the style
and operating codes of its leaders are not just random products
of historical experience but fit together as a part of a meaning-
ful whole and constitute an intelligible web of relations (Pye
1965 p.518).
The Political Bureau (1986 p. 77) was of the view that:
There was clear evidence that the behaviour of Nigerians in the
political process had been largely negative. The low conscious-
ness of the people had made them vulnerable to manipulations
of the power elite in the society. The backlash from such ac-
tions has been the emergence of a culture of helplessness, apa-
thy and indifference to the political process.
From the various submissions and arguments of various scholars on politi-
cal education and political culture, it is either that the attitude noted by
MAMSER might be due to political confusion arising from primordial politi-
cal culture and the conflict with the modem political dispensation. It is more
confusing when people think of instability and lack of proper political social-
ization in the polity.
In a Political Education Manual Book produced by MAMSER, (1987, p.12)
the attitude of Nigerians was described as:
a total lack of interest in the affairs of society. Political apathy
is an "l-don't-care attitude of citizens to actions of government.
Political apathy and ignorance exist in a society when citizens
do not take part in voting, when citizens are not interested in
who represents them.
The anti-dose prescribed by MAMSER to the political apathy in Nigeria is
political education. The agency (MAMSER) viewed political education in
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66
term of:
attainment of a National democratic society where the masses
are conscious, vigilant and organised and in which social injus-
tice, poverty and foreign domination of our economy are totally
eliminated. This implies the creation of a new national political
culture.
The above submission by Gana (1987 p.42) confmned the link between
political education and political culture which scholars propounded.
2.3 Mass Education
MAMSER recognised Mass Education as a pillar in its programme.
MAMSER conceived Mass Education in term of nation-wide literacy
programme to break ignorance. However, Mass Education means more than
literacy education. Political Education is also an aspect of Mass Education.
Anyanwu (1981), Omolewa (1981), Okedara (1979) and others perceived mass
literacy as an aspect of Mass Education just as political education is also an
aspect. Other Mass Education programmes include, Health Education, Agri-
culture Exte,nsion Education etc. MAMSER believed in Mass Education in
that "a literate society is a liberated society".
Scholars including Omolewa, Bhola, Tugbiyele and others have stressed
that mass literacy is a vital weapon in political education. For example,
Coleman (1965, pp15-18) has identified mass literacy as a key to political
education.
He emphasised the role of mass literacy in cultivation of the right attitude
towards governments because mass literacy is indispensable in modem
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21
politics. He noted that the political capacity is manifestly dependent upon
modem education. He contended that:
A certain level of mass education is indispensable for the devel-
opment of a modem communication system which is critically
important is resolving the two most general and most funda-
mental problems in political modernization, namely the chang-
ing the gap between the ruling elites and the less modernized
elites
Coleman (1965, pp 15-18) also referred to a research by Verba and
Almond in a five-country survey whereby it was noted that educational at-
tainment has the most important demographic variables effects on political
attitudes. It was observed that the uneducated man or with limited education
reacts differently from the man who had attained higher level of education.
Pye (1965) also remarked that the totality and potency of education in cre-
ating the attitudes and values is for national development. Mhaiki (1981)
believed that literacy education is an indispensable component of political
education programme. Omolewa (1981 P 8) also clamoured on the impor-
tance of literacy in political education.
According to him,
the idea is that adult education would assist adults in the task of
the application of knowledge and skills to existing resources
and in the promotion of civic awareness through political dis-
cussions. Political and technological education can however be
only an aspect of adult education.
Okedara and Ogunlade (1990, P 19) observed that literacy is on instrument
against oppression:
When there are persisting conditions of social, political or
economic oppression, literacy faces serious difficulties and it
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becomes an instrument of struggle against the oppressing power.
M'Bow (1983, p. 28) agreed that literacy education is a key factor in politi-
cal education. It is the duty of political education therefore, to promote lit-
eracy which helps to afford every one access to the knowledge which enables
a citizen to exercise his full rights as a citizen and become aware of the reali-
ties of modem life.
In the eighth regional congress held in Baghdad in 1974, Lucas ( 1982,
p.19), reported that the party leaders at the Ba'athists' congress termed illit-
eracyas "a most dangerous evil" which is militating against the present day
social, political and economic progress. It was declared that without a
concerted mass effort, the persistence of an illiterate adult citizenry would
forever frustrate the building of a "progressive society capable of playing a
leading revolutionary role in the liberation of a unified Arab Socialist state".
Tugbiyele (1990) also affirmed that literacy creates conditions for the ac-
quisition of a critical consciousness of the contradictions of s.ociety in which
man lives and of its aims. He further asserted that literacy stimulates the par-
ticipation of man in creation of projects capable of acting upon the world of
transforming it and defining the aims of an authentic human development.
Psulo Freire (1970) described literacy as a process of cultural liberation.
The philosophy which he simply called cultural liberation is meant to make
individual activist - participant in the shaping of his society through educa-
tion that prepares h,im to play the role. It is conceived that development "must
be a holistic and comprehensive concept that embraced not just the
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69
materialistic growth but also social, political, cultural, spiritual and attitudi-
nal growth of the nation"
Fingeret (1983 p.. 133) also stressed the role ofliteracy in the modem soci-
ety. He asserted that:
Educators believe that literacy is fundamental to competence
and independence in modem society. It is difficult for us to con-
ceptualize life without reading and writing as anything other
than a limited, dependent existence.
Oyedeji (1980, p. 7-16) opined that literacy brings about communication
between the masses and the government. It is easier for the government and
people to speak with one voice and government can easily get people's sup-
port for the programmes.
He further stated that:
When majority of people in a nation are able to read and write,
communication between the government and the people be-
comes easier and more people are able to participate in the po-
litical, social and economic activities of government, thus con-
tributing to national growth.
From the various assertions on literacy, it is therefore, recognised as an
instrument of re,volution and political liberation. Hence it is an integral aspect
of political education. Lack of literacy education brings about perpetual po-
litical darkness. Mass literacy is an instrument or weapon for freedom from
political domination internally and externally. It is not surprising that the Po-
litical Bureau recommended that MAMSER should pursue Mass Education
as a vehicle of political education since education can protect the populace
from injustice and exptoitation of the elite. Subsequently, MAMSER (1987,
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P 27) stressed Mass Education because 'a literate society is a liberate society
. .. masses should not only be mobilised, but they should be educated and
properly organised'.
Education only aids political education. A citizen who is educated, still
needs political education to fulfil his role in the society. According to Tugbiye1e
(1990), lack of political education among educated elites breeds political
illiterates. He noted that in Nigeria, many so-called highly educated are in
fact moral and political education in order to achieve stability in the Third
Republic. The efforts of MAMSER on political education should be moni-
tored for effectiveness and one of the efforts at the monitoring is evaluation of
the political education programme.
2.4 Evaluation
Many scholars looked at evaluation from different perspectives. Warr (1969)
defmed evaluation as "a systematic collection and assessment ofinfonnation
for deciding how best to utilise available resources in order to achieve
organisational, goals" .
Warr (1969), therefore believed that collection and analyses of data is very
vital in evaluation. In the same vein, Soumelis (1977) described evaluation as
a systematic, objective way of estimating the work, quality, importance, rel-
evance, performance of something or someone or an activity with a view to
pricing, rating, correcting, improving or changing that which is being evalu-
ated.
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71
It is also argued that evaluation provides a basis for comparison between a
set standard and what is obtainable. According to Kimeng (1984), qualities
of such a standard of comparison must be will known to the evaluator. Okedara
(1981) and Kimeng (1984) agreed that a standard for such comparison could
be qualitative or quantitative or even both.
Cohen (1968 p. 14-28) and Rutman (1977 p. 59) recommended that institu-
tions need to set out the specific and measurable objectives to be pursued and
the kind of knowledge, skills, attitudes, beliefs and values to be expected of
their training programmes.
Evaluation is no stranger to educational programmes. Ebel (1979, p 5-22)
stressed the importance of evaluation in any educational programme, dec1ar-
ing that:
To teach without evaluation the results of teaching would be
foolish.
Educators and educationists therefore attach importance to evaluation in
teaching/learning process.
Evaluation aids the evaluator to assess the extent at which the teaching!
learning had, reached. Gronlund (1981 P 1-81) asserted, on his own part, that
evaluation is a "systematic process of determining the extent to which in-
structional objectives are achieved by pupils:. He further stressed that evalu-
ation provides a means of maintaining learning progress and diagnosing learn-
ing difficulties.
Evaluation in formal education is mostly used to assess the achievement of
the students for the purpose of promotion from one grade to the next but this
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72
is a purpose that is totally irrelevant in adult education programmes such as
political education. Houle (1973) and Shearon (1970) viewed evaluation form
adult education point of view. They stressed that evaluation is the detenni-
nation of the extent to which an educational objective has been accomplished
or attained.
Raudabaugh (1959) also stated that evaluation is the process of determin-
ing the degree to which desired behavioural changes have taken place or are
taking place as a result of educational effort. Adult education programmes are
not geared towards promotion from one grade level to another but they deal
with behavioural changes, more productivity etc.
An educational programme is evaluated to fmd out whether the objectives
have been attained and expected desired behavioural have taken place. The
study of changes in behavioural disposition is vital in political education of
MAMSER. Adult Education Association in 1952, stated that-t'the primary
purpose of eval,uation is to fmd out how much growth and change have taken
place as a result of educational experiences".
In the same mood, Hampton (1973) submitted that the purposes of evalua-
tion included:
(i) determining the degree to which programme objectives were met
(ii) identifying reasons for success or failure
(iii) improving fume programmes and
(iv) improving organizational operations.
From the above, the purpose of evaluation could therefore be considered in
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73
term of determining the degree of effectiveness of a programme in achieving
its objectives in order to improve the programme.
Bloom et al (1971) Stufflebeam (1971) and Bajah (1987) drew distinc-
tion between two types of evaluation. Bloom et al (1971) stated that there are
formative and summative evaluation. This distinction depends on the pur-
pose, the time and level of generalizability of the evaluation as a feedback
loop, a mechanism whereby an introduced system is constantly being up-
dated in the light of newer evidence. Summative evaluation on the other hand
is judgemental or selection oriented.
Stufflebeam (1971) argued that evaluation in educational programme
could be viewed in two ways- proactive which is formative and retroactive
which is summative. Proactive (formative) is for information for decision-
making while retroactive (summative) is information for accountability.
If evaluation is carried out during the course or programme, it is formative
but if it is done at the end of a course or programme it is summative.
,
Process and Models of Evaluation
Evaluation is based on some principles which dictate the various approaches
and models.
Bloom et al (1971) Provus (1973) focused their attention using objectives
and performance model in evaluation. This is what Cates (1985) called Dis-
crepancy evaluation. The scholars argued that objectives should be identified
before clarification of the variables affecting performance by identifying the
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74
criteria or standard through which performance is judged. This is also re-
ferred to as Goal oriented evaluation.
Another model of Evaluation is known as Goal Free Evaluation. Scriven
(1974) argued that evaluators should assess the programme effects, based on
criteria apart from the programme's own conceptual framework.
Cates (1985) also identified the Context Input Process and Product (CIPP)
Model of Evaluation. This model of evaluation has four stages. The first stage
is Context Evaluation whereby the elements of a specific educational setting
and discrepancies between what exists now and what administrators desire to
occur are identified. The second stage is input evaluation whereby available
resources and strategies for the course are analysed. The third stage is pro-
cess evaluation which involves collection of data on the programme and main-
taining records of the programme's progress. The fourth stage is product
evaluation which is to determine the extent to which the programme achieved
its staged goals.
Evaluation is not a new phenomenon in Nigeria. Scholars have contributed
,
a lot to the study of the concept of evaluation and have conducted Evalua-
tive studies. Aghenta (1979): using observation, interview and questionnaire
techniques, evaluated the training, employment and job performances of Vo-
cational School Graduates in Bendel State. His evaluation model indicated
the need to match training objectives and performance.
Similarly, Oduaran (1986) evaluated the Training Programme for Commu-
nity Development Agents in Bendel State of Nigeria. Using the composite
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Evaluation which was developed from a conglomeration of other models, he
evaluated the objectives of the training programmes, the resources available and
the curricula. He was able to prescribe an effective training programme for
Community Development Agents.
Amuno (1989) also evaluated the "Effect of Training on the job performance
of Graduates of the Centre for Management Development in Nigeria". He was
able to identify the problems of management development in Nigeria.
The efforts made on evaluation have influenced this study in arriving at the
evaluation model used.
,
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76
LITERATURE REVlEW
This review of the available and related literature deals with the concept of
political education programming.
2.5 Political Education and the Society
Democracy demands that every member of the society should be able to take
active part in running the affairs of the nation through the process of choosing
the national leaders. It is necessary for every government to properly educate
the citizenry on the values and institutions of such society, if such government
wants the support of the people being governed. Mhaiki (1981, pp. 151-158)
noted the importance of political education in democratic societies. He, there-
fore, called for political education since democracy demands that the process
of decision-making should be a shared responsibility.
He further contended that all citizens of the nation should collectively
choose their leaders and at the same time contribute to the governance. This
could be done if the people are attuned to the democratic process of electing
,
and rejecting their leaders. Furthermore, there should be a line of communica-
tion right from the grass-root to those in the corridor of power. In essence, the
leaders would share and respect the views of those being governed. The support
of the people could only be assured in this manner, once the people are given
-----sourid political education.
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77..
Only those who are political conscious could effectively exercise demo-
cratic right. According to Mhaiki (1981), elections and voting are very im-
portant in democracy but they are:
democratic instruments only when people are politically con-
scious and politically educated.
The above observation by Mhaiki (1981, p, 152) is supported by Oyatorisa
(1988): In a research into Government Sponsored Political Parties in Nigeria,
he remarked that:
The central theme of democracy is the notion of a conscious
and enlightened citizenry. It is the belief of scholars on democ-
racy that a conscious and enlightened citizenry participates and
through such participation determines the affairs of state.
Dewey (1966 p. 86) also argued that the success of democracy rests on
political education. Democracy cannot thrive without it. He further pointed
out that:
The devotion of democracy to political education is a familiar
fact. The superficial explanation is that a government resting
upon popular suffrage cannot be successful unless those who
elect and who obey their governors are educated. Since a demo-
cratic society repudiates the principle of external authority, it
must find a substitute in voluntary disposition and- interest. These
can be created only by education.
The submission of Dewey (1966 p. 86) above suggested that political edu-
cation brings about internal integration through interest and a collective ac-
tion against external authority. Pye (1965, p.52) also argued that political
education is capable of creating and establishing national integration through
national identification. By national identification, he meant that an individual
must perceive himself as an integral member of the nation and his loyalty to
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78
the nation should be unquestionable. This national identification leads to
political integration of the nation and it is political education of the masses
that can make such loyalty attainable.
Stone (1974 p. 91) observed the high sense of patriotism, national identifi-
cation and stability of development nations, especially in United States of
America. He noted that if a teenager should be questioned about his feelings
about U.S.A. the automatic answer would be that U.S.A. is the best country
in the world. Stone (1974) further argued that such feelings are the outcome
of political education which is taught to the citizenry right from school and
further developed through political socialization.
Rosenberg (1956, p. 161) argued that where members of a society are in-
active politically, they should be exposed to political education. He argued
that their inactiveness is because they believe that the political activity is
futile, government is not efficient; it does not provide immediate gratification
and even if they participate, the political results they desire would probably
not be realis,ed. Rosenberg (1956) felt that proper education of such members
will bring positive change.
Political education is not limited to developed nation. Tanzania is a good
example of a developing country that have experimented on political educa-
tion with success. Hall (1981, pp 215-230) and Mhaiki (1981, p. 152) noted
that success attained through organised radio forum educational strategy
which combined the advantages 0 f radio's availability with the advantages
of face-to-face teaching. Mhaiki (1981) reported that statistics showed that
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Political Education was the second best in attracting adults in Tanzania. The
programme increased the sense of patriotism of the citizenry and also created
a stable society.
Amucheazi (1975) conducted a research on political development in East-
ern Nigeria. He noted the problems in the nation and advocated for political
education which (he believed) will bring political integration. He argued that
after an individual had the components of the nation, such individual identi-
fies himself with the nation. Thus, political education serves to "bring closer
the various ethnic and social units in the body politics". In return, the political
integration so achieved will make it possible for developing countries to man-
age "internal conflicts without the foundation of the community being un-
duly strained".
Political Education is not new to Nigeria. What is probably new is estab-
lishing a governmental agency, MAMSER to provide this service to the
nation. As early as the 19th Century, the colonial powers had subjected West
Africans to'a form of "Political education" informally. Ampene (1979 p 43-
58) observed that:
Learning to adjust to the new political order was both organised
and informal. House of Chiefs and legislative councils in En-
glish-Speaking Africa were the classrooms, so to speak, where
traditional authorities received their lessons in the intricacies
of colonial administration. Informally, too, they learned from
observing how the colonial administration dealt with difficult
chiefs and rewarded obedient ones.
Colonial powers realised the danger that lay in giving political education
directly to their subjects, especially, the educated ones because of the possi-
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bility of agitation for political independence. The little knowledge acquired
in politics had been through the personal efforts of the Africans. Mhaiki
(1981, p.1S1) also reported the problems of the Africans under the colonial
powers. He stated that
In ex-colonial nations and developing countries, it is noted that
colonial powers banned political education in schools, for civil
servants and for the general public. Politics was only for those
in power because it is an instrument of wielding power, instru-
ment for decision-making and instrument for domination. In the
hands of the people, it can therefore be an instrument for libera-
tion.
As earlier indicated, political education had been acquired in the first phase
of colonialism and during the struggle for independence through informal
method. Political Education was not only a tool for political freedom from the
colonial powers, but it is vital for survival of societies during post-indepen-
dence era. This prompted Mhaiki (1981, p. 153) to further state that:
Political Education for the people is necessary in African newly
independent countries in order to bring about a feeling of na-
tionhood. Political Education must be an indispensable compo-
nent of adult education programmes to synthesise the various
tribes, chiefs, vernaculars and religious sects into national union,
who Gallthen adopt a national policy in economic, social and
cultural development.
Tugbiyele (1990, p. 49) also argued in favour of political education in de-
veloping countries. He stated that being educated or being an elite does not
guarantee freedom form political education. He noted that many highly edu-
cated Nigerians including many with doctorate degrees are in fact "politically
illiterates". In order to drive his point home, he asked a rhetorical question
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.81
thus:
Do we need sophisticated research to know that most of those
who brought down this nation from opulence to the present eco-
nomic hardship were the so-called highly educated who are in
fact moral and political illiterates?
The submission of Tugbiyele (1990, p. 46) above is that all Nigerians need
political education in order to change the present political culture in Nigeria.
Amucheazi, Mhaiki and Tugbiyele called for political education in devel-
oping societies, especially in Nigeria, so as to put an end to the political insta-
bility, ethnicity and chaos undermining the people and development of those
societies. The people would be opportuned, therefore, to be actively involved
and determined to decide their destiny as a nation.
2.6 Political Education and Mass Literacy
William N. Stephens and C. Stephens Long (1970, p. 3-25) conducted a
research into political attitude of people in developed and developing coun-
tries. They found that political apathy known in developing countries due to
illiteracy is also a phenomenon in Europe among illiterates. They remarked
that:
The exidence is particularly voluminous with respect to voting
in Europe and in the United States; the non voter is likely to
have relatively little education.
The analysis of the collected data on this political apathy, indicated that
educated people tend to be more politically active and aware than the ill-
educated. Stephens and Long (1970: pp. 3-25) concluded that literacy is vital
in modem polity.
Mass Literacy aids political education and increases the citizen's interest in
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82
affairs of the nation. The important of literacy education was stressed in the
research which Verba and Mil (1965) conducted. In their studies of Seven
countries, they discovered that highly educated people participate more in
politics. They found that there is a positive correlation between highly edu-
cated people and political participation. It is noted that literacy is highly
important in modem democracy throughout the world.
Neves (1982) conducted a similar research among Portuguese Women. She
concluded that Portuguese women lagged behind in political awareness be-
cause they lacked literacy which was much needed for such political aware-
ness. She noted that a mass literacy programme will enhance political aware-
ness and social change. She fmally remarked that:
a people will only be able to establish a new start and struggle
for democracy, freedom, and peace if it has access to the writ-
ten word, if it is literate
Political education creates consciousness among the citizenry but mass
literacy is the catalyst that aids and sustains political awareness.
Akinpelu,(1990) lamented that the political problem in Nigeria could be
traced to lack of political education which had its root in high percentage of
illiterates in the country. He contented that illiteracy had led to economic loss
and instability of government. A large proportion of electoral problems in the
country, Nigeria, can be traced to high illiteracy on the part of the voting
populace. The illiterates easily succumbed to the manipulation of the politi-
cians and were deceived to vote for some candidates against their wishes. He
further argued that:
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83
You can imagine how much we lose in money, time and energy
by having to pnnt party symbols to guide elections. The
attempt to use one single list of candidates in the past local
government elections ran into problems where there are many
candidates on the list: many electorates could not count the
number of strokes that stood for their candidates especially where
the names of their candidates were down on the long lists.
The above remarks by Akinpelu stressed the dilemma of illiterates during
elections in Nigeria.
This lack of literacy education noted by Akinpelu could easily result in
political apathy. It could further make the electorate easily available for the
manipulation of influential politicians.
Omolewa (1981) was of the opinion that it had been a deliberate action to
keep the masses ignorant so that the elite could exploit them politically and
economically. If people are illiterates, they will be ignorant of what democ-
racy is and lack of such awareness will keep them in darkness. Omolewa
(1981) further noted that mass literacy was not part of the priorities of newly
independent government of Nigeria in 1960. He argued that: .
The point is that the Nigeria educated benefitted from an illiter-
ate citizenry who were uninformed and thus uncritical of gov-
ernment decisions. Adult Education was thus ignored by the
post-independence leadership.
He, therefore, advocated for political education which embraces mass lit-
eracy that can give the nation political awareness and thereby bring political
stability. He further submitted that:
Advocates of political stability have further suggested that a
literate society would be an unlikely field for electoral manipu-
lations and perennial coup plotters.
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'84
Mass Education is, therefore, not just for reading and writing, it is for
societal development as a whole. At the Perspolis International Symposium
for Literacy which was held between 3rd - 8th September, 1975, the concept
of a "literate person" was defmed. It was a consensus that a literate person is
someone who has,
acquired to a sufficient degree the means of becoming aware of
the problems of the society in which he lives and his own prob-
lems and the means of solving them or playing a real part in
their solution. Literacy is not just the process of learning the
skills of reading, writing and arithmetic but a contribution to
the liberation of a man and to his full development
Okedara and Ogunlade (1990) Lucas (1982, p.19) M'Bow and Lucas (1982-
1983) all agreed that it is the duty of political education to promote literacy
which helps everyone to have access to knowledge which enables a citizen to
exercise his full rights as a citizen and become aware of the realities of mod-
ern life.
In the eighth regional congress of Arabs Congress held in Baghdad in 1974,
political education was identified as an instrument of revolution handicapped
by illiteracy.
Lucas (1982 p. 19) reported that in the congress, the party leaders at the
Ba'athists' Congress, termed illiteracy as "a most dangerous evil" which is
militating against the present day social, political and economic progress. It
was declared that without a concerted mass effort, the persistence of an illiter-
ate adult citizenry would forever frustrate the building of a "progressive soci-
ety capable of playing a leading revolutionary role in the liberation of a uni-
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85
fied Arab Socialist State".
The Political Bureau (1987) recommended that Mass Literacy should be on
the agenda of MAMSER, in order to aid political education. MAMSER iden-
tified Mass Education as one of the cardinal programmes in that "a literate
society should not only be mobilis ed, but they should be educated and prop-
erly organised and thus there is no communication gap between the ruled and
the ruler". MAMSER had been in partnership with the National Commission
for Mass Literacy Adult and Non-Formal Education, in order to bring literacy
to the illiterates.
2.7 Political Education and Adult Education
Political Education is a programme under Adult Education. Adult educa-
tion embraces a whole range of developmental activities undertaken by gov-
ernment or by non governmental agencies to solve any problem for the people.
Such problems might be health, economy, agriculture or political, affecting
the life of t,he people. All these problems could be tackled under Mass Educa-
tion Programme of Adult Education. As Anyanwu (1987), Okedara (1981)
and Tugbiyele (1975) observed, Adult Education covered many aspects of
adult oriented programmes. Tugbiyele (1975) stated that:
By Adult Education, we do not mean literacy education alone.
Adult Education is more than literacy or remedial education to
"fill the gap". It is something people need and want as long as
they are alive and regardless of the amount of their previous
education:
In International Directory of Adult Education (1952), Adult Education is
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89
described by UNESCO. It is said that "the concept adult education has been
broadened considerably so as to cover the activities of a wide range of institu-
tions of agencies and to include a content as wide as life itself ... " In essence,
adult education is so closely related to the social, political conditions of each
country.
2.8 Methodology of Political Education
As a programme of Adult Education, political education follows a set of
procedures in the effort to achieve a goal. The procedures can be referred to
as methodology or strategies of political education. The methodology of po-
litical education is tailored according to the need and nature of the people.
Methodology of Adult Education programmes vary according to the particu-
lar programme being executed. This is why Anyanwu (1981 p. 139) stated
that:
Methods of teaching in adult education vary according to the
type, class or programme, nature of the course and that of the
class to be taught.
The strategies of political education include mass rallies and public meet-
ings. These have been the main schools of mass political education in devel-
oping countries. Politicians have been using these strategies to educate the
citizenry about the programme of their parties and ideologies. According to
Mhaiki (1981, p.154), some politicians in developing countries made use of
mass rallies to ma•ke political speech instead of political education. He noted
that:
Long political harangue from time to time is almost the habit
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87
and it is often thought to be enough that a political leader speaks
braggingly about the main issues of the nation, calls colonialists
a few bad names and impresses on the people what great things
he himself has done to bring about independence. Most people
in liberated developing countries are sick and tired of this.
According to Adefolarin (1988, pp. 315-325) politicians are supposed to
make use of political rallies to educate the masses that they are jointly respon-
sible for the progress and development of the nation. The people should be
educated on the state of the national economy and internal and external politi-
cal policies. Political parties should also enlighten the masses on the programme
of the parties towards the development of the nation.
Stone (1974) Janowitz (1983), Dawson and Prewitt (1969) also identified
political rallies as avenues for political education. Janowitz (1983) contended
that affairs of the nation are exposed to citizenry and prospective voters dur-
ing such rallies. People are therefore made conscious of public institutions
and governmental activities. Political rallies could even lead to revolution.
Dawson and Prewitt (1969) noted that political rallies could be termed as
informal way of educating the public on affairs of the nation.
,
Organised classes can also serve as a method of political education. In some
countries, political education is part of the curricula in schools for children.
Such curricula, according to Stone (1974, pp. 80-84) should include knowl-
edge of one's country, history, feelings, opinion about the government, civic
knowledge, ideology, policies of the government etc. It is argued by Tomey
(1977, pp87-90) that "childhood political learning is critically important be-
cause it presents valuable never to be repeated opportunities on which to build
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as
a guided and systematic political education. Greenstein (1968, pp 87-90),
Stone (1974) and Janowitz (1983) considered organised classes as crucial in
political education. Janowitz (1983) noted that "the school and selected vol-
untary associations concerned with national and patriotic meanings organise
political education classes". Stone (1974) also stressed the importance of
organised classes, especially in the school system for political education. For
example, Tanzania organised political education for adults, dividing them into
study groups. Mhaiki (1981, pp.155) reported that it was a huge success in
Tanzania. He stated that:
In 1970-1971, people got organised in radio listening groups,
with a textbook, specially prepared on the selected topics, dis-
cussed the issues under the chairmanship of the specially trained
group leader. In 1970, they discussed the meaning and impor-
tance of election procedure and rules, what to look for when
voting for constituency candidates etc.
Stone (1974) believed that classes which are organised through non-gov-
ernmental organisations and local clubs help a lot to rein:t:orce what adults
learnt during the school days. Similarly, Freire (1971) recommended group
discussions' which enable adults to use their experience and knowledge ac-
quired through exposure to life. President Nyerere (1980) of Tanzania also
endorsed organised classes for political education. He pointed out that:
It is that every adult knows something about the subject he is
interested in, even if he is not aware he knows it.
It is organised classes therefore that made adults to use their experience in
discussing political issues.
Organisations and unions are also recognised in methodology of political
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89
education. According to Mhaiki (1981), National organisations like the Youth
Organisations, Women's Organisations, Parents' Organisation, Trade Unions,
all have a big role to play to bring about political consciousness to the people.
He argued further that "it is essential therefore that these organisations have
branches and roots in the people even in the villages".
The women, farmers, traders and youth should have fora to discuss politi-
cal issues. MAMSER also recognised organisation, unions, tribal groups and
local communities in its strategies for political education. MAMSER believed
that the citizenry could be given proper political education, especially at the
local level, through these organisations.
Mass Media has been identified as an important tool of political educa-
tion. Hall (1981), Mailafuja (1979) and Mhaiki (1981) stressed the impor-
tance of mass media in political education. Hall remarked that mass media is
a very effective method of political education. Mailafuja (1979,pp.143-158)
noted that
The obvious strength of the media is the fact that they reach
such a large proportion of the population in any nation. Even in
places where no educational institutions exists, one fmd news-
papers. Radio, by itself is the single most extensive communi-
cation device existing. When thinking in terms of adult educa-
tion programmes and how the media can be best utilized, it is
important for the adult educator to try to take advantage of the
widespread availability of various media without losing neces-
sary personal interaction.
Mailafuja (1979) also recommended mass media and personal interraction
•
for political education through the use of radio forum. This radio forum com-
bines the advantages of radios availability with the advantages of face to face
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90
teaching. People are organised into listening groups under group leaders who
facilitate or stimulate discussions of the materials that has been broadcast.
Hall (1981, pp.215-231) also argued that "Mass communication are most ef-
fective when combined with face-to-face approaches. Mass media can not
solve the crisis in education or perform wonders among the adult population
but when used creatively, the media offer very strong advantages". He also
cited example of Tanzania, Ghana, Botswana and India where radio forum
had been used successfully by dividing people into radio -Iistening groups, in
political education. He noted that though political education was made part
of the school curricula in all primary and secondary schools in Tanzania, it
was also introduced to adult learners through radio-listening groups. Accord-
ing to Mhaiki, people were organised into groups, with a textbook prepared
on selected topics and discussed under the chairmanship of a specially trained
group leader. The importance of this lies in the inculcation of national aware-
ness. When statistics of all subjects taken in adult education was analysed, it
was noted that political education was the second best in attracting adults in
Tanzania. ,
2.9 Content of Political Education
The content of political education arose out of the need of the people. It is
the duty of every nation to identify and educate the citizenry on her own
concept of political education. According to Mhaiki (1981, p.151), the con-
tent of political education should be the national ideologies - national idea of
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91
man and of the future of humanity of national economic, social and cultural
programmes" .
Stone (1974) also agreed with Mhaiki as regards national ideologies. Stone
(1974) on his own part stated that education should be rich in content and
such content should include the knowledge of one's country, feelings, opin-
ions about the government, general attitude and civic knowledge.
L. Pye (1965, p.7) believed that political education should contain the his-
tory of the nation, political culture, knowledge and feeling about the politics
of the people about their community.
Dewey (1966, p.86), Oyatorisa (1988, p.29-44) and Anyanwu (1981,
pp.66-71) however argued that the content of political education should be
educating the masses on democracy. Dewey (1966) added that such content
should also include the principle of fighting against external domination. Simi-
larly, Anyanwu (1981) submitted that, political education should contain
programmes to educate the people on the concepts of their nati.onal and state
government in order that they may become an enlightened electorate. He also
added that the-content should include programmes to rescue the masses from
the danger of domination by minority elite government.
Various arguments and submission on the content of political education as
reviewed in this chapter showed that the content varies according to the need
of each society. Each society defmes and identifies what should be the focus
of political education. As a programme of adult education, the curriculum and
•
methods of political education should be related both to the goals of educa-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
92
tion and the needs of that society (Kidd, 1973).
With respect to Nigeria, MAMSER spelt out fourteen areas that should
form the content of political education. These areas were stated in Chapter
One of this thesis. MAMSER also prepared a handbook titled "Political Edu-
cation Manual Book" which contains the "curriculum" for political education
in Nigeria.
2.10 Evaluation of Political Education
Only few evaluative work done on political education in Africa are avail-
able for review. This might be because the governments have not thought of
having agencies or departments to give political education to the citizenry.
Only Tanzania is well known for its political education programme and this
has been evaluated by Hall (1981, pp 215-231) and Mhaiki (1988, pp 151-
158.
Mhaiki (1981) discovered that it is possible to inculcate Political Education
in adults. In Tanzania, Political Education is a subject in adult education classes
all over the sountry, When Adult Education Programmes were evaluated, sta-
tistics of September 1972 in Tanzania indicated that Political Education is the
second best in attracting adults in Tanzania. It was discovered that political
education is not easy to teach to adults because the subject, by its nature,
touches on the experiences of the adults and they get very involved in the
issues.
•
Evaluation work on MAMSER's programmes had been limited to socio-
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93
political programmes and these were done mostly by Political Scientists. None
of these researches at hand focuses on political education directly. Akinola
(1988), carried out a research on the role ofMAMSER in Babangida's Transi-
tion Programme. He used Descriptive Survey to observe that the respondents
had lukewarm attitude to the programmes of MAMSER. In his survey, he
discovered that 75% of the respondents to the questionnaire claimed that
MAMSER's programmes have brought no positive change at all in their lives.
While another 10% claimed that it brought a poor change into their lives. 5%
admitted that MAMSER's programmes brought a good change into their lives.
He concluded that the programme is a waste of public fund and should be
scrapped.
The evaluation carried out by Akinola (1988) covered the Mass Mobilisation,
Political Education and Mass Education Programmes. The research is there-
fore too broad as it was not focused on the political education programme in
particular.
,
Irabor (1988) also evaluated the programmes of~.:.AMSER using historical
method. Irabor went back to the past record of mobilisation in Nigeria and
discovered that each regime in Nigeria had introduced mobilization
programmes during their tenure. The researcher concluded that only National
Youth Service Corps survived till today and therefore MAMSER would not
last. He therefore ~oncluded that it was a waste of public fund.
The research by Irabor (1988) was from historical perspective and it was
/"
too broad, covering all the programmes of MAMSER. The research has not
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
94
given room to the citizenry that are the direct participants of MAMSER's
Programmes to evaluate the programmes. This is contrary to what Thiede (1964)
and Knowles (1970) observed. According to them, participants are in the best
position to evaluate and determine the worth of any such programme that affects
them directly.
Wahab (1989) also conducted a research on Mass Mobilization, Political
Education and Mass Education Programmes of MAMSER. He used Ikirun in
former Oyo State as the cas study and he also adopted a descriptive research
method. He tried to find out the response of the people, especially, on political
consciosness, economic recovery and literacy as brought by MAMSER. His
research concluded that there is a need for ideology on mobilisation efforts. He
also noted that MAMSER had not made its pressence felt in vital areas like
formation of cooperative societies, the procurement of agricultural loan and
___ literacy programme.
While acknowledging the contributions made to knowledge by Wahab, his
research focus was,too broad also. He evaluated all the programmes of MAM-
SER and therefore the depth required for such research was not reached.
Sanda (1990) compared the perception of citizens towards MAMSER'S
programmes in Oyo and Sokoto states. Through a descriptive research method
which he adopted, he found that the citizens in the two states had a negative
perception of the programmes and did not have faith in MAMSER. He there-
fore urged MAMSER t."l embark on mobilization and enlightenment cam-
paigns.
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9S
It is observed that evaluation of MAMSER programmes that are available
had mainly come from social scientists. All the programmes of MAMSER are
adult oriented and evaluation of the programmes needs to interest adult
educationists. Political Education as a programme of adult education should
also be evaluated through a descriptive method in order to allow the adults who
are the participants to assess the impact of the programme by themselves.
Appraisal of review of literature
Donaldson and Scannell (1978 pp. 13-23) opined that the first step to
evaluation is to diagnose the problems which are to be evaluated. In this
instance, the problem being evaluated is political instability and the attending
problems in Nigeria. It was argued by Donaldson and Scannell (1978) that the
first step will lead the evaluator to set goals and objectives which are to be
evaluated at the end of the programme. The objectives of MAMSER served as
the objectives which were evaluated at the end ofthe programme. The third step
. in the model is to identify the Instructional methods, techniques and resources
to implement the objectives of the programme. The thrid step referred to the
various strategies used by MAMSER for the Political Education Programme.
The fourth step is the evaluation of the programme in order to assess the
effectiveness of the programme. The fifth step is the Policy recommendations
to improve the programme and to address the shortcomings observed in the
earlier efforts. The Donaldson-Scannell model which is adapted for this study
is in line with the goal attainment evaluation model. Knowles (1970) and
Popham (1975) advocated a goal attainment model of evaluation as the most
suitable for adult education programmes.
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CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH. DESIGN
3.1 Research Design
Descriptive Survey Research Design which falls within the Empirical re-
search design has been adopted for this study.
The Descriptive Survey Research Design involves collection of data to test
research questions and to assess the attitudes and opinions of the randomly
selected sample to the events or programmes.
Large populations were studied through the selection of samples chosen
from the population.
Through this, the distribution, relative incidence interrelations of the socio-
logical and other variables were discovered (Kerlinger, 1973). Descriptive
Survey Design provides avenues to test research questions on which the re-
search is based. It enables the researcher to interpret research fmdings in a
meaningful manner (Ary et al 1972). In this research, descriptive survey de-
sign made it possible to evaluate the effectiveness of political education
programme ,of MAMSER which is the focus of this study.
3.2 Population and Sample Size
The subjects for the study were randomly selected from Ibadan North and
Akinyele Local Government Areas of Oyo State regarded as two different
communities in this research. The consideration given to the choice of the
sample was based on the degree of urbanisation and rural setting of the two
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97
local governments.
In Ibadan North Local Government, the sample area falls within the urban
area of the ancient city of Ibadan. The local government covers a vast area,
including Bodija, Ashi, Orita Basorun, Agbowo, Sango etc. There is a large
number of educated and gainfully employed people in the local government.
Hence, Ibadan North was tagged 'urban' in this study for easy of reference.
Akinyele Local Government Area is mostly made up of villages such as Ijaye,
Atan Ojedele, Arulogun, Aroro, Oboida, Akinpade and others. Only Moniya
and Ojoo could be classified as semi-urban towns in the local government.
For easy of reference, Akinyele Local Government was tagged, 'rural'.
According to 1991 provisional census figures, Ibadan North Local Govern-
ment Area had a population of about 300,939 while Akinyele Local Govern-
ment had a population of about 139,587. For this study, a purposive random
sampling was employed in the choice of the subjects from this population. In
this regard, consideration was given to the following:
(i) opinion and community leaders
,
(ii) societies, clubs, and organisations
(iii) officials of MAMSER
(iv) enlightened members of the society within the local government area
understudy and other members of the communities.
In Ibadan North Local Government Area, 475 were the subjects used for
this study. In Akiny..eleLocal Government, 325 subjects responded to the ques-
tionnaire.
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TABLE 1
Distribution of sumple size of respondents hy sex
~S-e-x---l-------------U--r-h-a_n . Rural
No. % No %
Male 306 64.4 192 59
Female 169 35.6 133 41
Total 475 100% 325 100%
The above table indicated the number of subjects randomly selected in the
two communities for this research.
3.3 Instrumentation
The instruments used for this study included a set of questionnaire designed
purposely to elucidate the political eduction programme of MAMSER.
Apart from the questionnaire, other sources of information for this study
included:
(a) Official documents; which included policy statement, gazette, position
description, organizational charts, records of meetings and public
lectures, and other related papers on political education programme
ofMAMSER.
(b) Oral interviews with some key officers of the Directorate of Social
Mobilisation (MAMSER) including Prof. Tunde Adeniran, the
former National Secretary of MAMSER, officials at the Oyo State
•
Headquarters and AkinyeJe Local Government.
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(c) Mass Media, especially, print media on the activities of MAMSER.
3.4 Procedure
Murphy (1980) suggested that the first essential preliminary activity of a
programme evaluator is immersing one-self in the reading of available infor-
mation about the programme. Murphy referred to this kind of activity as "scout-
ing the scene" through holding preliminary interviews with people executing
the programme and checking relevant reports. The scouting activity helped in
this research to construct the instruments for this study.
Validity and Reliability of the Instruments:
The draft questionnaire was tested for content validity. The questionnaire
was validated by some lecturers from the Departments of Adult Education
and Sociology. A pilot study was conducted to test the reliability of the ques-
tionnaire. The pilot study was carried out among the Akinyele Local Govern-
ment staff. Such a pilot study, according to Ary et al (1972) helps in confmn-
ing the appropriateness, reliability and practicality of the instruments. Through
the pilot study, appropriate clarity of terms and improvements of the ques-
tionnaire were done. The fmal questionnaire was produced after the correc-
tions. The test-retest value of the questionnaire with the final questionnaire
gave a correlation of 0.86. This meant that the instruments were both valid
and reliable for this study.
Administration of the Instruments and Collection of Data:
The questionnaire•s were personally administered by the researcher to the
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100
randomly selected subjects with the assistance of some teachers residing in
the rural area in Akinyele Local Government. The villages selected included
Atan Ojedele, Oboida, Onisango and Akinajo. The questionnaires were also
administered in Moniya in Akinyele Local Government. In Ibadan North Lo-
cal Government Area, the questionnaires were administered to selected sub-
jects in Bodija, Ashi, Agbowo and Orita Bashorun.
The sample size for the study was drawn from the urban and rural commu-
nities as shown in Table 2 below:
TABLE 2
Distribution of sample size of respondents by communities.
Urban Community Rural Community
Sample Area No. Sample Area No
Bodija 131 Atan Ojedele 74
Ashi 93 Oboida 32
.
Agbowo 123 Onisango 41
Orita Bashorun 128 Akinajo 66
Moniya 112
Total 475 325
In the rural area, the questionnaires were translated into Yoruba Language
to enable those that could not comprehend the English Language to respond .
In addition to this, •those that could not read were interviewed in Yoruba
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101
Language.
3.5 Data Analysis
Various statistical tools were used to analyse the information elicited from
the questionnaires.
The statistical tools used included:
(i) t-test for independent samples statistical method
(ii) chi-square statistical method
3.6 Integration of the Questionnaire with the Research Questions
Research question 1 which sought information on the extent to which the
strategies of MAMSER facilitate the success of the political education
programme was analysed through the response to item 4 of the questionnaire
and subject to t-test for Independent samples statistical tool.
Research question 2 on the effect of the political education on people's
participation in politics was approached through subjecting item 5 of the ques-
tionnaire to t-Test for Independent samples statistical tool.
Research question 3 is on the effect of illiteracy on the success of the politi-
cal education programme of MAMSER. Item 3a of the questionnaire was
subjected to t-Test for Independent samples statistically tool.
Research question 4 which sought information on the effect of Political
Education Progra•mme on the Political Culture of Nigerians was approached
by analysing items 5a - d of the questionnaire using 5 point Likert Scale tool
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102
and t-Test for Independent samples statistically tool.
Research question 5 on whether the political leaning of Nigerians is now
free of ethnicity, nepotism tribalism, family ties and other social factors was
answered with items 5f, g and 8 of the questionnaire. The Likert Scale was
applied to the two variables. Item 8 which sought for information on whether
MAMSER's political education has solved the problems of political instabil-
ity in Nigeria, was subjected to chi-square statistical analysis.
The sixth research question was on the impact of the political education
programme on the organisation and administration of political parties. Item 6
of the questionnaire was analysed with chi-square statistical tool to provide
the answer to the research question.
Research question 7 on the influence of Political Education on politics of
thuggery, arson, riots and killings was answered with item 5g and 9 of the
questionnaire. These were tested statistically, using t-Test Independent samples
and chi-square statistical tools.
The eight research question sought for information on the influence of po-
litical education on the future civil rule. Items 8 and 9 on the questionnaire
were subjected to chi-square statistical analysis to provide information on the
research question.
Research question 9 is about the effect of the Political Education on the
issue of Political instability in Nigeria. Information on this question was de-
rived from the response to item 8 on the questionnaire. It was analysed with
,
chi-square statistical tool.
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For the tenth research question on the areas of successes and failures of
MAMSER items under 3a - c of the questionnaire which ranked the successes
of MAMSER's programme were the sources of information.
3.7 Donaldson - Scannell Model of Evaluation
Donaldson - Scannell Model of Evaluation (1978, pp 13-23) is adopted for
this evaluative study. In this study, goal-oriented evaluation model is applied
in that the objectives of the political education of MAMSER were evaluated.
The following diagram explains the model which is adapted from Donaldson-
Scannell Model of Evaluation.
Figure 3
Diagnosis of
problem e.g.,
political instability
Goals and objectives Effective Programme
of Political Education and Policy Recommendation
Instructional Methods
Techniques of Impactingr- IL==:=J
Political Education
Donaldon-Scannell Model of Evaluation
Source: Donaldon and Scannell (1978)
Human Resources• Development New Trainer's Guide California Addson
Weslsey Publishing Company.
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CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS
In this chapter, the major fmdings of this study are presented. The fmdings,
analyses and discussions related to the research questions. The sample pa-
rameters used in the research were those derived from the instruments used
for the study. Five hundred (500) questionnaires were randomly administered
in the urban community but four hundred and seventy-five (475) were prop-
erly filled.
In the rural community, five hundred (500) questionnaires were also ad-
ministered but three hundred and twenty-five (325) were properly filled. The
sample parameters are represented as follows:
(i) -
~ stands for subjects randomly selected for the study in the urban
community (n = 475)
(ii) -
x2 stands for subjects randomly selected for the study in the rural
community (n = 325).
,
Demographic Variables of the Respondents:
Tables 3,4; 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9 give the information on the demographic char-
acteristics of the respondents in the two communities. In this type of study, it
is vital to examine the socio-economic variables with a view to arriving at
possible factors which affect the response of the subjects to the political edu-
cation programme of MAMSER.
The importance of socio-economic background in education of adults is
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105
stressed by scholars. Cole (1979), Gutrie (1971) and Okedara (1979) noted
that the background of the adult learners is vital in any adult education
programme. The socio-economic variables that are of value to this study in-
clude the following:
(i) [Sex of the respondents;
(ii) Marital status;
(iii) Age;
(iv) Occupation; and
(v) Educational background.
(i) Frequency distribution showing the sex of the respondents in the urban
and rural communities.
TABLE 3
Variables Urban Rural
No. % No. %
Male 306 64.4 192 59.1
Female 169 35.6 133 40.9
, Total 475 100.00 325 100.00
In the urban community, 64.4% of the respondents were male while 35.6%
were female. Also in the rural community, 59.1% of the respondents were
male while 40.9% were female. In the two communities, the percentages of
male respondents were higher than female. This difference seems to confmn
the general belief that men are most active in politics than women.
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106
The sex distribution of the respondents is tested statistically using chi-square
to fmd out if there is significant relationship between the sex distribution and
the political education programme.
TABLE 4
Analysis of sex distribution of the respondents in the two communities.
Variables Urban Rural Total X2 d.f Xi value Remark
at 0.05
295.68 202.31
Male 306 192 498 2.33 1 3.8 N.S.
179.31 122.68
Female 169 133 302
P> 0.05 S = Significant N.S. = Not Significant
Figures written in parenthesis are the expected frequencies.
Since 3.8 > 2.33, fmdings indicate that sex is not significantly important in
the response to the political education programme of MAMSER.
(ii) A comparative analysis of frequency distribution on the Marital Status
of the respondents in the Urban and Rural Communities.
,
TABLE 5
Variables Urban Rural
No. % No. %
Married 332 69.9 228 70.2
Single 125 26.3 71 21.8
Widowed 0 0.0 24 7.4
Divorced 10 2.1 0 "" 0.0
Separated 8 1.7 2 0.6
Total • 475 100.00 325 100.00
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107
From the above table the percentage of the married in the two communities
is almost same. There is only a marginal difference of 0.3%. The percentage
of those that are single is almost same in the two communities. The percent-
age of those that are single is 4.5 % higher in the urban community. It is
observed that the rural community has 7.4% who are widowed while the ur-
ban community has none. The urban community has 1.7% of those that have
separated and only 0.6% is recorded in the rural community.
(iii) A Comparative Analysis of Frequency distribution on the age of the
respondents in the urban and rural communities:
TABLE 6
URBAN RURAL
AGE NO % NO %
> 18-30 135 28.4 100 30.8
> 31-40 203 42.7 88 27.1
>41-50 93 19.6 43 .13.2
> 51-60 44 9.3 53 16.3
,
> 61 above 0 0.0 41 12.6
TOTAL 475 100 325 100.0
In the urban community, 28.4% is above 18 years but not more than 30
years (> 18-30 years), 42.7% above 30 years and not more than 40 years
(> 31-40 years) .• 19.6% is above 40 years and more than 50 years (> 41-50
years) while 9.3% claimed to be above 50 years but not more than 60 years
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
108
(51-60 years) and 12.60/0is above 60 years (> 61- above).
From the above analysis, it seems the 'percentage of those between 18-30
years and those above 51 years are higher in the rural community than the
urban community. This might be due to economic factor whereby there is
mobility of labour from the rural to the urban to seek unskilled jobs, leaving
farming to the old. Finally at old age, there is a drift back to the rural commu-
nity in order to retire from work.
(iv) A Comparative analysis of Frequency Distribution showing occupation
of the respondents in the two communities:
TABLE 7
Urban Rural
Variables No. % No. %
HuntinglFarming 5 1.1 140 43.1
Trading 51 10.7 38 11.7
Artisans 42 8.9 14 4.3
Public /Ciyil Servants 228 62.7 110 33.8
Private Sector 51 10.7 20 6.2
Student 20 4.2 3 0.91
Unemployed 8 1.7 0 0.0
Total 475 100.0 325 100
The above table r•epresents the % distribution of the respondents by occu-
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109
pation. In the urban community, most 'of the respondents are in public/civil
service. This group has 62.7% of the total percentage. In the rural community,
however, 43.1% is in hunting/farming while 33.8% is public/civil servants.
We expect, therefore, that the people in the urban community will be more
alive to the political education programme as a higher percentage is in publici
civil service and are therefore more enlightened.
(v) Frequency distribution showing the educational background distribution
of the respondents in the urban and rural communities.
TABLE 8
Variables Urban Rural
No % No %
Above 1st Degree 62 13.1 6 1.8
1st Degree/equivalent 72 15.2 22 6.8
DiplomaINCE 134 28.2 58 17.8
.
Professional
Qua,lification 74 15.6 49 15.1
Post Primary 66 13.9 38 11.7
Primary/Adult
Literacy 52 10.9 22 6.8
None 475 100.0 325 100.0
TOTAL 475 100.0 325 100.0
•
In the above table, the respondents in the urban community are more edu-
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110
cated than those in the rural community. Analysis above indicates that the
urban community has higher percentage on all the variables except those with-
out any educational background, where the rural community has 40% as against
3.1% recorded in the urban community.
The difference observed in the educational background may be due to more
access to education and modem facilities in the urban community.
Knowledge of the urban and rural communities on the Programme and
Objectives of the Directorate for Social Mobilisation (MAMSER)
The objectives of a programme should be known and be clear to the partici-
pants of such programme. This is very important in that the participants are
the best evaluators of such programme. This is in line with the submissions of
Provus (1973), Tate (1981) and Gronlund (1981). These scholars on evalua-
tion stated that the objectives of a programme being evaluated must be identi-
fied before clarification of the variables affecting performance. The objec-
tives should be well known to the evaluator and the objectives should form
the bases of the evaluation. Also, in the Donaldson-Scannell Model of Evalu-
ation (1978, pp 13-23) adapted for this study, the importance of identification
of the goals and objectives is stressed.
Moreover, the participants who are the respondents are to evaluate the
programme in that they can best assess the degree to which the programme
has been implemented in their communities. Notable researchers in evalua-
tion such as Thiede (1964) and Matthews (1959) supported that evaluation of
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111
a programme is best done by the participants.
An attempt was made to find out the respondents' of the programmes and
objectives of MAMSER. It was observed that there were diverse views on
MAMSER in the two communities. Some of the respondents felt that is was
an extension of War Again Indiscipline (WAI) while some could only identify
. some of the MAMSER's programmes. Some of the respondents could not
specify any of the objectives but they claimed that MAMSER is an avenue to
waste public fund. In the rural community in particular, a large number claimed
never to have heard of MAMSER, though they were aware of the two politi-
cal parties.
Result as shown in Table 9 below, indicates the knowledge of the respon-
dents in the two communities on what they know about MAMSER.
TABLE 9
Analysis between the respondents of the urban and rural communities on
their knowledge of MAMSER's objectives and programmes.
- Standard t. value t. value
N 'X d2 Error d.f obs. at 0.05 Remark
Urban 475 59.37 10015.82
13.85 14 l.353 2.145 N.S
Rural 325 4062 739.84
P < 0.05, S = Significant N.S. =Not significant
Using t-Test for Independent samples above, the result of this analysis shows
that there is no significant difference between the knowledge of the respon-
dents in the two communities on what MAMSER is, since t-Test value 1.353
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112
<2.145. This indicates that the respondents do not have enough knowledge on
the objectives and programmes of MAMSER. This finding agrees with what
Samda (1990) observed in Sokoto when assessing the impact ofMAMSER. The
success of the programme is therefore affected by the lack of adequate
knowledge of the programme.
Question 1:
To what extent has the strategies of MAMSER facilitated the success of the
Political Education Programme?
The level of people's knowledge about MAMSER depends on the delivery
strategies. The readiness to accept the political education programme is a
function of the strategies employed to reach the people. In the Donaldson -
Scannell (1978) Evaluation Model adapted for this study, the strategies used in
implementation of any programme are expected to have impact on the failure
or success. Similarly, the delivery strategies of MAMSER should have great
influence on the impact of the programme on Nigerians. Table 10 below
indicated views of the people on the strategies of MAMSER.
TABLElO
Analysis of the delivery strategies used by MAMSER in the political education
programme in urban and rural communities;
Standard dJ t-value t.value Remark
N X d2 Error obs. at 0.05
Urban 475 79.16 94702.8
63.02 lO 0.3966 2.228 N.S
,
Rural 32S 54.16 24468.8
P<0.05 S = Significant N.S. = Not significant
Using t-Test for independent samples, the result shows that there is no
significant difference in the delivery strategies used by MAMSER in the two
communities as t-Test value 0.3966 is less than 2.228.
Findings revealed that radio and television were the main sources of infor-
mation used by MAMSER in the two communities. Only few of the respondents
•
claimed to have knowledge of MAMSER's political education through
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clubs and social societies. In the rural community, some of the respondents
claimed not to have heard of any political education programme.
However, contrary to the fmdings MAMSER claimed that people were ad-
equately informed and enlightened on national issues and the agency's
programmes through many strategies. Among such strategies are the various
radio/television jingles by MAMSER. There were also drama sketches to ere-
ate awareness on national issues like census, drug abuse and election proce-
dure. In addition, MAMSER claimed to have regular meetings with associa-
tions such as COWAD, Better Life Committee for Rural Women and Profes-
sional Associations sin order to explain Government Programmes and poli-
cies. There were also meetings with villages heads and community leaders.
MAMSER also claimed to organise enlightenment rallies on market days
and also information was disseminated through the town-criers in the rural
community. Bill boards and posters were also used in the mobilisation pro-
cess. Various printed literature in form of hand bills, manual books and others
were produced in English and Yoruba language. It was observed however that
,
MAMSER depended mainly on radio and television as the source of informa-
tion for the communities.
As noted earlier, some of the respondents claimed to have no knowledge of
MAMSER programmes. This indicates that the delivery strategies were prob-
ably not effective enough to penetrate into the two communities.
Findings further ~evealed that unlike other educational programmes,
MAMSER's political education had no curriculum. This seems to be the rea-
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114
son why the delivery strategies could not be as effective as expected. The agency
depended mainly on "Political Education Manual" which had no scheme for the
. programme and it could not be referred to as developed curricu1um for political
education. It was observed that the agency limited its activity to mere informa-
tion organ dissemination on behalf of the government. Whenever any election
was at hand, MAMSER used to perform the functions assigned by law to
National Electoral Commission; that is, informing the electorate of the election
procedure. Probably that accounts for non-recognition of the agency and its
functions by most of the respondents. Provisions of a curriculum on political
education will make the teaching-learning more effective and the stated objec-
tives would have, perhaps been achieved. MAMSER was not able to live up to
expectation due to the poor delivery strategies.
Question 2:
Has Political Education Programme had any effect on people's participating in
politics?
Table II belqw indicates the opinion of the respondents in the two com-
munities to participation in politics as a result of MAMSER'S Political Educa-
tion Programme.
•
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115
TABLE 11
Distribution of respondents view on the effect of the political education
programme on people's participation in politics.
- Standard d.f t-value t-value at Remark
N X d2 Error obs. 0.05
critical
Urban 475 95 15808
36.395 8 0.824 2.306 N.S
Rural 325 65 10684
P < 0.05, S = Significant N.S. Not Significant .
Since 0.824 < 2.306, the fmdings confmn that there is no significant differ-
ence between the opinion of the respondents in the urban and rural communi-
ties on participation in politics.
Findings reveal that in the two communities, people have different views
on the effect of political education programme on participation in politics.
Most of the respondents agreed that the effect of the political education
programme was hardly felt on political participation. A group of people also
,
claimed that the programme had a meaningful effect on political participation
while another group claimed that the programme had no effect.
The differences in the views of the respondents above are due to some
factors. In the first place, many of the respondents, especially in the rural
community, claimed that they have never heard of MAMSER and its political
education programme., This indicates that the programme being evaluated is
not known to them.
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116
Lack of interest of the people in the programme might also be a factor that
affected their reactions. Dissatisfaction with the government and political in-
stitutions of the nation might affect the attitude towards the p~litical participa-
tion despite the political education programme. Some of the respondents
believed that it is futile to participate since politics is for the rich who decide
who should be in power. Moreover, some felt that they have been neglected in
the rural area and there is no need to participate in politics. The findings agree
with the view of Rosenberg (1956) that people may refuse to participate as
members of the society through the political culture which expected participa-
tion exists. Their inactiveness is because they believe that government is not
efficient, it does not provide immediate gratification and even if they participate,
the political results they desire would not be realised.
The level of literacy might be another factor that affected participation in
politics despite the political education programme. In the rural community, the
percentage of illiterates was 40% as indicated in Table 8. According to Akinpelu
(1990) and Omolewa (1981), non participation of people in politics could be
traced to illiteracy.
The delivery strategies of the political education programme might be
another factor affecting the rate of political participation. As earlier noted, the
delivery strategies employed were mainly through radio and television. Other
equally important channels of political education were not adequately utilised.
It was not approached through adult education strategies and hence the adult
learners were not involved in the programme as expected. The failure to use
adult education delivery strategies had a negative impact on the success of the
•
programme. This outcome agreed with view in Donaldson Scannell (1978)
Model of Evaluation.
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117
Questions 3:
To what extent has illiteracy affected the success of the Political Education
Programme ofMAMSER?
The Directorate understood Mass Education in term of Mass Literacy. How-
ever, Mass Education includes other programmes such as Health Education,
Agriculture Programme, Political Education apart from Mass Literacy.
MAMSER thus conceived Mass Education in a narrow sense.
Mass Literacy is expected to complement Political Education. All efforts
expended on mass literacy is for the success of the political education
programme. The mass literacy programme is supposed to provide literacy to
those without it and also vocational training to the unemployed, as this would
go a long way towards moulding better citizenry out of them.
The view that mass literacy enhance political education and participation in
politics as expressed by MAMSER, agrees with the submissions of Verba and
Mii (1965), Akinpelu (1990) and Neves (1982). Table 12 below indicates the
respondents' response to the impact of literacy on political participation.
,
•
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118
TABLE 12
Distribution of respond~nts view on the relationship of literacy and political
participation of the communities.
- Standard t-value t-value at Remark
N X d2 Error d.f. obs. 0.05
critical
Urban 475 95 13304
33.172 8 0.904 2.306 N.S
Rural 325 65 8704
P < 0.05, S = Significant N.S = Not Significant
Since 0.904 < 2.306, fmdings confmn that there is no significant difference
between the opinion of the respondents in the two communities that literacy
is vital in political participation and political education programme .
.
Findings reveal that the respondents believed that MAMSER's perf or-
mance in Mas,s literacy was poor. It was further observed that the agency was
not directly involved in organising adult literacy classes. Its role was limited
to supervision which was handicapped by lack of vehicles for effective moni-
toring and supervision of the existing centres. For example, the Akinyele Lo-
cal Government Adult Education Officer reported on 6th February, 1989, that
.
Mass Literacy in the rural community was handicapped by non-cooperation
ofMAMSER's office for joint supervision of centers regularly; non supply of
textbooks by MAMSER to the learners; late payment of honorarium to in-
structors by MAMSER and inadequate supervision because of transport prob-
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119
lem.
From the above, the views of the respondents that literacy is vital in politi-
cal education agrees with the arguments of Verba and Mii (1965) Akinpelu
(1990, pp 3-13) and Neves (1982).
Question 4:
Has Political Education Programme had affect on the Political Culture ofNi-
gerians?
The Political Bureau recommended a new political culture that will usher
in unity, freedom political awareness and thereby promote the stability of the
nation.
MAMSER noted that the behaviour of Nigerians in the political process
has been largely negative and this was responsible for a culture of helpless-
ness, apathy and indifference to the political process. Nigerians' political cul-
ture was therefore expected to change due to the impact of the political educa-
tion programme. The change should make the masses conscious, vigilant and
organised and in which social injustice, poverty and foreign domination of
the economy are totally eliminated.
Table 13 below indicates the views of respondents to the people's aware-
ness of their rights as citizens due to the political education programme of
MAMSER.
•
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120
TABLE 13
Distribution of respondents' view on the awareness of their rights as citizens
as educated by MAMSER
- Standard t-value t-value at Remark
N X d2 Error d.f. obs. 0.05
critical
Urban 475 95 12044
30.86 8 0.904 2.306 N.S
Rural 325 65 7008
P < 0.05 S = Significant N.S. =Not Significant
Since 2.306 > 0.904, we assume that there is no significant difference in the
views of the respondents on the awareness of citizens' rights.
Findings show that people are not adequately informed of what their rights
and obligations are as citizens. Many of the respondents in the two communi-
ties only recognised the right to at the age of eighteen (18). They were not
conscious of how-to claim their rights even if they were aware of existence of
their rights. Thus the culture of political apathy continues in the communities.
People in the two communities only felt a slight change, if any, in their orien-
tations in this respect.
New political culture, attitudes and orientation should be set in order to
attain the goals and objectives of the Nigerian State. In other words, the old
,
political attitudes should be replaced through political education.
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121
Table 14 represents the views of the respondents on setting of new attitudes
and culture due to the political education programme of MAMSER.
TABLE 14
Distribution of respondents' view on the impact ofMAMSER's Political Edu-
cation Programme on the change of attitude and culture.
- Standard t-value t-value at Remark
N X d2 Error d.f. obs. 0.05
critical
.
Urban 475 118.75 752.74
25.85 6 1.45 2.447 N.S
Rural 325 81.25 7266.74
P < 0.05 S = Significant N.S. = Not Significant
Since 1.45 < 2.447, there is no significant difference in the views of the
respondents on the impact of MAMSER's Political Education Programme on
change of attitude and culture.
Findings reveal that expected changes in the attitude and culture have not
been attained. In the two communities, a high percentage did not understand
the expected changes which must be realised. They could only point to peace-
ful atmosphere under the transition programme of Babangida's administra-
•
tion. Some of the respondents felt that the changes in attitude and culture
were due to the nation being under a military regime. It seems that MAMSER's
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122
impact has not been fully felt in changing the attitude and political culture of
the people.
However, expected changes in political culture can only be attained gradual-
ly. It will take some time before people can be fully attuned to such changes.
The level of the political culture in the two communities noted in the findings
indicate that it is gradual. This agrees with the views of Verba (1965) and
Akinola (1988) that changes in political culture are gradual. In a research
conducted on political culture in 1960-1963, Verba (1965) reported that re-
searchers held a general opinion that there are probably very definite limits to
the pace and rate at which it is possible to plan and direct chariges in a political
culture. Ak-inola-(1988) al-sostated that it takes-tfme for a society to property------~---
define and operationalise its collective goals and thereafter to instill a fairly
uniform consciousness of such goals in the citizenry, the processes of such
institutionalisation are equally gradual and crises ridden. It was noted however,
that the impact of MAMSER was hardly felt due strategies. This confirms
Scannell-Donaldsons (1978) view on programme implementation.
Question 5:
Is political learning of Nigerians now free of ethnicity/tribalism?
The political instability in Nigeria was traced to various causes, among which
was ethnicity/tribalism. Political Education was expected to eradicate this prob-
lem and change people's orientation for the unity of the nation. It is believed
that instability could only be eliminated when the people see each other as
perfect substitute for'one another without prejudice to the tribal back-ground.
Joseph (1987) argued that the Nigeria political culture is best described as
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123
patron-client relationship which was developed out of ethnicity. Coleman
(1960, pp 258) and Eleazu (1977, p 67) agreed that in Nigeria, the political
systems and attitudes to politics is affected by the traditional authority. People
only transfer their primordial loyalty to any member of the ethnic group rep-
resenting the tribe at the national level.
Table 15 below is the comparative analysis of the views of the respondents
in the two communities on the impact of the political education programme
on tribalism in Nigeria.
TABLE 15
Analysis of the respondents' perception of the influence of the political edu-
cation programme on tribalism.
X2 value at
Yes No Total X2 d.f 0.05 level Remark
98.56- 376.43
XI 75 400 475
67.43 257.56 17,48 1 3.841 S
X2 91 234 325
P < 0.05 S = Significant N.S. =Not Significant
Figure written in parenthesis are the expected frequencies .
Since 17.48> 3.8•41, there is a significant difference between the percep-
tion of the urban and rural communities as regards the degree to which politi-
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124
cal education can solve the problem of tribalism in order to bring about po-
litical stability in the nation.
Findings reveal that the different opinions held by the two communities are
due to past political experience and what is currently happening in the coun-
try. The position taken by the respondents was influenced by the political
unrest which characterised the 1st and 2nd Republic in Nigeria. Some experi-
ences under the Military Government further created fear of instability in the
minds of some respondents despite the political education programme. For
example, the primaries conducted by the two political parties (SDP) and (NRC)
for the presidential election in 1992 was allegedly marred by ethnicity and
bribery. Most print media reported that the presidential candidates scored high-
est number of votes in states where their tribes are based and performed poorly
in others. There were also allegations of bribery levelled against the candi-
dates that won the primaries in other states outside their tribal base. This was
just a replica of what happened in 1979 presidential election between Alhaji
Shehu Shagari, ChiefObafemi Awolowo, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Alhaji Aminu
Kano and Alhaji Ibrahim Waziri.
The 1992 presidential primaries were eventually cancelled by Babangida's
administration over the allegations. The "Daily Sketch" reported that "Most
of the presidential aspirants had condemned the conduct of the primaries,
alleging that votes were rather awarded than cast during the exercise" (Daily
Sketch Friday August •7, 1992) .
The fmdings above agree with the views of Joseph (1987, pp 3-15) Eleazu
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(1977. P 67). Diamond (1988) and Nwanko (1987. p20-44) that Nigerians
usually transfer their tribal loyalty to whoever represents them at the centre of
authority.
Findings also reveal that some respondents believed that if MAMSER did
what it was expected to do in terms of eradication of tribalism through politi-
cal education programme. there would be stability in the nation. This group of
respondents believed that the seeming unity being enjoyed in the country
should be regarded as temporary. The real test of unity and stability would be
after the departure of the military administration.
Political stability is best achieved when the masses are enlightened politi-
cally and able to withstand against the manipulation of the powerful rich mi-
nority. By the time stability is achieved. there should be an end to using
ethnicity, and sectional differences in the nation. According to the MAMSER's
Political Education Manual Book. "The Nigerian Society is to be organised
on basis of the principles of equality. social justice. equity and the rule of
law". In other,words. the law is supreme over any person or group of persons.
Question 6:
Has Political Education influenced the behaviour of political party members?
Table 16 below represents the views of the respondents on the impact of the
political education programme of MAMSER on the behaviour of the political
party members.
•
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TABLE 16
Analysis of urban and rural communities perception of the impact of the
MAMSER's Political Education Programme on the behaviour of the political
party members.
Yes No Fairly Total X2 elf X2 value Remark
at 0.05
- 185.84 155.56 133.59
XI 185 170 120 475 6.712 2 5.991 S
- 127.15 106.43 91.40
X2 128 92 105 325
P> 0.05 S = Significant N.S. = Not Significant
Figures written in parenthesis are the expected frequencies.
Since 6.712> 5.991, fmdings confmn that there is significant difference
between the opinion of the urban and rural communities as regards the
behaviour of the political party members.
The differences might be due to the level of involvement and participation
in the organisation and administration of the political parties by the respon-
dents.
MAMSER was expected to promote the formation or revitalise popular
organisations at all levels of the society to ensure democracy and social jus-
tice. In other words, MAMSER is to influence the formation, organisation
and administration of "popular organisations including political parties" .
•
Two political parties were formed by the Federal Government in 1989. The
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parties were the Social Democratic Party and National Republican Conven-
tion.
On the occasion of the registration of the two political parties n 7th Octo-
ber, 1989, President Babangida noted that democracy, in nearly all pluralistic
modern societies, is practised through political parties. Political parties ar-
ticulate and serve the aggregate coalition of interests which each one of them
represents. Political parties, not only check each other in the process of gov-
ernance, they provide known and assessed alternative leadership for the country.
Political parties must be well established, properly organised and widely trusted
in the society. Political parties that enjoy internal consistency in philosophy
and action hold the key to the subtenance of democracy in any country, in-
eluding Nigeria.
An attempt was earlier made by politicians to form and organise political
parties. The politicians were alleged by President Babangida to have formed
political asso,ciations based on old cleavages - ethnic, geopolitical, religious
and class. The associations which were expected to transcend those lines of
cleavage and promote issue - based politics. It seemed that MAMSER's politi-
cal education programme had not helped the politicians in forming their own
parties by themselves.
The two political parties formed by the government had the following simi-
lar objectives: •
(a) provide a grassroot basis for the emergence of political parties;
(b) establish a grassroot or mass platform for the emergence of new leadership;
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(c) give equal rights and opportunities to all Nigerians to participate in the
political process irrespective of their wealth, religious, geopolitical
backgrounds and professional endeavours;
(d) de-emphasize the role of money in politics;
(e) reduce, to a minimum level, the element of violence in our electoral
process;
(f) ensure the emergence of a new more dedicated and more genuine
leadership cadre, which will not be a mere proxy for old political war
lords;
(g) preclude the emergence of political alliances along the same liens as in
the first and second republic and therefore give Nigerians a new political
structure within which to operate;
(h) chart a new pattern of political recruitment and participation which will
enhance Nigeria's stability;
(i) establish strong institutional structures which will not only sustain future
governments but also be strong enough to stand the test of time;
(j) establish ~ political system that will be operated according to the spirit
and letter of the constitution of the Federal Republic.
Findings show that the two political parties formed by the government fol-
lowed an organisational and administrative pattern laid down by the govern-
ment. All principal officers of the parties were elected through a democratic
process.
•
However, the activities of some of the officials of the parties during the
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1991 gubernatorial elections raised some dust. There were allegations that
some of the officials of the parties favoured, openly supported and used their
influence undemocratically to back some aspirants in Lagos, Kano and Kaduna
states. Another example was the 1992 presidential primaries which led to the
dissolution of all federal, states and wards parties organisations and interim
caretaker committees were appointed. There were allegations of bribery, cor-
ruption and favouritism levelled against the key officers of the parties.
Findings indicate that a number of respondents believed that the political
education programme had reduced the violence that were identified with po-
litical parties in the past. This group cited 1990 local government elections
which were conducted without party crisis as example.
Findings further reveal that a group of the respondents in the two commu-
nities expressed pessimism on what the situation might be after the civilians
.
are fully in power. It is possible that the presence of the military in power has
been a check on the members of the political parties, especially, on the offi-
cials of the parties. Members of the parties feared that the parties might be
dissolved by the military administration. It was this factor that checked their
excesses to avoid a repetition of setting up caretaker committees.
It was observed that many of the respondents agreed that lack of political
education of the political parties led to the failure of the 1st and 2nd republics .
This view agreed •with those ofOjelabi (1970), Anderson (1967) and Amodu
(1989) who attributed the failure of the republics partly to the political par-
ties.
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Mhaiki (1981) emphasised that political education is important in the for-
mation of political parties and organisation of such parties. Leeds (1981) added
that the political parties are to organise the masses, to give them political
education and to select leaders from them to contest elections.
Question 7:
Has Political Education reduced the incidence of thuggery, arson, riots and
killings among the politicians?
Political thuggery, arsons, riots and killings were the bane of the 1st and
2nd republics in Nigeria. The political crisis that attended the election of 1983,
left many dead in many parts of the nation. For example, Amodu (1989) re-
ported the chaos that followed gubernatorial election of 1983 in Niger state. It
was this insecurity of life that prompted the military to take over the rein of
power.
Political Education Programme is to prepare the citizenry adequately for a
civil rule wh,ere political thuggery, arson and killings would be reduced to the
barest minimum, if not totally eradicated. In this respect, every form of mal-
practice from ballot rigging electoral violence, murder and lawlessness ob-
served in the 2nd republic would be eliminated.
MAMSER was expected to create consciousness about power and its use
and the proper role of government in serving the collective interest of'Nigeri-
ans. Governmental-machineries should not be turned to instrument of abuse
of power, oppression of political opponents, electoral malpractices and vio-
lence.
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Table 17 shows the pel ception of the two communities on the impact of
MAMSER's political education programme on reduction of thuggery, vio-
lence and ballot rigging.
TABLE 17
Distribution of respondent's views on the impact ofMAMSER's Political Edu-
cation Programme on thuggery, election violence and rigging:
N x- D2 Standard d.f t-value t-value Remark
Error obs. at 0.05
level
Urban 475 118.75 752.74
25.267 6 l.484 2.447 N.S.
Rural 325 8l.25 7266.74
P < 0.05 S = Significant N.S. =Not significant
Since 1.4~4 < 2.447, there is no significant difference in the views of the
respondents on the effect of the political education programme on political
thuggery, election violence and rigging.
Findings show that a good number of the respondents in the two communi-
ties believed that the political education programme has not reduced thuggery
and rigging. They,argued that the relative peace and cordiality that existed
was due to the military administration at the helm of affairs. Lawlessness and
oppression of political opponents may return when the civilians are in full
control.
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Table 18 below indicates the perception of the respondents on the possibil-
ity of the political education programme solving Nigeria's political problems.
TABLE 18
Analysis of the urban and rural communities perception on the possibility of
the political education solving Nigeria's political problems:
Yes No Total X2 d.f X2 value at Remark
0.05
267.78 20721 475
XI 275 200 0.1518 I 3.84 N.S
183.21 14l.78
X2 176 149 325
P < 0.05 S = Significant N. S. =Not significant
Figures written in parenthesis are the expected frequencies.
Since 3.84'< 0.1518, we assume that there is no significant difference in the
opinion of the two communities about the political education programme and
Nigeria's political problems.
Some of the respondents in the two communities had the view that the
political education programme, even if well implemented cannot solve the
political problems. On the other hand, many believed that the programme can
•
solve the political problem if properly organised and implemented. The latter
view might be due to the assumption that the process of solving the political
problems is gradual. This is in line with the view of Akinola (1988), that it
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133 .
takes time for a society to properly defme and operationalise its collective
goals and thereafter to instill a fairly uniform consciousness of such goals in
the citizenry.
Even under the military administration, there were some events that created
fear of the future in Nigerians. For example, the Chairman of Oredo Local
Government in Edo State was killed by assassins over political rivalry. There
were cases of thuggery in some Houses of Assembly where chaos was the
order of the day. For example, in Osun State, the legislators were severely
beaten and wounded in the House of Assembly in 1992 by some thugs over a
disagreement with the State Governor.
Question 8:
Has the MAMSER's Political Education Programme brought hope for a stable
civilian government in future?
.
The Directorate for Social Mobilisation (MAMSER) was expected to in-
culcate in all the citizens, the values, the habits and the orientation which will
lead, without coercion tc the emergence out of disarray, a great self-reliant
civic society in which justice, duty, responsibility, tolerance and commitment
to the nation shall hold sway.
Political Education should therefore make Nigerians have faith in the po-
litical future of the country. The period after a military regime should be treated
with care so as not •to make the mistake that brought the military to power. As
noted by Akinola (1988) the future of a civilian administration after a lengthy
period of military rule is always viewed with caution. He noted that apart
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134
from the re-instatement of civilian supremacy over the political system, it also
involves the introduction of such systemic reforms as are adjudged capable of
over-coming the difficulties which induced military rule in the first instance.
MAMSER's political education programme was expected to create stability
and political optimism in the nation. The political education programme should
create awareness which should prepare the citizens for the following:
(i) to know and defend their right all times;
(ii) to participate actively in elections;
(iii) to expose and report corrupt practises; and
(iv) to mobilise and join popular organisation, such as labour organizations,
and women associations in order to advance the interest of the masses.
Survival of democracy depends on a conscious and enlightened citizenry.
Where this is achieved, Pye (1965) argued that national integration is possible
It is then that an individual sees himself as an integral member of the nation
and his loyalty to the nation will be unquestionable.
,
Table 19 below shows the views of the respondents in the two communities
about the future of civilian administrations in Nigeria: .
•
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TABLE 19
Analysis of the urban and rural communities perception of the future of civil-
ian administrations Nigeria.
Yes No Total X2 d.f X2 value at Remark
0.05
203.06 271.93
XI 189 286 475
138.93 186.06 4.186 1 3.84 S
X 153 172 325
P < 0.05 S = Significant N. S. =Not significant
Figures written in parenthesis are the expected frequencies.
Since 4.186 > 3.84, there is significant difference in the opinion of the two
communities, on the future of civilian administration in Nigeria. The differ-
ence might be due to various news from themass media on occurrences in
different parts of the federation and the differences in the two communities.
Findings indicate that the citizenry have doubt about the future of civilian
administration. In the various elections conducted between 1990 - 1992, there
were allegations and counter allegations of election malpractices, bribery, lack
of political tolerance and unwillingness to accept the verdict of the elections.
In some local governments in Nigeria, the election petitions over the local
government election conducted in 1990 were not concluded even after two
years, thus making the administration of such local governments inactive. For
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136
instance, in Lagelu Local Government in Oyo State, the two candidates that
contested the election were sworn in as chairman on different occasions within
two years because of protests and inconsistent court rulings on the petitions.
During the 1991 gubernatorial elections and the presidential primaries of
1992, there were allegations of some politicians bribing the electorate by put-
ting money in loaves of bread and distributing these at the polls.
If the future civilian regimes should thrive, the citizenry should be inter-
ested in elections. It was observed that the apathy noticed in the attitude of the
citizenry can be traced to illiteracy, lack of trust in the government, low level
of the political education among other factors.
In similar researches conducted by Stephens and Long (1970), Verba and
Mii (1965) and Neves (1982), it was discovered that the educated people tend
to be more politically active than illiterates.
Findings also reveal that those that are optimistic of the future civilian re-
gime felt that t,he politicians had learnt their lessons and they would give
democracy a change.
Democracy can thrive where the police, military and other security forces
realise their respective role and ready to perform their duties as expected.
Under the constitution, the Nigerian Police Force is to maintain law and order
and ensure the public safety in the country. The armed forces have the of
defending Nigeria against attack from outside and to protect Nigerian terri-
tory on land, sea and air.
In the past years, the military became an attractive profession because of
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the opportunity to playa political role in the government of Nigeria through
coups. According to the Political Education Manual Book, the military be-
comes over-politicized while execution and untimely retirement or dismissal
of officers and soldiers create distrust, uncertainty and fear within the mili-
tary.
In the past civilian regimes, the Nigerian Police and other security agencies
turned out to be agencies of oppression, harassment and insecurity in the
hands of unscrupulous politicians. They were usually manipulated by the
government in power to intimidate, oppress and harass voters during and after
elections. The behaviour of some bad eggs in the police and other security
services made many Nigerians to lose confidence in them.
Question 9:
Is MAMSER's Political Education Programme of any effect on the issue of
political instability in Nigeria?
The military coups in Nigeria have brought instability to the nation. A new
regime comes into power and throws away the programmes. of the previous
regime and pursue new ones. These coups have adversely affected the progress
of the nation as no government has enough time to complete a programme
before another is brought in.
Anise (1974) noted the economic, social insecurity and other problems which
attend instability in trends ofleadership in African politics. He noted the eco-
nomic woes, political oppressions among others which came with the insta-
bility. Suberu (1990) also agreed that the political instability in Nigeria
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
138
further bring about disunity, tribal sentiments, insecurity and economic hard-
ship.
In order to stop instability in Nigeria, MAMSER proposed that "good demo-
cratic government is the only guarantee for stability, progress and non mili-
tary intervention in Nigeria". In other words, the problems which prompted
the intervention of the military should be identified and avoided.
Table 20 below indicates the views of the respondents on the effect of
MAMSER's Political Education Programme on the issue of political instabil-
ity in Nigeria.
TABLE 20
Analysis of the urban and rural communities perception on the impact of the
political education programme on political instability in Nigeria:
---
Yes No Total X2 d.f X2 value at Remark
0.05
184.06 290.93
Xl 170 305 475
4.317 1 3.84 S
125.93 199.06
X2 140 185 325
P < 0.05 • S = Significant N.S. = Not significant
Figures written in parenthesis are the expected frequencies.
Since 4.31 > 3.84, findings confirm that there is significant difference in
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
139
the opinion of the two communities on the impact of the political education
prograamme on political stability in Nigeria.
Findings indicate that the respondents felt that under a military regime, ti is
difficult to assert whether there will be stability in future civilian administra-
tions, judging from the past experiences. Nigeria practised diarchy in 1990-
1992 whereby there were civilians and military in government and the Fed-
eral Government was headed by a military officer. In some states, there were
some conflicts between the executive and legislature. Such conflicts are ex-
pected in democracy but not to the extent of physical attack on honourable
members of the House of Assembly as witnessed in Osun State House of
Assembly in 1992.
Immediate causes of military coups Nigeria are election rigging, corruption
and violences. Even the diarchy system, had not totally curbed the politicians
from exhibiting these traits. As earlier mentioned, the mass media reported
cases of bribery at polls during the gubernatorial and presidential primaries in
,
1991 and 1992 respectively. Such practices breed instability as observed by
Joseph (1987) and Akinola (1988).
Findings indicate that it might be too early to conclude that the political
education programme has not brought the expected stability. After the exit of
the military government, it might be possible to evaluate the efforts made
towards the future stability of Nigeria. Moreover, the political education is
supposed to be continuous and it is possible that more of the citizenry will be
enlightened.
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Question 10:
What had been the areas of successes and failures of MAMSER's Political
Education Programme?
It was the Political Education Programme ofMAMSER that is being evalu-
ated in this study. The Political Education Manual published by MAMSER
spelt out the content and scope of the Political Education Programme.
The Directorate divided the Political Education Programme into two phases.
The first phase was the Mobilisation Phase which was to be completed in
April 1989 before the ban on partisan politics was lifted by President Babangida
on 3rd May, 1989. The second phase of the programme was to teach the
masses essential democratic skills and also explain the provisions of the con-
stitution of Nigeria to the masses. In the end, MAMSER hoped to create a
new political culture in Nigeria aimed at promoting an orderly, peaceful, prin-
cipled and purposeful politics in the Third Republic.
Findings ,have indicated poor performance in the political education
programme because of inadequate delivery strategies, lack of curriculum on
political education and lack of understanding of the programme by MAMSER
and the public though the programme would have been welcomed by the
public if well implemented.
Findings reveal that MAMSER has been more of an electoral information
agency than political education agency, informing the public of election and
electoral laws. MAMSER was known to mobilise the public to register as
voters and to take part in elections. On the election days, MAMSER officials
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141
were at the poll stations, watching out for electoral mal-practices, thuggery and
corruption in order to inform the law-enforcement agencies and National
Electoral Commission.
It was noted that the "Political Education Manual" book prepared by MAM-
SER was not adhered to.Tt might be expected that it was supposed to serveas---- --- -
the curriculum on which the scheme of study was base. The Manual covered
topics such as "Political Development of Nigeria, Democracy and National
Development; Rights and Duties of Nigerians; the Proper Role of Police and
Security Agencies, Military and Democracy" etc. It seemed that MAMSER had
a limited knowledge of the scope of what should be done. Education of public
on election procedures was just an aspect of what should be done by the
Directorate and should be a joint responsibility with the National Electoral
Commission (NEe) and the political parties.
Other Findings:
,
(i) Delivery Strategies: In this study, it was observed that the strategies
adopted by MAMSER were limited to mainly radio jingles and an-
nouncements over the television and some drama sketches. The people
did not feel the impact of MAMSER through other avenues as expected.
It was expected that there would be series of lectures, discussions, rallies,
conferences an•d others in addition to the use of mass media. Even the
radio medium which was recognised as an important medium was not
properly utilised. The Tanzania's experience in using radio forum to
educate the people on adut education programmes such as Political
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Education, Health Education and Literacy is a good example of proper
utilization of radio forum. In the use of the radio forum, people are to be
organised in radio listening groups, with a textbook, specially prepared
on the selected topics which are to be discussed under the guidance of
trained adult educators. They would be adequately informed about various
programmes of the government and also to participate in discussing the
programmes and thereby making their contributions to the progress of
the nation. The radio forum had been successful in Tanzania, India and
Ghana.
(ii) Mass Literacy and MAMSER: Findings indicate that the level of
involvement of MAMSER in Mass Literacy was not specified and made
clear. It is not clear to what extent the agency should be involved in Mass
Literacy, as it was directly under another agency. The National
Commission for Mass Education which is saddled with Mass Education
also has similar programme of political education as a programme under
Mass-Education. The activity of the commission was limited to mass
literacy while MAMSER was involved in monitoring, supervisions and
probably funding of mass literacy. It is obvious that there was duplication
of programmes by the two agencies and this lack of clear objectives for
these agencies created confusion and unnecessary rivalry.
(iii) Knowledge of the programme of Political Education:
•
Furthermore, the limited success recorded by MAMSER might be due to
lack of understanding strategies to implement the programmes. In the
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143
editorial comment of the "Guardian" on 3rd March, 1993, this view was
also buttressed. It was said that "since the organisation (MAMSER) came
into being, it has been struggling to articulate a coherent and relevant
programme for itself. But if has not succeeded and could not have
succeeded because its general ideas were at beset eclectic. In any case,
they were inconsistent with the transition programme and the direction
the government was going". The situation did not change. The political
education of MAMSER was limited to radio jingles drama sketches and
some printed literature with limited circulation but there was no primer
for adult learners to study political education and no specific programme
for adult learners.
(iv) Lack of curriculum on Political Education:
Findings reveal that there was no developed syllabus. or curriculum on
which to base MAMSER's Political Education. Political Education could
be regarded as other educational programmes and this sought to necessitate
a developed curriculum on which to base teaching/learning activities.
There were booklets produced by MAMSER on "Political Education
Manual Book", "Cooperative Societies", etc. but these booklets were not
substitutes for the syllabus or the curriculum. It is further observed that
the booklets cannot be developed into schemes in order to educate the
•
adults.
(v) Lack of adequate planning and management:
Considering the number of the respondents that claimed to have no
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
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knowledge ofMAMSER it seems that the agency lack adequate planning
and organisation policy to ensure the penetration of its programmes to
the grassroot as expected. Though the organisational chart indicated who
should be responsible for what, MAMSER demonstrated lack of effective
management. The organisational chart and managerial skill expected were
not provided to ensure the success of the various programmes of the
agency.
(vi) Lack of inter-ministerial cooperation:
Another important area is the inter-ministerial cooperation which should
bring together all agencies, ministries and non-governmental organisation
involved in the Political Education Programme in order to plan and
organise how best to implement the programmes. It was specified in the
objectives of MAMSER that it should cooperate with all agencies
connecte,d with the programme. Findings reveal that in Oyo State,
MAMSER did not hold regular meetings wi 1.the Agency for Non-Formal
Education in the state as expected. The Agency for Non-Formal Education
oversees mass literacy in the state and this lack of cooperation might
have affected the success of the programme.
There was also inter-departmental or agency rivalry because of over-
lapping programmes. The inter-department rivalry was the outcome of
the lack of cooperation between the ministries and other agencies on this
account. This seems to be the reason why the Commission for Mass
Education and MAMSER operated independently without coordination
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145
of activities. This resulted into the wastage of the scarce resources available
in the nation and it also produced poor achievement for the agencies
involved.
(vii) Findings indicate that most of the staffers were not trained adult educators.
The political education programme dealt with adults who were eighteen
. years and above (18 years and above). It is therefore necessary that all
staffer should receive training in adult education delivery strategies since
the agency was implementing an adult education programme.
As noted by Mocker and Noble (1981), such staffers should be given
training in adult teaching so as to have knowledge of handling adults,
planning and implementation of adult education programmes and
evaluation of such programmes. Where there is lack of trained adult
educators, programmes often develop hitches. The instructors and
community leaders should also be given adequate training in the teaching
of adults and the political education. In other words, there are different
categories of training programmes designed under Adult Education for
the staffers of such agency.
(viii) MAMSER's Internal Problems:
Findings indicate that MAMSER has some internal problems militating
against the success of the programmes. Notable among the problems
included:
(a) Lack of vehicles for effective mobilisation of the citizenry;
(b) Lack of equipment, such as public address system, audio-video recorders,
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
146
etc.;
(c) Lack of adequate fund. The agency sometimes depended on the local
governments for assistance; and
(d) Lack of trained personnel.
In summary, MAMSER had problems of implementation strategies, plan-
ning and organisation of programmes; lack of qualified and adequate person-
nel in term of adult educators; lack of necessary equipment and lastly, inad-
equate funding of the agencies at the local level. These problems accounted
for the inadequacies in the implementation of the programmes.
It is noted that one of those advocating that MAMSER be scrapped, indi-
cated that political education is not necessary. Stone (1974), Mhaiki (1981)
and other scholars stressed the importance of political education in many na-
tions. United States of America, as an example, made Political Education part
of the curricula in high schools. Tanzania, and African country has a success-
ful political education programme for urban and rural communities. The public's
argument in Nigeria, therefore, is not whether political education is necessary
or unsuitable but on the manner in which MAMSER as an agency of govern-
ment has performed. It is a general consensus that political education is desir-
able in Nigeria as in the developed countries .
•
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, POLICY IMPLICATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS
AND CONCLUSION
5.1 Most developed countries such as U.S.A., Great Britain enjoy relative
political stability on account of political education given to the citizens Stone
(1974, p.87). Both old and young are exposed to the various national institu-
tions, civic rights, duties, economy and expectations from the government
through Political Education. Political cultures of these countries have been
developed through Political Education and the citizens have developed indi-
vidual identification with the nation. For example, in United States of America,
the citizens are given political education to the extent that the presidential
form of government is part of the political culture. They are conscious of
what it entails and are ready to support and defend this democratic institution.
Political Education is for multi-party state as well as one party state. The
citizens need to-know about their government and ideologies of the nation
develop through effectively delivered political education pro~amme.
Political Education is part of the curriculum in primary and post-primary
schools in most developed countries as earlier indicated. The lessons received
at school are further reinforced at home through discussions. This eventually
leads to political socialization. As citizens interact in their social clubs, soci-
•
eties, neighbourhood, they discuss the activities of government and ideolo-
gies of the nation and thus they become integrated with the nation.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
Many governments in the developing countries including Nigeria are quite
aware of the importance, the need and power in political education. However,
the countries shy away from political education because it is an instrument of
liberation and it brings political consciousness to the masses. This happened
where there are "sit-tight" leaders in power who refuse to relinguish power
even when voted out of government. Examples of such "sit-tight" rulers abound
in Africa, and Nigeria in particular. It is ironic that such "sit-tight" rulers came
to power in the first instance through military coups. These governments deny
their people the right to political education, knowing that if the people are
politically conscious, they will seek freedom from domination and oppres-
sion. The failure to give proper political education to the people results in
economic woes and instability. The "sit-tight" rulers are prone to corruption
and tyranny. Findings have clearly shown that Nigeria education suffers due
to an ineffective political education programme.
Political Education is an instrument of political stability in any nation. Where
there is no stability, the political, economic and social spheres of the nation
are affected. Democracy thrives best with political education and a govern-
ment that gives,political education needs the support of the people to govern..
A government which is not despotic, is progressive, dynamic and stable. Po-
litical Education makes people to be politically conscious and able to take
part effectively in decision making process which is necessary in democracy.
For example, Tanzania enjoys peace, stability and progress because political
education is given to the citizenry. Political Education has been a subject in
•
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the school curriculum in all primary and secondary since 1967 and it is taken
in the examinations at the end ofFonn IV and Form V. It is also a subject in
adult education classes all over the country.
In multi-ethnic societies like Nigeria, Political Education is to bring people
from different tribes and languages together to have a feeling of one nation-
hood. It could be the agent of unity whereby these ethnic groups are brought
together to appreciate national policies. Due to ineffective political education
programme, Nigeria is yet to be a united country in all spheres.
Nigerians need political education for nationalism. It will help the citizenry
to have a feeling of nationhood. Political education will change the orienta-
tion of those who have adopted colonial values, attitudes and ways of doing
things and promote new values, aspirations and attitudes in the national inter-
est.
In a wider world, Political Education helps international understanding and
promotes good neighbourliness. Through political education, political toler-
ance develops,and people are made to understand the cause of tensions and
violence in different parts of the world. People are made to understand racial
discrimination, evils of colonialism and neo-colonialism, human rights and
equality of men.
The future of the developing countries rest on the young people. They need
to be given Political Education to make them political conscious. In essence,
the level of politically consciousness of the young in the schools and National
Youth Service should be improved. They are to be charged with the future
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democratic development in the nation. It is vital to introduce political educa-
tion into the curriculum of primary and post-primary schools.
In addition, in order to meet immediate need of Nigeria, Political Education
should be given to adults through Adult Education. Political Education could
be impacted to adults at Adult Education Centres as a subject just like lit-
eracy. These should be complemented with organised political education
programmes by NGOS, societies, clubs, cooperative societies and commu-
nity leaders.
There have been criticisms in some quarters, especially, print media, lev-
elled against MAMSER. Among such criticisms advanced against the agency
were that the existence of the agency duplicated the efforts of the Federal
Ministry of Information and mass media which were responsible for informa-
tion on activities of the government, including politics. It was therefore per-
ceived as a waste of public fund. Some people even argued that it was estab-
lished by President Babangida to compensate some of his personal friends,
and the Chai,rman of MAMSER, being of such friends. It should be noted
however that despite the allegations, no one has ever said that Political Edu-
cation is neither vital nor undesirable in Nigeria.
Those advising governments on political policy matters and those already
. involved in planning and management of the political education programme
are strongly advised to review the delivery strategies in order to make the
programme successful. For improvement of the Political Education Programme
in Nigeria, this study considers the following recommendations as being vital
)
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to the successful planning, organisation and implementation of the programme.
5.02 Recommendations
1. Delivery Strategies:
For an effective Political Education Programme in Nigeria, the delivery
strategies should be reviewed in order to suit the various situations and groups
of people in the nation. The following strategies are recommended.
(a) Radio Forum: The people could be mobilised to form radio listening
group. With this, the study group methods will be used. This involves
dividing the nation into study groups under the chairman or leadership of
specially trained group leaders. Each group should consist of twenty to
twenty-five members for effective management of the group. Textbooks
with specially prepared topics on Political Education could be used along
with the broadcast from the radio. People all over the country shall listen
to the radio and also read topics from the textbooks before they discuss
issues rai,sed in the broadcast or textbooks. This strategy could be adopted
for the urban and rural communities.
(b) I..-ecturesand SeminarslWorkshops: Lectures at mass rallies and public
meetings are other good strategies of Political Education. Seminars/
Workshops on Political Education can be organised from time to time as
part of agenda in town meetings, cooperative societies, trade unions,
market women essociations, NGOS and others on national issues.
(c) Developing a Political Education Curriculum: Political Education should
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be studied like any other disciplines. It can be made a compulsory subject
tin all Adult Education Programmes. This means that the Federal
Government should approve that it should be part of the curriculum of
Adult Education. In essence, it should be introduced at Adult Education
Centres, Vo~ation Centers, Women Training Centres, Market Women
Forum and others. It should be accorded priority and examined like other
subjects in order to give it recognition.
(d) Community based strategies: At the grassroot level, community or village
based strategies should be used. This will ensure the cooperation of the
rural people. The leaders of the community should be mobilised and
trained to give Political Education to their people. The people should
participate in the choice of the topics, and planning of the programme in
a democratic manner. This ensures their interest and cooperation.
(e) Mass Media: Political Education should not stop at radio jingles and few
printed literature. The mass media should be actively involved in planning
various politically oriented programmes for the people. Community
newspapers 'should be encouraged so as to help the new literates in the
society.
2. Communication: Many agencies, sections and groups of people are to be
involved in the Political Education Programme. Those involved include trained
adult educators, administrators, police makers, agencies for mass literacy
programmes, Ministries of Education, academicians and NGOS. Political Edu-
•
cation needs a united effort from all concerned with the success of the
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153
programme. This involves long-term effective planning through identifica-
tion of objectives, scope of the programme and discussion on the problems
related to personnel management. It should be recognised as a programme of
adult education and therefore as an academic discipline. Universities should
therefore be consulted in the planning of the programme.
It is presently observed that Adult Education is not accorded priority in the
training of the personnel for the programme. As it is an adult education
programme, the personnel need training in teaching of adults. Involvement of
the Adult Education academicians should help to produce highly qualified
manpower for the implementation of the programme.
3. Recruitment and Training of Personnel:
Recruitment of personnel for political education should be guided by the
need and qu,alification. Where those in other disciplines other than adult edu-
cation are recruited, they should be given adequate training in adult education
delivery strategies. Part-time instructors who are primarily experts in subject
matter and with little responsibility for the education processes other than the
course or courses that they are teaching, need to be trained in teaching of
adults. Even at community level, community leaders should be trained in Po-
litical Education. •
Different training schemes should be devised to suit the needs of the differ-
ent cadres of the personnel. This implies that at the community /grassroot level,
middle and executive position should attract different training programmes.
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4. Course Content: The course content of political education in Nigeria needs
to be reviewed and developed before a successful programme could be at-
tained. Universities should be consulted to work on a syllabus for the trainees
and trainers also. -The most popular literature available on Political Education
were - Political Education Manual and MAMSER Handbook. The two books
cannot be regarded as a syllabus. The course content should be identified,
planned and prepared to meet the objectives and needs of the nation in this
regard. The syllabus should be qualitative and should include certain core
aspects that ought to be part of the political education programme suitable for
Nigeria.
It is further suggested that there should be a periodical review of the cur-
riculum in order to meet the dynamics of development in the country and the
world at large.
5. Control, Organisation and Administration:
The administrators of the agency should be aware of the importance of the
,
span of control in order to improve the management of the agency. Since the
Federal Government gaVe the agency a free hand to map out its plans and
operation, it is vital to ensure that the management was free from unneces-
sary bureaucracy. There should be emphasis on coordination of the roles of
every level of the administration right from the top to the village level. This
line of communication should not be broken in order to have a positive mana-
gerial control. Political Education Programmes should be well organised and
coordinated. It is equally important to have information feed back processes
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155
which is central to the management of governmental programmes. In this re-
gard, information ought to flow from the Directorate for Mass Mobilisation
Headquarters, to the State, Local Government, wards and villages on the ac-
tivities of the agency. Also there should be feedback on the programme from
the village to the National Headquarters of the agency. There is the need for
such feedback for adequate monitoring of the programme.
6. Personnel Management:
In order to have maximum cooperation, the administrators should have in-
dividual oriented management approach which provides extrinsic rewards in
form of promotion or commendation for workers, encouraging them to work
hard by basing promotion on evaluated job performance, not on tribalism,
nepotism and favouritism. It is further suggested that the management should
provide in-service training and development programmes for all cadres of
staff that are involved in the programme for greater performance.
Moreover, the management should set realistic goals before the staffers in
order to make them-work hard. The staffers that are instructors and coordina-
tors ought to be given enough incentives to make them live within the com-
munities where they are posted to work. This will further enhance the coop-
eration of the people in the community.
7. Provision of infrastructure:
For an effective political education programme, necessary infrastructure
•
should be provided for the agency. Provision of such facilities will enhance
improvement of the programme. It is necessary to take the needs of each areal
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156
community into consideration when providing the facilities. The suggested
facilities include:
(a) Means of transportation such as motorcycles, vehicles, bicycles, camels,
horses etc. should be made available for effective execution and monitoring
of the programme all levels.
(b) Teaching aids such as chalk boards, maps, diagramms, posters, charts,
projectors, tape recorders etc., should be provided.
(c) Conducive learning centres and offices should also be considered as vital
for the programme to be highly successful.
8. Research and Evaluation:
The research and evaluation department of the agency should be overhauled
and made functional. Competent, qualified and experienced analysts should
be recruited in order to have a decision oriented department. This will go a
long way to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the agency.
There should be various researches into social and political problems mili-
tating against the nation so as to redefme the goals of the agency. Formative
and summative evaluations should be applied when necessary. This will con-
tribute to the effectiveness of the agency.
9. The Role of the NGOS:
The NGOS should be encouraged to engage in political education
programmes. The agency for political education should provide all necessary
assistance in terms of training programmes for staff ofNGOS or secondment
•
of staff who are specialists to assist NGOS. The NGOS are already involved
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in various adult education programmes such as literacy, health education etc.
They have their own techniques which are aimed at bringing improvement to
the society. They can therefore be utilised for this purpose.
The agency, in conjunction with the universities should design relevant
political education programmes to suit their needs. NGOS can be effective
agencies for political education if they are actively involved.
10. Mass Literacy and Political Education Centres:
Mass literacy is an essential tool of Political Education. Literacy grves
people a rising knowledge of their national policies, plans and increased op-
portunity to discuss political issues of interest. When people are educated,
they will be able to fully participate in national activities. In Nigeria, the
government has started to give attention to the eradication of illiteracy in the
society through agencies such as National Commission for Mass Literacy and
Non-Formal Education and National Centre for Adult Education, Kano. How-
ever, literacy has not been given priority and necessary material resources to
eradicate illiteracy.
Existing mass literacy centers should also serve political education
programme. Political Education should be made a subject in the curriculum at
the centres and it should be accorded priority. This will make it easy for adult
learners to be educated politically and at the same time, it is economical for
the nation.
11. Primary and Post Primary Schools:
In order to prepare the youth for adulthood and to ensure that those in
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formal school system are prepared adequately to face the challenges of the
nation, it is advocated that Political Education be introduced to the curricula
of primary and post primary schools. The National Council on Education,
with the assistance of the universities and West African Examination Council
should produce syllabi for this (NERDC).
Political Education should be a subject to be examined in Primary Six Leav-
ing Certificate Examinations and West African Senior Schools Examinations.
12. The Polity:
The government should firmly stand by the decision to have a programme
of Political Education in the nation. It should be regarded as part of the na-
tional objectives necessary for the advancement and development of the na-
tion.
It is not a name given to a political education agency or ministry that maters
but the performance. Once it is recognised and affirmed that political educa-
tion is vital for the well-being of the nation, all hands should -be on deck to
ensure that the teeming citizens of the nation have political education. It is
therefore recommended that the agency for Political Education should not be
scrapped but be re-organised to make it competent and effective. It should not
be placed under any Ministry.
Considering the importance of Political Education, the following further
steps are suggested:
(i) that the government should give priority to training the personnel of the
agency. The training programme should include management, and Political
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Education in Adult Education.
(ii) that all instructors and teachers, whether part-time or full-time must be
given necessary training in content of Political Education and Adult
Education.
(iii) that generous incentives be offered to encourage the instructors to stay
with the people they are educating, especially in rural areas.
(iv) that necessary infrastructure and materials resources be provided for the
agency to function effectively.
(v) that there should be adequate monitoring of the programme to check lapses.
5.3 Implications for Political Education Programme and Adult
Education
For a successful prosecution of a Political Education Programme in Nige-
ria, it is best approached through Adult Education in order t~ serve immediate
need. Political Education is one of the programmes in Adult Education and
any attempt to channel political education through other methods is bound to
end in failure. The ineffectiveness attributed to MAMSER h.ad been due to
failure to use the right adult education strategies.
Political Education is accepted in principle by the generality of the masses
in Nigeria. It is widely believed that it is an instrument for stability of the
nation and important in democracy since elections and voting are only demo-
•
cratic instruments when people are politically conscious and politically edu-
cated. Adult Education as an inter-disciplinary programme is capable of at-
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l60
tracting other related departments, such as Political Science, Sociology,
Psychology and others in order to draw a relevant curriculum for Political
Education Programme.
Besides, Political Education and Mass Literacy are like twins. Political
Education needs literacy in order to thrive. It is possible to integrate the two
programmes together as subjects in order to achieve higher performance. In
essence, the Universities, National Commission for Mass Education, Kano
Adult Literacy Centre, other related agencies and Political Education Agency
should work hand in hand to avoid wastage of human and material resources
through duplication of efforts.
It is hoped that the approach to the Political Education Programme sug-
gested in this study will assist the agency and the government in achieving the
objectives of the Political Education Programme in Nigeria. Other implica-
tions that are considered as being important to a successful Political Educa-
tion Programme are:
(i) that the differences in urban and rural communities should be considered
when implementing the programme. In other words the cultural and social
background of the communities is very vital.
(ii) that it is equally important to have cognisance of the level of literacy of
the community as this will affect the strategies to be chosen.
(iii) that Political Education should be accorded recognition and should be
placed on the time-table of all adult education centres.
(iv) that the management of political education agency adopt adult education
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strategies in the delivery of the programme to the clientele. The clientele
to be served are adults and therefore the programme is beset approached
through adult education delivery strategies.
(v) that audio-visual aids and other infrastructures that are necessary for the
prosecution of the programme must be provided.
(vi) that enough reading materials in form of text-books, journals, tracts and
bulletin should be produced for the public. In rural areas community
newspapers should carry issues related to Political Education.
(vii) that local/international societies such as "esusu" cooperative associations,
craftsmen associations, farmers associations and others should be
mobilised to participate effectively.
(viii) that there is the need to evaluate the programme periodically and at the
end of each programme. The evaluation procedures must be formative
and summative. A formative evaluation should be done during the planning
process while the summative evaluation should assess the objectives/
goals of the programme at the end. It is' further advocated that the
evaluation should be done through the participants who are the clientele
of the programme.
The evaluation model used in this study, revealed that the problems which
gave rise to the programme, the objectives/goals and the implementation strat-
egies were not well structured and integrated. The need ought to give rise to
•
the context of political education which should be a base of satisfying the
need. All agencies, Ministries and NGOS concerned with the programme
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16:2-
should be involved right from the planning stage in order to have inter-related
purpose and strategies for the purpose of the programme. Moreover, thee should
be a feed-back process to the agency at every stage of activities in the
programme. This ensures that the desired goals of the programme are realised.
Men are political animals. Adults are experienced politically but they still
need Political Education. The clientele should be involved in the planning
and execution of the programme right from the inception. Their participa-
tion contributes to the mobilisation process and interest in the programme.
5.4 Implications for change in Implementation Strategies and
Management of Political Education Programme
Delivery strategies are very crucial in Adult Education Programmes. Politi-
cal Education depends on the delivery strategies to achieve success. Political
Education is for all the people, both in the rural and urban communities. It is
therefore important to design an appropriate strategy for the clientele in each
environment. For example, the approach used in Yoruba speaking area might
need to be redesigned for the nomad Fulanis in the Northern part of the coun-
try.
Political Education should not be limited to lectures given to mobilise people
or create awareness that the agency exist. It should not be a mere information
•
agency where the electorate are informed of the plan of the National Electoral
Commission and the dates when election will hold. Political Education should
be reduced to teaching-learning process. There had been series of researches
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on andragogy and pedagogy methods of impacting knowledge to adults in
Adult Education. It is therefore important to organise classes on Political Edu-
cation for adults as a teaching-learning programme. This will create room for
participation of the adults in decision making and also they will be able to
contribute to the discussions from the wealth of experience at their disposal.
For an effective mobilisation of the people, various committees should be
se tup. In rural community, village committees, farmers committees, craft
makers committees, women committees under the locally recognised leaders
should make the programme formidable at the grassroot. In the urban commu-
nities, existing social clubs, trade unions, workers association, students unions
and other should be encouraged to form discussion groups on political educa-
tion. This will ensure that all categories of people are covered in political
education.
The youths that are regarded as the vanguard of the future should be en-
couraged to,form voluntary associations. The existing voluntary associations
such as Boys' Scouts, Boys' Brigade, Girls' Guide, Sheriff Guide and others
should be introduced to Political Education. The War Against Indiscipline
(WAI) Brigade under MAMSER should be encouraged and given sound po-
litical education so as to help to mobilise people and also give similar educa-
tion in the society. Being a member ofWAI Brigade should not be regarded as
an opportunity to lake a share of the national cake.
Implications for adopting adult education delivery strategies in Political
Education are necessary to the present state of the programme in Nigeria.
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This study offers such strategies in Adult Education that can be adopted for a
successful Political Education Programme. Political Education will give people
a rising knowledge of their national political plans, aspirations and the need
for unity if the right strategies were applied.
The role of those personnel who have been used so far in Political Educa-
tion will change with the new strategies. The common methodology of in-
struction on voting and election will give way to andragogy in many instances.
The pedagogical approach of subject transmission programmes will still be
used in some instances when lectures are given. Adoption of andragogy will
however help individual participant to learn how to be proactive and be self
directed learner in the Political Education Programme.
The use of mass media as agents of Political Education goes beyond radio
jingles and advertisements. Radio listening forums, drama, discussions on
audio-visual and printed literature will displace hitherto methods which had
brought limited impact to the society. All the people will have knowledge of
Political Education.
The application of the adult education delivery strategies will affect mode
of management, training and organisation of Political Education. The effect
will be on training of personnel, instructors, supervisors, community leaders
and NGOS. Proper monitoring of the programme to ensure that its success
should be included under the delivery strategies. The educational consequences
of these strategies are that content oriented Political Education will be given
to the people and the people will participate in the teaching-learning process.
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5.5 Implications for Future Research
A major limitation of this research is the level of literacy of many of the
respondents used for this study. This affected the response and attitude of
many towards the study. It is hoped that in future when such study is done, the
rate of'literacy will be higher in rural area especially. Future researches should
be done into evaluation of Political Education strategies, personnel manage-
ment of political education; the synthesis of contents of political education
with literacy and organisation of political education. In the present research,
the focus is essentially on the evaluation of what has been done on Political
Education by MAMSER between 1987-1992
There is the need to conduct research on all programmes at adult education
centres in order to know the interest of the learners. There is also a need for
comparative analysis of Political Education in Nigeria and other nations in
developed or developing countries. Comparative analysis also be draw on
implementation of Political Education in urban and rural communities.
,
5.6 Summary
This study evaluated the Political Education Programme under the Direc-
torate for Social Mobilisation (MAMSER) between 1987-1992 in order to
establish a framework for an effective Political Education Programme in Ni-
geria. The various problems faced in the implementation of the Political Edu-
cation Programme in Nigeria were identified. The problems observed included
non-utilization of adult education delivery strategies to educate adults; lack of
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communication; lack of adequate training for personnel and instructors in
adult education and political education; lack of trained personnel; lack of
adequate planning, organisation and monitoring of the programme; lack of
adequate infrastructure; problem of illiteracy; lack of developed political
education curriculum and duplication of programmes by government agen-
cies.
Chapter one of the study dealt with the historical background of Nigeria
politics and the problems that necessitated the establishment of the agency.
The problems included, instability, disunity, tribalism, political apathy and
negative political culture. Chapter one is the focus of the study. The objec-
tives, goals, organisation pyramid and delivery strategies set by the Federal
Government before the Directorate for Social Mobilisation (MAMSER) were
identified. These areas were evaluated in that they affected the implementa-
tion of the programme in Nigeria.
Chapter two ,dealt with the conceptual framework of the most important
concepts relevant for the political education programme. The approaches that
are vital to evaluation of programmes were considered and the evaluation
model which was relevant to evaluation of objectives/goals in adult education
programmes was adopted.
Chapter three reviewed relevant literature on political education and the
society; Political Education and Adult Education, methodology of Political
Education, content of Political Education and evaluation of Political Educa-
tion.
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In course of the review, it was discovered that the Directorate for Social
Mobilisation (MAMSER) has not achieved the set goals. Findings from the
research revealed that:
(i) the members of the communities did not have a clear perception of the
objectives/goals and content of the Political Education Programme;
(ii) the main delivery strategy for the Political Education Programme in the
two communities was radio/television. There was no training programme
for the personnel and instructors to educate the people politically;
(iii) the response to changes in the political culture due to Political Education
was only fair. Only election and voting have been emphasised by the
agency;
(iv) there is high rate of illiteracy in the communities. This makes them to
develop political apathy;
(v) the political education programme has not brought the expected political
optimism to the society. There is the fear and anxiety that whenever the
military administration leaves the stage, chaos will return with civilian
administration;
(vi) the two communities agreed that the level of political participation has
fairly increased compared with the past. Some attributed this to the
existence of the two political parties and their activities more than
MAMSER's Political Education;
•
(vii) The opinion of the respondents in the two communities on the ability of
the Political Education Programme solving the problems of ethnicity
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nepotism, tribalism and other social evils in Nigeria differs. This difference
is due to non-performance of MAMSER.
(viii) The opinion of the respondents that the Political Education Programme
has influenced the organisation and administration of the political parties
differs. The impact of Political Education was not really felt.
(ix) there was no significant difference in the opinion of the people that
Political Education could solve Nigeria political problems;
(x) there was no curriculum which has been developed for Political Education
for adults and formal school system. The agency has not applied any
teaching-learning approach to the programme;
(xi) there was no effective management of the programme in order to produce
the desired result. The programme was also not well funded.
From the above analyses, it may be concluded that if the Federal Govern-
ment is since that political education is vital in bringing political stability to
this nation, the government will provide the much-needed human and mate-
rial resources for the programme. Political stability will lead to social, eco-
nomic, cultural and political upliftment of Nigeria. It has been stressed in
many nations that Political Education is vital to development of nations in
modem world. Adults are very important because of the role they play in the
changes which the whole world is experiencing. Political Education should
therefore be given to adults through Adult Education delivery strategies.
Political Education and mass literacy should be given simultaneously, es-
pecially where there are illiterates. The two programmes should be perceived
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as different subjects in adult education and as such, they should be offered at
adult education centres. Where there is high number of literate adults, lec-
tures, seminars and workshops should be conducted on Political Education.
Mass media should also be fully explored for this exercise.
Towards this end, the government should ensure that relevant curriculum
on Political Education should be developed for formal and non-formal educa-
tion. The content of this curriculum should be rich in order to accommodate
the objectives and goals which the nation strives for in political education.
In addition, the government should recognise that Political Education should
be taught in primary and secondary schools throughout the federation. The
subject should be tested in Primary Six Leaving Certificate and West African
Senior Certificate Examinations.
Moreover, the government should have clear policy objectives and ideol-
ogy on Political Education in order that the agency will effectively put in
place the humap and material resources to achieve political stability, demo-
cratic values and the right political culture for Nigerians.
On the part of the administrators in the agency, they should be given ad-
equate training in the programme. All cadres of staff should be exposed to
training programme in Political Education and Adult Education. A situation
where the staff of the agency do not know what Political Education is about
does not augur well for the progress of the country. In addition, the adminis-
trators should accord the staff recognition in term of incentives, good human
relations and participatory management.
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If necessary equipment and facilities are provided for the programme and
the people are effectively mobilised, it is hoped that the agency will record
success in educating the people politically.
Evaluation is very important in the programme. There should be regular
evaluation of the programme internally and externally in order to correct errors
detected and to pave way for a successful program-me. The evaluation can either ---_.-.
be formative or sumrnative. Effective monitoring of the programme should be
mounted. There should be feedback on the activities of the agency even at the
grassroot.
Finally, the government has "merged" the Directorate for Social Mobilisa-
tion (MAMSER) with Federal Ministry of Information, and it is now known as
National Orientation Agency under Public enlightenment Unit of the Ministry.
It should be noted that only the nomenclature has changed in that the agency
retains its staff. It is observed here that the policy makers are not adequately
informed about what Political Education entails, otherwise, it should have been
transferred either to Federal Ministry of Education or National Commission for
Mass Education which is already backed by a decree to provide Political
Education for the citizenry. National Policy on Education also put Political
Education under Adult Education.
Professor Adeniran, the former National Secretary of MAMSER also
believed that Nigerians still need to be mobilised and oriented towards attaining
a united nation. He was of the view that though the nomenclature changed from
MAMSER to National qrientation Agency (NOA), the new agency is supposed
to perform the same functions as the defunct MAMSER. He noted that it is
important to continue inducting the people in order to change their negative
political orientation to a positive one.
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
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NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINE
1 Dare Babarinsa (1992): "A Matter of Date" in Tell Magazine No.5
Feb.31992
2 "The Guardian" Tuesday, 4th August, 1992
3 "The Guardian" Wednesday, March 3, 1993.
GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS
1. Government's views and comments on fmdings and Recommendations
of the Political Bureau (Reproduced by MAMSER, Abuja, 1987 p.
77-79)
2. The Directorate for Social Mobilization: MAMSER Handbook Abuja,
1987
3. "The Nigeria Interpreter" Vol. 1NO.2 November 1987 (Issued by Fed-
eral Information• Service, Lagos)
4. National Policy on Education as reviewed in 1981
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
184
UNPUBLISHED THESES AND SEMINAR PAPERS
Aina Akin and Sambo Adesina: Riding on the back of the poor: Issues and
problems in Nigeria's experience of mobilising far development.
Nigerian Political Science·Association, June 1988.
Akinola, A. O. (1988) The Military and the Political Process: Babangida's
Transition Programme and the Political Stability in Nigeria's Third
Republic, M.Sc, Political Thesis 1988University of Ibadan p.32 ..
Amoda, J. M. et al (1988) Round Table discussions and Action Programme on
the political education programme for Mass Political Mobilisation in
Nigeria. Nigerian Political Science Association technical paper No.1
Amodu A. (1989) Violence As a Reaction to Electoral Outcomes in Eastern
Nigeria (1960-1983) Unpublished B,Sc. Political Science Essay
University of Ibadan.
Amucheazi, E. C. (1975) Education and Political Development of Eastern
Nigeria Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. University of Ibadan. p.20-21
-- ..- .. -.~
Amumo, J.L. (1989) The effect of training on the Job performance of graduates
of the center for Management Development in Nigeria. An Unpublished
Ph.D, Thesis. University of Ibadan.
Clement, R. W. (1978) An Empirical Test of the hierarchy theory of train
evaluation. !lnpllhlished Doctoral Thesis, Michigan State University.
Giwa, O. (1988) Mass Mobilization and Nigeria's Political Stability: Some
Preliminary Observation. B,Sc. Political Science Essay University of
Ibadan. •
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
185
Irabor, S.1. (1988) Social Mobilization in Nigeria: Historical Necessity or
Political Expediency? M.Sc. (Political Science) Essay. University of
Ibadan p.1S
Kimeng, F. N. (1984) Evaluation of the Bafut Village Community Experimental
Project ofBamenda, Cameroon: A System-process Model. Unpublished
M. Ed. Thesis; Dept of Adult Education University of Ibadan p.23
Oduaran, A. B. (1986) Evaluation of Training Programmes for Community
Development agents in Bendel State of Nigeria Unpublished Ph. D.
Thesis University of Ibadan p.46-60
Oyatorisa, A. O. (1988) Government Sponsored Political Parties in Nigeria. a
Critique M.Sc. Political Science (Thesis) University of Ibadan, 1988.
Osaghae, E. E. (1981): Political Attitudes and Behaviour in Ibadan: Aspects of
Nigerian Political Culture M.Sc. Political Science Essay University of
Ibadan.
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Sanda, H. U. (1990); A comparative analysis of citizens perception ofMAMSER
programmes in Oyo and Sokoto states. Unpublished M. A. (Ed). Thesis,
Curriculum Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife.
Shadare, O. A. (1991): A Framework for the Management Personnel Training
Programmes for Mass Literacy at the University Level in Nigeria
Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. University of Ibadan .
•
Suberu, R. T. (1990) Federation and Political Instability: A Nigerian Case Study,
1979-1983 Ph.D. Thesis, 1990University ofIbadan p.48-49
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
APPENDIX
QUESTIONNAIRE
This questionnaire is designed for the purpose of evaluating Political Educa-
tion Programme of the Directorate for Social Mobilization( MAMSER) for
research purpose. All information given will be treated with confidentiality
and the purpose for which it is collected. Kindly spare your precious time to
help fill this questionnaire.
Instruction: Please tickDas appropriate in the boxes provided and write
where necessary.
Section A:
t Name:------------------------------------------(Optional)
11 Sex: Male [:=J Female [:=J
111 Marital Status: Married[:=J Single [:=J
Widowed [:=J Divorced [:=J Separated [:=J
Others please specify
tv State of residence ---------------------------
v Religious affiliation: Christianity [:=J
Islam Others please specify
V1 Age in Years:
18-30 years p
31-40 years [:=J
41-50 years [:=J
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
18'l
51-60 years o
60 -above c:::::J
Vll Occupation: c:::::J
FarminglHunting o
Trading c:::::J
Artisans c:::::J
Public/Civil Servants c:::::J
Private Sector c:::::J
Vlll Educational Background: c:::::J
Above 1st Degree c:::::J
1st Degree/ equivalent (B.A. B.Sc. HND etc) c:::::J
Diploma/College of Education (NCE, OND,Others) c:::::J
Professional Qualification c:::::J
Post Primary c:=J
Primary School Leaving Certificate/Adult Literacy CJ
None c:::::J
Others cPlease specify) c:::::J
Section B:
1. What do you understand about MAMSER?
(Please tick as many as applicable)
1 Political awarness, social justice and Mass Education c:::::J
11 Political Awarness c:::::J
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188
111 Social Justice c=J
IV Mass Education c=J
V An Extension of WAI c=J
VI A programme to waste public fund c=J
VII I have heard of MAMSER but I do not know what it is
all about c=J
2. What contribution has MAMSER made to the behaviour of Nigeri-
ans? Please tick as many as applicable)
1. MAMSER brought effective political education to NigeriaD
11. MAMSER gave Nigerians Mass Education c=J
111. MAMSER taught Nigerians self-reliance c=J
IV. MAMSER changed the organisation and administration
of political parties c=J
v. It made people active in politics c=J
VI. . MAMSER contributed nothing to the political
behaviour of Nigerians c=J
VII. Others (please specify) .
3. How will you rank the success of MAMSER under:
(a) Mass Literacy?
(i) Very effective D
•
(ii) Averagely effective D
(iii) Fairly effective D
(vi) Not effective c=J
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
189
(v) Others .
Please give reasons for your answer .
(b) Political Education?
(i) Very effective CJ
(ii) Averageeffective CJ
(iii) Fairly effective CJ
(iv) Not effective CJ
(v) Others .
Please give reasons for your answer .
(c) Social Justice/Self Reliance:
(i) Very effective CJ
(ii) Average effective CJ
(iii) Fairly effective CJ
(iv) Not effective CJ
(v) Othe,rs .
Please give reason for your answer .
4. How do you get to know of MAMSER's Political Education
Programme?
(i) Mass Media (radio, television, newspaper) [==:J
(ii) Lectures or classes to my cooperative society/unions/ social
societyD
(iii) Friends and relatives0
(iv) Organised classes in my school [==:J
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
190
(v) Any other (please specify) .
5. How will you rank the success ofMAMSER's Political Education ob-
jectives under the following:
(a) People's consciousness and awareness of their rights and
obligations as citizens
(i) Very effective
(ii) Averagely effective
(iii) Fairly effective
(iv) Not effective
(v) Others .
(b) People taking part actively and freely in discussions and
decisions affecting their general welfare.
(i) Very effective CJ
(ii) Ave,rage effective o
(iii) Fairly effective CJ
(iv) Not effective CJ
(v) Others .
(d) Inculcation in all Nigerians the value of civic responsibility
(i) Very effective CJ
(ii) Average effective 0
(iii) Fairly effective 0
(iv) Not effective CJ
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
191
(v) Others .
(e) Inducting Nigerians to fight against internal and external
domination of resources by a few individuals or groups:
(i) Very effective 0
(ii) Average effective c=J
(iii) Fairly effective c=J
(iv) Not effective c=J
(v) Others .
(f) Preparing the framework for creating the basic institutions and norms
of democracy at all levels in the society.
(i) Very effective c=J
(ii) Average effective c=J
(iii) Fairly effective 0
(iv) Not effective c=J
(v) Others : .
(g) Creatin,g consciousness about power and its use and the proper role
of Government in serving the collective interest of Nigerians.
(i) Very effective c=J
(ii) Average effective c=J
(iii) Fairly effective c=J
(iv) Not effective c=J
(v) Others- .
(h) Propagating the virtues of hardwork, honesty, self-reliance, commit-
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
ment to and promotion of national integration.
(i) Very effective 0
(ii) Average effective c=J
(iii) Fairly effective c=J
(iv) Not effective c=J
(v) Others .
(i) Inculcating the virtues of patriotism and positive participation in
nation affairs
(i) Very effective c=J
(ii) Average effective c=J
(iii) Fairly effective c=J
(iv) Not effective c=J
(v) Others .
Section C
6. In yous opinion, do you think political education has influenced the
organisation and administration of political parties?
(i) Yes c=J
(ii) No c=J
(iii) Fairly c=J
Please give reasons for your answer .
•
7. Has political education infused the spirit of political optimism in you?
(i) Yes c=J
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
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(ii) No c=J
Please give reasons for your answer .
8. Do you think MAMSER's political education has solved the problems
of political instability in Nigeria?
(i) Yes D
(ii) No c=J
Please give reaons for your answers .
9. Are you of the opinion that political education can solve Nigeria's po-
litical problem?
(i) Yes CJ
(ii) No c=J
Please give reasons for your answers .
10. Do you want MAMSER to exist after Babangida's regime?
(i) Yes c=J
(ii) No, c=J
Please give reason for your answers .
11. In your opinion, what are teh problems that MAMSER encounter?
Please tick as many as appropriate.
1. Lack of staff c=J
11. Lack of qualified staff in adult training c=J
111. Lack of sufficient fund CJ
IV. Lack of necessary working facilities (e.g. vehivles, public
address system etc.) D
UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
194
v. Lack of experience on the job by the staff c::J
VI. Lack of sufficient time to carry out the assignmentCJ
VII. Problem of illiteracy of the masses c::J
12. What in your opinion that can be done to makeMAMSERmore effec-
tive? Please tick as many as appropriate.
1. Better funding c::J
11. States to take over functions of MAMSER c::J
111. Local Government to take over functions of MAMSERc=J
IV. Transfer of functions to other Federal Government
Agencies c:::J
v. Training of staff o
VI. Reduce its .lllIlctionsc:::J
VII. Scrap MAMSER c:::J
vm. Others (please specify) .
.., .
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APPENDIX
DIRECTORATE OF SOCIAL MOQILISATION DeCREE 1!ttS1
Decree No. 31
(See Section 14) Commence-
cement.
THE FEDERAL MILITARY GOVERNMENT hereby
decrees as follows:-
1. There is hereby established a body to be known as tho utabUah-
Directorate of Sociat Mobilisation (hereinafter in this Decree mant of
referred to as "the Directorate") which shall have the functions the Olrac:t-orate of
specified in this Decree. noclal
Mobill•• tion
2 - (1) The Directorate shall have a governing Board which
\ . ~hall comprise the following' members, that is-
Board of
\ .the Oirect-
(a) a chairman to he appointed by the President, ·orate .
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces; and
(b) one representative each of the following Ministries- "' ...-
(j) Social Development, Youth and Sports; and
(ii) Employment, Labour and Productivity; .
(c) a representative of the Directorate of Food, Roads and
Rura! Infrastructures; and
(d) the Secretary to the Directorate.
m The chairman appointed pursuant to subsecuon (1) of this
section shall be the chief executive (If thp nirp.r.torate and shall -
be responsible for the day to day running of its affairs.
3. It shall he the objective of the Directorate to- Objective.
(a) create a new cultural and productive environment which 0,'; the
will promote pride in productive work, self reliance and self O)recforate.
discipline;
(b) generally awaken the rights and obligations of a citizen to
the nation;
(c) encorage the people to take part actively and freely in
discussions and decisions affecting their general welfare; and
(d) promote new sets of attitudes and culture for the attain-
ment of the goals and objectives of the Nigerian State.
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4: Subject to this Decree, the Directorate shall perform the Funotlon,
following functions, that is- of the
. (a) establish an appropriate framework for the po$itive OI',l;tor ••.
'J , mobilisation and education of all Nigerians towards economic
.•recovery and developmentand a new social and political order:
(b) awaken the consciousness of ,all categories of Nigerians
to their right~ and obligations as citizens of Nigeria;
A.234 1987 No. 31
(c) inculcate in all Nigerians the value and spirit of civic
responsibility, commitment to social justice and economic self
reliance through mobtlisation and harnessing their energies and
natural resources into productive use;
(d) sensitize, induct and equip all Nigerians to fight against in-
ternal and external domination of resources by a few individuals
or groups;
(e) re-orientate Nigerians to shun waste and vanity and to sh-
ed al~;pretences of afftuence in their lifestyles;
(f) promote self reliance and priq~ in the consumption of
home produced commodities;
(0) pu~palethe framework for creating the basic institutions
and norms of democracy at all levels in the society;
\(h) create consciousness about power and its use and the.
proper role of Government in seNing the collective inter,st of
Nigerians;
(j) ensure that materials which appear in the mass media,
both electronic and the print, are in consonance with the na-
tional objectives of self reliance, social justice, human rights,
democratic norms, economic recovery and development;
(j) propagate the need to eschew all vices in P4blic life in-
cluding corruption, dishonesty. electoral and census malprac-
tices, ethnic and religious bigotry;
(k) propagate the virtues of hardwork, honesty, self reliance,
commitment to and promotion of national integration; and
(I) inculcate in ail Nigerians the virtues of patriotism and
positive participation in national affairs.
5. The Directorate shaH- Lill!iS(lf\ with
other .
(a) liaise with and work in close co-operation with relevant bodi •.•.
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Government Ministries, Government agencies at the FeQ~ral,
State and local levels; and .
(bl co-operate with all other private and public organisations,
instituticns, enterprises and individuals' concerned vyith the
II...,.UH........ .." ••••• H_'" I_•••••• ,.~ , .•••• , •••••.• _ •• ~_ •••.••.••• ••
State 6 - (1) There shall be established in the office of each Military
formations Governor a State equivalent of the Directorate to co-ordinate
of the
Directorate. organisation of social mobilisation within the State and perform
similar functions in the State.
(2) The membership of the State Directorate shall consist of a
Director to be the chairman and a representative of each of the
following ministries or body, as members, that is-
(a) Information and Culture;
(bi Social Development, Youth and Sports;
(c) Employment, Labour and Productivity; and ..
(d) Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastraet.ures.
Participat- 7 - (1) The Government of a State and each Local Govern-
ion by
\ ment Council in every State &hall participate in the functions ofStates and
Government the Directorate in such manner as the President, Commander-
in-Chief of the Armed Forces may, from time to time, deter-
\ .
A 234 1987No. 31 Directorate of Social Mobili$8tion
(2) Accordingly, and without prejudice to the establi.~hment of
State equivalents of the Directorate under section 6 of thts Decree,
all Local Government Councils shall be constituted into Commit-
tees for the implementation of the social mobjlisation prQ~ramme
as envisaged in this Decree. .
(3) The Chairman of each Local Government Council shall be
the Chairman of the Committee established and const\tuted under
subsection (2) of this section.
SpeCial 8 - (1) The Directorate shall gear ail its efforts towards the im-
functions of plementation of social mobilization in the nation in order to awaken
the the consciousness of all categories of Nigerians to their rights and
Directorate. obligations as citizens of Nigeria.
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(2) For the purpose of achilitving the objective in sublection m
of this section, the Directorate .$hall use its best endea~ourJ to'"'"":
(a) encourage and organise an appropriate framewor-k for, the
positive mobilization and education of Nigerians towards economic
recovery and development;
(b) ensure an effective implementation of the JX)4itlcaltrail ·tion
programme;
(e) liaise with the appropriate Federal and Stale Government
bodies or agencies and Local Government Councils for the sue-
cessful attainment of the objectives of the OifectOf8te;
9-(1) In the performance of its functions under this Decree, the omc•.• of
Board of the Directorate may appoint such petscns to be officers the
and staff of the Directorate to assist the Directorate in the perfor- OIrMrtor". t
mance of its functions under this Decree and for the day.to-day 1
supervi$ion and monitoring of programme' execution.
(2) For the purposes of subsection (1) of thifrsec1ion, the 808R1
may appoint any person from the public service of thf Federation
or of a State, either on secondment or posting with the prior con-
sent or approval of the relevant civil service of the Federation or of
, a State, as the case may be.
(3) The Board may where it deems fit, enlist or recr.uit from out-
la th l~ul)lll.1 rvir. of th Fld rlt! n or of a Stttt luch oth r
patIO". fill "lay I fequlr d f~fth f1 tlv • outlol'! fit funo-
tions LInder this Decree.
(4) When any member of the. public service of the Federation or
of d State is seconded or posted under subsection (2) of this sec-
tion, he shall be notified of the terms and conditions of the second-
ment or posting; and the secondment or posting shall be without
prejudice to any pension rights, which, but for the secondment or
posting, may accrue to him.
10. The President, Commander-in-Chief of lne Armed Forces DlrectlvetbytM
may from time. to time give to the Board directives of a general p•.••ldent. I
nature as to the manner in which the Directorate shall exercise its
functions under this Decree and it shall be the duty of the Board to
give effect to such directives.
11. The Board shall prepare and submit to the President, Qu••.• rtv 1
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces once in every quarter a rep~rta
report of the activities of the Directorate during tre irnmepiateJv
preceding quarter. I
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A.236 1981 Nc. 31 DirecUJri'fte of Social Mobilisatio,n
Proceedings 12- (Ii The Board ~ha!! have power to regulate its own pro- ..
of tile ceedinqs and may make standing orders not inconsistent WI n rnis
Directorate ••
Decree for that purpose and subject to such standing orders, may
function notwithstanding any vacancy in its membership or the
absence of a member.
- (2) The Board shall meet for the due performance of its func-
tions under this Decree whenever the Chairman convenes a
mauling of th OirO(..tora•t.
(3) Where upon nv speci I occeslcn the B rd d Ir to obt 111
the advice of any person 011 any particular matter, the Board may
co-opt that person to bE;a member for as many meetings as may be
necessary and that person while so co-opted shall have all the
privileqes of a member except that he sl.all not be entitled to vote.
Interpreta- 13. In this Decree, unless the context otherwise requires-
tion "Directorate" means the Directorate of Social Mobilization
established by section 1 of this Decree;
"functions" include duties and powers;
"State formation" means the State equivalent of the Direc-
torate, and tl:le Local Government Committees .
Cit:rt:- - - - . • ~ Th:~ I"\nNoa l"t'I::>v hP. cited as the Directorate of Social
commence- MobihsCJ11UI i ..;~ •....•......,. ..;.2"~ ,:' '~:l ~.;~.:;:_'P!11t:!U tu 110""", ••.•..::-':""~ into
ment. operation on 2nd September 1987.
MADE at Lagos this 1st day of November 1987.
, SignedGENERAL I.B. BA8ANGIDA,
President, Commander-in-Chief
of the Armed Forces,
EXPLANATORY NOTE Feder81 Republic of Nigeria.
(This noto does not form part of the above Decree-but is intend-
ed to explain its purport)
The Decree establishes the Directorate of Social Mobillsation for
the creation of a national awareness and productive emr'ronment
required in revamping the economy and development of the na-
tion .
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