ISSN 2141-9744 badan ournal of umanistic tudies V olum e 2 8 , Ju n e 2 0 1 8 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY IBADAN JOURNAL OF HUMANISTIC STUDIES V olum e 28, Ju n e 2018 ISSN : 2141-9744 Published by Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY I! IBADAN JOURNAL OF HUMANISTIC STUDIES Volume 28, June 2018 ISSN: 2141-9744 EDITORIAL BOARD Prof. A. A. Oladosu - Chairman Prof. M. T. Lamidi - Editor Prof. Francis Offor - Member Dr. Goke Akinboye - Member Dr. O. O. Familusi - Business Manager Dr. Babatunde R. Ojebuyi - Member Dr. Ayo Osisanwo - Member Dr. J. N. Eke -Member EDITORIAL ADVISERS Professor Emeritus Ayo Banjo, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria Professor Emeritus Dan Izevbaye, Bowen University, Iwo, Nigeria Professor James Briggs, Bristol University, UK Professor Toyin Falda, University of Texas at Austin Professor Sussane Gehrmann, Umboldt University, Germany Professor Kofi Anyidoho, University of Ghana, Legon Professor Ron Schaefer, Southern Illinois University Edwardsville, USA Professor Mbogeni Malaba, University of KwaZulu Natal, South Africa Professor Niyi Osundare, University ofNew Orleans, USA Professor Jane Plastow, University of Leeds, UK Professor Levi Obijiafor, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane, Australia Published by Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria © Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria 2018 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY I V CONTENTS Investigating Musical Patterns in Nigerian Poetry: A Phonaesthetic Analysis o f Selected Works of Two Nigerian Poets Ubong E. Josiah & Etiene-Abasi D. John i African Divinatory Systems and thè Assertions of Ethnophilosophy OmotadeAdegbindin 21 ADeconstructive Reading ofChinuaAchebe's Things Fall Apart OlumideOgunrotimi 39 Some AspectsofNorth African Christianity in Roman Times 'GokeA.Akinboye 57 Representations o f Women in Yoruba Proverbs: A Criticai Dialogic Analysis of Stances in thè Nigerian Socio-Cultural Context AdetutuAragbuwa 23 Divorce as Conflict: Representation of Participants in Selected Nigerian Newspaper Reports on Divorce Cases AyoOsisanwo& Victor Ohiwayemi 91 Yorùbà Proverbs and Corruption: ACurious Convergence Henri Oripeloye&TaiwoAraroba 109 Pérception of Mental Illness in Ancient Greek and Contemporary Yoruba Religious Beliefs Gill. O. Adekannbi, Bosede Adefiola Adebowale & Abiodun Ademiluwa 123 Sexual Violence and Satire in Selected Stand-Up Acts o f Okey Bakassi and Basket Mouth Ifeyinwa Genevieve Okoio 139 Translation Strategies of Proverbs in Selected Yoruba Nollywood EpicMovies Habibat Fayoke Yusuf & Tayo Lamidi 154 China's Power Surge in Africa: Explaining Chinese Rules of Engagement and its Penetration across Africa Victor Ugoena Ugwis 1 7 1 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY An Ethnographic Reading of Nigerian Migrant Autobiographical Poetry in English Ayodeji Isaac Shittu 1 8 7 Cross-Cultural Intertextuality, Orality and an Indigenous Yoruba Provenance of Genesis 8:6-17 Olugbemiro O. Berekiah Social Discourse in thè Songs Used at Ede Prayer Mountain, Osun State, Nigeria Toyin Samuel Ajose Contextualising thè Impact of Ancient Greek and Roman Superstition on Public and Private Life Gill Oluwatosin Adekannbi BookReview Ayo Osisanwo, Kazeem Adebiyi-Adelabu & Adebayo Mosobolaje (eds). Literary and Linguistic Perspectives on Orality, Literacy and GenderStudies, Kraft Books Limited, Ibadan. 2018,626 Pages BabatundeAy eleni 254 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 8 Perceptiora of Menta! Illness in Ancient Greek and Contemporary Yoruba Religious Beliefs GILL O. ADEKANNBI', BOSEDE ADEFIOLA ADEBOWALE2 AND ABIODUN ADEMILUWA3 Abstract Mental illness is one of thè most dreaded illnesses in human societies. Recent studies have investigated thè phenomenon as neurosis with psychotic manifestations in individuals across societies. However, there are diverse opinions on thè cause(s) of mental illness. Therefore, interrogating thè subject from thè worldviews of two traditional societies— Ancient Greece and Yoruba - thè study classifies thè causes of mental illness into three: naturai, physical and supematural. It further investigates attitudinal correlation between societies in thè classical era and modem times in thè perception of mental disorders. The aims to detarmine if prejudices or biases are proximal or distai in both societies and to highlight thè social implications for interpersonal relationships, especially as bases for thè acceptance and social instability o f those who experience mental illness. The study, which is basically descriptive, adopts philosophical and cultural analytical methods to foreground textual explication, using thè works of Plato, Hippocrates. Oluwole and Jegede. The paper shows that both in Ancient Greece and Yoruba societies, mental illness is attributed to retribution from thè gods and accounts for thè preponderance o f Greek mythologies and tragedies. contextualising madness as inflicted by wrathful or envious gods or goddesses. It concludes that thè stigmatisation of affected persons often emasculates them as they are deprived of proper healthcare during thè period of illness, and denied social protection and recognition if they are fortunate enough to receive treatment. Invariably, thè society is impoverished through this latent brain drain. Keywords: Ancient Greece, mental illness, prejudices, Yoruba, religion Introduction Throughout history, some people have been identified by their societies as being significantly different due to certain abnormal behavioural and emotional traits. In ancient Greece, according to Kenny ( 1973), Plato was 'G. O. Adekannbi is of thè Department of Classics, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Email: tsn_ade@yahoo.com ‘Bosede Adefiola Adebowale is ofthe Department of Classics, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Email: olusegunbosede@gmail.com 'Abiodun Ademiluwa is of thè Department of Classics, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Email: abyde89@yahoo.com UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 124 Perception of M e ntol lllness in Ancien! G ieek o nd Contem poiory Yotubo Religious Beliefs thè first person to coin thè word “mental health” (p. 68). Mental illness, in many societies o f thè world, is a form of illness faced by many people; its nature, perception and treatment have been subject of debates. The supposed causes of mental illness vary from one culture or religion to another. In some religious beliefs, thè mentally ili individuate are thought to have been overtaken by spirits, either good or evil. Some ateo believe that their 'strange' behaviour is caused by inner conflict because of their sins; or that it is a gift from some god (Thompson, 2007, p. ix); or that supernatural or magical powers had entered thè body; or that they had been dispossessed of their souls, and that thè only way wellness could be achieved was if thè soul retumed (Townsend, 2000, p. 14); or that they might have broken a taboo or sinned against another individuai or a god. In ancient Greece, like every other society, there were divided opinions about thè causes of mental illness. Some believed that it was a punishment of thè gods while others considered it to be caused by physical and emotional problems (Ahonen, 2014, p. 30). The Yoruba people, like thè ancient Greek, believe that mental illness can result from naturai, supernatural, pretematural and inheritable sources. Therefore, in both Greek and Yoruba societies, mental illness appears to have been culturally schematised. Cultural schematism, perception, attitudes toward mentally ili individuate and treatment o f mental illness in thè Classical Greek society and among thè contemporary Yoruba people are here interrogated. This paper is a descriptive study o f mental illness among Greek and Yoruba societies. Although a library-based research, this study does not deliberate on thè records of medicai advances in thè treatment of mental illness in both cultures. Rather, it dwells on thè socio-religious beliefs or perceptions o f thè people to thè illness. This is with particular reference to thè works of Plato. Hippocrates, Oluwole and Jegede. Ancient Greek Percepitosi and Attitude to Menta! Illness The Greek word, pavla (mania), according to Marke Ahonen, was thè most common word used for severe mental disturbances in Classical antiquity. Mania was described as a 'distortion' (sKcrcaait;) o f thè mind, and further defined as a chronic ailment, occurring without fever. Mania could manifest itself as a drastic change in thè behaviour and mental state of a person so that she or he lost control o f himself or herself, deviating both from thè accepted norms of rationality and from his usuai disposition. Mania manifests through hallucinations, delusions, bizarre fears and other inappropriate moods (Ahonen, 2014. pp. 13-14). Xenophon typically represents thè behaviour exhibited by mad men when he says: Some mad men have no fear of danger and others are afraid where there is nothing to be afraid of, as some will do or say anything in a crowd with no sense of UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY GILL 0 . ADEKAN N B I. BO SEOE A D E FIO LA ADEBO W ALE AN O A B IO D U N A D EM ILUW A 125 shame, while others shrink even troni going abroad among men, some respect neither tempie nor aitar nor any other sacred thing, others worship stocks and stones and beasts (Xenophon, Memorabilia, book 1, chapter 1, section, 14). Foolhardiness is suggested by having “no fear of danger”, whereas, paranoid fear, “where there is nothing to be afraid o f m a y conjure some unhealthy obsession. Similarly. it is hardly difficult to perceive a socially discomforting state o f abnormality when caution is thrown to thè wind to “do or say anything in a crowd with no sense o f shame” (Ahonen, 2014, p. 27). Rather than simply categorising this as lack of piety, when “some respect neither tempie nor aitar nor any other sacred thing,” Xenophon sees it as an eccentric picture of lunatics (Ahonen, 2014, p. 71 ). However, there is more to consider on thè Greek people's perception of mental illness, such as what they believed to be thè causes and cure of mental illness. The concept of madness plays an important role in Greek mythology. In Homeric and archaic Greece, madness was believed to have been caused by thè gods or demons. It was believed that those who had lost thè favour of thè angry gods could be struck with madness. As thè Greek proverb States: “those whom thè gods wish to destroy they first make mad” (Pietikainen, 2015, p. 17). Greek mythologies and tragedies are replete with stories of madness inflicted by some wrathful or jealous gods or goddesses as a form of divine punishment. For example, thè goddess Hera, angered at Heracles, sent Lyssa (madness-personified) to him in revenge, and in a fit of madness. Heracles killed his own sons, thinking they were those o f his enemy. Eurystheus. Heracles also killed his wife and was about to kill his own father but for thè timely intervention of thè goddess Athena (Hard, 2004, pp. 252- 253). Another example is Orestes, who in avenging his father's (Agamemnon's) death, at thè command of Apollo, killed his mother Clytemnestra. Orestes, having incurred blood-guilt, was pursued ruthlessly by thè Furies, thè female spirits ofj ustice and vengeance who drove men mad (Tzeferakos, 2014, p. 6). Homer, thè famous Greek poet, attributes insanity to thè gods. Àccording to Thompson (2007), Homer believes that thè mind of mentally ili persons had been taken away by thè gods. Dodds (1962, p. 70), exploring thè concept of ate in Homer, States that ate is a state of mind, a temporary clouding or bewildering of thè normal consciousness, a partial and temporary insanity and it is ascribed to supematural agency. Agamemnon blamed a divine being for his irrational decision of compensating thè loss of his own mistress by robbing Achilles of his: “Not I. was thè cause of this act. but Zeus and my portion and thè Erinys who walks in darkness: they it was who in thè assembly put wild ate in my understanding, ... Deity will always have its UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 126 Perception of M e n ta l lliness in Ancienf Greek ond ConTem porary Yoruba Religious Beliefs way" (Iliaci, hook 19. line 86). Hence, this generai statement in Homer’s The Iliaci (hook 12, line 254) and Odyssey (hook 23, line 11) that “thè gods can make thè most sensible man senseless . . .” is an ascription o f thè cause of madness to divinity. The Greek tragedies also presented madness as being of divine origin. However, unlike thè mythologies, in thè tragedies, madness is portrayed not as a permanent condition or illness but as a temporary state. For example, thè Greek tragedian, Sophocles, in his work titled Ajax, tells thè story o f Ajax who contested with Odysseus over Achilles' armour after thè warrior's death. He, however, lost and sought revenge. Athena, drove Ajax temporarily insane in a bid to protect Odysseus who was her favourite, and because Ajax had earlier spumed her help. Ajax attacked sheep and cattle that were taken by thè Greeks as spoils o f war, thinking that they were Greek leaders (Ahonen, 2014, P -184). Another tragedian, Euripides, in his Bacchae, presents two forms of divine mania, as pointed out by Guettel (2007, p. 329). The first form of madness is thè aggressive and frenzied behaviour inflicted by a god or goddess on those who opposed him or her. The other is thè ritual experience of identification with thè god, Dionysus. The Bacchae, on one hand, gives a vivid description of madness as a punishment for impious action committed by Pentheus. Here, Dionysus struck his mother's sisters (Ino, Autonoe and Agave) and other Theban women with madness for spreading false rumours about his mother, Semele, thereby denying his divine paternity. Believing that Dionysus was an impostor, King. Pentheus opposed his observing rites. The women were led to roam over Mo.unt Cithaeron as Bacchants (followers of Dionysus) where they brutally slaughtered Agave's son, Pentheus (Lambert, 2009, pp. 29-31). The story of Pentheus and Agave is one of a series of cult-legends which describe thè punishment of humans who refused to accept thè religion of Dionysus. Hard (2004, p. 175) opines that thè ritual madness reflected in Bacchae are in connection with women followers of Dionysus known as Mainades (Maenads), which literally means 'mad women'. Dickie (2007, p. 353), on his part, States that thè Maenads are of two kinds. The first consists of women whose Bacchio experience is induced by willing participation, where thè worshippers yield to union with Dionysus. The second set o f women comprises those inflicted with mania as a divine punishment in which Dionysiac mania is no longer stemming from communal ritual, but a result of delusion originating with thè god. Ancient Greek medicai practitioners, philosophers and even writers have all attempted to defme, categorise and even prescribe a cure for mental illness. For instance, Plato, through his interlocutors, Socrates and Phaedrus, argues that madness should not be seen as being necessarily bad; rather, madness should be considered a divine gift. Hence, when discussing mania in UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY G ILL 0 . AD E K A N N B I, BO SEDE A D E FIO LA ADEBO W ALE A N O A B IO D U N A D E M ILU W A 127 thè Phaedrus, he presents two broad classifications: Mav?aq 5?y8£?5ri5?o,T?vp?v ?7i? voaqppTcov ?v0pco7i:?vcùv, x?v8? ?7c? Qslatftplaylq t?vs?co9?tcùv vop?pcovyiyvop?vriv. There are two types of madness, one caused by human illnesses and one by a divine impulse that does away with habitual rules (Jacques, 2013, p. 103). Bere, Plato identifies two causes of madness. To him, madness can result either from human illness (naturai) or from thè supematural (act o f divinity). On naturalistic madness, Plato relates mental health to thè soul and divided thè soul into two parts, rational and irrational. According to Plato, thè rational soul existed in its present form in human nature while thè irrational soul was made up ofjealousy, fear and anger. In his work, Timaeus (lines 86b- e), Plato States that mental illness and abnormal behaviour could be attributed to bodily imbalance. To him, balanced mind and body education are responsible for good mental health. Plato believes that thè problem of mind originated from thè disease o f thè body along with thè lack o f balance of emotions and interventions of god. To cure this kind of mental illness, Plato suggests that thè patient be talked to and threatened with confinement or shown good behaviour in order to restore thè balance of emotions. He then groups divine madness into different classes, namely: prophetic, ritual, poetic and erotic (Plato, Phaedrus, lines 265a-c). In Phaedrus (lines 244c- 265b), Plato explains in detail that each divine madness has its own patron- god who sends it to people. The prophetic madness, according to Plato, is from Apollo and is experienced by “oracle-uttering priestess o f Apollo and Zeus. While ritual madness inspired by Dionysus is experienced in rites and purification that involved prayers capable o f delivering people from danger, both present and future.” The third form of madness, poetic, is attributed to thè Muses. This form of madness, to Plato, “seizes and stimulates” thè poet to “rapt passionate expression, especially in lyric poetry, glorifying thè countless mighty deeds of ancient times for thè instruction of posterity”. With this inspiration from thè Muses, thè inspired poets attain greater achievements than those of their cairn colleagues. Erotic madness, thè fourth form of madness, considered as thè highest form of madness, is described by Plato as “thè madness of lovers” caused by Aphrodite and Eros. Apollo, being thè patron of prophetic madness, did not only strike people with madness but also inspired them with prophetic vision of thè past, thè present and thè future as seen in thè cases of Pythia and Sibyl, at thè famous sanctuary in Delphi, whereby he communicates to humans. The myth of Cassandra is an example of prophetic madness. Apollo cursed Cassandra UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 128 Perception of M e nlol lliness in Ancienl G ieek ond Contem porory Yorubo Religious Beliefs with thè gift o f prophecy because she spumed his love and many did not believe he did. The Apollonian madness, according to Manea (2017, p.15), contrasts thè Bacchio which only offered people thè opportunity to engagé in a “collective experience of ritual pleasure” without thè mantic or mediumistic element. Prescribing how people with mental illness should be treated, Plato, in thè Laws (lines 934c -d), suggests that people with mental illness should not be “allowed to be at large in thè community; thè relatives of such persons shall keep them in safe custody at home.” Here, Plato implies that thè responsibility o f caring for thè mentally ili rested with their families who would keep them ffom doing harm (Ahonen, 2014, p. 88). This is an indication that a person with mental illness can become violent and should be kept in check. Besides, Plato's measure can also be understood as a way of preventing mad persons from bringing reproach upon their families by strange conducts. It should be noted that Plato's prescription is for naturalistic mania and not divine mania. Aristotle, thè prominent disciple of Plato, does not define or classify mental illness, but labels thè word 'mania' disease (Ahonen, 2014, p. 101). He believes that thè origin of mental illness is physical in nature. The physical cause, according to him, is due to thè overheating o f thè area of thè heart which disturbs thè movement of thè soul, thereby affecting thè “sensitive and rational functions of thè soul that resides in thè heart. When this happens, thè acts of sense perception and intelligence” become disjointed and inept (Ahonen, 2014, pp. 101-102). This hearing, according to Aristotle, may be caused by various factors, such as corrupt bodily humours, anatomical abnormality or emotional upheavals. Aristotle also suggests that thè mentally ili people rely more on fantasy than reason and this fantasy is responsive for thè hallucinations experienced by mentally ili people. In his Eudemian Ethics, he refers to physical treatment of mad persons and suggests that they are in need of'medicai or civil correction, since medicai treatment counts as correction as rnuch as does flogging' (Ahonen, 2014. p. 71 ). The concept of madness as a mental illness cmerged with thè birth of Hippocratic medicine in thè fifth and fourth centuries BC. This novélty is attributed to Hippocrates. a Greek medicai doctor from thè island of Cos who flourished between 460 and 370 BC. In his treatise. On thè Sacred Disease, mental illness is said to be caused by thè moistness of thè brain. Seeking to refute thè common perception of mental illness. he States: “Men regard its nature and cause as divine from ignorance and wonder because it is not at all like other diseases” (Hippocrates, 1923. p. 175). He went further to say that all diseases had their naturai causes, and thè cure had to accord with thè cause. The doctrine of four humours or bodily fluids was fundamental to Hippocratic medicine. 1 his humoral doctrine accounted for human physical anatomy and physiological phenomena. such as disease and mental illness, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY G ILL 0 . AD EKAN N B I, BO SEDE ADEFIO LA A O E B O W A IE A N D A B IO D U N A D E M ILU W A 129 based on thè four essential humours. These humours were black bile (melari cholé)\ yellow bile (cho/e), phlegm (phlegma) and blood (hai ma) (Pietikainen, 2015, p.18). Both physical well-being and mental health depended on thè balance (eukrasia) between these bodily fluids. Pietikainen further explains that thè state of imbalance (dyskrasia) was a consequence of surplus amount of a certain humour in thè human body. This humoral imbalance can cause various diseases, including mental illness. According to Ahonen (2014. p. 11). in Hippocratic medicine, two fomis of madness were identified. One was known as mania, and thè other melancholy. Mania is also o f two types: raging mania and quiet mania. According to thè humoral doctrine, a person could be struck with raging mania when there was a cerebral overflow of yellow bile; while those with raging mania were frenzied and mischievous. Those whose mania was caused by surplus o f phlegm were quiet and decent. Melancholy was a result o f surplus of black bile (melan chole) and its distinct symptoms were sadness, fear and despair. The Hippocratic treatment of mania and melancholy included proper diet, and therapy to make thè patient sweat, vomit or suffer from diarrhoea. It was believed that thè wretched physical condition caused by thè powerful drugs and herbs may make maniacs and melancholics forget their wretched mental condition for a little time (Pietikainen, 2015, pp.19- 2 Ì) . Since mental illness, as seen above, was largely perceived to have a divine cause, thè mentally ili in Classical Greece were shunned because they were viewed as persons subject to divine curse. Contact with them was considered dangerous as it was believed that thè gods were angry with thè inflicted individuals and that they could receive a similar fate through association with thè mentally ili (Dodds, 1962, p. 68). Menta! Illness in G reek Bram a Beyond social alienation, thè mentally ili were also physically maltreated. People spat on sighting a mad person. In thè Characters (16, 14, 1) by Theophrastus, a man spits into his bosom on seeing a madman in order to avert thè bad omen. Furthermore, bodily assault is found in thè Wasps and Birds as Aristophanes suggests that passers-by could throw stones at madmen. But no evidence exists of a practice of putting thè mentally ili to death. However, thè enigma over thè mentally ili was evidenti they were regarded with awe as much as they were shunned. Their being ill-treated was because they were thought to have connection with thè supernatural world and could on occasions display unusual powers, while their bding revered stemmed from their social estimation. The Classical Greeks believed that mental illness had a divine cause and so they thought about its cure. I f thè god or goddess causing thè trouble is known. he or she could be appeased with thè appropriate rites. For instance. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 130 Perception of M e n ic i lllness in Ancienl G reekond Contem porory Yoruba Religious Beliefs as expounded by Hard (2004, pp. 114-175). when thè Calydonians were afflicted with madness by Dionysus, they were told that his anger would be allayed only if a human was sacrificed; and when thè daughters o f Eleuther, thè eponymous founder of thè town, Eleutherai, were driven mad by Dionysus for scorning a vision of thè god, their father founded thè cult of Dionysus in order to appease thè god and bring an end to their madness. As Dionysus could inflict madness, so also could he provide release from it. Bacchio experience is thought to cure mental illness; also, thè Corybantes, priests of thè goddess Cybele, were said to have been able to cure mental illnesses by inducing ritual madness; thè flutes, tympana or kettledrums used in thè cults of Dionysus and Cybele could cause madness and could be cured using homoeopathic doses. This homoeopathic cure could be seen in thè story of Melampus, thè seer who healed thè Dionysiac madness o f thè Argive women “with thè help of ritual cries amid a sort of possessed dancing” (Dodds,l 962, pp. 273-274). The god of healing, Asclepius, was also believed to be able to cure mental illness. People spent thè night in his tempie in thè hope of getting cured. In thè Wasps, Aristophanes tells o f thè procedures Bdelycleon tried on his old father adjudged to have gone mad. The old man went through purification rites, attended Corybantic rituals and was finally made to incubate in Asclepius' tempie. When thè divine being causing thè illness is not known, other gods or goddesses could be consulted, and they could either make known thè divinity responsible for thè illness or provide cure. Yoruba Perception of Mental lllness Yoruba is one of thè three major ethnic groups in Nigeria. The people inhabit thè south-western part of thè country and speak thè Yoruba language which has many dialects. The Yoruba, like people o f other African societies, were predominantly traditional worshipers of various gods and deities with Olodumare, thè Supreme Being, as thè head of thè pantheon. Although Christianity and Islam have replaced most o f thè traditional religions, thè thoughts and beliefs of thè people about life, and their attitudes towards it, are stili influenced by this worldview. This is especially so on issues related to health. Often, thè Yoruba trace thè sources of illnesses, to enemies (pta). Enemies could manifest in thè forms of witchcraft (aje), sorcery (oso), gods (orisa), or ancestors {alale) and hereditary sickness {aisan idilé) (Jegede, 2002, p. 322). Erinoso and Oke, cited in Jegede (2002, p. 328), classified thè Yoruba view o f thè causation of illnesses in generai into three groups: supernatural, preternatural or mystical and naturai causes. The Yoruba are awàre that certain illnesses have naturai or physical causation. For instance, they know that inappropriate food can cause diarrhoea, stomach-ache and other forms of diseases and that thè appropriate treatment o f this category of illnesses is by UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY giu o. t m m \, soode m m adbcwaii aho abiodum ademiiuwa supernatural cause is suspected (Oyebola2010, p. 58). In many Nigerian cuitures, meritai Ulne?s 25 attrìbuted to aggrieved ancestors and being possessed of a spirit or by uun;«hj?.3iit rr.eteri by a retributive god. In other words, thè activities of superna a.TS1. bc'rìgs or powers (gods, goddesses. good and bad spirits, and witeRes) v c o n sk te d to be thè sources of mental illnesses (Oluwole 1995, p. Si). L* u fs Ughi thè issues conceming mental illness are seen as being undcrpumed by supernatural factors. Mental illness, unlike other sicknesses like malaria, yethv fèver, stomach ache and other pathological illnesses, is an illness that triggers a phobia in many. Leighton and Lambo (1963, pp. 106-108), consider menta! illness thè most dreaded illness among thè Yoruba. The concern, reallv, has nothing to do with whether it is curable or not; rather, it is thè social and psychological stigma that affects not only thè mentally ili person, but also thè members of thè family that raises serious concerns. The term were is commonly used for all forms of insanity, particularly chronic forms. Jegede (2016, p. 15) says that mental illness is also referred to as arun opolo or isin win. He classifies thè term were into three: wgre amutorunwa' (mental illness that one is born with), were ir ari or were idi le (hereditary or lineage mental illness), and 'were àfise' (afflicted mental illness) (2005, p. 117). Generally, thè symptoms associated with thè word 'were'include obvious hallucinations, aimless activity, refusing food because it is thought to contain poison, sleeplessness, tearing o f one's clothes, lack of personal hygiene. eating all sorts of dirty food, spontaneouslv attacking people and experiencing loss of memory. Epithets usualiy come after thè word 'were' to indicate its gravity. For instance, were ai oso (that wears clothes) refers to a patient who is nomial most o f thè time but.becomes mad periodicaliy; were agba is thè psychosis of old age; were idiìe ( o f thè lineage) is hereditary psychosis. In this case, it is believed that if anv memher ofonY family has suffered from mental disease, it is naturai that a cmkf from se . family would have mental illness since thè disease cmx be passcJ -M; f v parents tochildren. However, various researches conducted by Raymond i l 96 ' ) Osunwole (1989). Jegede (2005), and many others. have sftown r.iiat vr.c Yoruba., like thè ancient Greek, also lean towards believtng iiiaì. menta* illness is caused by supernatural and/or mystical power*. In thè '» •. >rtf . classi ficatory System of causation of diseases. tiie superna turai umc 1 * mystical powers overlap. Osunwole ( 1989, p. 78} allude* xx ih*- f.tei . Yoruba gods. though generailv considered benevoleni can v i ' -Y evi;; they can bring affiictions even to thè ir devotces I .ir:,- . vvorshipped in thè righ? manner or if they are negJscted. 'ir. • v o: h . ( UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 132 Perception of M e n ic i Illness in Ancient Greek orni Contem porory Yorubo Religious Beliefs gods can cause meritai illness. Whirlwind ((//) is also believed to be an agent of thè causatimi of meritai illness, because harmful spirits are believed to be in thè whirlwind and could harm anyone who comes in contact with thè wind. It is also believed that any mistake committed in some aspects of incantations (o/p) can make thè chanter insane. There are popular prayers among thè Yorùba that attest to thè belief that mental illness could be caused by thè gods or by a supreme being: B iosan, ko san Bi o san, ko san^ Olprun ma fi were ba waja Whether it will be cured or not Whether it will be cured or not God, do not afflict us with madness There is also a prayer in thè odu Owunrindagbon, in Ifa, a repository o f thè Yoruba orai tradition which highlights thè fact that it is not only thè gods that could be responsible for mental illness, but that malevolent persons could also inflict madness on another person: M ajensin'w in Ma je ka binu ti n tu'le Ma je ka ni suuru ti npa'yan Ma je ki ori wa odaru Ma je ki ori wa ogbona bi ologun oru Ma je ka ri eni ti yio fi were dan wa wo Do not let me run mad Do not let us get angry to thè extent that we will disorganise ahome Do not let us have dullness that will endanger our lives Do not let us suffer mental illness Do not let our heads be as hot as someone with night madness Do not let us meet thè person that will inflict madness on us (Jegede : 2016, p. 15). The Yoruba believe that different categories o f malevolent persons, such as witches and wizards, as well as certain Ifa priests (babalawo) or sorcerers who have supematural powers could afflict people with madness. Sometimes. individuals with no supematural powers, in seeking to punish UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY G U I 0 . AD E K A N N B I. BO SEDE AD E FIO LA ADEBO W ALE A N D A B IO D U N A D E M ILU W A 133 their offendere or being envious o f thè success of friends, could hire a diviner to afflict others with madness or make use of epe (curses) and afose (incantation). It is not uncommon for mental illness among thè Yoruba to be associated with witchcraft, and many have gone as far as accusing people. even their mothers, o f being thè witches afflicting their children with madness. Raymond (1961, p. 797) relates thè story of a schizophrenic patient whose brother had died under unusual circumstances before he got into that mental state. The patient later attributed both misfortunes to his brother's meddling in thè affaire of their town witches. Treatment of mental illness is influenced by thè perception of its cause. Naturai causes are not always ruled out and so herbalists who usuaily administer treatment and psychotherapy are contacted when it is so perceived. However, thè boundary between being a herbalist and a diviner is often thin since thè notion of thè mystical and supematural slant to mental illness is ever present. Hence, traditional healers would combine use of herbal concoctions with invocation o f thè supematural powers. The content of thè therapy is not explicitly understood, but it involves incantations, rituals and sacrifices, and this religious approach to handling thè problem is almost always immediate. The belief that witches and sorcerers who use supematural powers are at thè root of mental illnesses results in thè performance of a lot of rituals to counter thè forces o f thè mystical agents. Yoruba healers and laymen diagnose mental illness through direct observation. and [fa divination. Using thè knowledge based on mere observation and worldview, wrong diagnoses are inevitable and, more often than not, thè conclusion that mental illnesses are shrouded in mystery is inescapable. Seemingly in a combination of physical and psychic fights against thè unseen forces, most traditional healers, along with girdles, medicinal sticks, incantations and herbal potions, use chains in thè management o f mentally ili patients. As a result o f this treatment approach, victims of mental disorder also suffer a lot of corporeal afflictions as part o f their therapy. Dependi ng on thè severity of thè illness, some patients are tied to a wooden post, while others are chained around either their legs or hands or both to prevent them from running away; and when a patient proves stubborn. poses a threat to thè healers, misbehaves. attempts to run away, or runs away. if found. thè patient is beaten and re-chained. Jegede (2016, p. 18) explains that 90% of thè traditional healers that were interviewed use chains, ropes and other forms of restraints in managing thè mentally ili. The view is also held among thè Yoruba that some mental illnesses cannot be permanenti^ cured and certain types of mental illness such as were amuiorimwa' and were Iran (hereditary madness) cannot be cured at all. Madness is seen as a continuous process because unseen spirits. either due to UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 34 Perception o fM 'jn fo I Illness in Ancien! Gfefìk nnd Co n tem p cro iy Yoruba Religious Beiiefs ci naturai factor or other factors tnat may be known or unknown. are controlling a mentally ili person. Hence, thè concept oi'aicrwoku' (meaning semi-healed person) is a stigmatised perception of persons supposediy cured of mental disorders because they are prone to exhibiting traits o f occasionai mental disorder. Whether a mentally ili person becomes stable or not is not thè issue. For thè Yoruba, mental illness is dreaded and described as arun li o n san ti oruko re kii san (sickness that may be curable but whose stigma is incurable). Hence. this Yoruba prayer: M afi’kubaw aw io Ma fi were ba wa j a Bi o san ko san, ma fi were ba wa ja Do not punish us with death Do not fight us with madness Whether it will be cured or not Do not fight us with madness (Jegede, 2016, p. 15). The social signifìcance of mental illness for interpersonal relationships is also well known among thè Yoruba as it forms part of thè regulatory aspects o f life. Jegede (2005, p. 28) mentions some of thè difficulties faced by mentally ili people. Non-acceptance in thè society and social instability. especially in marriage, are some consequences of this. For instance, one of thè important investigations made by thè family o f a prospective bride or groom is to know whether any member of thè family of thè prospective mate has a record o f suffering from mental illness at any point in time. When fìndings are in thè affirmative. thè marriage arrangements are automatically cancelled, even when thè prospective mate has a clean bill of health at thè moment. Jegede (2016, p. 14) asserts that “any family in whlch mental illness is known to have occurred stands thè risk of being stigmatised and ostracised” For this reason, a mentally ili person is not yet referred to as were or alarun opolo or asinwin until his condition becomes public knowledge. Most Yoruba people will do anything to make sure that thè illness does not become public knowledge, and when a visitor Comes calling, they would give thè illness another name such as acute malaria or heat. They would make efforts to prevent outsiders from suspecting that they have a mentally ili person at home. When, despite all efforts to repress progression of thè disease, a mentally ili person degenerates and goes about nude, tattered or is always aggressive, he is referred to as were lo ti ja'ja: meaning thè madness in thè public square. Perhaps. thè Greek’s Agora gives some picture of thè setting. The situation can be interpreted as thè madness that has finally become public knowledge. which has implications for thè prospects of cure. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY G ILL 0 . AD EKAN N B I, BOSEDE ÀDEFIO LA AD E BO W ALE A N D A B IO D U N A D E M ILU W A \ 3 5 According to eewo asiwin, thè Yoruba taboo on madness, at thè onset of meritai illness, thè patient must not display madness in a market place because doing so ruins thè chances of recovery. Rationalising thè motive behind it, Thorpe (1972, pp. 39-40) explains that thè taboo results from thè determination to avert thè stigma attached to thè illness and thè shame that it would bring to thè relatives of thè mentally ili under those circumstances. The fear of thè stigma is so strong that “even when a mentally disturbed person is healed, thè stigma is incurable”. For this reason, thè mentally ili person is kept at home untreated or poorly treated for too long, leading to cases of evidently benign mental problems becoming malignant. Then, thè madness becomes irrepressible and its force drives thè patients outdoors into thè public giare. When this happens, thè treatment, even from thè family members becomes harsher. To protect their social status or avoid thè stigma that would follow, Jegede (2016, p. 17) asserts that relatives begin to dissociate themselves from thè patient and some would drive thè patient to a distant land or thè forest by hiring thè Services of medicine men who use epe (curse) or ase (potent medicine) to banish thè mentally ili. CoMcSiasioii From thè foregoing, it can be seen that thè dominant religious perception of mental illness in both Classical Greece and Yorubaland conditioned attitudes towards thè mentally ili and thè nature o f treatment for thè disorder. The Greek notion of madness in thè archaic and mythological era was somewhat different from what it became in thè latter age o f classical antiquity. In thè classical era, people became mentally ili as a result o f naturai causes, and not because gods intervened in their lives. Until recently, thè Yoruba, like thè Greek, believed supernatural beings were responsible for all cases of mental illness. In both cultures, thè mentally ili suffer'both physical and emotional afflictions from members of thè society, including family members. In some cases, particularly among thè Yoruba, thè social stigma suffered by thè family members has resulted in some inhumane treatment of thè mentally ili. As highlighted, abuse of thè mentally ili among thè Greek, included spitting on them when people encountered them in public. Similarly, abuse also takes place among thè Yoruba. To them, flogging is part of thè treatment for these ones. It is apparent that in both belief systems. thè socio-religious perception o f mental illness is one which views it as a forni of divine punishment which Comes with some relatively intense forni of lingering social stigma. Among thè Yoruba people. thè common perception o f mental illness as an illness with causation often attributed to thè supernatural or mystical powers has alienated manv of those with such illness outright from currently available therapeutic practices that could bave offered them reprieve on a short-terni or long-term basis. Indeed. thè stigmatisation associated with thè UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 136 Percepitoti o f M e ntol Illness in Ancient Greek ond Contem poiory Yorubo Religious Beliefs illness often Ieads to delays in seeking any form of help, whether orthodox or traditional. The mentally ili apparently often suffer low self-esteem, as do their family members. This paper has provided insights on why family members dissociate themselves from individuals with psychiatric problems, especially in Yoruba communities. This explains to some extent why these ones are left at thè mercy of rehabilitation Services put in place by govemment, if applicable. As such, they are usually referred to as 'omo ijoba' (children o f government). From this, we can further deduce: thè Yoruba society has a high prevalence o f untreated cases of those with mental illness, and witnesses a higher number o f lunatics roaming thè streets. Although we might be inclined to extrapolate that this could also be thè case in other societies in Nigeria and parts of Africa, studies along that line have to be carried out to satisfy thè test of empiricism. Interestingly, thè Classical Greek and Yoruba belief systems share ambivalence in viewing and treating mental illness as a medicai problem on thè one hand, and a naturai occurrence on thè other hand. Hence, thè need to provide them care is not totally jettisoned. While this study did not have as its main objective investigating thè extent to which indigenous knowledge should be harnessed with thè orthodox in handling mental health issues. it did indicate that shifts in perception and approaches to treatment should not preclude this synergy if warranted. Therefore, we posit that, besides thè immediate family, every member of society should be more sympathetic to thè mentally ili for better handling of this embarrassing medicai predicamene Rather than superstitioùsly attributing mental illness to supernatural causation or punishment, thè orientation should be towards viewing it as a neurotic disorder for which available medicai procedures and herbal therapy, using best practices. can be administered as with malaria or other chronic ailments. To foreclose thè lingering stigma attached to thè condition, family members should promptly seek medicai attention for them before further complications present themselves. This will certainly impress on minds in thè society generaily that just like any other organ of thè body, thè brain could also be diagnosed as experiencing symptoms that manifest as mental disorder. Whether thè remedy lasts for a short or long period before thè ailment resurfaces. thè attempts made to integrate these ones as members of society would surely bring a huge relief to friends and loved ones and prevent these ones from becoming victims of ostracism. References Ahonen, M. (2014). MentaI disorders in ancient philosophy. London. New York: Springer. Dickie M. W. (2007 ). Magic in Classical and Hellenistic Greece. In D. Ogden (Ed.). A companion to Greek religion. (pp. 357-370). Oxford: UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY G IL L O . 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