A SOCIOLINGUISTIC INVESTIGATION OF ANGLICISMS IN PERSONAL AND BUSINESS NAMES IN THE YORÙBÁ SPEECH COMMUNITY BY AJÍLËYÇ, MERCY KÍKË Matric Number: 119791 A Thesis in the Department of English, submitted to the Faculty of Arts, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of the University of Ibadan, Ibadan. March, 2011 CERTIFICATION i I certify that this research was carried out by Mrs. Mercy Kíkëlọmọ Ajílëyẹ in the Department of English, University of Ìbàdàn, Ìbàdàn, Nigeria. ……………………………………… Supervisor Dr. D.S. Adéyanjú B.A. University of Ìlọrin M.A. University of Ìlọrin Ph.D. University of Ìlọrin ii DEDICATION This research is dedicated to the ANCIENT OF DAYS Now will I sing; A bell will I ring; An ode will I package; Yes! A fiesta for my king; Of course, for the King of kings; Truly, for the Lord of lords; Who was; Who is; Who forever lives. The Citadel of Wisdom, Thou art awesome. YOU can no one fathom; No! never can any son of Adam. Into my mind you dropped the word – „Anglicism‟ Rock of my soul! You are my delight: So high, you can never get over it; So deep, you can never get under it; So wide, you can never get around it. I worship and worship and praise! You are the wonderful Weaver of words! This is your workmanship and masterpiece. MASTER of the whole Universe. My soul sings and extols You thus: Lord, you are more precious than silver; Lord, you are more costly than gold; Lord, you are more beautiful than diamond; There‟s nothing I desire apart from you, Lord. How amazing: You accomplished this! Oh Lord! my imagination it beats. You, the Sage in me writes: In Him I move; In Him I live; In Him I have my being. Even with these golden strands, All over this small skull, You‟ve woven this. The One who said it And it come about You said it, I believe it, That settles it. MASTER of the whole universe You spoke the whole wide world; Into existence it came by your Word. This Word we‟ve studied and re-studied! Greatly me, You`ve surprised No wonder! In the beginning was the Word; The Word was with God; This Word is God. You are the three fold cord: You can`t be broken or conquered You rule the whole wide world by YOUR WORD. How beautiful are thy handiwork! Including this Ph. D work! The Ancient of days: The Unchangeable Changer! The Ancient of days: The Immortality Lord! iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This feat is completed by no other person‟s skill, strength, courage, enablement, power but God, the citadel of wisdom. If He has not been on my side, this work would have been swallowed up and terminated abruptly or joined the list of abandoned projects. For the divine grace, good health, wisdom, insights, knowledge and understanding you supplied, I say THANK YOU LORD and be thou exalted forever. You are the beginning and the end. LORD, at last you won! The victory is yours. Late Professor Adégbìjà! Wait a minute; did I say late? Oh no! You cannot be late. In fact, you were never late, even for once! Adieu. Your influence is huge, unique, classical and unparallel on my life. In my undergraduate days, you were there as a solid source of encouragement. At my Master‟s level, you supervised my thesis and with your eagle‟s speed, within nine months, all was over. You once spoke of co-authoring a book from it, but you were too soon gone to do so. Oh, how horrendous the tragedy that you never lived long to witness what your positiveness has brought! Sure, your work lives! ADÉGBÌJÀ! What a blend of professorship with pastoral patience, uplifting both students and staff alike! An epitome of humility, courage, encouragement, care, integrity, bravery, and love you were! Thanks a countless times my lecturer, mentor, academic discipler and co-heir. Bravo! Africa‟s foremost sociolinguist. Doctor Adéyanjú, my supervisor, you deserve special thanks and acknowledgement because you are a minister indeed. I tell you, there are ministers who have separated the platform of their secular jobs from that of the pulpit. Therefore, they „drive„ away those they ought to have „drilled‟, „dressed‟, „deepened‟ well (academically and/ or spiritually).You are quite different sir; your own office and home are opened for those who need assistance. Not so with others; they have built a thick tower around themselves. Oh no! They are just impossible. However, your humility like a magnet has magnetised your supervisees. „Õgá‟, the way up is down; keep at your humility: the sky is the starting point. My nuclear family members definitely deserve deep and generous appreciation. First to my husband, my pastor, Samuel, Sunday, ßëgun, „Lánre Ajílëyç, my one and only in the universe: countless men have done excellently but you excelled them all. You are my matchless humble man. You pragmatically promoted and provoked peacefulness, patience and humility in me. What a facsimile of simplicity and meekness you are! Without your unreserved support, encouragement, love and prayers, this Ph.D would have been a mirage. Thanks immensely. God always walks and works with the humble. You will enjoy God‟s backing and divine presence in your life and ministry. To my children, Bólú and Fëmi, you both are bundles of blessings: you chauffeured me to and from Ìbàdàn countless times risking your lives; helped with the computer work every now and then; filled different gaps for me; in short, you are always at my beck and call. God will surely take you to lofty heights. Oh how proud and excited would my dad(late pa Ôlawale, Sunday Ôlaniyi) have been to hear of this Ph.D news but for the icy hands of death that snatched him away too soon, Adieu dad! rest on in the bosom of the Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ. To my mum, Mrs. Susainah Ôláwálé, you amazed me with your incessant prayers for me, especially, on my Ph.D programme. Thanks a million times for being there; you will live long to enjoy the fruit of your labour in Jesus‟ name. Other members of my extended family like Chief D.K. Adérìnölá, Messrs J.T. Adérìnölá and C.I.A. Adérìnölá, you were there for me at the genesis of my educational career on which today‟s Ph.D is built. Thanks immensely and God will bless your children. I am greatly indebted to all the lecturers in the Department of English, Faculty of Arts, University of Ìbàdàn. Specifically, I acknowledge the immeasurable contributions of the Dean, Professor Ògúndèjì; the H.O.D English, Prof. Rѐmí Rájí; the formal Sub-dean Postgraduate School, Dr. Nelson Fashina; the new Sub-dean Postgraduate School, Dr Akin Ôdëbùmi; Prof Adémölá Dansylva; Dr. Oriaku; Dr. Ayõ Këhìndé; Dr. Ayõ Ògúnsíji; Dr. M.T. Làmídì; Dr. Obododimma Oha; Dr. M.A. Alö; Dr. ßọlá Ọlörunyọmí, Dr. Mrs Jëgëdë and Dr. A.B. Sunday. Dr. Nike Akínjọbí, you are a friend indeed: apart from providing me academic stuff, you also gave me accommodation. To Dr. Dúró Adélékè of the Department of iv Linguistics and African Languages, I say big thanks for your insightful comments, provision of books, and words of encouragement. Dr. Akinsôlá, the Sub-Dean, Faculty of Education, University of Ibadan, I appreciate your invaluable contributions. Dr Lérè Adéyçmí God bless you all. Many household of faith (New Testament Christian Mission, International) played dynamic and fantastic roles. First among them is my General Overseer, Reverend Pópóọlá M.R: your prayers, love and encouragement have motivated me to complete this programme. You insisted vehemently on its completion .You are not an ordinary pastor; you have a shepherd‟s heart; you are a dad who wants the best for his children. You and mum will not lose your reward here below and in heaven above. To all our ministers and brethren in the mission, especially, Ìlọrin, Ìbàdàn, Lagos, and Lököja, I appreciate all your love, gifts, care and prayers. God will not forget your labour of love. Last but not the least, Bro. God‟s help, my beloved son, thanks for standing in the gap for me. I deeply appreciate your powerful prayers and physical presence at U.I. My unreserved appreciation also goes to pastor ßëgun Káyõdé and wife, Fúnmi Õjó and Kúnlé Adéòtí for your labour in data collection. Bro Moses Adébölá, your relentless effort and sleeplessness in making sure that all the necessary diacritics are inserted into all the Yoruba names will not go unrewarded by the Almighty God. God bless you. My sincere appreciation goes to the Rector, Kwara State Polytechnic, Ilorin, Alhaji M‟asud Elelu; Deputy Rector (Admin), Dr. Mrs. Ôláÿêhìndè M.O; and the Registrar, Mr. Sàlámì M.O. Their words of encouragement went a long way to enhance the success of this programme. Friends, colleagues and well wishers whose contributions are invaluable are many: Dr. Joyce Emuchay, Dr. Sónëyç T., Dr. Bello R., Dr. Sóyẹlé R, and Dr. Ọmọlõÿö R. Others include, Mrs. Ajíbádé, Director CCE; Mr. Ìdòwú, Director, I.G.S; and Mr. M.B. Lawal, who kept the ball rolling at the Department during my several trips to Ibadan. God will assist you to complete your own Ph.D programme soonest. All my staff members in the Department of English and Communication, I.G.S. Kwara State Polytechnic, Ìlọrin, especially Messrs. Abégúndé, Atölágbé and Ôdërìndé. I say thanks for your cooperation. To my brethren, Ôláyanjú V.T; Adémölá Adéyçmí; Adénírègún K; Káyõdé J; Ôláníyì J; Pastor Wálé Jimoh, and Janet Ôláníyì, Túndé and John Adéyípõ, Akeem Lawal, Túndé Adélödún, Káyõdé Joseph and Felicia Dùnmádé, I appreciate you all because you have lent a helping hand in the computer work. Above them all is Mr. Oyèńpèmí, who with his computer expertise produced this piece before you in an uncommon laborious style. v ABSTRACT Anglicisation, a major way by which the Yoruba compromise their cultural values, is paradoxically a 1 significant process of domesticating English in Nigeria. Although a large body of literature exists on names, 2 the recent Anglicising tendencies among the Yoruba are yet to be studied despite the strong implications of 3 the phenomenon for the Yoruba language. This study, therefore, examined Yoruba Personal Names (YPNs) 4 and Yoruba Business Names (YBNs), the two mostly affected onomastic genres, with a view to revealing the 5 sociolinguistic significance of such names among Yoruba-English bilinguals (YEBs). 6 7 The study adopts Labov‟s Variability Theory, which accounts for variety differentiations, changes, modifications and environmental influences. The six states in South-western Nigeria, and parts of Kwara, 8 Kogi, and Edo were purposively sampled. Data were obtained through observation, interview, and survey 9 questionnaire. Four hundred copies of an open-ended questionnaire were administered to randomly selected 10 respondents. Two hundred shop owners with Anglicised names on their billboards were randomly selected 11 and interviewed. Nine domains of discourse were examined: billboards, vehicles, business cards, wedding 12 cards and „pray-for-us‟ letters, e-mail addresses, mementoes, official documents, television/newspapers and 13 goods. The survey questionnaire was analysed through percentage frequency and distributions. Other 14 documents were content-analysed. 15 16 Four varieties of Anglicisms were identified in YPNs and YBNs namely, consanguinity-indicative 17 Anglicisms, individualised Anglicisms, multiple culture-indicative Anglicisms, and Arabic-Yoruba Anglicised names. These Anglicisms underwent graphological, phonological and lexico-semantic changes. 18 At the graphological level, the English letter “h” was inserted into word initial positions to realise the 19 voiceless palato-alveolar fricative “/ʃ/”. At the phonological level, the English “cc” phonotactic form was 20 imposed on the Yoruba bilabial plosive; and English consonants were transposed. At the lexico-semantic level, 21 English affixes were deployed at word initial, medial and final positions. English sounds were imposed on 22 blends of two or more Yoruba morphemes. Clipping took four forms: Clips with suffixation, clips without 23 suffixation, clips with blending and clips with duplication. Initialling and Partial Acronymy exploited 24 corresponding English orthographic and phonological elements. The Anglicisation of YPNs and YBNs 25 produced the Englishness of the names. Bearers of Anglicised YPNs employed them for special reasons 26 which revealed affection, familiarity, rapport, jocularity, prestige, elegance, and jollity. Users of Anglicised 27 YBNs claimed they enhanced them socially and economically. Generally, YEBs preferred the Anglicised 28 names to their indigenous names because they believed they had prestige and elegance. 29 30 Varieties of Anglicisms at the graphological, phonological and lexico-semantic levels revealed a 31 considerable alteration of Yoruba personal and business names. YEBs positive dispositions to the names, 32 despite their eroding effect on Yoruba names and culture reflect a strong institutionalisation of English in Nigeria. 33 34 Keywords: Anglicisms, Englishness, Linguistic hybridisation, Sociolinguistic domestication, Yorùbá - 35 English bilinguals 36 Word count: 425 37 38 39 40 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS YEBs Yorùbá – English Bilinguals YEBsIN Yorùbá – English Bilinguals in Nigeria YPNs Yorùbá Personal Names YBNs Yorùbá Business Names vi SA Strongly agree A Agree SD Strongly disagree D Disagree Arab Arabic GK Greek Heb Hebrew L Latin OGer Old German Ir Irish Per Persian LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1 Consonant clusters ................................................................................................. 143 Table 2 Clippings ................................................................................................................ 142 Table 3 Analogy /generalisation ......................................................................................... 147 Table 4 Compound – blends ............................................................................................... 148 Table 5 Initialling and Partial Acronyms ............................................................................ 149 Table 6 Consonant Shift...................................................................................................... 151 Table 7 Clipping and Suffix „-s‟ marker ............................................................................. 153 vii Table 8 Clipping and Suffix „-y‟ marker ............................................................................ 153 Table 9 Clipping and Suffix „-us‟ marker ........................................................................... 153 Table 10 Clipping and Suffix „-x‟ marker .......................................................................... 154 Table 11 Phonetic attachment/ inclination .......................................................................... 155 Table 12 Clipping and duplication ...................................................................................... 156 Table 13 Demographic information of respondents ........................................................... 194 Table 14 Attitudes which reveal Anglicism in names as new trends ................................. 198 Table 15 Attitudes of respondents to Yorùbá Language .................................................... 200 Table 16 Attitudes of respondents to their indigenous name .............................................. 205 Table 17 Attitudes of respondents to the English Language .............................................. 208 Table 18 Attitudes of respondents to Anglicism in their names ......................................... 212 Table 19 Attitudes of respondents to activities that spur their desire to Anglicism in names .......................................................................................................................... 216 Table 20 Consanguinity in Anglicized YBNs and YPNs .................................................. 312 Table 21 Individualised Anglicised YBNs and YPNs ........................................................ 321 Table 22 Anglicised names coined from Western and Yorùbá sources (extracted from table 20: “Consanguinity in Anglicism in YPNs and YBNs”) ............................................................................................... 338 Table 23 Anglicised names coined from Western and Yorùbá sources (extracted from Table 21:” individualised Anglicised YPNs and YBNs”)340 Table 24 Arabic –Yoruba Anglicised names (Extracted from Table 20) ........................... 342 Table 25 Anglicised names coined from Arabic and Yorùbá sources (extracted from Table 21) ...................................................................................................................................... 345 Table 26 Same name but different Anglicism ................................................................... 248 Table 27 Different names but the same Anglicism ............................................................. 252 Table 28 Analogous English words and Anglicised Names ............................................... 257 viii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Title Page ....................................................................................................................... i Certification ................................................................................................................... ii Dedication ...................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................ iv Abstract .......................................................................................................................... vii List of Abbreviations ...................................................................................................... viii List of Tables ................................................................................................................. ix Table of Contents ........................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.0 Preamble ............................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background to the Study ................................................................................... 7 1.2 Statement of the Research Problem ................................................................... 13 ix 1.3 Significance of the Study ................................................................................... 15 1.4 Justification of the Research ............................................................................... 16 Scope of the Research .................................................................................................... 19 1.5 What is Anglicism? ............................................................................................ 23 1.5.1 The Concept of Anglicism in the Western world ............................................... 26 1.5.2 The Concept of Anglicism in Nigeria ................................................................. 30 1.6 Anglicisms, World Englishes, and Globalisation ............................................... 34 1.7 Anglicisms in YPNs & YBNs as borrowings and inclusions ............................. 37 1.8 What are Names?...................................................................... .......................... 41 1.8.1 Names and Naming in the English and African Cultures ................................... 43 1.10 Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 47 CHAPTER TWO THEORETICAL ORIENTATIONS AND LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction .................................................................................................. 48 2.1 Sociolinguistics .............................................................................................. 51 2.2 Sociolinguistics and Anglicisms .................................................................... 57 2.3 Theories of Sociolinguistics........................................................................... 62 2.3.1 The Variability Theory .................................................................................. 62 2.3.1.1 Significance of the Variability Concept ....................................................... 66 2.3.1.2 Strengths and Weaknesses of the Variability Concept ................................. 67 2.3.2 The Deficit Hypothesis .................................................................................. 68 2.3.2.1 Significance of the Deficit Hypothesis Theory to this study ................................................................................................ 73 2.3.2.2 Strengths and Weaknesses of the Deficit Hypothesis ................................... 74 2.3.3 The Speech Acts Theory ................................................................................ 76 2.3.3(i) Locutionary Act .............................................................................................. 79 2.3.3(ii) Illocutionary Act ............................................................................................. 79 2.3.3(iii) Perlocutionary Act .......................................................................................... 79 2.3.3.1 Significance of the Speech Acts Theory ....................................................... 85 2.3.3.2 Strengths and Weaknesses of the Speech Acts Theory ................................. 87 x 2.3.3.3 Pragmasociolinguistic Theory ....................................................................... 90 2.3.3.3(i) The Primary layer (Literal Level) .................................................................. 90 2.3.3.3(ii) The Secondary Layer (Non–Literal level) ..................................................... 91 2.3.3.3(iii) The Master Speech Act (Global or Tertiary Level) ...................................... 91 2.3.3.4 Pragmatic Theory .......................................................................................... 92 2.3.3.4(i) Cooperative Principles.. .................................................................................. 97 2.3.3.4(ii) Inference ........................................................................................................ 99 2.3.3.4(iii) Presupposition ............................................................................................. 100 2.3.3.4(iv) Language and Situation ................................................................................ 101 2.4. Adopting an Appropriate Theory through an Integrated Approach ............................................................................................................ 104 2.5. Review of Related Literature .............................................................................. 106 2.5.1 Names and Naming ............................................................................................. 106 2.5.1.1 The Sense and Reference of Names .................................................................. 111 2.5.2 Anglicisms, Personal and Business Names .......................................................... 121 2.5.3 Creativity and Anglicisms in Names ..................................................................... 130 2.5.4 Youths, Teenagers and Anglicisms ....................................................................... 130 2.5.5 Attitudes to Anglicisms ....................................................................................... 134 2.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 141 CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.0 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 143 3.1 Research Design ....................................................................................................... 145 3.1.1 Participatory observation ....................................................................................... 146 3.1.2 The Questionnaire ................................................................................................. 149 3.1.3 Interview............................................................................................................. 158 3.1.4 Cards and Mementoes ....................................................................................... 159 3.1.5 Library Exploration ........................................................................................... 160 3.2 Procedure for Study ........................................................................................... 161 3.2.1 Sampling Techniques ........................................................................................ 161 3.2.2 Analytical Method .............................................................................................. 163 3.3 Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 166 xi CHAPTER FOUR DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS 4.0 Introduction ........................................................................................................ 167 4.1The features of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs ....................................................... 167 4.1.1Lexico-semantic Features ....................................................................................... 168 4.1.1.1 Consonant clusters ............................................................................................. 172 4.1.1.2 Clippings ........................................................................................................... 173 4.1.1.3 Analogy/Generalisation ..................................................................................... 175 4.1.1.4 Compound-blends .............................................................................................. 176 4.1.1.5 Initialling and partial acronyms ........................................................................ 178 4.1.1.6 Consonant shift .................................................................................................. 181 4.1.1.7 Clipping and suffix „-s‟ marker ......................................................................... 182 4.1.1.8 Clipping and suffix „-y‟ marker .......................................................................... 182 4.1.1.9 Clipping and suffix „-us‟ marker ........................................................................ 182 4.1.1.10 Clipping and suffix „-x‟ marker ........................................................................ 183 4.1.1.11 Phonetic attachment/inclination ...................................................................... 184 4.1.1.12 Clipping and duplication .................................................................................. 185 4.1.2 Phonological Features in YPNs and YBNs ........................................................... 187 4.1.3 Morphological Features in Anglicised YPNs and YBNs ..................................... 193 4.1.3.1 Prefixes in Anglicised YPNs and YBNs ........................................................... 196 4.1.3.2 Infixes in YBNs and YPNs ............................................................................... 198 4.1.3.3 Suffixes in YPNs and YBNs ............................................................................. 200 4.1.3.4 Compounding .................................................................................................... 207 4.1.4 Linguistic Features of Anglicisms in Names ........................................................ 216 4.1.4.1 Homographs ...................................................................................................... 217 4.1.4.2 Homonyms ......................................................................................................... 217 4.1.4.3 Clippings, abbreviations, acronyms, and initiallings of names in western and Nigerian cultures vis-à-vis Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs ............................................................................................ 218 4.1.5 Sociolinguistic features of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs ............................ 223 4.1.5.1 Attitudes of YEBs to Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs .................................. 224 4.1.5.2 Analyses of questions 7-40 ......................................................................... 230 4.2 Categories of Anglicised YBNs and YPNs .................................................... 254 xii 4.2.1 Consanguinity in Anglicisms in YBNs and YPNs ................................................ 255 4.2.2 Individualised Anglicised YBNs and YPNs .......................................................... 260 4.2.3 Multiplicity of cultures in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs ........................................ 265 4.2.4 Arabic-Yorùbá Anglicised names ........................................................................ 270 4.3 Variations of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs of YEBsIN ....................................... 287 4.3.1The same name different Anglicisms .................................................................... 288 4.3.2 Different names but the same Anglicisms ............................................................. 291 4.3.3 Variations in Western names and Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs ....................... 295 4.3.4 Analogous English words and Anglicised Names ................................................ 256 4.4 Domains of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs ............................................................ 296 4.4.1 Anglicisms on Billboards ...................................................................................... 300 4.4.2 Anglicisms on Vehicles ......................................................................................... 301 4.4.3 Anglicisms on Business Cards .............................................................................. 301 4.4.4 Anglicisms on wedding cards/pray for us letters .................................................. 302 4.4.5 Anglicisms in e-mail addresses ............................................................................ 302 4.4.6 Anglicisms on mementoes..................................................................................... 302 4.4.7 Anglicisms on official documents ......................................................................... 303 4.4.8 Anglicisms on T.V. and newspapers .................................................................... 303 4.4.9 Anglicisms on Goods ........................................................................................... 303 4.5 Conclusion .............................................................................................................. 304 CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.0 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 305 5.1 Highlights and Findings ........................................................................................... 305 5.2 Summary .................................................................................................................. 311 5.3 Implications of research ........................................................................................... 313 5.3.1 Implication for semantics ...................................................................................... 313 5.3.2 Implication for linguistics ..................................................................................... 314 5.3.3 Implications for bilingualism ................................................................................ 315 5.3.4 Implications for communication............................................................................ 316 5.3.5 Implications for indigenous language ................................................................... 317 5.3.6 Implications for language policy and planning ..................................................... 319 5.3.7 Implications for the growth of the English language ............................................. 320 xiii 5.3.8 Implications for the maintenance of the society .................................................... 322 5.3.9 Implications for the Yorùbá language and culture ................................................ 323 5.4 Suggestions for Further Research. ............................................................................ 323 5.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 324 References ...................................................................................................................... 331 Appendix A. .................................................................................................................. 344 Appendix B. .................................................................................................................. 350 Appendix C ................................................................................................................... 356 Appendix D ................................................................................................................... 365 Appendix E......................................................... ........................................................... 383 Appendix F......................................................... ........................................................... 385 Appendix G........................................................ ............................................................. 387 Appendix H........................................................ ............................................................. 390 xiv CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.0 PREAMBLE Generally, the subject of naming is a universal one, because all objects of creation have names. We have names for the sun, moon, stars, animals, flowers, fruits, jewels, trees, towns, countries, cities, nations, etc. Human beings also have names. Names are derived from history, mythology, literature, religion and culture. No matter your place of origin ─ Africa, Europe, Asia, North and South America, the Middle East, ─ you have a name. Withycombe (1977: xiii), quoting Candem declares, ―Every person had in the beginning only one proper name.‖ Since a name is a linguistic item subsumed under language, and language performs functions, a name invariably, performs certain roles. Two crucial functions of language are to establish a relationship and convey information about the speaker. Similarly, a name can serve to identify a person. Sometimes it serves a ―clue – bearing‖ role depending on the culture of the bearer. The import carried by names differs from one nation to another. The origin, purpose, significance, and meanings attached to names are varied and different from one sociolinguistic environment to another. Fields (1985:11) comments on the influences on the English language and English names thus: The influences on the English Language are numerous, varied and often ancient. It is extremely difficult to know for certain what a name meant at its origin. One can make fairly accurate guesses or interpretations in many cases, from knowing the meanings of the parts of the words, but in general one cannot offer more … Some names, of course, can clearly be translated or their derivation traced. In many languages, the names may very well be everyday words ─ Adjectives such as beautiful (Belle) or handsome (Hassan)… In other languages the very effort of transliteration is 1 difficult, since the English alphabet does not have certain sounds and the printed words simply cannot convey the sounds of many words. English personal systems of naming (i.e, nomenclature) are from two main sources, namely, Hebrew and Indo – European. Hebrew belongs to the Semite. The Semitic peoples are the Hebrews and the Arabs (formerly the Phoenicians, and the Assyrians). The Indo-European languages, as the name goes, are spoken in Europe and parts of Western Asia, especially Iran, Pakistan and India (Withycombe, 1977: xiii). The language family tree diagram readily throws further light on the different languages that had influences on English names. The Semitic people believe that a name given to a child affects his personality and that a name applies only to one particular person. This however, seemed to have changed a little in historical times. Withycombe‘s (1977: xiv) submission below buttresses this: The primitive Semitic doctrine seems to have been that a man‟s name was in some way an expression of his personality and that any one name could therefore apply to only one individual. In historic times, however, a limited number of these names had been adopted (chiefly those of patriarchs and their families, and were given to children instead of newly coined names. The ambiguity arising from the use of only a comparatively few names was obviated by the adoption of patronymics e.g. Matt xvi, Simeon Bar- Jonah, i.e, „Simeon son of Jonah‟. A boy received his name at his circumcision, and the giving of a Christian name at baptism was probably derived from this Jewish custom. The influences of the Jewish custom, as well as, the Hebrew names on English Christian names, ars seen from the quotation above. The Indo-European names are majorly from compounding two elements picked from stocks of special names (words). Such combinations appear to pay less attention to meanings i.e, they were 2 lumped together without any regard for their meanings. To this, Stenton submits in Withycombe (1977: xiv) that: Most compound names can be translated but the translations often make nonsense. The men who coined the names Frithuwulf “peace – Wolf”, and Wigfrith “War – peace”, were not concerned about their meanings. These are ancient names and they prove that at an early time the sense, which a compound name bore was a matter of little importance... in most cases personal or family reasons determined the choice of a name, and speculation as to its meaning, if it came at all, came as an afterthought. Sanskirt, Greek, Slavonic, Germanic and Celtic names were all of this type, but there are also shorter names formed from the compound ones. Example of such pairs are: Sanskrit Indra-ketu, Indra, Slavonic Bogu-slav, Bogoj, Greek Niko-kλής, Nikwv, Celtic Catu-rix, Catoc, Scandinavian Sig-urd, Siggi, Old German Hari-bald, Herilo, Old English Ceol-ric, Ceola. Old names were retained from these various languages above after conversion to Christianity. Some took new names during baptism. For instance, Withycombs (1977: xxi) declares that Ceadwalla, King of Wessex, in 689 A.D went to Rome for baptism in the name of Peter by Pope Sergius. Nowadays, French names are given after saints, from Greek and Roman mythology, as well as, from history and the Bible. African names (of which Yorùbá is part) are from rich sources: ancestors, mythologies, circumstantial births, occupations, religions, customs, gods and goddesses as well as the supreme God and others, Some ideas, sorrows, happiness, joy, philosophical sayings, desires, longings, are expressed through Yorùbá names. Some of them can be used to add flavour to both formal and informal conversations via their overtones, meanings and metaphors. Finnegan (1977:472) aligns with this that Names contribute to the literary flavour of formal or informal conversation, adding a depth or succinctness through their meanings, overtones, or metaphors. They can also play a directly literary role. 3 Finnegan gave examples of nicknames that comment in oblique ways about their bearers. For instance, ―pineapple‖ was given among the Thonga to an administrator. On the surface level, one could explain it off easily as the fruit called by that name. On the other hand, it could connote that the administrator is thorny in character i.e, he makes life difficult for people under him. But among the Thonga, the reference went back to another tribe whose custom was to bury any one they have killed and then plant pineapples on the grave ─ leaving nothing except the leaves to be seen, thus covering their crimes. This administrator therefore, is referred to as one who shirks duty by burying matters brought to him for judgement. This designation (i.e, the nickname) suits him as one who avoids responsibility in a compromising way. Another example he gave is ―Hlanganyeti‖, a nickname for a woman missionary, which literally means ―the one who gathers dry wood for the fire‖. On the surface, this looks like a compliment and a pleasant name. But its implication is one who gathers wood for someone else to kindle i.e. one who goes about to collect information for her husband to act on. This reveals (among Thongas), one who never indicates an iota of anger herself, but the real engineer in stirring others to do so. Many other nicknames are given in Africa as effective, subtle remarks on other people‘s character. Some Western scholars seem not to attach much importance to names and in fact Ubahakwe (1981:99), quoting Shakespeare reflects this: ―Had Shakespeare not asked (speaking, as it were, for Western culture): what is in a name? That which we call a rose by any other name would smell as sweet‖. Fadeji (1990:26), however, buttresses the fact that many things are embedded in a name thus: 4 A name is far above and beyond a label of mark of identification: it expresses the nature, attributes, and character of the bearer. Parents sometimes express the nature or character of their children in the names they give to them. Buttressing this point, we have the following examples in Yourba: Ìwàlçwà Character is beauty. Dàda One born with dreadlocks Sàlàko ́ One born having his umbilical cord hanging on his shoulder Bámidúró Help stay with me ßàngóyômí The god of thunder delivers me Àyánwálé The drummer comes home Õjëdélé Masquerade gets home. Therefore, both the English and Yorùbá names demand our understanding of their religious, socio – cultural, historical, contextual, as well as, linguistic undertones. It is pertinent at this juncture to explain the term ―Anglicism‖. In an earlier edition of Hornby‟s Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary (1974) the word is described as ―the English way of saying something‖. It means that this study will attempt an analysis of names of Yorùbá origin now used in an English way. A detailed explanation is given later in this chapter. 1.1 Background to the Study Anglicisms are like identification legacies or footmarks of colonialism and the dominanceof English in Nigeria. The ubiquity of English is very evident. It has graciously metamorphosed from its ―remoteness‖ or ―isolatedness‖ at its first contact i.e. the Anglo-Nigerian Contact as far back as the fifteenth century ─ specifically, between 1482 and 1495 to a very lofty status (Awo ́núsì, 2004:46). It gained 5 retention after independence as the language of ―dominance, power, hegemony and linguistic imperialism‖ (Bámgbóṣé, 2004:3). The prominence of the English language amid the numerous Nigeria‘s indigenous languages (believed to be around 400 in number) is not surprising due to many factors, which are closely intertwined. They can be broadly categorised into three: economic, political, and scientific/technological (Awónúsì, 2004:34), but they are not the major preoccupations of this work. Nevertheless, the fact cannot be over-emphasised that English has emerged as worldwide language. The incredible spread and dominance of English in Nigeria (let alone its unprecedented global status) can be reiterated in some of the expressions of Brosnahan above. Now think of it, ―English is the language of culture‖, and ―English is an indispensable requirement for any one to rise or live in any wider context than the village‖, who will not love or want to associate with English and even imbibe its culture in its totality? No wonder then, the emergence of this rampant phenomenon called the ―Englishness‖ of personal and business names surnamed ―Anglicisms‖ among adolescents, youths, and adults in Nigeria. The reason is simple: some people generally love something high, lofty, prestigious, and in vogue; that is, something that would bring them into the limelight. Hence, the Anglicism in indigenous names is common in Nigeria to make the bearers ―feel among‖ and not seen as coming from the village. Adégbìjà (1998), speaking on the significance and importance of English, while writing on ―Nigerian Englishes: Towards a Standard Variety‖ links his submission with the ―incredible spread of English as a global language‖. Adégbíjà‘s (1998) citation of Ferguson (1982:1) , is very apposite here considering English‘s 6 towering status among diverse multilingual and multicultural ethnolinguisitic groups. According to him: In describing a particular language or language variety, it is necessary to identify its users and to locate its place in the verbal repertoires of the speech communities in which it is used. Without this identification, many aspects of the grammar will be mysterious, and those mysteries may range from details of phonology to features of discourse. Most of the papers in this volume make serious efforts at the necessary identifications. They are highly suggestive of possible directions for more sophisticated and linguistically significant social and individual identifications of repertoire and use. The issue of ―a particular language or language variety‖ which is inter-twined with ―peculiarity‖ and ―identification marks‖ of English in Africa (and specifically in Nigeria) is of interest in the quotation above. Ferguson opines that in our description of a language variety, identification of its users and location of its place, are crucial in the verbal repertoires of speech communities. This line of thought, if pursued, leads us into different types of English: British English, American English, Indian English, New Englishes, etc. Leaving that alone, we pursue the line of Ferguson‘s thought, reinforcing this idea of peculiarity, he submits that many aspects of the grammar ranging from phonology to discourse will be mysterious without this identification. A compendium of works have been done along this issue of identification vis-à-vis domestication or ‗Nigerianisation‘ of English giving birth to Nigerian English which is deeply rooted in our culture with peculiar flavour, aura, and psyche. These identifications, according to Ferguson (1972) are ―highly suggestive of possible directions for more sophisticated and linguistically significant social and individual identification of repertoire and use.‖ This is what happens to the entrenchment of English in Nigeria. Its offshoots and tentacles are many and 7 sophisticated. One of them is this issue of Anglicism of personal and business names in Nigeria. Anglicism is one of the legacies, marks, and footprints of English in Nigeria. Anglicisms in Yorùbá personal and business names are a sociolinguistic phenomenon tracing the ‗journey of English in Nigeria from a ‗diminuendo‘ to ‗crescendo‘. It is thrilling to note that users of English in Nigeria have not only domesticated English by producing the ―Nigerianness‖ of English; they have also taken another step forward by creating the ―Englishness‖ of their indigenous names resulting in Anglicisms. Language, culture and thought are an inter-locking trio. Language is the conveyance of thoughts and values. Thoughts and values are embedded in the culture of any language in question. This is well corroborated by Goodenough (1981) thus: A society‟s culture consists of whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable to its members, and to do so in any role that they accept for any one of themselves. Buttressing the submission above, Adéyanjú (1998:211) further quoting Wardhaugh (1986) opines that, ―culture … is the ‗know-how‘ that a person must possess to get through the task of daily living‖. From the foregoing, it is very plain that one cannot brush aside the relevance of the knowledge of the language while appreciating the norms of the society and the people‘s way of life. This will prevent a language user from being a social misfit. New names are a vital part of a society‘s language and culture; knowledge of names is of utmost importance in making interactions felicitous. Naming is an avenue through which language teleguides thoughts and perceptions of life issues. For instance, Africans emphasise man‘s membership of a group rather than the individuality of the man in a society like in the western world. This accounts 8 for why the Yorùbá believe that the family (extended and nuclear) can influence or teleguide a new baby by the name given to him. Names are believed to be prophetic. Hence these proverbs, ―Orúkô ômô ní í ro ômô‖ (the name of a child teleguides the child or foretells his future) and ―Orúkô ômô ìjánu ômô‖ (A child‘s name is his helm). On the contrary, the English do not attach such importance to naming. Another example of cultural difference resulting in divergence of social norms such as names is that Africans recognise a continuation of the membership of a lineage beyond death. The unbroken family consists of the dead, the living and the unborn. There does not exist any appreciable gulf among them. There is a constant movement of communication between these stages of human experiences. This accounts for the existence among the Yorùbá of many reincarnated names such as ―Babátúndé‖ (Father comes again), ―Yétúndé‖ (Mother comes again), and ―Ìyábõ‖ (Mother returns). Nevertheless, in the English world, there is no such of communication link in the worlds of the living, the dead and the unborn. From the foregoing, the significant roles of names in moulding and fashioning the psyche and exhibiting cultural values are very vital. A critical investigation of these roles and significance is the challenge of this study. Furthermore, the height of the challenge appears higher when woven with the ―changeability‖ of these indigenous names to Anglicised forms. This attracts a poignant and powerful rumination and examination. The reason is that two divergent cultures seem to have merged in these Anglicisms in names. The inseparability of language and culture, coupled with the transference of both indigenous language and culture, into the foreign one is well summarised in the words of Freeman and Long quoted by Ògúnsíji and Õsundínà (2005:128) thus: 9 …..Individuals tend to transfer the form of their native language and culture to the foreign language and culture ─ both productively when attempting to speak the language and to act in the culture, and receptively when attempting to grasp and understand the language of the culture as practised by natives. What informed this are many, and principal among them is the dominant role of English not only in Nigeria, but globally. This work, therefore, delves into two divergent cultures (English and Yorùbá). Yorùbá – English bilinguals (YEBs), by the Anglicisms in their names, are transferring language and culture as practised by English indigenous speakers. Therefore, ―language plays a crucial role in social interaction, and is an all-important agent in the transmission of cultural and social values‖ (Daoust 1997:437). 1.2 Statement of the Research Problem Investigating what makes up the acculturation of some Nigerians (especially, YEBs) into the English language and culture whereby they view their names in English terms is our concern. This research thus probes the linguistic experiences of YEBs in their indigenous names. Therefore, this research draws a parallel between the appropriate interpretations to be given these Anglicised names and the Yorùbá ones in the light of the English language and culture. Could the English language or culture be interfering with the way we call, write or use our indigenous names? Could it be a case of impingement and influence of the English language and culture on the attitudes of YEBs vis-à-vis their indigenous names? Is it possible for one to create concepts in a language one is estranged from? Language and thought are like Siamese twins. English is considered Nigerians‘ property. Therefore, this work aims at investigating, from a sociolinguistic perspective, how Yorùbá personal and business names have been Anglicised. The 10 study seeks to affirm the ubiquity of the English language and its predominant influence on Yorùbá names. In addition, it aims at establishing that the existence of cultural inter- relationship between the English and Yorùbá cultures, and also the ‗towering‘, ‗lofty‘, and ‗overwhelming‘ status accorded the English language are the corollaries of the Anglicisms in the Yorùbá personal and business names as used today. The work seeks to establishe the fact that language is a dynamic phenomenon, and that the gale of the dynamism is on all ages, though, it is vehemently more on youths. Sociolinguistic is an aggregate of two words: social (relating to the society) and linguistics (involving or related to language). This study seeks to investigate YEBs language preference for Anglicised forms of personal and business names, at the expense of their indigenous names, within the Yorùbá society. This hinges on language attitude. This research attempts to answer such questions as: 1. To what extent do the youth of today live in a world very unlike the world of their parents? 2. Is the entrenchment of English in Nigeria so overwhelming that YEBs have begun to think of their indigenous names in English terms? 3. Is our knowledge of the English language influencing the way we write our indigenous names? 4. Is the prestige accorded English in anyway responsible for Anglicisms in Yorùbá indigenous names? 5. How true is the idea that Anglicisms are the products of cultural inter- traffic (English and Yorùbá cultures)? 11 6. What are the lexico-semantic, phonological, morphological, linguistic, and sociolinguistic features and variations of Anglicisms? 7. What are the attitudes of YEBs to Anglicisms? 1.3 Significance of the Study This kind of study could be regarded as an investigation of two cultures. How? Talking of Anglicisms is talking about English. If you must speak of English in relation to Anglisicms, then you must invariably speak of the culture of the indigenous speakers of English, because language and culture are yoked twins. In fact, language is acclaimed the vehicle of culture. Ôdërìndé (2005:5), quoting Emananjo (2000:1) sees language and culture ―to be symbolically related‖. Reporting further, Oderinde opines that language is one of the indices of culture. Four components of culture which cuts across language are namely: .Creative component, which concerns a people‘s literature ٭ Philosophical component, which concerns ideas, beliefs and ٭ values of a people. Material component, which has to do with artifacts in its ٭ broadest sense (i.e tools, clothing, food, medicine, utensils, housing etc. Institutional component, which covers the political, social, legal ٭ and economic structures erected to achieve material and spiritual objectives. If language is one of the indices of culture as mentioned above, then the fact that this study on Anglicisms in Yorùbá personal and business names can be equated with the study of two cultures. The fact of kinship between languages and all the four components of culture is a unique maze. 1.4 Justification of the Research 12 Several authors, among whom are Fields (1985), Kelly (1985), Withycombe (1977), Kolatch (1980), Odùyôyè (1972), Ilésanmí (1982), Essein (1972), Ubahakwe (1981) and Babalôlá and Àlàbá (2008) have written on names and naming: they deal with only the literal level of meaning and have left a gap in scholarship which the present study hopes to fill. In addition to the literal level of meaning, this study will consider the pragmasociolinguistic context of Yorùbá personal and business names, and investigate their sociolinguistic implications. Without any prejudice to Bean‘s (1980), “Ethnology and the study of proper names”; Akinnaso‘s (1980), ―The sociolinguisitc basis of Yorùbá personal names”, Ògúnwálé‘s (2002),―Ìhun àti ìtumõ àwôn wúnrên orúkô ajçmö-çni àti ajçmö-ibi nínú èdè Yorùbá”, Ajìlëyç‘s (1991), “A comparative semantic study of English and Yorùbá names”, Ôdëbõdé‘s (2005), ―A pragmasociolinguistic study of names and nicknames in Sóyínká‟s Death and the King‟s Horseman”, there is no in-depth sociolinguistic work on Anglicisms in Yorùbá personal and business names as far as this researcher knows. Furthermore, efforts to get works on Anglicisms yielded only little fruits and they are only from authors overseas such as Onysko (2004) ―Anglicisms in German: From iniquitous to ubiquitous”; Corr (2003) Anglicisms in German computing technology; Wikipedia (2005) Anglicisms; Gorlach (2005) (ed): A Dictionary of European Anglicisms: A usage dictionary of Anglicisms in sixteen European Languages. Oxford: OUP. The relevance of the study of language in relation to culture, which is the pre- occupation of this study, upholds the maintenance culture of societal norms, customs and beliefs. There is a level of preservation of social norms for future generation, 13 when both spoken and written symbols are in operation. It aids the survival of the society. This is reinforced in Jowitt‘s (1991:26) words that: ―Language and society develop side by side. Social changes bring linguistic changes and language provides insight into the workings of a society‖. If Anglicism is the way the English people do things and Yorùbá names are being Anglicised, examining these two cultures highlights the importance of this study. The justification of the study also stems from the fact that naming is a universal phenomenon and that English plays a unique role in this age of globalisation. A long-standing contact between English and Yorùbá has resulted in the Anglicised Yorùbá personal and business names. It is hoped that this work, apart from serving as a reference material for other researchers, will trigger off the interest of many other scholars in relation to this vital interesting sociolinguistic subject, i.e. Anglicisms in personal and business names. It is note-worthy that Anglicism is not only happening in Nigeria but every where; it is a global phenomenon. Buttressing this fact are the words of Onysko (2004:59) thus: The GROWING international relevance of English has left its traces on the German language. Accordingly, research on the phenomenon of Anglicisms in German has intensified in the th second half of the 20 century. The last decade, however, brought such a rapid development in mass communication, including the wider spread of English, that some traditional views on Anglicisms have been challenged. This article discusses such issues as the problematic nature of classifying Anglicisms, the processes of integration of Anglicisms, and the multifaceted motivations for their use in German. 1.5 Scope of the Research An examination of Anglicisms in all their ramifications ─ dressing, eating, greetings, speech (affectation), gait, music, dance, etc ─ would stay beyond the 14 scope of this study. Furthermore, an investigation of Anglicisms in Nigerian names, with a multilingual setting of about four hundred languages, is excluded from this study. It therefore, focuses on Anglicisms in Yorùbá personal and business names. In addition, examining Anglicisms in Yorùbá personal and business names among the entire populace (that is the learned, unlearned, men, women, youths, graduates, undergraduates, students, pupils, etc) would be outside the scope of this study. It will be limited to (a) adolescents and youths who are YEBs and (b) the adult YEBs who have business out-fit in selected Yoruba speaking areas in Nigeria. The two cultures covered by the study are considered appropriate for some reasons. First, the English language, with its Anglo-Nigerian contact, dates to the fifteenth century according to historical records. There are facts among majority of historians and analysts that during the early part of the fifteen-century Portuguese sea-merchants and pirates came to the West Coast of Africa. By the end of the fifteenth century, Portugal had established businesses in Gwarto part in the Ancient Benin Kingdom, Cape Coast & Elmina in Ghana (See Awónúsì, (2004:46). Many years later, specifically, in the eighteen century, there were closer interactions among West Africans and Europeans as a result of trading (in goods and slaves). Awónúsì (2004:49) throws light on this in the following: The years of interaction between West Africans and Europeans, first in legitimate trade and later in inhuman slave trade, brought the English culture and language closer to Nigerians. In the first place, there were a number of Africans who had gone to England as interpreters or slaves and who published works, using English as a medium. In fact, some Africans had imbibed European civilization, which resulted in a little measure of Anglicised names, among other things. Awónúsì (2004:51) quoting Àyándélé caps it well thus: 15 The Efik of old Calabar seemed more accommodating to European civilisation and to the superficial observer, a blend of the European and the indigenous was developing. The Efik, it is said had schools in the eighteenth century. By the middle of the nineteenth century, important Efik Chiefs had learned to cherish “Esquire” after their anglicised names, observed different “Sundays” as part of their social life, imported European houses and luxurious articles, and knew the code of English table manners (emphasis mine). This cultural assimilation is shown in the editorial comment of the Lagos Times of July 26, 1882 as quoted by Awónúsì (2004:54) thus: ... instances were not wanting of converts educated in England who on coming back to Nigeria pretended that they did not understand the vernacular and when spoken to, spoke through interpreters. Second, in yesteryear, the focus was on Queen‘s English ―per kindness‖ of British colonisation. However, there are different varieties of English now; and the competition between British and American English is becoming keener. In fact, identifying the borders of right and wrong among the British, American, and Nigerian English is becoming more and more porous. For Nigerians Western culture connotes both the British and American culture. (That is why anybody who has been overseas is nicknamed ―a being to‖.) Moreover, the influences of the American films and videos, literatures, technology (computer and internet), as well as the CNN, are so real on the Nigerian culture, including Anglicisms in indigenous names. The choice of Yorùbá personal and business names, for this study, is partly because the researcher has high competence in the language being a native speaker. Yorùbá is of the Kwa group of languages and a major language in Nigeria. Standard Yorùbá is chosen for the study because it enjoys a larger number of speakers when compared with other Yorùbá dialects. It has its own standard orthography. 16 Documentations, literatures, dictionaries, and grammar books were available in Yorùbá since 1852 (see Awónúsì, 2004:56). Adéyanjú (1998:19) reporting a periodical publication titled Yorùbá Gbòde says Yorùbá shares boundaries with Barubaland, River Niger and part of Nupe land to the North; to the East, with the River Niger, Ebira land, Edo and Itsekiri land; to the South, with the Atlantic ocean and part of Egun land; and to the West with part of Benin Republic. Fádípê (1970:29) further claims: Yorùbá land is peopled by the Êgbádò and Àwórì and the Ilaro division of Abëòkúta province; the various groups of Ìjêbú in Ìjêbú province; the Õyö and Ìlôrin province; the Ifê and Ìjêsà of Õyö province; the Òýdó, the Idako, Ìkálê and Ìlàjë of Òýdó province; the various small groups of related people collectively known as Èkìtì … the Yàgbà and the Ìgbómìnà of Ìlôrin and Kàbbà provinces. All these people speak a language known as Yorùbá …. Today, Lagos, Ògùn, Õyö, Òýdó, Õsun, and Èkìtì states account majorly for Yorùbá states. However, in some parts of Kwara, Kogí, and Edo states, there are also Yorùbá-speaking people. Wándé Abímbölá, in a public lecture at the University of Ilorin, (2010), gives a wider scope of Yorùbá people with a submission that in Africa, six countries have Yorùbá origin namely Benin Republic (3 million), Ghana (1.5 million), Sierra Leone (500,000), Sudan (between one and two million), and in Brazil and Cuba, there are fifty (50) and seven (7) million respectively who are of Yorùbá origin. In addition, there are five hundred thousand Yorùbá people in Trinidad and Tobago. In fact, Yorùbá religion has been declared as the State religion in Trinidad and Tobago, although the Yorùbá language has been lost. He is of the opinion that the Yorùbá 17 ethnic group is the largest homogeneous group in Nigeria with 40 million people in South West of Nigeria. 1.6 What Is Anglicism? Anglicism is the ―English way of saying something‖ Hornby (1974:30). It is, however, puzzling that the revised edition of that same dictionary (2001:38) gives no definition of Anglicism. Nevertheless and interestingly, for the verb, ―Anglicise‖, it defines it as ―to make somebody or something English in character: Gutmann Anglicised his name to Goodman‖. The submission of Hornby above regarding an Anglicised word is very apposite, because our discussion hinges on both Anglicisms and names. His example of an Anglicised name, ―Gutmann‖ doubtless, is from one of the Indo-European languages. This example of Anglicism appears direct because both languages involved are related. The rule that is applied is translation i.e. ‗Gut‘ equals ‗good‘, while, ‗mann‘ remains ‗man‘. In this study, Anglicism is defined as the inclusion of one or more exoglossic lexemes which originate from British or American English into an indigenous word, especially in names. The Anglicism in indigenous names is very complex considering phonology, morphology, lexis and semantics (the discussion comes up later) because Yorùbá belongs to the Kwa family, while English is Indo-European. About 1750, ‗Anglomania‘ refers to people‘s interest in English, English opinions, fashions, and even English games in some European countries, particularly in Italy, according to Smith‘s (1996) submission. The term ‗Anglomania‘ is what is known as ‗Anglicism‘ today when one takes a cue from Smith‘s submission above. A ―linguistic traffic jam‖ occurred between the English language and other languages of the world. This gave rise to different forms of Anglicisms. However, 18 the concern of this work is to investigate Anglicisms found in Yorùbá personal and business names. The point is that, though the word ―Anglicism‖ may seem unfamiliar, the practices of what it is all about are all around us. Amazingly, one time or the other, we have been involved in the ‗web‘ of these Anglicisms. How? When: a. Printing wedding invitation cards and writing wedding toasts, such as ―Jummy Weds Dammy‖, ―YemJum ‘03‖, ―Yembol ‗98‖, ―Sunshade 2002‖, ―Bukky weds Yommy‖, ―Bis and Demy‖, ―Yetsrael‖, ―Bimolad 2002:, etc. b. Writing names on mementoes during funeral, birthday, or wedding ceremonies e.g. i. ―I was at yemJum ‘03‖ (written on a calendar) ii. ―Congratulations, Nikky and Jimmy‖ (written on a memo diary) iii. ―Courtesy: Naiky and Sunny‖ (written on ―take-away‖ plastic bowls) iv ―Adieu mama! Courtesy: Dammy & Bimppy‖ (Written on a handfan). c. Formulating names for business outfit e.g. i. Dupsy food canteen ii. Balex feeds iii. Layonic stores iv. Akins printers v. Biofem Table water vi. Delnik Clinic vii. Haytee Printing Press viii. Delfunc Computers, etc. 1.6.1 The Concept of Anglicism in the Western World 19 English language is a leading world language. Filipovic (1996:1) posits that English is a word donor to other languages of Europe. This researcher is of the opinion that beyond donation to the languages of Europe, the English language also generously and abundantly contributes to languages worldwide. The submission of Hartmann (1996:1) corroborates Filipovic‘s: From having been one of the most hospitable languages of the world (EUROPEAN) in its acceptance of foreign loans, English has developed into the most generous donor of words to other languages (EUROPEAN). Books and articles have been written to prove its hospitality in accepting words from various languages. This process of borrowing has gone on for centuries and evidence can be found not only in etymological dictionaries of English …. (emphasis, mine). The ‗world‘ and ‗other languages‘ Filipovic and Hartmann are referring to as being recipients of English as a word donor are both European world and languages (they do not have the third world in mind). In the same vein Smith (1996:1) says: …there is perhaps nothing in linguistic history more striking than the contrast between the great English words which reached the continent at that period, and the humble trade terms, the names of boats and fishes which had been borrowed in the previous centuries. The interest in England, in English opinion, fashions and even English games, which appeared about 1750 in some European countries, first in France, and then spread to the rest of Europe, particularly to Italy, was called „Anglomania‟. The term ‗Anglomania‘ above, though stigmatized as a form of corruption and ‗infiltration‘ of English words into French (at that time, the universal language), metamorphosed into what is now known as ‗Anglicism‘. As time went on, the frequency of English contact with the European languages became very high; it gave rise to an incessant intertraffic of linguistic contacts. This ‗linguistic traffic jam‘ has soared high between English and other languages of Europe, while English serves as 20 the giving language and other European languages as the receiving ones through direct or indirect transfer. In his study of Anglicism, Hartmann (1996) opines that any receiving language having contact with English has its vocabulary enriched in many spheres of human knowledge through direct or indirect contact and that ―An average contact between English and a European language results in 1500 to 2000 Anglicisms‖. Furthermore, many European languages because of English influence borrow English loans and substitute them as Anglicisms in their vocabulary. Hartmann (1996:2) gives a submission that in the twentieth century ―the existing dictionaries of Anglicisms in the main European languages document the way in which an English word is adapted into an Anglicism‖. Yang (1990:9) classifies Anglicisms found in German after 1945 into three: (i) Conventionalized Anglicisms (English words that are completely accepted and integrated as German words such as Computer, Manager, Keks, Rock ‗n‘ Roll, Jeans, and sex). (2) Conventionalized in process Anglicisms (they are partly considered as foreign words and orthographically partly integrated e.g. factory, gay, and underdog; (3) Proper names of words or quotation belonging to England, America or other English speaking countries such as Ireland, Canada and Australia e.g. boat, people, high school, highway, US-Army & Western. To Yang, these are Fremdworter (foreign words), which are unassimilated. The second category is called Lehnworter or loanwords ─ they have been assimilated phonologically, morphologically or semantically. Time and space will not afford us the opportunity to elaborate on this. However, it suffices to note that Filipovic (1996) is also spiritedly in consonance with these divisions above. 21 The concept of Anglicism in this part of the globe is wide and there are different names given it. The Wikipedia (2005) says Anglicism is a borrowed word from English into another language with Briticism (or Britishism) and Americanism as synonyms. In addition, there is the submission that there are other ‗isms‘ related to Anglicism: Germanism, Spanishism, Frenchism, and Gallicism are to mention a few. It is interesting also to note that pseudo-Anglicisms come up on the Wikipedia (2005) articles tagging them as words notably in German as borrowed from English which invariably ―indigenous English speakers of English would not readily recognise or understand. They are related to false friends or false cognates‖ (http://en.Wikipedia.org). Therefore, in Germany, German speech garnished with many English words, is surnamed English or Denglish. In France, French spoken with a high proportion of English words is known as Franglais. Wikipedia also gives the submission that ―the influence of Austrialian television has also introduced some Australianism to English speech elsewhere‖. Mention must be made of the attitude in the western world regarding Anglicism; without it, this discussion will be incomplete. Hartmann (1996:2) opines that: ...The result of English influence is that the receiving languages of Europe borrow English loans, adapt them as Anglicisms and subsequently integrate them into their vocabulary. The fact that English words are integrated into other European languages as Anglicisms does not mean people of those languages have no resentment about it. Quite numerous negative attitudes abound regarding Anglicisms. Consider Wikipedia (2005): ―an Anglicism is a word borrowed from English into another 22 language but considered by a fair part of the influential speakers of that language to be substandard or undesirable‖ (http://www.answers.com). The words ―substandard‖ and ―undesirable‖ emit the resentment these people have towards ‗Anglicisms‘. In fact, in France, great spirited efforts were made to get rid of Anglicisms but with just little achievement. As a rider to this, Wikipedia declares: Occasionally governments of both Quebec and France have undertaken strenuous efforts to eradicate Anglicisms, with limited success, although In modern times there has been a more relaxed attitude. Sometimes a pleasant – sounding word is coined in French and succeeds in replacing the Anglicism – for instance, logiciel (“software”) (http://www.answers.com.). 1.6.2 The Concept of Anglicism in Nigeria The language situation in Nigeria differs from that of the Western world due to many factors such as multi-lingualism, colonialism, and language education policy, which have paved way for English to attain a lofty status in many respects. Anglicism in this part of the globe is nothing to dis-avow or even snob; rather, people are proud of it. There is no gainsaying the fact that, in Nigeria, we have had a lot of ‗baptisms‘ into the western culture apart from the adoption of the English language as the lingua franca. The exposure to the television, internet, and foreign movies have yielded this linguistic variation called ‗Anglicism‘. It is of interest to want to know the genesis of Anglicism in Nigeria.Is Anglicism in Nigeria a recent phenomenon? How did it evolve? Who promoted the use of Anglicism in Nigeria? Sure enough answers to these questions and others like them reveal that Anglicism is an aggregate of many changes regarding the use of the English language in Nigeria over decades. 23 Anglicisms in Nigeria cannot be divorced from the status accorded the English language. For instance, the English language has been the language of educaton since the abolition of the slave trade in 1843. Fáfúnwá (1974:89 & 90) reports: Adétúgbõ (1979:77) explains, English dominated the curriculum under various sub-heads such as reading writing, dictation, composition and grammar. The medium of instruction in the critical stages was English. The Christian missionary education also accentuated its implantation. Because of the great prestige accorded the English Language then, at the expense of other indigenous languages, cultural assimilation became easy. The more ‗English‘ one was, the more sociable one seemed to be. . Thus, Africans who could communicate in English were considered prestigious and elevated. They became ―unique and worthy of emulation‖ set of blacks. Apart from converts (from paganism to Christianity) educated in England, the freed slaves popularly nicknamed as ‗Saros‘ from Fourah Bay College also became like ‗demi-gods‘ to be envied and emulated due to their acquisition of the English Language. Even the education ordinance of 1882 spelt out the supremacy of English over the indigenous languages. Babátúndé (2001:107) quoting section 10, sub section 5 of the said education ordinance lends force to this thus: That the subjects of teaching shall be the reading and writing of English Language, Arithmetic, and in the case of females plain Needlework. The Grammar of the English language, English History and Geography especially of the British Empire, may also be taught or not at the option of the Teacher, provided that if taught, they shall be taught as class subjects. With such policy in education, the pioneer educated Nigerians were only exposed to the English Language, British Empire, and invariably English culture. There was 24 nothing of African (Nigerian) culture at all, may be because there was no appreciation for it then. Even the subsequent education ordinances ride the same horse. In the words of Baldeh (1990) quoted by Babátúndé (2001:107): English became a sine qua non. In quick succession, the education ordinances and codes of 1882, 1896, 1918 and 1926 were enacted with a view of promoting the new language for general internal use. The general internal use referred to above got fully blown into what Awónúsì (2004:35) broadly categorises into three as the factors that aided the spatial development of English viz: ―economic, political and scientific/ technological‖. Time and space would not permit elaborating on these. It suffices to mention that, as English was imposed as part of the colonial culture in Nigeria, it became the language of government, in addition to that of inter-tribal, inter-personal, domestic, commerce, and mass media communication. The truth is that the indigenous languages in Nigeria are not at par with the status of English; Bámgbóÿé (2004:3) succinctly captures this thus: It is impossible to examine the role and status of language in a multilingual situation without confronting the reality of power and dominance. As applied to English, the overwhelming and towering status of English has been characterized in terms of dominance, power, hegemony, and linguistic imperialism. The roles allotted English in Nigeria gave rise to its entrenchment and dominance. The hand-writings of English have become ubiquitous in Nigeria. Consider Bámgbóÿé‘s (2004:6) submission that: Perception of the utility of English as reflected in attitudes is also a contributory factor to its towering influences in language policy. Particularly among the elite, English is seen as a tool that OPENS ALL DOORS and must be CULTIVATED AT ALL COSTS. …Another factor is the economic value that the knowledge of English confers. 25 (emphasis, mine). In the Nigerian context, therefore, Anglicism is a natural fallout of the exposure of the English Language in the country. 1.7 Anglicisms, World Englishes and Globalisation Oyèlëyẹ (2005:4) citing Pennycook, (2001) pungently puts across the irresistability of English as a dominant and international language this way: ―Those who would want to resist this dominance of English, who would want to resist the exploitative power of the language, would still need to use English to do it‖. The inter-locking of globilisation and the internationality of English is well captured in Oyèlëyẹ (2005:4) while citing Halliday (2003:416): English has now become a world language in both senses of international and global: international, as a medium of literary and other forms of cultural life in (mainly) countries of former British Empire: global, as the universal medium of the new technological age, the age of information. English, being a world language and its globalisation effects spur YEBs to Anglicise their indigenous names. Anglicisms in Yorùbá names hinge on the positive attitudinal behaviour of people towards English. The passion of YEBs to identify and associate on a deeper plane with their names with the English Language is evident in the Anglicisms in indigenous Yoruba names. The term globalisation is a controversial phenomenon. To a school of thought, it is just an elongation of the hand of western culture on other cultures. This group, sees nothing good in it; they view it as ―the continuation of the expansion and extension of the exploitative logic of capitalism as this helps to develop just the center to the detriment of the periphery‖ (Fokwang, 1999:46). st However, another school of thought sees it as a great happening of the 21 century. In the academia, this concept has got into the mainstream. Some scholars 26 see its existence in three fields: culture, economy, and politics. For instance, Globalisation according to Dale and Robertson (2003) as quoted by Oyèlëyç (2005) is a multi-faceted process whose operations and implications are massive and its concept is elusive. The fact cannot be denied that the western world and its culture dominate globalisation in all its ramifications. For sure, it is the prominent designation of a modern society. Sifakis and Sougari (2003:60) give the submission that: Globalisation is a fashionable word to describe trends perceived to be dramatically and relentlessly increasing connections and communications among people regardless of nationality and geography. From the foregoing, one should understand the turning of indigenous names into English by YEBs. It is as if they are breaking whatever barrier exists between their culture and the English culture. The ‗fusion‘ yells: ―We are married regardless of our nationality and geography‖. This is a kind of ‗globalisation‘: the merging of the English and Yorùbá languages already ‗unified‘ or ‗‘globalised‘ in the Anglicisms in Yorùbá names. Strengthening globalisation as denoting interrelationship with three facets, Sifakis and Sougari (2003:60) posit that: Globalisation, as a notion and term, is predominantly a loan from the science of economics, but it is more widely, implemented to denote the interrelationship of * Economic (e.g. in the various finance and economic crises, such as East Asia markets crisis in 1997), * Political (e.g. the threat against ‗traditional‘ national sovereignty); * Cultural (e.g. homogenising and civilising ramifications eroding the cultural make – up of smaller nations) issue. 27 From the foregoing, the interrelationship on the cultural level is of great concern to those authors. The cultural values of smaller nations being homogenised, in the name of globalisation, lead to cultural erosion. 1.8 Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs as Borrowings and Inclusions Filipovic (1996) writing on ―English as a word donor to other languages of Europe‖ analyses Anglicisms in twenty languages of Europe and presents them as linguistic borrowings. In his historical survey, Filipovic shows English‘s functioning as a donor hinges on several factors and conditions. He came up with certain Anglicisms both in England and on the European continent, which are specifically connected with human activities. In his view, the number of Anglicisms increased greatly from the middle of twentieth century because of many borrowing words from English in several fields of knowledge and human activities. It was becoming increasingly difficult ‗to find any which has not contributed to the variety of Anglicisms in the vocabulary of receiving languages‘. In fact, Filipovic opines that ‗Dictionaries of Anglicisms in various European and non-European languages are the best proofs of the function of English as a donor language‘. The label of ‗a donor‘ and a receiving language lends weight to Anglicisms being linguistic borrowings. Filipovic (1996: 25) captures it thus: English source words required adaptation on a minimum of four levels to explain the linguistic change through which an English word passes to become an Anglicism. The adaptation depends primarily on the similarities and differences between the linguistic systems of the donor and receiver language. Since no man is an island, contacts and interactions must occur. Therefore, the phenomena called language contact and linguistic borrowing are no news in sociolinguistics; with language, they must come to play intrinsically. The spread of 28 English universally helped the process. Corr (2003) reports that UNESCO and other international organisations present that English is the official or semi-official language in over 60 different countries and has a prominent place in a further 20 th countries. In addition, cognisance ought to be taken that during the 18 century; Britain was a vast empire and the biggest colonial power in the world. Many of its colonies still have English as an official language today. In Crystal‘s (1995:358) view, there are over 350 million native speakers of English and over 400 million nd non-native speakers (i.e. 2 language users of English). This confirms English as a world language. Today, English is acclaimed the major language of business, diplomacy, education, airports and air-traffic control, advertising, science and technology, etc. In the words of Crystal (1995:358), the status of English is given a full-blown: Of all the information in the world‟s electronic retrieval systems, 80% is stored in English. English radio programmes are received by over 150 million in 120 countries. Over 50 million children study English as an additional language at primary level; over 80 million study it at secondary level (these figures exclude China). In any one year, the British Council helps a quarter of a million foreign students to learn English, in various parts of the world. In the USA, alone 337,000 foreign students were registered in 1983. With this enormous contact the English language has linguistic changes (i.e. certain alterations to the vocabulary, phonology, morphology, semantics, syntax, etc) cannot but emerge. Adegbija (2004b:237) observes: At present, the internet and other communication functions are competing hard with the educational domain in ensuring the maintenance of English in the country … owing a satellite dish or cable television has become a symbol, and Nigerian elites struggle not to be left out. Listening to the news from CNN is considered more rewarding and more informative than listening to the news from the Nigerian Television Authority… English is also gradually invading informal interactions in many families, especially in the 29 homes of children of the younger generation born in urban centres. Economic and technological developments encourage the maintenance of English … Many new companies in international trade involving export and import create a need for back-office workers and sales and marketing staff with skills in English. A corollary to linguistic contact is linguistic borrowing. According to Corr (2003), Haugen (1950) describes linguistic borrowing as ‗mixture‘, ‗stealing‘, ‗adoption‘ and ‗diffusion‘. Having dismissed all these terms in turns, she defines linguistic borrowing broadly as ―the attempted reproduction in one language of patterns previously found in another‖. Thus, Anglicisms are linguistic borrowings. Furthermore, Haugen (1950) resolves that both phrases or patterns (and not only individual words) can be borrowed. Erkenbrecher (2006:3) discussing the fact of Anglicisms in German everyday life, concurs that Anglicisms are borrowing or loaning of words which happen because of the influence and prestige a certain nation, language or community possesses at a certain time in history. In his words: Idiomatic expressions and phrases, sometimes translated word-for-word, can be borrowed, usually from a language that has “prestige” at the time. Often, a borrowed idiom is used as a euphemism for a less polite term in the original language. In English, this has usually been Latinisms from the Latin language and Gallicisms from (the) French (language). Borrowed words, phrases, style, idioms, etc. from two past ‗world‘ languages or languages of prestige are Latinisms and Gallicisms (from Latin and French respectively). By a simple logic, borrowed words, phrases, style, idioms, etc. are Anglicisms since the ‗world‘ language today is English. Alex, Dubey and Keller (2007:151) subscribe to Anglicisms as foreign inclusions (i.e. borrowings). According to them: 30 Anglicisms and other borrowings from English form by far the most frequent foreign inclusions in German. In specific domains, up to 6.4% of the tokens of a German text can be English inclusions. Even in regular newspaper text as used for many NLP applications, English inclusions can be found in up to 7.4% of all sentences. We have discussed thus far the understanding of Anglicisms in the Western world. However, Anglicisms in the third world, especially in Nigeria, are positive reactions to the English language and culture from second language users of English. They are akin to the strong yearnings (desires), affinities, love, favourable dispositions YEBs show to whatever is British or rather western. 1.9 What Are Names? Names are likened to literary flavour both for formal and informal conversations: they have depths of meanings, routes, overtones, and succinctness. At times, names are judged as metaphors. Being metaphors, names are powerful and imaginative ways of describing somebody or something thereby bringing about the revelation that two things possess the same qualities. If names are metaphors and the latter are imaginative ways of describing somebody, then names can serve to describe human beings. They can be used to pass comments on their characteristic values, virtues, qualities, circumstances, attributes, beliefs, customs, occupations, valour, bravery and chivalry. Names make vivid and picturesque the bearers they describe. This researcher submits that names make powerful, poignant, and pungent the description of the bearers especially, in the African culture. Greer (2002) corroborates that names are metaphors thus: Names and all languages are metaphors ─ symbolic designations of realities, couched in greater or lesser efficiencies at making the realities at which they aim more accessible. Names and languages are not the designated realities themselves, but are images there of, mere representations, scaffolding. It‟s not in appropriate that 31 names are often called handles. They are handles, not the reality they handle (http://www.urantia-Uai.org). In fact, a name is a controller. It manages, directs, regulates human beings. No matter how big or aged you are, at the mention of your name, your actions, emotions, reactions are regulated. The picture of a small helm of a big ship readily comes to mind. Once the helm is applied, it takes charge of the boat. It seems that names are helms to people. Greer pursues his line of thought that names are metaphors; they are for communication purposes. He gives this example: Names are no more than convenient metaphors, and “Lucifer” being a ready and common metaphor among mortals for the iniquitor with which our world is concerned ... If I‟m known by one moniker to a friend, by another completely different family nickname to my spouse and children, and by another tag entirely to my boss, all these nonetheless refer, and very adequately for communication purposes, to me (http://www.urantia-Uai.org). A name is a universal subject; the fact that nobody or nothing is nameless worldwide attests to this. The Oxford advanced learner‟s dictionary (2001:972) submits, ―a name is a word or words that a particular person, animal, place or thing is known by‖. Ajìleye (1991:1) opines, ―the import carried by names differs from one nation to another. The origins, purpose, significance and meaning are varied‖. Names, in most cultures, especially, in Africa ‗mirror‘ our cultural values and cosmology. Since a name is a linguistic item, and a language performs functions, a name surely does too. To the functionality of names, they serve as repositories of socio-cultural, religious, occupational, political, historical, and other traditional values of the people. In fact, one of the easiest ways of exploring and delving into the social ethos and cultural heritage of Yorùbá is via their names. Ajíleye (1991) confirms this fact. It suffices to sum up here that names are indispensable to every living thing. 32 1.9.1 Names and Naming in the English and African Cultures Understanding the worldview is a vital tool to knowing the people under consideration. The African worldview is a key to understanding African names. The same is true of the English names. Busia (1963:45) posits that all people have beliefs regarding the supernatural. The difference between one community and another lies in what the people consider to be natural,or what they explain as experience and empirical knowledge. This accounts for one major difference between the names given to the Yorùbá and English people. For instance, Ôláwálé (1984:4) asserts that Europeans ascribe nothing supernatural to natural cause, because of their scientific knowledge whereas Africans do; and this is because the African‘s sphere of the supernatural is wider while the Europeans have a wider knowledge of natural phenomenon. That is why Africans attach a sort of hallowed and mystic aura to childbirth. In essence, a lot of importance is attached to naming new born babies and the meanings of Yorùbá names. For example, a child born with the feet coming out first, instead of the head is called ―Ìgè‖. Those children with the umbilical cord round their wrist, neck and shoulder, are called ―Erinlê, Àìná and Sàlàkö‖ respectively. The baby born with the amniotic sack covering the face is called ―Amusan or Ato‖ (the former being for males and the latter for females). The English world gives no supernatural attachment to such things. Theirs is a scientific world with empirical proofs for everything, or else it is not accepted. Busia quoted above observes that Africans believe in the Supreme Being as the creator. He is believed to be endowed with power both benevolent and malevolent. Alongside this belief, is that of lesser deities, who also possess beneficent and dangerous power. These gods and goddesses are regarded as having 33 human bodies, as well as, values, attitudes and thoughts. They are pleased, when honoured, and displeased when neglected. They take notice of men‘s actions, and desire human attention. In conformity with the desire of the society, they can advance man‘s welfare, cause crops to grow, increase the fertility of the soil, beast, and man. They sanction established morality, and punish those who violate the established rules of the society. These gods have moods, and are, on some occasions, destructive and whimsical. This reveals that they are not good. A relationship that is thought of in human social terms exists among these gods and human beings. For instance, these gods normally speak through their priests; give promises; make demands; issue threats; show anger, as well as, pleasure; listen to prayers; accept or reject sacrifices; institute rites which the worshippers join. This accounts for some Yorùbá names reflecting people‘s belief in these gods and goddesses: Abífárìn (one who walks with ―Ifá‖ (Augury/divination), Odùtölá (the oracle equates honour), Òrìsàgbèmí (òrìsà i.e. patron saint, divinity, is responsible for my success). But we find almost a zero situation of such beliefs in the western culture possibly because of the strong influence of Christianity. (See Awólàlú and Dõpámú; 1979:28ff) The names given to the Supreme Being, by the Yorùbá, reveal attributes, works, purposes and relationships with men and other divinities. Likewise, the faith of men in God, their hopes and expectations with reference to God, the divinities, spirits, ancestors, and the supersensible world, are revealed. For instance, Olódùmarè or Èdùmàrè means ―the king or chief unique, who holds the scepter, wields authority and has the quality which is superlative in worth and, he is reliable‖. That is why they give him the attribute of ―Òyìgìyigí Ôba Àíkú‖ (The mighty, durable, immovable rock, that never dies) (see Awólàlú and Dõpámú; 1979:28ff). We have 34 various names reflecting the Yorùbá belief in God: Olúwatósìn (the Lord is (big) enough to be worshipped), Olúwêmímö (God washes me clean); Olúsanmí (The Lord is beneficial to me) to mention, but three. On the contrary, the English do not name themselves after God. Even an Anglo Saxon name like ‗Godwin‘ means ―good victory‖ according to our informants, and has nothing to do with God. Fields (1985:58) posits that it is of Teutonic origin meaning ―divine friend‖ or ―Goodwin‖. One big contrast, between the Western and African worldviews is that the former is non-pantheistic, while the latter is. The former tends to appreciate nature, but does not see it as pantheistic. Regarding naming, there is a strong appreciation of history. Also, there is a combination of Christian and secular names, among Africans and a combination of democratic and aristocratic ones among Whites. 1.10 Conclusion This, as an introductory chapter, arms us with a general background to this research. An attempt is made to state clearly the general principles on which the study is hinged, while emphasising the values and usefulness of this work to bridging communication gaps and strengthen social interactions within the communities under study. The focus of this study is presented, which is the unraveiling of the linguistic and attitudinal behaviours of Yoruba-English bilinguals. The research problems and questions, as well as, the justification of the relevance of the topic to the fast growing field of sociolinguistics are explained. In addition, this chapter, in justifying the research topic, submits that investigating names in both Western and Nigerian cultures, along with the Anglicism phenomenon (found in the Yorùbá culture), will be educative for bearers and users of 35 names, not only in the two communities under consideration, but universally since name is a universal phenomenon. The next chapter is on the theoretical framework and literature review. The major sociolinguistic theories are examined, summarised, and an adoption of a conceptual model appropriate for our study, is done. A critical examination of earlier related works is carried out also. 36 CHAPTER TWO THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW 2.0 Introduction There is no gainsaying the fact that social factors influence language change. Language mutation presents no controversy at all. It is appropriate, therefore, to open this chapter with Bright‘s (1997:81) words: Two fundamental facts of language are (a) that it is always changing, in all areas of structure (phonology, grammar, discourse style, semantics, and vocabulary) and (b) that it changes in different ways at diverse places and times. Some societies have made efforts to check the mutability of language... In such a literate milieu, the written language is typically held up by educational institutions as a model for the spoken language; and innovative linguistic usages are discouraged in speech as well as writing. Preventing language mutations kill such a language. A good example is Latin, which remained the international language of education for about a thousand years after the decline of Roman military power, according to Wright (2004:3). Also, the radical purism of French, formally a universal language made it lose its relevance to English a very accommondating language. Attempting to police or cage any language is futile and unnatural. Language is a natural human specific phenomenon. It follows that language in its naturalness is bound to undergo changes if it must be true and real to life. Any attempt to halt its dynamism is like running against the current of huge and surging waves of a tumultuous ocean. Adégbítë (2000:11) reiterating Chomsky‘s (1965) innatism of language recognizes ―creativity and rule-governance‖ as the two major language properties. Pursuing the fact of connection between language and thought, Adégbìtë (2000:18&19) quotes some scholars‘ submissions thus: 37 (a) Aristotle declares that „speech is the representation of the experiences of the mind‟ (Encyclopaedia Britannica 10, 1978). In other words, language is the means of expressing thought. (b) Thinking is talking to oneself; thought is silent speech (Sapir, 1921). In other words, „language is thought‟ and „thought is language‟. (c) Language gives structure to experience, and helps to determine our way of looking at things, so that it requires some intellectual effort to see them in any other way than that which our language suggests to us (Halliday, 1970). These issues of creativity and rule-governance are crucial to our study of Anglicisms, but we will defer discussion on them till later. Stressing the connection between language and thought, which has generated many issues in language study, Adégbìtë summarises them into two hypotheses: linguistic relativism and linguistic universals. He goes further explaining Sapir-Whorf‘s hypothesis that language conditions our worldview and that different speakers view the world along the lines laid down by their respective languages. This is evident in the fact that the English language conditions Yorùbá-English-bilinguals‘ view cumulating in the Anglicisation in their names. Studying Anglicisms entails the examination of language in its social context, among other things. Daoust (1997:437) caps it well saying: Language plays a crucial role in social interaction and is an all-important agent in the transmission of cultural and social values. It is shaped by the same political, social, and cultural forces, which produce the world‟s diverse civilizations and cultures. As a social behaviour, language serves as a most powerful emblem. Reinforcing the social function of language, Fishman (1972:45) sums up what this chapter entails thus: Briefly put, the sociology of language focuses upon the entire gamut of topics related to the social organisation of language behaviour, including not only language usage per se but also 38 language attitudes, overt behaviour, toward language and toward language users. The study of Anglicisms hinges on language attitudes and usage. We speak volumes by our language, dialect or diction. Wolfram (1999) succinctly reports: In the normal transfer of information through language, we use language to send vital social messages about who we are, where we came from, and who we associate with. It is often shocking to realise how extensively we may judge a person‟s background, character, and intentions based simply upon the person‟s language, dialect or, in some instances, even the choice of a single word (http://www.Isadc.org/web2/socioling-htm). The diction involved in the Anglicisms in Yorùbá names is a pointer to the YEBs‘ backgrounds, character, intentions and a lot more about their social relationships. To synchronise with this, Wolfram (1999) further gives this pungent example: Another approach to language and society focuses on the situations and users of language as an activity in its own right. The study of language in its social context tells us quite a bit about how we organise our social relationships within a particular community. Addressing a person as „Mrs‟, „Ms‟, or by a FIRST NAME is not really about simple vocabulary choice but about the relationship and social position of the speaker and addressee … the choice involves cultural values and norms of politeness, deference, and status. (http://www.Isadc.org/web2/socioling.htm). From Wolfram‘s submission above, language performs, not only the communicative, but also identification, recognition and cohesion functions. Consequent upon these functions, there are various levels that are involved such as linguistics, psycholinguistics, neurolinguistics, sociolinguistics, pragmatics, and semantics, to mention a few. There are various sociolinguistic theories that have evolved in answer to the different linguistic yearnings of people along several variables of sex, age, status, literacy level and religion. Few of these will be discussed shortly. 2.1 Sociolinguistics 39 A scholar, like Haver C. Currie, is recognized in the realm of sociolinguistics. His work in 1952 forms the genesis of this discipline when he was promoting an investigation into the relation between speech behaviour and social status. Dittmar (1981:126) quotes Currie thus: The present purpose is to suggest… that functions of significations of speech factors offer prolific field for research… This field is hereby-designated sociolinguistics. As from the 1960‟s, and especially a couple of decades ago, Fishman, Gumperz, Hymes, Trudgil, Hudson, Labov and others, gave sociolinguistics a full-blown discussion. Sociolinguistics entails the application of linguistics to language usages and societal concerns in various contexts. The study of sociolinguistics covers many aspects such as the large varieties of dialects in a given community, and the inter- relationships among children, adolescents, youths, adults and even the aged. It encodes language and its social territory or domain; reflects the humour couched in peoples‘ languages, revealing the ages, sexes and social classes of speakers through their features of linguistic usage. Ryan and Giles‘ (1982:74) submission below synchronises with the foregoing that sociolinguistics deals with the ―association between specific linguistic features‖, social variables, as well as, ―the inferences listeners make about these associations‖. In the same token they went further as follows: Sociolinguistics, like dialectology, will concern itself with the theoretical basis for the definition of such entities as “variety” or even “language” or will at the descriptive end define a “variety” or “dialect” by providing an inventory of its linguistic features. 40 Authors like Akíndélé and Adégbìtë (2000) and Labov (1972) see sociolinguistics as a study of sociology and language. Wolfram‘s (1999) words below capture this accurately: The basic notion underlying sociolinguistics is very simple: language use symbolically represents fundamental dimensions of social behaviour and human interaction. The notion is simple, but the ways in which language reflects behaviour can often be complex and subtle. Furthermore, the relationship between language and society affects the wide range of encounters from broadly based international relations to narrowly defined interpersonal relationships (http://www.Isadc.org/web2/socioling.htm). Sociolinguistics is the investigation of the relationship between language and culture. Crystals (1997:330) says: Languages are always in a state of flux, change affects the way people speak as inevitably it does any other area of human life. A world of unchanging linguistic excellence based on the brilliance of earlier literary form exists only in fantasy. The said relationship between language and culture cannot exist in a vacuum i.e. without a context. In essence, sociolinguistics has its root deep in the structure and use of language in its social and cultural contexts. In this same vein, Pride and Holmes (1972:68) assert that sociolinguistics is ―exploring the difficulties and considerable interest involved in assessing the relative values of different functions performed by languages, functions which are by no means necessarily always needed by that of intellectualisation‖. The interdependence of language and culture is well known since the vehicle of any culture is language. These two interlock with society because no society exists without language and vice versa. Better put, no language would have evolved if no society existed with a dire need to communicate in their interactions. Hudson‘s (1980:4) scholastic submission brings out a dichotomy 41 between the two terms: sociology of language and sociolinguistics, saying sociolinguistics is ―the study of language in relation to society‖ while the sociology of language is primarily concerned with the study of society and how the society uses language. Two major levels of analysis are identified in the field of sociolinguistics. According to Adéyanjú (1998:55), these are microsociolinguistics and macrosociolinguistics. In his words, ―microsociolinguistics is a description of the features of verbal interactions between individuals in small groups and macrosociolinguistics is the distribution and function of language varieties in a society‖. Wolfram (1999) speaking on language as a social behaviour says at times: Sociolinguists might investigate language attitudes among large populations on a national level, such as these exhibited in US with respect to the English-only amendment – the legislative proposal to make English the „official‟ language of the US. Similarly, we might study the status of French and English in Canada or the status of national and vernacular languages in the developing nations of the world as symbols of fundamental social relations among cultures and nationalities. http://www.isadc.org/web2/socioling.htm) Debunking the prescriptivism of formal linguistics but hinging sociolinguistics on the investigation of the management of people‘s language in relation to their cultures, and their interractional goals, Yule (1996:105) opines: Sociolinguistics deals with the interrelationship between language and society. It has strong connections to anthropology, through the investigation of language and culture, through the crucial role that language plays and in the organisation of social groups and institutions. It is also tied to social psychology particularly with regards to how attitudes and perceptions and how in-group and out-group behaviours are identified. 42 Crystal (1997:120) makes it clear that sociolinguistics stays aloof of the impossible task of evaluating linguistic correctness (i.e. being prescriptive), but rather gives explanations on language attitudes, uses, and beliefs when he says sociolinguistics is: a field which overlaps with the study of the relationships, which exists between participants and of the way extra-linguistic setting, activity and subject-matter can constrain the choice of linguistic features and varieties. Reinforcing this issue of language use in social context, Labov (1972:283) presents the sociolinguistic variables as ―one which is correlated with some non-linguistic variables of the social context: of the speaker, the addressee, the audience, the setting, etc.‖ Goffman (1972:61) dwells on the importance of these variables both in the determination of the variety one can use in a discourse and its effect on one‘s understanding and interpretation of the semantics of the discourse by positing that: it hardly seems possible to name a social variable that doesn‟t show up and have its little systemic effect upon speech behaviour: age, sex, class, caste, country of origin,generation, region, school, cultural cognitive assumptions, bilingualism and so forth. Sociolinguistics is crucial and of vital importance because it handles the checks placed by societal norms on language use. It follows then, that all the several domains of human activities in relation to their linguistic behaviours are subsumed under sociolinguistics. Its importance hinges on both micro and macro domains. That sociolinguistics has become an increasingly important and popular field of study is summed up in the submission of Wolfram that the inter-group and interpersonal relations keep on escalating in their significance because certain cultures worldwide are being expanded in their communication base. Moreover, both 43 from broadly based international relations to narrowly defined interpersonal relationships, the interdependence of language and society affects a wide range of human endeavours. In the bid to cope with these diversities of sociolinguistic areas, different theories have evolved. Now we turn to discuss sociolinguistics and Anglicisms. Thereafter, some of the sociolinguistic theories will be discussed. 2.2 Sociolinguistics and Anglicisms Ferguson (1972) submits that there are language universals based on the similarities in the behavioural characteristics of all languages worldwide. The felicity of this submission is attested to in the similarities observed both in the English and Yorùbá languages regarding the Anglicisms in business and personal names. For instance, it is observed that in the western culture, names can be clipped. For example, names like Charity, Cecilia, Katherine, (Catherine), Emerald, Elizabeth, are clipped and pet names are coined from them. Examples are in the table below (culled from Withycombe (1977:12-262): Names Clipped or pet name forms (1) Charity: from old French, like other Cherry is sometimes used as a pet name for it. names of abstract qualities, it came into use * Bear in mind that there is a sport as a Christian name car known as Cherry, and Yorùbá - English after the Reformation, and was fairly bilinguals are aware of it. (emphasis, mine). th common in the 17 century. Faith, Hope, and Charity were sometimes given as names to triplets. Cicely, Sisley, Celia, Sela, Sely are its (2) Cecilia: has French, German and Latin abbreviations. But ‗Sis‘ and ‗ciss‘ were the forms as Cecile, Cacilie, Caecilia diminutives of the name in the days of its 44 respectively. St. Cecilia, martyred in. 177C, general popularity. was a Roman and presumably belong to this family. She is mentioned in the canon of the Mass and was regarded as the patroness of music; her name became a favourite one in the Western Church. It was introduced into England at the Norman Conquest (3) Katharine, Katherine, Catharine, Catherine: the name of virgin martyr of Katya, Katinka, Kate, Kitty, are some of the Alexandria, died. 307. The original form is changes in fashion affecting the various pet preserved in the Russian ‗Ekaterina‘ forms (4) Rachael or Raymond had ―Ray‖ as their pet forms, but now sometimes used as an independent name. The scientist, Sir Ray Ray Lankester was named after John Ray, the th 17 _ C botanist, his father being secretary to the Ray society formed to publish his works. (5) Rebecca, Rebekah: Hebrew possibly ‗heifer‘, a common Jewish name, not used as a Christian name until after the th Reformation. It was used in the 17 C, Beck occurs in Brome‘s The Sparagus Becky or Beck Garden (1640). (6) Samuel: Hebrew, the name of one of the Hebrew prophets. It was rare as a Christian name in the middle Ages, but after the Reformation Samuel became a favourite name, an early example being Samuel 45 Daniel, the poet (1562-1619). Sam (7) Alexander: (French Alexandre, Italian Alessandro, Sandro, Gaelic Alasdair). It was the name of an early convert to Christianity, one of the two sons of Simon of Cyrene, who carried the cross for Jesus on the road to Calvary. The immense popularity of the Alexander Romance in the middle ages helped to make it a favourite It is often shortened to Alec, Alick, Alex or Christian name. Sandy. The Russian pet-form Sacha is occasionally used in England Yorùbá-English bilinguals Anglicise their names like those cited in the table above. Here are some examples: Yorùbá Names Anglicised Forms Similar Western Conformed With 1. Lará Larry Cherry Láńre Larry 2. Yétúndé Yetty Kitty 3. Káyõdé Kay Ray 4. Bùkölá Bukky Becky Fúnkë Funkky 5. Fëmi Fem Rêmí Rem Dámi Dam Sam Simí Sim Tìmí Tim 6. Wálé walex 46 Kúnlé kunlex Bólú Bolex Alex Adé, Adex, Yõmí Yommex Yomex Today, there is a consonant shift in how some Yorùbá-English bilinguals write their names. They substitute the English voiceless palato-alveola fricative orthographical representation ―sh‖ for the Yorùbá one ―s‖. This trend is Anglicism as exemplified in this corpus which might have emerged as a result of the early Yorùbá orthography which was patterned after the English alphabets in1875 Yorùbá Orthography by Samuel Àjàyí Crowther(Ajayi, J. F. A., 1990,pp. 49 – 58). Yorùbá names Anglicised forms 1 ßadé Shade 2 ßëgun Shegun/Shegee 3 ßôlá Shola/Sholly 4 ßêyç Sheye 5 ßèyí Sheyi 6 ßódiípõ Shodipo 7 ßólëyẹ Sholeye 8 Bámisayé Bamishaiye 9 ßaléwá Shalewa 10 ßògo Shogo etc. 47 48 Mention must be made of Bámgbóÿé and ßóyínká, the doyen of Language and Literature in Nigeria who are diehards, and have stucked to the indigenous ways of writing their names, not Anglicised, but without diacritics. 2.3 Theories of Sociolinguistics Sociolinguistics treats the realities of language in context. It is the pragmatism of language usage rather than the fixed ideas, which boils down to prescriptivism of language. It follows then, that the importance of sociolinguistics cannot be overstretched in understanding human interrelationships. The dimensions of social interactions are getting wider, deeper, and higher because the world is shrinking into a global village. Language attitudes both at national and international levels are becoming very diverse. In this study, we intend examining Anglicised names (utterances) with reference to the society, because social explanations must be sought for the structures that are used. Our consideration in this research relates language with some cultural and social structures. 2.3.1 The Variability Concept The principal exponent of the Variability Concept is William Labov. This concept hinges on the varieties of language. It emphasizes the choice of one as opposed to the other in discourse because of language dynamism. Bailey, Dillard, Baratz, and Cazden are a few other proponents of the theory. The word ―variability‖ connotes the fact of something being likely to change. Corroborating this fact is Dittmar‘s (1981:104) submission that Variability Concept is concerned with the explanation of: 49 How and in what function language systems are divided (regional, social, functional languages varieties), how speech realisation are evaluated (privileged v. stigmatised status of speech forms) and how they change on the basis of such evaluations (revaluation v. evaluation of standards dialects, speech behaviours of the minority groups) …. to what extent language systems interfere with one other on the phonological, syntactic and semantic levels, how they are acquired, conserved and modified on these levels and finally on the basis of what relationship they co-exist or come into a social conflict with. It is pertinent to highlight some of the objectives of this concept. The following are some of the things it investigates. (1) What are the yardsticks for measuring varieties of language: region, social status, function, etc? (2) Which of the ―X‘‘ and ―y‖ languages co-existing in a community has a more prestigious status, and which takes the nomenclature of low variety as per their roles in the community? (3) How do the acquisition, conservation and modification of various language systems occur ? (4) On what are the co-existence of, and social conflict in different language systems based. Dittmar (1981:105) opines that the objectives of the Variability Concept are: ... to describe and explain the entire social network of speech practice and the complex competence that speakers have at their disposal for communication in correlation with the social norms and parameters. Now, we shall consider a few of the entailments of the Variability Concept that are pertinent to this study. (1) Languages change over time, and that ―X‖ and ―Y‖ languages in contact will lead to modification and invariably, a change. Little wonder, Dittmar (1981) says, "language varieties differ from one another in respect of 50 certain linguistic characteristics which have resulted from the historical process‖ (p.105). (2) Linguistic varieties are accounted for in these four broad ways namely Standard, Regional, Social, and Functional varieties. Dittmar submits that the standard variety wears prestige and promotes the acquisition of social privileges, because it is the variety taught in schools. Furthermore, Dittmar (1981:107) quoting Garvin (1964) gives three criteria of a variety revealing the standardisation degree thus: (a) Intrinsic properties of a Standard language. (b) The function of a Standard language within the culture of a speech community. (c) The attitudes of the speech community towards the Standard language. In Dittmar‘s words: The most important features of the standard are its ‗flexible stability‘ and the degree of its ‗intellectualisations‘… it can be judged according to four functions: (a) Its unifying function (domination or control of various dialect areas). (b) Its separating function (demarcation vis-à-vis other languages) (c) Its prestige function, and (d) Its function as a normative frame-of-reference to guide its speakers (norms of correctness) (107). 51 In essence, the degree of speakers‘ language loyalty and pride, as well as, their awareness of the norms can serve to evaluate the attitudes regarding the standard language. Speech variation, linguistic change, language acquisition, and social communication are the four functions. Moreover, speaking on the co-existence of the divergent languages within a speech community, and the process for homogeneity or heterogeneity in it, Dittmar (1981:124) declares: Analyses of linguistic variation must tell us in what way languages and dialects co-exist: they must tell us what the need to control and distinguish varieties means for the linguistic competence of the speaker, and what the social, sociopolitical and power political mechanisms are by which language varieties are formed or disappear. 2.3.1.1 Significance of the Variability Concept Variability Concept stresses how within a speech community language systems affect one another at different levels. Dittmar corroborates this that the standard language is taught in schools and its use fetches it prestige and social privileges and enhancements. Furthermore, Variability Concept emphasises language contacts resulting into changes, modifications and different varieties. Our study analyses the modification of Yorùbá names due to the language contact between English and Yorùbá. Therefore, a change experienced gives us the Anglicised names. This research appreciates the Variability Concept for its emphasis on the environmental factors in language. The influences of the peer groups, friends, colleagues and schools cannot be over emphasised in the Anglicism in names found in the present study. In the words of Dittmar, (1981:105) ―language systems are founded on, and vary with social structures represented by social groups, institutions, interactions, communities with specific needs and notions‖. 2.3.1.2 Strengths and Weaknesses of the Variability Concept 52 Variability Concept has to its credit the recognition of four relevant research areas of sociolinguistics namely: the speech variation, linguistic change, language acquisition, and social communication (which are ample research avenues). In agreement with the principle of structuralism, which is descriptive (as opposed to the Deficit Hypothesis which is normative), Variability Concept analyses a language form based on its own merit, without biases. There is no superiority of any language over another. Furthermore of great importance to sociolinguistics are the clues for social varieties in speech communities, which Variability Concept proffers. Paramount is the consideration of age, status, region, religion, and psychological disposition of participants when studying any language in a social context. Variability Concept deserves commendation for its emphasis on these criteria. Adequately does the Variability Concept handle the micro and macro levels of sociolinguistics, and it deserves credit for this giant stride. It spells out microsociolinguistics as the verbal interaction features while language varieties, in a society with their distribution and function, make up the macrosociolinguistics. Fishman (1982:28) says ―the situational analysis of language and behaviour represents the boundary area between micro and macro-sociolinguistics‖. The negligence of the cognitive parts of speech behaviour is a serious point of weakness of Variability Concept. It is not in our interest to cast off the obvious fact that language and thought are Siamese twins; even though, we may not be advocators of the linguistic relativity concept. Also, it is not new that the incorporation of 53 structuralism to the Variability Concept puts an indelible mark of inadequacy in its ability to cope with ambiguous sentences, as well as other related sociolinguistic problems. Another big gulf left unfilled by Variability Concept is the issue of culture. It is different from other theories of Speech Act and Pragmasociolinguistics, which relate the study of language to culture. 2.3.2 The Deficit Hypothesis Bernstein (1972:164), in his Deficit Hypothesis, sees a relationship between one‘s social class and one‘s speech behaviour. He submits that what accounts for a person‘s language variety is the social class he belongs to, and this consequently determines his economic status. Supporting Bernstein‘s position, Dittmar (1981:4) asserts, ―the social success of members of a society and their access to social privileges is directly dependent on the degree of organisation of their linguistic messages‖. Corroborating this is Dittmar‘s further submission that: It starts from the principle that the speech habits of particular social groups in the low income bracket that have little social influence (in sociology terms the lower class) differs syntactically and semantically from those of other groups, who are of assured powerful and influential positions because of their material and intellectual privilege (in sociological terms the middle class). In the above, lower class verbal expression reveals a display of emotion, while the middle class speech shows fluency with a detachment from emotion. Hence, Bernstein describes the first class as ―restricted speech code‖, and the second as the ―elaborated speech code‖. He explains that this accounts for social inequality of opportunity in the speech community. Bernstein‘s Deficit Hypothesis as it distinguishes the social codes has relevance to this study. Linguistic wealth enhances 54 economic wealth; thus the upper class is rich and the lower class is poor. Higher self-expression and linguistic proficiency confer social privileges on those in the middleclass while poor speech generates social disadvantages. Pursuing the fact that social success is directly proportional to one‘s linguistic command, Adéyanjú (1998:33) gives the following illustration: assuming ‗x‘ and ‗y‘ belong to a community and ‗x‘ has a good articulatory power than ‗y‘, it follows then, that ‗x‘s‘ access to social privileges is greater than ‗y‘s‘. This points to the fact that one‘s manipulative prowess, in linguistic terms, gives one the power for socio- economic enhancement. Truly, Dittmar‘s allusion to the British social class structure, which serves as Bernstein‘s background for the Deficit Hypothesis, can be inferred from this: The lower classes may be socially handicapped as consequence of their inadequate command of language, which is limited in comparison with that of the middle and upper classes (4). The fact cannot be denied that the Deficit Hypothesis has its roots in Schatzmann‘s and Strauss‘s (1955) work, and it hinges on the theory of the restricted linguistic ability of particular social groups in comparison with others (Dittmar, 1979). The interview conducted by Schatzmann and Strauss revealed that the lower class respondents were implicit, while the middle class were explicit in their reactions. It follows that different linguistic systems result in different social experiences. When applied to this study, the exposure to the English language (apart from Yorùbá), produces different social experiences. For instance, a non-English- 55 speaking Yorùbá does not have the said different social experience the Yorùbá- English bilinguals have, which enables them to Anglicise their names. Dittmar correctly points out Whorf‘s hypothesis of language determinism, which is also known as ―the linguistic relativity thesis‖. However, Whorf‘s and Bernstein‘s Relativist Concept, and the Deficit Hypothesis respectively, present a kith and kin relationship between language and the shaping of experience. The said affinity between language and the shaping of experience is exemplified in what the Yorùbá-English bilinguals do with the English language. They create Anglicised names through their experience in the said language. Mention must be made concerning the relatedness of Sapir-Whorf‘s theory of linguistic relativity and language determinism. That our language habits have their foundation in real world is the notion of Sapir, while Whorf opines that the individual‘s linguistic system is the shaper of ideas, the programme and guide for the individual‘s mental activity (see Dittmar, 1981:5). In the same vein, Bernstein is of the opinion that man‘s linguistic style emanates from divergent psychological and social experience. Whorf‘s (1956:212) submission states that: The background linguistic system (in other words, the grammar) of each language is not merely a reproducing instrument for voicing ideas but rather it is itself the shaper of ideas, the program and guide for the individual‟s mental activity …. (Dittmar, 1981:5). If linguistic ability is directly proportional to social success and privileges within a community, it follows that YEBs Anglicise their indigenous names as a manifestation of their social class. This is a kind of language attitude to show that they have imbibed the English language. Anglicising indigenous names depicts these users are educated, informed and modern, having connection with the English 56 language even in the names they bear. The foregoing syncronises with Bernstein‘s submission that the class an individual belongs to determines the variety of the language within his reach and, invariably, his economic status, to a reasonable extent. Moreover, he views a speech habit as a factor that differentiates between the middle and lower class which leads to differences in economic and social status. For instance an illiterate may find it difficult to pronounce an Anglicised name. However, if due to his little exposure he succeeds in articulating it, he will definitely not be able to write it or coin similar ones for lack of exposure to the culture of the said language (i.e. English) and , the language of education (in which he is not literate). 2.3.2.1 Significance of the Deficit Hypothesis Theory to this Study Few of the basic tenets of the Deficit Hypothesis are very apposite for this research. Bernstein opines that a pre-requisite for economic wealth is the linguistic wealth: that the upper class takes the greater of the said wealth, while the lower class, the smaller. In the same vein, this research investigates how English serves as the ―key‖ to economic, social, political (and even academic) wealth, in Nigeria (i.e. the dominant language). This, in turn, affects the attitude of some YEBs in the Anglicism in their indigenous names. This set of people represents the upper class juxtaposed with the illiterate as the lower class. The relatedness of Bernstein‘s tenet to this study anchors on one‘s linguistic ability being a measure of one‘s social success. In like vein, this study traces how social success measured by the linguistic 57 ability (level of spoken and written English), reinforces admiration of English to the neglect of their indigenous language (Yorùbá), found in the Anglicisms in Yorùbá names. The family, peer group, school and work are the agents of socialisation. The schoolmates affect the adolescents and youth regarding the Anglicisms in their names. The imaginative or innovative context Bernstein referred to is applicable to this research, because it borders on the creative ability displayed by the YEBs in the Anglicisms in their names. This is also linked with the fact that Bernstein views the linguistic transformation of the role a person performs as ―complex coding activities controlling both the creation and the organisation of specific meanings.‖ Similarly, Anglicisms in names entail deep and complex structures of two cultures (the western and Yorùbá). Furthermore, the creativity involved is not a mean venture (chapters four and five gives the details). 2.3.2.2 Strengths and Weaknesses of the Deficit Hypothesis Giglioli (1972) highlights some major strengths of Bernstein‘s Deficit Hypothesis as follows: It is through the writings of Basil Bernstein that many social scientists have become aware of the scientific potential of sociolinguistics. Problems associated with cultural and social orders and the ways in which culture is internalised are solved through Bernstein‘s work. In Britain, the exposure of one of the main causes of social injustice is credited to Bernstein. ―Bernstein does not share current theories on ‗compensatory education‘ and maintains that it is the organization of schools, not the language of children, which must be changed‖ (p.155). This work has made a distinction between 58 speech codes making one to see all language codes as equal. One also sees that the restricted and elaborated codes are the products of two systems of social relationships. Bernstein‘s theory, however, is plagued by a continuous modification of his claims. The theory comprises approximately thirty essays, which were written piece- meal between 1958 and 1972. Dittmar‘s (1981:8) comment is that Bernstein‟s theory is complicated considerably by the fact that, through his various publications he often modifies, supplements or deletes terminologies, without providing any explicit indication as to the value of these alternatives vis-à-vis earlier versions. Bernstein‘s hypothesis does not give any consideration or thought to many other classes, which are bound to exist between his broad two major classes namely, lower and middle classes. Assessing Bernstein‘s Hypothesis, Dittmar (1981:21) presents two more weaknesses, which have to do with speech forms: (1) ―the speech forms only give us a very global idea of what kind of differences can exist between the speech forms; (2) the elasticity of these formulations makes it possible to vary them empirically by means of very different materials‖. The verbal aspect of language has a lot of emphasis laid on it, while the non- verbal behaviour exhibited in discourse is omitted. In addition, the verbal language takes only thirty-five (35%) percent of total communication done by man, while the remaining sixty-five (65%) is accounted for by non-verbal cues (Fisher 1981:119). Birdwhistel (1970:8) submits that the face alone is capable of giving 250,000 expressions. This is a strong loophole in Bernstein‘s hypothesis. However, a merit of the hypothesis is that it gives us the causes of linguistic differences, the inequalities 59 in the categories of classes, and solutions to likely problems in sociolinguistics. But another weakness lies in the fact that it is handicapped in getting rid of social inequality. Regarding the unspelt separation between the linguistic and psychological levels, Dittmar (1981:21) critising says that ―the characteristics of the two speech forms do not correspond either in their sequence or in their references to linguistic, psychological or other evidence‖. 2.3.3 The Speech Acts Theory John Austin, a philosopher and the proponent of this theory presents a systematic attempt to point out the limitations of different semantic theories to interpret language in all its ramifications, e.g. naming, ideation, signification, meaning postulates, and componential analysis. His seminal work, How to do things with Words (1962), is suggestive of actions performed through or with language. Austin‘s intention was not to analyse language in use, but his ideas and insights have been very relevant in the investigation of meaning in discourse. Therefore, in language use, the interrelatedness of meaning and performance of actions are the pre- occupations of The Speech Act Theory. Austin‘s (1962) dichotomy between two major types of speech acts (constatives and performatives) is laudable. The distinction is that while constatives are utterances that are statements and assertions, performatives are promises, bets, warnings, etc. For him, a performative is an utterance, as well as, an action. The difference between constatives and performatives is a revelation of two crucial underlying conditions of speech acts. They are: 60 (1) the context (giving you what is acceptable, felicitous, or appropriate), and (2) the evaluation of what is said tallying with what is performed. Both context and evaluation hinge on truth/falsity and felicity/infelicity respectively. To him, the felicitous performatives are successful ones, but the non-felicitous are unsuccessful; and there are felicitous conditions, which the felicities must fulfill. If not, they become false utterances. Austin (1962:64) submits that: Besides the uttering of the words of so-called performative, a good many other things have as a general rule to be right and to go right if we are to be said to have happily brought off our action … we call the doctrine of the things that can be and go wrong on the occasion of such utterances, the doctrine of the infelicities. To ensure performatives, Austin in his theory on ―How to do things with words‖ presents some premises viz: A:1 There must exist an accepted conventional procedure having a certain conventional effect, that procedure to include the uttering of certain words by certain persons in certain circumstances, and further, A:2 The particular persons and circumstances in a given case must be appropriate for the invocation of the particular procedure invoked. B:1 The procedure must be executed by all participants both correctly and B:2 Completely, C:1 Where, as often, the procedure is designed for the use of persons having certain thoughts or feelings or for the inauguration of certain consequential conduct on the part of any participant than a person participating in and so invoking the procedure must in fact have those thoughts or feelings and the participants must intent so to conduct themselves, and further. C:2 must actually so conduct themselves subsequently (p.67). [Culled from Jaworski and Coupland, (1999:67)] 61 There are three (3) types of act identified by Austin viz, (a) a locutionary act. (b) an illocutionary act and, (c) a perlocutionary act. 2.3.3(i) Locutionary Act This act involves making a meaningful utterance, sense and reference with symbols. Austin (1962) submits that to produce a locutionary act, it must be via three acts namely (i) phonic (ii) phatic, and (iii) rhetic act. The phonic act is enacted in the production of an inscription (i.e in the sound of the phonic medium). The construction of a certain sentence in a peculiar language accounts for the phatic, while the act of contextualisation of a performance, or an assignment of reference to an act equals the rhetic act. 2.3.3 (ii) Illocutionary Act Whatever purpose the locutionary act serves gives the illocutionary act. The intention of the speaker as per his utterance is brought to play here. For instance, in a discourse, a question raised may be intended to stir up certain emotional feelings such as joy, laughter, happiness, ecstasy, peace, sorrow, worry, grief, anxiety, anger and so on. The force of a particular utterance is called illocutionary act, i.e. an act performed because the speaker makes an utterance. 2.3.3(iii) Perlocutionary Act This is the effect of what is said (an illocutionary act) has on the addressese(s) or hearer(s). Smile, laughter, joy, ecstasy, serenity, calmness, happiness, grief, sadness, or annoyance, may be elicited from an illocutionary act as consequent responses. It follows, therefore, that the consequence of an illocutionary act is a perlocutionary act; whereas, illocutionary act is an essential part of locutionary act 62 but not its consequence. Mention must be made that some perlocutionary effects may not tally with the illocutionary force of an utterance. In Austin‘s clarification between ―illocutionary acts‖ and ―perlocutionary acts‖ is that: Illocutionary acts are acts such as asking or answering a question, giving information, announcing a verdict or an intention, pronouncing a sentence, making an appointment or an appeal or a criticism, making an identification or giving a description etc (pp.98 & 99). Searle‘s work is an improvement over Austin‘s (1962). His contribution to what we have today on Speech Act is significant. Searle (1972) specifies in his work, ―What Is Speech Act?‖, three notions, which are essential for an illocutionary act to state conditions, and extract regulations for performance. Rules, proposition and meaning are the said three notions. In Searle‘s theory, ―speaking a language is engaging in a rule-governed form of behaviour‖. Focusing on his notion of rules, Searle dichotomises between regulative and constative rules. To Searle, these two rules (1) control antecedently existing forms of behaviour (e.g. rules of etiquette regulating inter-personal relationships and their existence are independent rules of etiquette), and (2) both control and formulate new behavioural forms, respectively. Specifically, these regulative rules are imperative in nature; they give orders or commands, and are central to behavioural appraisal. However, constative rules seem to be ambivalent in nature: sometimes they are rules, sometimes analytic truths. Searle‘s hypothesis that ―speaking a language is engaging in a rule – governed form of behaviour‖ is applicable to the study of Anglicisms in names. The users and bearers operate rules in their formulation and creation of Anglicised names; they are done in an orderly and, rather than arbitrary way. They are meaningful and not nonsensical strings of words. Their creation is rule-governed by 63 what obtains in the cultural values of English and Yorùbá. Here are few examples, especially, the arbitrary strings that are asterisked below: Indigenous names Anglicised forms Arbitrary strings 1. Adésọjí/Ọlásọjí Soj Ojs * 2. Adésúnkànmí Sun Uns * 3. Ọlábísí/Bísílọlá/Adébísí Bis Isb * 4. Máyõwá May /Mayor Aym * 5. Adébölá/Ọmöbölá Bol Olb * 6. Dayõ Jëminíwà DeeJay Eedayj * 64 7. Táyé TeeMan Anmete * 8. Tèmítöpë/Ôlátöpë Top Otp * 9. Fëmi & Këmi FemKem Emkemf * 10.Lánréwájú & Dámilölá LarryDam AmDrryla * 11.Këhìndé Kenny Nnyke * Also, Searle‘s regulative rules in moulding people‘s linguistic behaviour are applicable to Anglicisms. The linguistic behaviour of the YEBs has been positively set in motion regarding the English Language and hence, the ‗Anglicism‘ in their indigenous names. Searle‘s notion of meaning has a similarity with Grice‘s (1975) analysis. He reveals the affinity between the notion of meaning and intention. This enables us to unravel a speaker‘s intention in contrast to his utterance during a discourse. It gives room for the hearer to comprehend exactly the intended message(s) of the speaker. Searle (1972:146) corroborates this that: In the performance of an illocutionary act the speaker intends to produce a certain effect by means of getting the hearer to recognize his intention to produce that effect and furthermore, if he is using words literally, he intends this recognition to be achieved by virtue of the fact that the rules for using the expressions he utters associate the expressions with the production of this effect. Austin and Searle‘s submissions on perlocutionary acts are similar hinging on the thoughts, beliefs or actions of the hearers. However, the point of divergenceis in Searle‘s premises that for an illocutionary act to be felicitous, it must be successful and non-defective on three major elements namely: the preparatory, sincerity and essential conditions. Credit goes to Searle for the indirect speech acts he identified in the speech act theory by proposing five 65 classifications of speech acts viz. assertives, directives, commissives, expressives and declaratives. Speaking on indirect speech acts, Adéyanjú (1998:76) quoting Adégbìjà (1982:32) opines that they are: ―utterances in which one says one thing and means another; or says one thing and means what he says and also means another illocution with a different propositional content‖. Consider, an ill child who is shivering and says to his mother sitting near him, ―is my blanket or cardigan there?‖ That looks like a question, but it could really mean a request for the mother to cover him with his blanket, or help him to put on his cardigan. Likewise, Anglicised names used among schoolmates and colleagues perform more than their semantic functions in both English and Yorùbá cultures: they transcend the status of the users (i.e academic, economic, or social). These users seem to be saying ―we are of different class; we are prestigious and lofty even as English is in our community. We are different from the stark illiterates who use the indigenous names in their ‗raw‘ forms‖. Bach and Harnish are Speech Act scholars worthy of mention. Their 1979 submission revolves round the mutual contextual beliefs (MCBs). To them, an interpretation of an illocutionary act is not solely on the speaker‘s utterance, but also on some Mutual Contextual Beliefs (MCBs). Pragmatics brings this out glaringly and vividly because in a discourse, one is able to read between the lines of a given utterance, when a common background is shared. Bernstein (1972) goes further to differente between particularistic and universalistic meaning in MCBs. Particularistic meaning of discourse is decoded through shared common background knowledge, 66 while universalistic meaning can be decoded by all the participants; it requires only general knowledge of the discourse. Bach and Harnish hold MCBs in high esteem for encoding and decoding meaning from an utterance. Adégbìjá (1982) also emphasises context; but in orientation, it is more pragmatic. Adégbìjá submits that illocutionary acts do not have to be conventional all the times; they have to fall in line with the pragmatics of a given discourse. Adéyanjú (1997), quoting Adégbìjà opines that certain factors below must come to play if a thorough understanding of an utterance must take place: (a) the cognitive or affective states of participants. (b) special relationship obtaining among participants; (c) mutual beliefs, understanding or lack of these; (d) the nature of the discourse and how this relates to the interests of both the hearer and the speaker and to the context of interaction (p.63) Adégbíjà‘s theory brought out the loopholes in the other theories mentioned above. They are word based, but Speech Acts theory recognises the importance of context and style. In view of the exclusion of each of them from one meaning capable of handling all the lacks of the others, Adégbíjá‘s theory would handle meaning at a deeper level structure. This he calls the ―pragmasociolinguistic context‖. We will look at that soon. 2.3.3.1 Significance of the Speech Acts Theory A name, as a linguistic item, can serve as an utterance with many possible meanings. For example, ―Ìyábõwálé‖ and ―Ìyábõdé‖ meaning literarily ―mother returns home‖ or ―mother comes back‖ respectively, present us two basic non-literal 67 meanings as inferences. These meanings are possible via the participants‘ MCBs. On one hand, that each bearer of those names has neither paternal nor maternal grandmother; and on the other hand, she is believed to be the said reincarnated. In fact, in some Yorùbá traditional settings, such a girl is treated specially and called ―mother‖. Often, the girl resembles the said departed grandmother. In the belief of the people, there does not exist any appreciable gulf between the world of the living, of the dead, and the unborn. With an expression of a name, like the examples cited above, a delving into the pragmasociolinguistic context is involved. Through Anglicisms in names, an indirect speech act comes to play, because those Anglicised names help to classify the users as Yorùbá-English bilinguals (as opposed to illiterates) in the society i.e. they belong to a special class. Anglicised Yorùbá names are indirect speech acts depicting high ranking of the English language in Nigeria and invariably of those who Anglicised their names. The overtone the users seem to be saying is that we have a celebrity status. Since pragmatics relates form and context to meaning in a communicative event, the form (Anglicised name) and the Nigeria context (multilingual), send a message of cultural inter-traffic. The resultant effect is a merger of two cultures attested to in the Anglicisms in Yorùbá personal and business names. Language does not occur in a vacuum; utterances are used to perform specific purposes. Buttressing the fact is Adégbíjà‘s (1987:44) submission that: One basic premise of Speech Acts theory is that utterances are not made in a vacuum instead, they are designed to perform actions such as stating, directing, accusing etc., i.e. to do some thing … Therefore, Anglicised names, as linguistic items perform specific social purposes; thus the theory of Speech Acts is very relevant to this study 68 2.3.3.2 Strengths and Weaknesses of the Speech Acts Theory The Speech Acts theory has great values in analysing speeches or utterances along with their perlocutionary effects. The insights it gives for delving into the mutual contextual beliefs (MCBs) of participants; the indirect speech act; the distinction between constatives and performatives; the study of speeches having meaning in situation (pragmatics); the distinction between felicitous and non- felicitous utterances; the irony principle; the pragmasociolinguistic context; and many more, are pungent and cogent. Language is as good as dead without usage. It is potent, active and alive only when in use. Since the Speech Acts theory is very prominent in analysing the meaning, function and purpose of utterances, YEBs employ it to coin creative novel names using Anglicism from the local renditions. The Speech Acts Theory is simply one of the tools for analysing meaning. No wonder then that the English language is used as ―a window to the English world and culture‖ as evident in the Anglicisms in indigenous names. There will be no Anglicism in personal and business names without language inter-traffic between English and indigenous languages in Nigeria. Syncronising with the foregoing, Kelly (1985: ix) opines that the study of man‘s language is closer to home than the study of man and that the study of language is the study of man. In a similar vein, Lyons (1981:1) submits, ―the question what is language is comparable with and some would say, hardly less profound than what is life?‖ 69 A strength of the Speech Acts Theory is its ability to account for the non- verbal cues in interpreting utterances. Searle‘s (1972:137) view corresponds with this: It is not as generally been supposed, the symbol or word or sentence, or even token of the symbol or word or sentence which is the unit of linguistic communication, but rather it is the production of the token in the performance of the speech act that constitutes the basic unit linguistic communication. Language is a social weapon that is dynamic, living, changing and rule- governed. The speech acts theory also entails a rule-governed form of behaviour. However, for sociolinguistic variables to govern utterances‘ declarations, the extent of an illocution‘s seriousness must be mentioned. While appraising the Speech Acts Theory, Strawson (1971:23) submits that: The meaning of a (serious) utterance, as conceived by Austin, always embodies some limitation on its possible force, and sometimes – as, for example, in some cases where an explicit performative formula, like „I apologise‟ is used, the meaning of an utterance may exhaust its force; that is, there may be no more to the force than there is to the meaning, but very often the meaning, though it limits, does not exhaust the force. This is a weakness of the theory. Another weakness in Searle‘s (1979:10) words below, criticize the categorisations of illocutionary acts as mere list of English illocutionary verbs: … there is no clear principle of classification and because there is a persistent confusion between illocutionary acts and illocutionary verbs, there is a great deal of overlap from one category to another and a great deal of heterogeneity within some of the categories. It appears that while propounding this theory, Austin did not have a particular society in mind. This weakens its comprehensive application to utterances as they occur in contexts of use in real life situations. Because language is basically a social matter, it 70 seems this theory takes no cognisance of how to analyse social relation and the relationship between language and society. From the on set, Austin did not declare the position of the theory. This is an omission. Searle‘s (1972) opines that ―Austin advances his five categories very tentatively, more as a basis for discussion than as a set of established result‖. In fact, Searle quotes Austin as saying ―I am not putting any of these forward in the very least definitive‖. 2.3.3.3 Pragmasociolinguistic Theory The Master Speech Act level of utterance analysis requires the ―historical, personal, environmental, sociocultural, and linguistic aspects of context relating to the context in which a particular disclosure took place‖ (Adegbija 1985:11). At this level the total contextual meaning of an utterance is taken cognisance of. In order words, Adégbìjà (1982, 1985, and 1988) posits that in decoding meaning from an utterance, the total pragmasociolinguistic context must come to play. This theory is particularly relevant to this study because in Anglicisms with regard to names proposition are involved so that one can fully comprehend meanings. Most of the times, the literal or primary level of interpretation would be insufficient to decode the meaning of some names. In fact, a literal interpretation of some names may result in a misunderstanding, and hence a breakdown of communication. The three layers of meaning as identified by Adégbìjà (1985) are highlighted below: 2.3.3.3(i) The Primary Layer (Literal level) 71 This accounts for specific dimensions of meaning introduced through lexis, graphology, phonology, and grammar. This level accounts for semantic relations like polysemy, entailment, antonymy, homonymy, synonymy, and tautology. The meanings expressed by the earlier theories such as meaning postulates, componential analysis and generative semantics fall under this level. Essentially, the concern here is meaning at word level. For example, it accounts for the apparent polysemy of a word like crown in ―This is my crown‖ as opposed to ―The crown wants you‖. In this study, we shall see some Anglicised names, which possess meanings that can be decoded just at this literal level. 2.3.3.3(ii) The Secondary Layer (Non-literal level) Indirect aspects of meaning deducible from the immediate context of an utterance are handled here. This layer has elements like implicature, pre-suppositions or literary use of language, which go beyond ordinary meaning of words. For example, this layer would be able to explain the required meaning of ―can you pass the salt?‖ at a dining table, or ―Ç kú isë o‖ meaning ―well done o‖, said to a Yorùbá child seen tearing his toy apart (Adégbìjà, 1985:23). Decoding meanings from some names and Anglicising them require not only the direct but also the indirect speech act. 2.3.3.3 (iii) The Master Speech Act (Global or Tertiary level) This is the non-immediate context of utterance or discourse. This level uses all the basic and environmental factors for understanding meaning in a language. Full cognisance of the pragmasociolinguistic context of an utterance is looked into i.e., the pragmatic, social and linguistic context. Here, the impact of factors such as historical, environmental, cultural, age, social background (greetings, burials, 72 marriage, social gatherings, kinship, naming, eating, dressing, religion, festivals), and language background are taken into consideration. Anglicisms in personal and business names require the understanding of the historical and socio-cultural background of both English and Yorùbá cultures for their meanings. We shall see what constitutes the total meaning of Anglicised names. 2.3.3.4 Pragmatic Theory Hornby (2001:912) defines pragmatics as a branch of linguistics that studies the ways in which language is used to express what somebody really means in a particular situation, especially, when the actual words used may appear to mean something different. This theory tries to solve meaning and discourse-related problems in a practical and sensible way, rather than having fixed ideas or theories. A proponent of the theory, Leech (1983) defines pragmatics as ―the study of how utterances have meaning in situations‖ (p.x). Pragmatics is actually investigating language use in communication. This it does by selecting a communicative event and relating both form and context to meaning. In doing this, different meanings could emerge from the same form given another context. In essence, pragmatics focuses on meaning in context, contrary to meaning in the abstract. To Leech (1983), pragmatics answers two communication questions, which are: i. Given that I want to bring about such-and-such a result in the hearer‘s consciousness, what is the best way to accomplish this aim by using language? ii. Given that the speaker said such-and-such, what did the speaker want me to understand by that? 73 This means that, pragmatics seeks evaluation and it is goal-oriented. This is opposed to what grammar does. In fact, in resolving the questions above, grammar has no answers. Pragmatics focuses on the language users‘ demonstration of knowledge in the achievement of certain communication ends. It does not aim at the users‘ knowledge of the language per se. This corroborates Leech‘s (1983) submission on pragmatics already mentioned above. This sub-field of language study probes the communication techniques of language use. Therefore, pragmatics is language in use to express what somebody really means in a particular situation, especially, when the verbal form presents something contrary. This is the point of divergence between semantic meanings of utterances and pragmatic meanings. In the words of Cruse (1986:43), we have the summary of the said differences as follows: Semantic meaning: The meaning, which an utterance posseses, as it were, inherently, by virtue of words it contains and their grammatical arrangement. Pragmatic meaning: The meaning, which the same utterance might be expected to exhibit in any contexts in which it might occur. Two criteria for meaning comprehension according to Leech are: (1) faithfulness to the fact as observed (2) being simple and generalisable as possible. In essence, there is no room for prescriptivism, but rather one must be realistic. Leech‘s opinion of non-literal or secondary meaning is that a literal stated meaning (during an indirect discourse) is suggestive of just an aspect of the meaning conveyed. Therefore, inferences help participants to comprehend indirect utterances like metaphors. According to Leech (1983:6 & 7): We obviously have to draw inferences or come to conclusions as to what the speaker is intending to convey ... This suggests that communication is not merely a matter of speaker encoding a thought in language and sending it as a 74 spoken message through space, or as a written message on paper, to a receiver who decodes it. Irony is another important aspect of pragmatics, very common in constructing African names of which Yorùbá is a part. Among the Yorùbá, effective subtle remarks are passed on people‘s character through epithet ―Gbéborùn‖ and ―Ògirìlétì‖ meaning literally ―one who picks up ‗íborùn‘ which is a traditional cloth a woman wears as part of her complete dressing (i.e; `ìró`,`buba`, `gele`, and `iborun`) and ―the wall has ears‖ respectively. These are subtle remarks about anyone who eavedrops and gossips. Generally, in Nigeria, a common epithet for a busybody and gossip is ‗Ámêbô‘, courtesy of a popular character in the television drama programme, ―The Village Headmaster‖. Indirect meaning through inferences can be applied to Anglicisms in names such as "Pappy" and "Teeman", which are both from Yorùbá names. First, "Pappy" is an Anglicised form of names like "Babátúndé", "Babárìndé", "Babáwándé", Babárímisá". "Babábêmíwò". They literally mean, "Father comes back", "Father walks back‖, "Father seeks me back", "Father sees me ran away", and "Father visits me" respectively. The inference lies in the fact that a small baby, a teenager, or youth called by the Anglicised word "pappy" from "papa" indirectly refers to the mutual contextual beliefs that the grandfather is already reincarnated in the said grandchild (who is hailed as "pappy"). The second, "Teeman" is also an Anglicised form of "Taiye" (a name for the first among a set of twins). Some religious overtones and beliefs regarding twins are: (1) twins possess supernatural power; (2) Këhìndé is the elder of the twins because it is believed he/she sent Táyé to first go and ‗taste‘ the world and, 75 culturally, the elder normally sends the junior on errands; (3) if Táyé cries, it signals to Këhìndé to follow suit; if not, Këhìndé will die during the birth process. It borders on the sex of the bearer. Its full rendition is "Tö ayé wò" meaning "taste the world". It is the belief that, "Këhìndé" (meaning the one who came last), sent "Táyé" to first go and "taste" if the world is enjoyable or not. One can infer from "Tee(man)" that "Táyé" is a unisex name. Therefore, to distinguish in a family with two or three sets of twins, we can have "Teeboy or Teeman" as opposed to Teegirl or "Teewoman". This interpretation transcends the literal layer into the secondary, and even the tertiary layer of meaning. These sorts of explanations are needed to aid one's semantic understanding of cultural and religious implications of the names that are Anglicised. Thus, pragmatics recognises the importance of the contextual usage of an utterance while semantics is word based. There are four areas which pragmatics covers namely, cooperative principles, inference, presupposition and language situation. They are crucial to our study and are discussed below: 76 2.3.3.4 (i) Cooperative Principle Another aspect of pragmatics is the Cooperative Principle (CP). Grice (1975) explains the principles through the maxims of quantity, quality, relation, and manner. Cooperative Principle is based on what operates in different cultures and social classes. The following are Leech‘s (1983:8) views on the CP: (a) Principles/maxims apply variably to different contexts of language use. (b) Principles/maxims apply in variable degrees, rather than in an all-or- nothing way. (c) Principles/maxims can conflict with one another (d) Principles/maxims can be contravened without abnegation of the kind of activity, which they control. The concord that exists among interlocutors, which enables them to make inferences and interpretations from a body of discourse that is coherent is termed the Cooperative Principle. Adégbítë (2000:72) corroborating Grice‘s view gave these examples to depict the importance of cooperative principle in a discourse: 1. A: I‘m very hungry B: my car has broken down C: sorry, I better see Mr. L 2. X: It‘s hot here Y: (switches on the fan) X: Thank you. 77 Grice (1975) opines that discourse participants do obey four conversational conventions, which are quantity, quality relation, and manner. We have them culled from Leech (1983:8). QUANTITY: Give the right amount of information: i.e. a. Make your contribution as informative as is required. b. Do not make your contribution more informative than is required. QUALITY: Try to make your contribution one that is true: i.e. (1) Do not say what you believe to be false. (2) Do not say what you lack adequate evidence on. RELATION: Be relevant MANNER: Be perspicacious, i.e. (1) Avoid obscurity of expression (2) Avoid ambiguity (3) Be brief (avoid unnecessary prolixity) (4) Be orderly. 78 2.3.3.4 (ii) Inference An inference is an indirect way of arriving at a conclusion from what is already known. It is the act or process of forming an opinion based on what is known already. This forms the strong basis for the interpretation of an utterance. It is a fact that no discourse analyst or listener can gain entrance into the speaker‘s mind to know what he or she has in mind, when he or she did not say it. This aligns with Brown and Yule‘s (1991) submission that as a participant, discourse analyst, listener or hearer, one ―has no direct access to a speaker‘s intended meaning‖. The only option he or she has is through inference from a given premise. Copi (1971:5) defines an inference as ―a process by which one proposition is reached and affirmed on the basis of one or more other propositions accepted as the starting point of the processes‖. It is a mental movement from premises to conclusion. MacCauwley (1981:5) believes so. Deeply rooted in deduction and entailment is the notion of inference. The use of information one possesses in order to comprehend a given situation, unravel a mystery or untie a knot is tagged deduction. Applying this in decoding Yorùbá names, we make deductions based on the mutual contextual beliefs (MCBs). For instance, the name Túndé is shortened. Its full rendition is ―Babátúndé‖ meaning, ―father has come again‖. The deduction that the bearer has no grandfather (either paternal or maternal) is one. Another is that, this bearer is considered the dead grandfather ―reincarnated‖. Furthermore, his friends and colleagues (who are YEBs), metamorphosed the Yorùbá word ―Baba‖ meaning father or daddy into English ―Papa‖ (which is an old-fashion word used by children to address their father). Finally they Anglicised the name as ―pappy‖. 79 Generally, in the Anglicism of business and personal names, we infer that the Anglicised names are from a combination of two cultures (English and Yorùbá). The fact that we are YEBs makes this possible. Consider these Anglicised business names: Business Names Meanings SamTol A combination of Samuel and Tolani Samlad A combination of Samson and Ladimeji Ebenfem A combination of Ebenezer and Femi Brown and Yule (1991:33&34) present deductive inference thus: (a) If it is sunny, it is warm (b) It is sunny, (c) So, it is warm 2.3.3.4(iii) Presupposition Brown and Yule (1991:29) citing Givon (1979:50) opine that the application of presupposition in discourse analysis is defined in terms of ―assumptions the speaker makes about what the hearer is likely to accept without challenge‖. Presupposition is considered from either the speaker‘s or writer‘s view point. Take for example: i. The man beats his wife. ii. The president has arrived from New York. These sentences, presuppose that (i) the man has a wife, (ii) The president went to New York, respectively. In testing a presupposition, we have constancy under negation test. It means that even if there is a negation of the statement, presupposition still holds. 80 Have a look at these: 1. The man does not beat his wife 2. The president has not arrived from New York. The presuppositions in the foregoing still hold. Names in Yoruba have many presuppositions. The reincarnative names have presuppositions, because there is no appreciable gulf between the world of the living, the unborn and the dead. All discourse analysts and processors must take full cognisance of these in their research. Presuppositions are a powerful tool in this regard. 2.3.3.4(iv) Language and Situation Situational reference is a vital part of language and situation, and we will discuss this briefly. Crystal (1997) presents four types of references. i.e. anaphora, cataphora, exophora, and endophora. This can be graphically presented thus: Reference Exophora Endophora Anaphora Cataphora Outside the text Backwork Forward Endophora can either be anaphoric or cataphoric observing the diagram above. The former is a ―feature of grammatical structure referring back to something already expressed‖, while the latter is a ―feature of grammatical structure parallelism 81 referring forward to another unit‖ (Crystal, 1997:420). Crystal explains further that endophora is ―cohesion that helps to define the structure of a text‖, while exophora is ―a linguistic unit that refers directly to the extra-linguistic situation‖. This exophoric aspect is what appeals to us. It means that the utterance is beyond us as far as textuality is the matter. It follows that exophora is extra-textual. The application of this to names is relevant. Take for instance, names like ―ọmönìyepé‖ and ―Arìyewìnni‖, literally meaning ―The child that has mother in completeness‖ and ―one that has mother to loan others‖, respectively. Both names have meanings that transcend the utterance into extralinguistic situations. In the first name, reference is made to the paternal and maternal grandmothers of the bearer (i.e. that as at the bearer‘s birth, she has grandmothers on both sides. The second name is slightly different in that the bearer is said to have ―surplusity‖ of mothers (i.e. the great grandmothers, grandmothers and her own mother are all alive). So if she likes, she can loan them to those who are unfortunate not to have any mother (especially, the great or grandmothers) alive. Apart from these two, many more, especially the reincarnated names are exophoric. Situational results of contextual variables are likened to what Gregory and Carrol (1978:10) refer to as ―dialectal and diatypic varieties‖. The former are ―the linguistic reflections of reasonably permanent characteristics of the user in language situations‖, while the latter are ―the linguistic reflections of recurrent characteristics of users‘ use of language in situations‖. Specifically, dialectal varieties are categorised into standard and non-standard varieties (according to the range of intelligibility): individual, temporal, 82 geographical, and social dialect. The following accounts for diatypic varieties according to Gregory and Carrol (1978:10): a. user‘s purposive role dictated by the context of the field of discourse: technical and non-technical language can emerge from here. b. user‘s medium relationship dictated by the context of mode of discourse resulting into spoken or written language c. user‘s addressee relationship can be determined by the tenor of discourse. This is sub-divided into two: (i) Personal tenor resulting in formal or informal language and (ii) Functional tenor resulting in didactic and non- didactic language. 2.4 Adopting an Appropriate Theory through the Integrated Approach Having done a critique of some sociolinguistic theories, it is obvious that no singular one can claim adequacy for the sociolinguistic research we are studying. Although, each has its relevance and significance, each also has merits and flaws. Again, it is not possible to employ all the sociolinguistic theories all at once in this research. Therefore, an encompassing sociolinguistic theory must be just emcompassing to cover from relationship to interaction. Bernstein‘s Deficit Hypothesis, emphasises the privileged and the underprivileged members of the community to the neglect of other crucial sociolinguistic variables (sex, age, region, to mention but three), language contact, interactional norms of communication, extralinguistic communication context, and others. These sociolinguistic variables are crucial to this research. In addition, the analysis of Bernstein regarding the lower and middle class centres on the code individuals use as marking their status. This is a focus on verbal to the neglect of 83 non-verbal behaviour. The research on Anglicisms in business and personal names focuses not only on the verbal features, but also on the attitude of the users to both languages in question (English and Yorùbá). Hence, there is the inadequacy of Bernstein‘s Deficit Hypothesis. The negligence of the study of language in social context by the Variability Concept is a big unfilled gap. The relationship between culture and language is a strong bridge that must not be broken in sociolinguistics. The Variability Concept breaks it, and thus becomes inadequate in handling this research. The Speech Act Theory, especially, the pragmasociolinguistic context has still the neglect of the utterances at the social context. Truly, the theory can analyse literal, non-literal. and tertiary layers of meaning of the Anglicised business and personal names, but its boundary stops at the very goal of sociolinguistics i.e. the social context. Hence, it becomes insufficient to handle this sociolinguistic research. From the foregoing, all the sociolinguistic theories have their own criticisms and modifications in their applications to a research of this kind. In this study, therefore, the major theory we have chosen is the Variability Concept. However, relevant aspects of Deficit Hypothesis and the Pragmasiolinguistic Theory will also be used. 2.5 Review of Related Literature Many writers, philosophers and scientists have produced scholarly works relevant to this research. In the following sub-sections, the review of literature is discussed thus: 1. Names and naming. 2. The sense and reference of names. 84 3. Anglicisms, personal and business names. 4. Creativity and Anglicisms in names 5. Youths, teenagers, and Anglicisms. 6. Attitudes to Anglicisms. 2.5.1 Names and Naming Greer (www.Urantia-Uai.org) says, ―Names, and all languages are metaphors‖. Safra (2003) writes on Western and African names and appellatives, categories of names (i.e. onomastics), the naming process, historical and cross- cultural development of names, personal and family names. He submits that names have lots of significations, but that language change may cause some names to lose the original meanings. This may account for why some linguists conclude that English names possess no meaning. There are many influences on English. The three Germanic tribes vis Jutes, Angles, and Saxons, who made up what we call the English people, form one of the influences. Others are: the Celtic, Latin and Scandinavian languages, Norman Conquest of 1066, the Renaissance 1500 – 1650, and other influences on the English nation. Kolatch (1980) presents over ten thousand (10,000) masculine and feminine first names with their meanings and derivations. The BBC news (2003:www.doc), aired the treatment of ethnic background, origin and meaning of African names under the title ―What is in African names?‖. Ògúnwálé (jogunwale@oauife.edu.ng) writes three papers on different aspects of names: ―Vestige of Diachrony in Yorùbá Personal Name Forms‖, ―Token of Metaphoric Expressions in Yorùbá Anthroponyms,‖ and ―An Anthropolinguistic Analysis of Yorùbá Personal Names‖. His submissions in them are that: (1) personal name can serve as objects of historical linguistics; (2) Yorùbá anthroponyms 85 (personal-names) are better interpreted and understood in metaphorical language contexts; (3) Yorùbá proper names provide the people‘s social anthropology in some modestly pithy and succinct phraseology. Bean (1980) discusses on the ―Ethnology and the Study of Proper Names‖, while Akinnaso (1980), examines ―The Sociolinguistic Basis of Yorùbá proper names‖. That names teleguide is asserted in Oyèlëye (1982). Critically examining Safra‘s (2003:734) submission below this writer disagrees: Although, “Mary” and “John” may have no specific meaning, they were the names of important persons in the Christian religion and therefore have been used very frequently. An association may be so strong that it overwhelms the meaning of name, even a disagreeable meaning e.g. the association with the cult of St. Demetrios made the name Demetrios one of the most popular in the Greek Orthodox Church, though its meaning is “belonging to (the pagan goddess) Demeter”. Although, Safra opines that ―Mary‖ and ―John‖ may have no specific meaning, according to Kelly (1985:97&176) and Fields (1985:67&177), Mary is Hebrew in origin meaning ―bitterness‖. Its variations are Mame, Mamie, Mara, Maria, Marie, Mariel, Marietta, Mariette, Marita, Marya, Mia, Mimi, Min, Minna, Minnie. John is also of Hebrew origin meaning ―God is gracious‖, with variations as Giovanni, Hans, Jan, Janos, Jean, Johann, Johannes, Johnnie, Johnny, Jon, Juan, and Zane. Safra goes further to give the meaning of Olúsôlá as ―god (non-Christian) made greatness‖ and Ajólóre as ―who [is] a kind doer‖. In the first instance, ‗Olúsôlá‘ has its full rendition as ―Olúwasôlá‖. Breaking it into segments, we have ―Olúwa ÿe ôlá‖. Literally it means, ―Lord made wealth‖. In Yorùbá ―Olúwa‖ does not refer to any of the deities (gods) as Safra opines. It refers to God i.e. the Lord and master of all. It is usually used in the same sense as ―Olódùmarè‖, ―Ôlörun‖, 86 meaning ―the almighty, the self existent Being, God‖; and ―God, the owner of the heavens, the Supreme Being‖, respectively. In fact, ―Olúwa‖ is very much in vogue among Christians in referring to Jesus Christ as Lord and Master. ‗Olú‘ is generic. It can mean Ôlörun or Olúwa (the Supreme God), Ôba (King), Òrìsà (god(s), ôkô (husband), or Olúômô (most prominent child). Other names having the same prefix in the traditional and Christian views are ―Olúbùkölá‖, ―Olúfúnmiláyõ‖ and ―Olúÿëgun‖. They mean, ―God added to, increased or blessed my wealth‖, ―God gave me joy‖, and ―God gave me victory‖, respectively. For instance, ―Olúÿôlá‖ is different from ―Ògúnÿôlá‖, ―Fáÿôlá‖, ―Awóÿôlá‖ meaning―: The god of Iron makes riches, honour, regard and dignity‖, ―The ifá oracle makes riches, honour, regard or dignity‖, and ―The god of divination makes riches, honour, regard and dignity‖, respectively. Similarly, ―ßôlá‖ does not mean ‗greatness‘ as Safra submits above. If it does, then, where is the difference in meaning between names like ―Olúwasôlá‖ and ―Olúwatóbi‖? To bring out the difference, therefore, they both mean ―The Lord or God makes riches, honour, dignity or regard‖ and ―The Lord or God is great‖ respectively. ―Greatness‖ means ―Tìtóbi‖ and not ―Ôlá‖ in Yorùbá as Safra opines. In Yorùbá, the word ―Olú‖ at the beginning of names does not solely refer to ―Olúwa‖ i.e. God or the Lord in all cases. According to ―A dictionary of the Yorùbá language‖ (2005:173), Olú means ―the chief among persons or things, the queen of the white ants, mushrooms, fungi‘. At times in names that prefix ―Olú‖ means ―The chief among the rest children‖ For instance, a male child is usually accorded much honour, because he is regarded as the progenitor. Therefore, if in a family a male child is the first child, he is named ―Olúmìdé‖ meaning ―The chief or principal 87 among my children has come‖ But this prefix cannot be used in the same sense as in names like ―Olúÿôlá‖, ―Olúfúnmiláyõ and ―Olúbùkölá‖ as discussed above. In another sense, the prefix ―Olú‖ in words like ―Olúfúnni‖, ―Olùgbé‖, ―Olùgbàlà‖, ―Olùfë‖ to mention but four names, mean: ―a giver‖, ―one who dwells in a place‖, ―a saviour, deliverer or one who saves‖, and ―a beloved one, a lover‖, respectively. However, a name like ―Olúwo‖ has a full rendition as ―Olú awo‖ meaning ―the chief of the Ògbóni cult‖ or the chief priest. This writer disagrees again, with Safra‘s submission that ―Ajólóre‖ means, ―who (is) a kind doer?‖ The ‗who‘ beginning that meaning, connotes a question. The full sense of ―Ajólóre‖ is ―eni tì ó jë oló‘re‖ i.e. ―Ajẹ Olóre‖, which means ―One who is a benefactor‖. It is known that one who is a kind doer does not necessarily mean a benefactor. Therefore, this author submits that there is closeness between ―benevolence‖ and ―kindness‖, but they are unidentical; they are not synonymous. Be that as it may, the name ―Ajólóre‖ is not asking a question i.e. ―Who is a benefactor?‖. If it is then, we will have ―Tani oló‘re?‖ instead. Be it known that ―Ajólóre‖ is not an interrogative, but rather, a declarative name i.e. ―one that is a benefactor‖. 2.5.1.1 The Sense and Reference of Names Linguists such as Ullmann (1957), Lyons (1977), Kempson (1977), Palmer (1972), Traugott and Pratt (1980), assert that names of objects have senses, but proper names have none. Rather they are merely referential. This may be true of English names but fallacious for Yorùbá names. Saussure‘s (1974) assertion, that language is arbitrary, triggered off those linguists‘ submission above. In Saussure‘s 88 we have it clearly stated that: ―The bond between the signifier and the signified is arbitrary… I mean … the whole that results from the associating of the signifier with the signified I can simply say: the linguistic sign is arbitrary‖. We may define ―sense‖ as the cognitive or denotative meaning of a word. It is, in fact, an intralinguistic concept, i.e. no reference is made to extralinguistic factor, but to the value of a word or utterance made. Contrariwise, the relationship between an expression, and the thing or things it describes, on the occasion of the utterance of the expression is defined as the reference. Here, we talk of extralinguistic relationship, i.e. that relationship which is between a linguistic item and some objects. Sense and reference vary in characteristics. The former is not utterance specific. In linguistics, single words have senses, for instance, the sense of the word ―dog‖ as a noun is constant: it does not depend on a particular occasion before we understand the sense of ―dog‖ as +object+ Animate - human. The same thing is true when we say ―Adé‖ or ―Billy‖. The two words refer to names of persons: one is a Yorùbá and the other an English name. We, therefore, have the senses of those names constant i.e. personal names. Although, some may argue that ―Adé‖ has the sense ―crown‖ but the sense of Billy is what? The fact we are stressing is that both ―Ade and Billy‖ have the cognitive or denotative meaning of names +animate, +human, +male. At times, however, Ade in Yorùbá could denote +animate +human, +male or female i.e. it is a unisex name. Furthermore, as ―Adé‖ has the sense ―crown‖ so also ―Billy‖ has the sense of a ―resolute soldier‖ being a variation of the Teutonic Willy, Willie, Bill, Billy, and Billie according to Fields (1985:110). 89 Reference on the contrary is utterance and occasion-specific i.e. unless an utterance is made, we cannot refer to anything. Reference pertains to the individual who uses the expression. In essence, the reference of a name is in the custody of the users. References only occur when we use an expression to refer. Linguists believe that single words do not refer i.e. do not have the quality of reference. Consider that the word ―dog‖, for instance, has no reference but if we say ―the dog‖, it would refer to an object in the universe at a particular time. Nevertheless, the question now is‖do proper names have no quality of reference like the example of single words cited above‖? If in a discussion, one of the interlocutors says ―Bölá‖ in answering the question ―who did it?; can we say that the proper name, ―Bölá‖ has no quality of reference? Are we justified in saying so? The answer is no! We therefore, submit from the foregoing that single words according to some schools of thought do not refer; however, proper names (which are single words) do refer in both English and Yorùbá. Kempson (1977:14) submits that names are just meaningless tags one bears when she declares that: It is not obvious that proper names have any meaning at all, for it makes no sense to ask “what is the meaning of the expression Noam Chomsky? One can only ask “who does the expression Noam Chomsky refer to?”. From the foregoing, Kempson seems to have made such a general assertion (even in Hebrew) based on her own worldview. She thus left a big loophole in the statement. When applied to Africa (especially, Nigeria), Kempson‘s assertion is rather a sweeping one, because it does not only make sense, but in fact layers of senses to ask ―what is the meaning of your name?‖ For instance, Ajìlëyç (1991:85) declares that names like Ogunrinu (God of iron sees the heart); Sàngóyômí (God of thunder 90 delivers me); Õjëdélé (Õjê – masquerade - arrives home) are Yorùbá names that not everybody can decode easily from their graphemes because they are intrinsically linked with the culture, religion, and beliefs of the users of the language. A thorough awareness of the pragmasociolinguistic context of these names is unavoidable before one can decode them adequately. For all these three names above, we need: (i) the prior knowledge of the gods and goddesses within the Yorùbá culture; (ii) the awareness of the worshippers/the worshipped; (iii) the mutual contextual beliefs (MCBs) of the people about the dos and don‘ts of these gods and goddesses; (iv) a thorough grasp of the belief about the gap between the world of the unborn, the living and the dead. All the above make for the pragmasociolinguistic context of the said names. Ajílëyẹ (1991:84) further observes a point of convergence in English and Yorùbá names thus: It is interesting to note a point of intersection between English and Yorùbá surnames. Under the occupational category, we have names like Smith – or Blacksmith; Miller – one who mills; Farmer – one who farms; Fuller – one who fulls or bleaches; Hall – one who works in Guild Hall. All these synchronize with the Yorùbá concept of names that is Àgbêdẹ - Blacksmith, Àyàn – Drummer, Ọdẹ – Hunter, and Ônà – Artistic genius. All of the English occupational names above have direct interpretation of their meanings except “Hall” – Guild Hall that does not overtly state the meaning. One has to in English; know what usually transpires in the Guild – Hall where various workers like carpenter, bricklayers, etc assemble to work. 91 In the western world, authors like Yang (1990), Smith (1996), Mann (1996), Argungu (1996), Coole (2003), Lipski (2004), have written on aspects of Anglicisms but not relating them to personal and trade names at all as this study proposed to do. Generally, it is accepted in linguistic theory that names do not have any meaning. Actually, the choice of Yorùbá names presupposes meaning. However, when we use them as vocatives e.g. calling a child‘s name ―ßëgun‖ when he is doing something wrong, in order to caution him, the name on such an occasion functions as an identification and caution tag. In essence, we do think in terms of what that name – ―ßëgun‖ (fully rendered as Olúwaÿëgun – means ―God has won‖). The foregoing invalidates Kempson‘s submission earlier referred to. In Africa, Kempson‘s (earlier raised) question that seems out of place to her is very much in order and in fact very common in Yorùbá society. We often find ―what is the meaning of your name?‖ e.g. Modúpë Ôlöruntóyín, meaning, ―I thank God‖ for the full form of Modúpë i.e. Modúpëolúwa; while Ôlöruntóyín means, ―God is worthy to be praised‘‖. So Kempson‘s assertion is not applicable to the Yorùbá society. Let us now address this question. Can there be sense without reference and vice-versa as far as proper names are concerned? We have earlier on said that single words have sense, but no reference: for example, ―Olúwatósín‖ as a single word, as well as, a proper name can be used without a particular reference, but just as a word with the sense of just a name. Therefore, in the ability of a single word (proper name) to give sense or meaning, one could submit that sense can occur without reference. Moreover, in linguistic theory, personal names do not have any meaning. Hence, this serves as a pointer to the fact 92 that such names are without sense – signifying that reference occurs independently of sense. However, in the Yorùbá or African societies, names are meaningful, but when we use them at times, we disregard their meanings amounting to the occurrence of reference without sense. Conversely, when we analyse the meaning of a name without referring to a single individual, then sense has occurred independently of reference. Nevertheless, when we use names as referring expressions i.e. to call people on specific occasion e.g. ―Mr. Brown came here‖. Mr. Brown is the referent. It is worth mentioning that a kind of reciprocal relationship exists between a name and the sense, e.g. the name ―Töpë‖ or ―Tomato‖ evokes a sense of either ―Töpë‖ or ―Tomato‖ when the thought comes to the mind of the speaker. The hearer, in turn perceives the name and thinks of the person or the thing. To this reciprocal relationship, Palmer (1972:76) applies the term meaning and gives the diagram below: Phonic image Concept Vocal Thing In the same line of thought, Palmer gives the submission that: The linguist is held not to be concerned with the non- linguistic word as such. What is conveyed by the vocable (the “name”), its reference or thought (no distinction being made between these two terms), is called its sense. The relationship that exists between the vocable and referent is actually an arbitrary one and it is strongly rooted in the mind of both the speaker and hearer of 93 specific language community. This arbitrary relationship forms part of the cultural prerequisite of the speaker or hearer and acts in accordance with, as a full-fledged member of the community. Ullmann (1957:171) reinforces this idea by submitting that ―A semantic change will occur whenever a new name becomes attached to a sense and/or a new sense to a name,‖ because of the reciprocal relationship occurring between name and sense. The reference (names, inclusive), at times cannot occur without sense. For example, ‗Adé‘ and ‗John‘ cannot be used to refer to a bucket or chalk. Because their senses are not the same. Both names referred to above possess the sense or features namely ―male/female, adult/child, and human.‖ For both English and Yorùbá names, the reference often depends on the sense to refer. Let us consider these examples: (a) * Billy is the woman standing over there. (b) * Mákinwá (―bring the valiant man‖) was the lady looking for you(apart from it being a surname). For ―Billy‖ and ―Mákinwá‖ to refer, + male, - female must be the referent. Sentences (a) and (b) above are meaningless because the referents of those names depend on the sense to refer. However, there is a lot of disagreement over the semantic proprieties of proper names. Searle (1965:163) points out Mill and Wittgenstein‘s stand on the semantic properties of proper names. The former postulated that they do not have meaning, while the latter submitted that their meanings are objects. There seems to be inconsistency in their stands on the surface level, but actually both of them are saying that proper names have no senses but referents i.e that they are merely referential, but not meaningful. In fact, Searle rendered Mill‘s assertion thus ―Proper 94 name do not have senses, they are meaningless marks; they have denotation but not connotation‖. To this school of thought, a proper name predicates nothing. The argument in line with this view is that there is no description of the referent by proper names, but there is a definite description referring to an object or some aspects of the said object. In essence, this school of thought says that we need to know the fact about the object before we can know if a definite description matches it. The contrary is true about the proper names. In other words, to them, proper names do not give facts about the bearers. This, to this writer‘s mind, may be true of some English names, but not of Yorùbá names, for instance names that are associated with professions, deities, titles, and even those with hallowed aura conditions (àmútõrunwá) supply circumstantial or contextual facts about the birth of the bearers. In the same view with Frege (in Searle 1959:170), this study submits that personal names possess descriptive contents and senses. Searle, however, maintains an eclectic approach that: definitions by Frege was correct in assuming that any singular term must have a mode of presentation and hence, in a way, a sense. His mistake was in taking to identifying description which we can substitute for the name as a definition. Searle (1959:172) further concludes by saying that the argument that proper names have sense is not a precise one and that this precision can come about: … if prior to using the name, we came to an agreement on the precise characteristics which constituted the identity of Aristotle, our rules for using the name would be precise. But this precision would be achieved only at the cost of entailing some specific descriptions by any use of the name. From the foregoing, one is tempted to think that Searle has only the English names and possibly not the African names in mind. At the earlier part of this work, it 95 was pointed out that Yorùbá names tell a lot about the bearers. That is, the names are given for specific reasons and entail unique or specific descriptions, as well as, meanings. Therefore, the paradigm of names given by Searle as having no agreed descriptive characteristics that are precise or exact in the identification of the object may be largely true of English, but not Yorùbá names. 2.5.2 Anglicisms, Personal and Business Names Names have several authors and materials. However, we have a dearth of authors and materials on Anglicisms. Non-Nigerian authors write the very few available materials. Even with these ones, no one is on Anglicisms as related to personal or trade names. For instance, Gorlach (2001) edited A Dictionary of European Anglicisms popularly surnamed as ―DEA‖. This acronym (DEA) is compiled from sixteen (16) languages with its purpose as descriptive, its aims as reflecting the ―globally wide-spread phenomenon of borrowings from Anglo- American in European languages; tracing its route through the centuries up to the years 1995-1996‖. The dynamic nature of a language indicated by ―the constant change in its enrichment and transformation processes‖ is reflected through the ―neologisms and foreign borrowings‖. Gorlach submits that every day Anglicisms ―flow into the various European languages‖. This statement brings to mind a picture of a river flowing. Therefore, who ever can stop the flowing of the river will be the one that can stop this phenomenon called Anglicism. Anglicisms are social constructs, owned and judged socially. How they are socially judged in the Western world is different from Yorùbá. In the former, there are paranoid delusions and dis-avowals, while in the latter a prestigious status is accorded Anglicisms, in the same way the English language is viewed. Corr (2003) 96 writes on ―Anglicisms in German Computing Terminology‖ and divides Anglicisms into two major categories: (i) ―Lehnworter‖ are loan words, which have been assimilated phonologically, orthographically, morphologically, or semantically (ii) ―Fremdworter‖ are foreign words that have no assimilation. Lehnert (1986:136) gives the synonym ―Anglo – Americanisms‖ to Anglicisms. He feels that Anglicised words are short, unclumsy, ―snappy‖, modern, prestigious, fashionable, and in vogue. In his words: ―The short monosyllabic Anglo-American word is, as a rule, much handier, more convenient and impressive than the corresponding polysyllabic and clumsy German compound word‖. Take for instance, Lehnert declares, ―der Boom (from the English word boom) possesses an economy of time and effort both in spoken and written forms than its German equivalence, ―Wirtschaftaufschwung‖. Similarly, Yang (1990:123), buttresses this fact by citing examples of clippings or abbreviations of longer words in Anglicisms: ―Demo‖ (Demonstration) and Uni (‗University‘). When the foregoing is applied to Anglicisms in names, we find polysyllabic words like ―Olúwabúkölá‖ and ―Olúwadámilölá‖ with six and seven syllables each Anglicised to ―Bukky‖ and ―Dammy‖ with just two syllables each. Echoing the modernity, brevity, compactness, snappiness, prestige, elegance, loftiness, and the vogue of Anglicisms, Russ (1994:249) concurs that: …the motive for borrowing is the desire on the part of certain speakers to show that they know a certain language by lacing their own speech with borrowings. Foreign words have a greater prestige than native ones in certain areas. Corr (2003:48) hinges the reason for borrowing an Anglicism on when an objective or concept that it represents from the English-speaking world is also introduced and 97 brought into the German-speaking world. With Anglicisms in Nigeria, the object or concept of naming is not just being introduced from English into any of the indigenous languages (especially, Yorùbá); rather, in the bid to be modern, and keep abreast with the English language and culture, which are considered as being fashionable, the Yorùbá formulate westernised business and personal names that are Anglicised. These Anglicisms are akin to ―Linguistic shift‖, and they are simply some of the givens in life. They can be likened to word capsules, which help in revealing to us how much a language can change within a decade or two. For how else would one have been able to account for the Anglicised indigenous names below as truly being carved from Yorùbá names?: Yorùbá names Anglicised forms 1. Tèmi Temmy 2. Tìmí Timmy 3. Níkêë Nikky 4. Kölé Kolly, Kollington 5. Töpë Toppy 6. Dúpë Dupsy 7. Fúnkë Funkky 8. Lará Larry 9. Fúnÿö Funshy 10 Yétúndé Yetty 98 2.5.3 Creativity and Anglicism in Names Õsúndáre's (1982:7) sharp submission that deviant stylistic forms are a mark of creativity is very appropriate to this discussion on YEBs‘ creative ability as per the Anglicisms in their business and personal names. He says that: In some respects the relationship between the choice made by the writer and that made for him by language is not determinist ... the remarkable writer is one who has been able to bend, if not break, the pre-set rules of language, the linguistic out law who has flouted its hallowed thou-shalt- nots. Every language has within its system a loophole, an elastic edge for the adventurous user to widen and stretch. The above is full of strong remarks on creativity. For instance, we see in the YEBs a remarkable ability to bend and break indigenous names to form Anglicised ones, yet their roots and tertiary meanings are still traceable. However, these Anglicised forms seem to have obliterated the mythical, spiritual and cultural import of indigenous names. In fact, the ‗pre-set rules of language‘ (i.e. both the English and Yorùbá languages), are not violated. Rather, some operate on the basis of analogical rule ―of partial or complete likeness or agreement in form or in sense with already existing words, either in the mother tongue or English" (Adégbìjà; 1989:172). Consider the examples cited above. Furthermore, Õsúndáre (1982) rightly posits that for an adventurous user, an elastic edge is provided in every language to be stretched or widened. Our YEBs did justice to this stylistic paradigm of ―an elastic edge" by ―minting‖ new names in their Anglicised forms from indigenous ones, either by prefixing, suffixing, compounding, clippings, abbreviating and initialling. 99 Creativity in language portrays that people are doing things with languages. Actually, hordes of authors specifically, in Nigeria have ―done‖ things with the English language, which time and space will not permit us to discuss here. For instance, Bámgbóÿé (2004:3) opines that the English language has an overriding status in Nigeria. Adégbìjà (2004:20) submits that the English Language is well domesticated in Nigeria and it is synonymous with ―Nigerianization‖, Nigerianness‖ and ―nativisation‖ of English in Nigeria. Awónúsí (2004: XV), on another plane attests that short message service or short messaging system (SMS) texts constitute a unique sociolinguistic variety of Nigerian English‖. However, no Nigerian author (as far as this researcher knows) has done what the present writer does. Unlike these authors cited above and all others (who focused on how the English language has been nativised, acculturised, domesticated ─ pointing out the Nigerianness of English), this writer focuses on how indigenous names are Anglicised, thus applying the new form s to the Nigerian context of use. This other side of the coin of English in Nigeria, tagged Anglicism, which has not been given due attention, is the focus of this work. The creativity involved in the production of Anglicisms of personal and business names is a social process. This is because it plays a role by establishing a point of interaction between the users (callers) and bearers in those Anglicised names. Onysko (2004:62) reports that the phenomenon of Anglicism in German has become ubiquitous with a very high rate of creativity and hybridisation thus: In terms of word formation, Anglicisms are particularly productive in the creation of hybrid compound nouns (i.e. mixes of German and English elements). The data on A in Der Spiegel include 174 hybrid compound nouns out of a total of 243 nouns: 71% of all types. The most productive English compound element is the term action, which functions as the determinant in 35 types of hybrid compound 100 names: e.g. Action-Melofram, Action-Held, Action- Computerspiele, Action zenen, Action - Werk. The above emphasises Õsúndáre's deviant stylistic forms as a mark of creativity, which every language has provided: ―an elastic edge for the adventurous user to widen and stretch". Lawal (1997:31), quoting Õsúndáre, demonstrates this "elastic edge" by this "stylist and stylistician" practically explicating with these examples "execuchiefs, execucheats, executhings, execuslaves, execuchild, execudogs". The creative power, exhibited by the YEBs, vis-à-vis Anglicisms, is capable of holding even any connoisseur spellbound. Why?, because, in their creative authority and by instrumentalising both the English and Yorùbá languages, they changed names in both English and Yorùbá cultures, until they fulfill their social needs and demands. It is as if they are using these Anglicisms to redefine their multi- lingual setting, vis-à-vis, the domestication of the English language, as well as, its globalisation status. Therefore, this researcher sees their Anglicism in indigenous names typifying a redefinition of the contours of identity, location, time, and historical mores. Their Anglicisms are embodiments of creative uprising, which empirically lend force to how we ―do things with words‖. Vividly, these Anglicisms weave different worlds with words (i.e. the Western and Nigerian). Anglicised (indigenous) names symbolise the ―marriage‖ and the interlocking of the English and Yorùbá culture. These Anglicised names speak volumes. They are akin to code names, which keep the real indigenous names secret, and therefore, provide investigation opportunities. These Anglicisms are artistic creations characterised by lexical innovations, translations, and linguistic and cultural transfers. There are creativity and originality embedded in Anglicisms in personal and business names, which mark YEBs from those unlettered native Yorùbá speakers. They picture some 101 aspects of linguistic behaviour of Yorùbá users of English. They are a creative device, which are fast becoming integral parts of YEBs. They are meant to reinforce users‘ social, linguistic and cultural imports. Corroborating this fact is Igboanusi‘s (2001:55) insightful remark: The acquisition of particular language is not restricted to the acquisition of the communication technique of the speech community but extends to include the habits, which language carries along with it. It has been established that when speakers of one language learn a second language, the tendency is that they transfer some of the linguistic behaviours of the first language to their second language performance. This is often unconscious. The said transfer of ―the linguistic behaviours of the first language to their second language performance‖ above is displayed by YEBs, who use their knowledge of the English language and culture to stylistically create Anglicisms in personal and business names, and yet without ―breaking‖ or ―damaging‖ the ―pre - set rules of language‖. There is no gain saying the fact that both the English and Yorùbá languages involved undergo many internal structural changes that are made possible by ―the elastic edge‖ made available in every language. This stylistic creativity presents to us the hybridisation of names and cultures. Lastly, one cannot gloss over the no mean stylistic variations exhibited in the creations of Anglicised Yorùbá names being sociolinguistic constructs. This study agrees with Blommaert‘s (2005:390) declaration that: When looked upon from the actual ways in which people use language in their lives, what counts are particular varieties of language: repertoires, registers, styles, genres, mode of usage. 2.5.4 Youths, Teenagers and Anglicisms 102 Youths and teenagers are colossus when it comes to Anglicisms. Why? In language experimentation, the youth are foremost and freer. The relationship between time variable and age is a glaring truth. The elderly and aged are rather conservative in keeping abreast with the rate of linguistic shift in language usage. Corr (2003:50) concurs with this fact while elaborating on Lehnert (1986:145) that occupation of ―Entertainer‖ has more prestige than that of ―Unterhalter‖ and that ―Schallplattenunterhalter‖ prefers to be called a ―jockei‖ or ―Disk-jockey‖, which is borrowed from English disk-jockey (‗a broadcaster who introduces records or popular music on a radio or television show). Corr opines that the first statement above is definitely true of ―the younger generation, teenagers in particular, as they associate a certain degree of ―coolness‖ with using numerous Anglicisms in their speech‖. Corr (2003:50) corroborates this fact further by quoting Waterman (1966) that: Many young Germans, who glibly parrot a great deal of the jargon of the American entertainment world, use the “lingo” in a way that reveals the uncertainty as to what it actually means. Clearly, this quotation points to us that the youth are full of trendiness. When they do not even comprehend the meaning of an Anglicised word, they continue to use it. This researcher finds this to be very true concerning Anglicisms in business names. For instance, the name ―Fölörunÿö‖ with a full rendition as ―mo fi Ôlörun sö ô‖ and ―Fólúÿö‖ full rendered as ―Mo fi Olúwa sö ô‖, both mean, ―I entrust or commend you into the care of God‖. However, they have been Anglicised as ―Folly‖. Thus, we have examples of business names such as: i. Folly pure water ii. Folly furniture 103 It seems that ignorantly, the users or bearers of these business names do not know the English meaning of the word ―folly‖ or they are just fascinated and lost in the vogue and fashion of Anglicisms. If truly these people understand that word to mean ―a lack of good judgment; or the fact of doing something stupid‖, and yet they prefer being known by such, it must be that something is wrong somewhere. There is craziness in it; it makes no sense to abandon a name that is loaded with good meanings for one that is glaringly obnoxious. Corr (2003:50) seems to get a wind of what is happening to youths and teenagers, as being susceptible to the flux of the spirit of the age couched in modernity and westernization when she concurs that: It is also the younger generations that are more prone to the influence of the various crases started in the English- speaking world. The areas of sport and music, often through the medium of television or the internet, are particular influential. Russ (1994:254) cites Beatband, Rock musik, Pop musik, die LP, die Single, die CD, slide- Gitarre and Instrumental-vokal-Arrangements from the language of pop and rock musik and Doping, fair, Foul, kicken, Trainer, Fan, Champion, Team and looping from the language of sport. A rider to the above is Russ (1990:249) quoted by Corr (2003:50): When crazes start in the English-speaking world and spread to other countries the English designation usually spreads as well, for example Skate board, Aquaplaning, Aerobics. Corr (2003:50) quoting Russ (1994:259) identifies six other areas youths and teenagers are liable to the influences from the English - speaking world, as well as, substantiating each of them with examples: i. Political and public life: Appeasement, Disengagement, Hearing, Image; 104 ii. Business and commerce: Boom, Clearing, Designer. Dumping, Leasing, Marketing, Safe, Trust; iii. Technology and science: Computer, Fading, Laser, Mikro- prozessor, Test; iv. Fashion and clothes: Deodorant, Jumper, Look, Lotion, Make-up, Nylon, Pullover, Slip, Spray, Tweed; v. Food and drinks: Chips, Longdrink, Shortdrinking, Cocktail, Grapefruit, mixen, Sherry, Toast, Soft-Eis; vi. Entertainment and leisure: Bar, Comics, Festival, Gag, Happening, Party, Quiz, and Show Western. In Corr‘s view, Anglicisms pervade practically every aspect of German life and culture. She is of the opinion that ―many Germans, including the younger generation, are often uncertain about the meaning of Anglisicms and in what context they should be used‖. She goes further positing that, next on the line of use of Anglicisms, in every day speech among Germans, are the educated people such as politicians or academia. Our language situation differs from that of Germans. Unlike theirs, all the six areas cited as affected by Anglicisms, the English language dominates them in the case of Nigeria. Therefore, we cannot speak of Anglicism the way it is viewed in German. Germans are concerned with how the English language is interfering or ―adulterating‖ the German language, since the English language is not their lingua franca. Nevertheless, a point of convergence as per the influences of the English- speaking world on the German and Nigerian younger generation, in the Anglicisms they use, is in the areas of pop and rock music, sport language, the television, video, and the Internet. 105 2.5.5 Attitudes to Anglicisms Man, the only speaking creature on earth uses language to communicate in uniquely diverse ways. In language use, information is conveyed with appropriate feelings, attitudes, cues, and expressions. Attitudinal meaning is very much a factor to be taken cognizance of in semantics and sociolinguistics. Of course, sociolinguistics entails the linguistic indicators of social interaction (which cannot exclude language attitude). Anglicisms are, therefore, sociolinguistic phenomena. The realisation that the world is now a global village seems more registered in the psyche of Yorùba Youths when one figures the alacrity and jollity with which they imbibe the English culture. Their admiration of English towers over all languages so greatly that in the Anglicism of their indigenous names, they seem to be saying, ―We are going global‖. Tagging them, ―Anglophiles‖ may not be out of place: being Nigerians, they love British and western things very much. This is corroborated in Ôlöruntöba–Oju‘s words that the English language is the H (high) language, while the other language or variety is L (low) ... it is the language of prestige‖ (1999:133). The fact remains that a language changes with time, while age is intrinsically woven with time. The seeming change in language use of both youths and adults in respect of Anglicisms of indigenous names caught the attention of the researcher. The aged seem rather conservative generally in this regard. Youths, we all know, are very adventurous and catching up with the speed at which language is changing. The freedom the youth, and some adults, exhibit in language experimentation, as they Anglicise Yorùbá personal and business names will be examined. Some wonder and raise questions as they watch this new phenomenon of Anglicism. 106 In this section, we are highlighting the feelings and thoughts of the YEBs towards the Anglicisms in business and personal names vis-à-vis their indigenous names. First, we need to ask, ―Why are they Anglicising indigenous names?‖ Motivation is a key word in unravelling the attitudes of people as per Anglicisms in names. There are some important motivational factors in the attitudinal behaviour of the Nigerian English-bilinguals regarding Anglicisms in business and personal names. Onysko (2004:62), speaking for the German world, discusses six motivations for the use of Anglicisms in the German language under when giving reasons for so many English borrowings integrated unto German? They are culled from Onysko as follows: 1. Semantic motivation (denotation) Usually, original English terminologies for new products and inventions are frequently accompanying them e.g. Rollerblade, Internet, E-mail, Account, Coffee Shop, Computer, and TV Soap etc. The denotative motivation is particularly dominant in the lexical fields of special and technical languages; e.g. computer science, business, nuclear science. 2. Stylistic motivation. English words are used as a means of variation, particularly in Journalism, as with Action as a synonym for German Handlung and Killer for Mörder. Team is in complementary distribution with German Mannschaft, and in the case of Coach and Trainer two Anglicisms allow for variation in German. 3. Euphemistic. In terms of avoiding taboos, borrowings from English do not bear such strong negative notations as indigenous swear words. This ‗softening‘ effect is 107 represented in the language of music, as in German rap and hip-hop. Artistes use four-letter Anglicisms such as Shit, Bullshit, Fuck, Bitch, and damn, which evoke less strong derogatory connotations than their German counterparts Scheiβe, Fick, Hure, and Verdammt. 4. Emotive. English has the image of being modern, hip, and educated, and is used in the language of fashion, modern sports, and leisure, as with Beauty, Lifting, Wellness, Beach, volleyball, Fitness, Spinning, Casting and Date (in the romantic sense). The emotive function of Anglicisms is exploited in German advertisements on a large scale. Commonly found adjective are cool, new, strong, hip, trendy, fit, and stylish. 5. Social. Anglicisms are frequently found as lexical elements to establish a sense of group identity. The in-group code of young snowboarders, for example, is particularly rich in such Anglicisms, as Nose Grub, Powder, Racer, Kicker, and Freerider. Outsiders are unable to grasp the meaning of such words. 6. Conveniently short. There is some speculation about the fact that because English is morphologically simpler than German this might lead to the usage of short English words instead of their more complex German equivalents: e.g. the use of date (in romantic sense) rather than Verabredung, Basics rather than Grundkenntnisse, News rather than Nachrichten, Job rather than Arbeit, and Revival rather than Wiederauflebung. 108 Corr‘s (2003) work on ―Attitudes towards Anglicisms and Language Societies‖ is also on German. Hers came earlier than Onysko‘s discussed above, and therefore, the ―extreme purist‘s view and contempt of Anglicisms‖ was still very strong. Corr‘s submission is the way German indigenous speakers got concerned about the influx of Fremdworter (foreign words) or Lehnworter (loan words) into their language. Strong nationalistic feelings, which gave rise to frantic efforts to halt the ―in-flux of Anglicisms into German‖, arose shortly after the establishment of the United German in 1871. In their bid, German equivalents considered suitable were evolved, titled Ersatzworter. Some organisations rose to quell the situation such as the Allgemeiner Deutcher Sprachverein (―General German language Society‖) was inaugurated in 1985, according to Russ (1994:251). In fact, many negative attitudes are considered. For instance, Heinrich von Stephen (1831-1897), at the inauguration referred to above, was then the Postmaster General. He declares, Kein Fremdwort fϋr das was deutchgut ausgedrϋckt werden Kann (no foreign word for that, which German can express well). Corr, further submits that the President of the Verein fϋr deustche Sprache, Walter Kramer, a Professor of Statistics at the University of Dortmund, became popular for his outspoken opinions and he wants to see an end to the: ―exaggerated use of Anglicisms and Americanisms in cases where there are perfectly good German equivalents‖. Members of the Verein fϋr deutsche Sprache declare in Corr‘s (2003:57) words: Wir wollen der Anglisierung der deutschen Sprache entgegentreten und die Menschen in Deutschland an den Wert und die SchÖnheitihrer Muttersprache erinnern (We want to counter the anglisation of the Germany language and remind people in Germany of the value and the beauty of their native language). 109 Our language situation in Nigeria differs from that of Germany and France, because of the domestication of English, thus, paving ways for its attainment to prominence in many respects. Therefore, attitude of YEBs to Anglicisms is that of prestige and pride and nothing to be snobbed at all. Two important indicators of attitudes are prosodic and paralinguistic features. Regarding these, Wales (1989:40) writes: Loudness, voice quality, and INTONATION can show boredom, excitement, anger, or sarcism. High pitch levels and dramatic „rise‟ or „fall‟ contours of TONE are more readily associated with passionate feelings than low pitch levels, which suggest reserve, detachment, or simply neutrality. The Yorùbá language is tonal. We have the high, low and middle tones. In phonetics, tone refers to the pitch level of a syllable and it is very important for distinguishing word meaning in tone languages. However, in English, the pitch contour, stretching over part of the whole utterance (i.e. tone unit), is what matters most. This distinctive pitch movement or contrast associated with the most prominent tonic syllable, Wales calls ―the kinetic or nuclear tone‖ which sometimes is traditionally called tune. Wales (1989:464) motions that: The commonest nuclear tones in English are High Fall (HF) and Low Fall, High Rise (HR) and low rise; also Fall- Rise (FR) and Rise-Fall (RF) … The higher the rise or fall of the voice, the greater the degree of involvement: e.g. in astonishment (HF) or surprise (HR): Goodness gracious! What on earth is that? In the application of the foregoing to the Anglicisms in names, we observe that, the high pitch level associated with the passionate feeling has been super- imposed on the Anglicised names, contrary to the low tone in the Yorùbá language. This is to show excitement in the attitude of the YEBs regarding English and its 110 status. Their knowledge of the English Languages has affected them, and the pitch (which is an inherent quality of the English language) is transferred and super- imposed on indigenous names. This gives them superiority complex and set them apart as ‗enlightened‘ or ‗literate‘ in contrast to the ‗local people‘, who cannot afford to Anglicise their names, because they are not literate. Here are some examples: Yorùbá Name Anglicised Form Ìbìkún I.B. Bölájí B.J. Túnjí T.J. Ti Jésù Tee Jay or TJ Ayõmídé A.Y. All are pronounced with Táyé Tee (Man) excitement and a high pitch, Bólú Bùnmi (two names) BeeBee but not with the Yorùbá tone. Similádé Bösê Sórêmëkún (three S.B.S names) Dayõ Jëminíwà Dee Jay 3 Tìmílëhìn, Timothy, Tùmínínú Tee To show an attitude of pleasure and excitement, youths and teenagers while articulating Anglicised names often raised their ―thumbs up‖ or ―two fingers up‖ as if with an attitude of victory. This corroborates Wales‘ (1989:40) submission: Attitude in face-to-face interactions can also be conveyed by body language: facial expressions of disgust, pleasure, etc; hand gestures of triumph („thumbs up‟) or ill luck („thumbs down‟). 2.6 Conclusion An attempt is made, in this chapter, to first examine in general, what sociolinguistics is, as well as, its importance. Then, specifically, some theories of sociolinguistics that are of relevance to this present research were focused namely: the Variability Concept, the Deficit Hypothesis, and the Speech Act Theory. 111 Emphasis is laid on the fact that society resides in language, and language as a social construct, cannot otherwise be viewed or owned. Therefore, we anchor on Pier Giglioli‘s approach to language use in social context. Some related sociolinguistic theories, beliefs, and tenets as mentioned were highlighted. Expectedly each of them possesses both strengths and weaknesses. Hence, the Deficit Hypothesis is the major theory chosen, but certain relevant aspects of the Pragmasociolinguistic Theory and Variability Concept will also be employed. Related studies on names and Anglicisms were reviewed such as names and naming; the sense and reference of names; Anglicisms, personal and business names, creativity and Anglicisms in names; youths, teenagers and Anglicisms; and attitudes to Anglicisms. The methodology adopted in this study is our focus in the next chapter. CHAPTER THREE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 3.0 Introduction In sourcing data for this study, empirical and theoretical methods are employed. In this study, the accumulation and classification of the experiences of YEBs regarding Anglicisms in personal and business names are weighed in the light of what obtains in the western world. Toeing Osuala‘s (2001:17) line, systematising 112 the said experiences into a relatively small number of broad general laws and principles governing the classifications of these phenomena into specified categories are done in turn. Thus, taking a cue from Brown (1995:3), the research: .Concentrates on a specific human phenomenon ٭ .Considers two groups of people sectionally ٭ .Examines the behaviour of instruments at a point in time ٭ .Estimates the probability that the result did not occur by chance ٭ There are different types of researches viz: medical, economic, and scientific. This being a social science scientific one, the data gathering methods vary from participatory observation, the examination of certain wedding cards, mementoes, the use of a questionnaire, interview, to the library search. Brown‘s (1995) suggestion of two broad types of research (i.e. the primary and secondary) are employed. They both concern (1) direct elicitation of information and (2) getting information on the subject from books, respectively. These two, according to Brown (1995:1) ―are not mutually exclusive‖. There are overlaps; however, ―they help reduce the seeming confusion of different types of studies that are found in the literature‖. In setting our goal for this study, we do not only aim to explain the social behaviour of YEBs vis-à-vis the Anglicisms in personal and business names, but also to ascertain their fundamental scintillating dimensions of creativity. Thus, YEBs ―bend‖ their language (names), without ―breaking‖ the ―pre-set rules of language‖ to suit their cultural backgrounds in ―fusion‖ with the western one, by operating on the ―loophole‖ provided by ―an elastic edge‖ available in every language ―for the adventurous user to widen and stretch‖. 113 In her explanation of what a theory is, Dixon-Ogbechi (2002:7) says, it ―is an untested proposition which when tested or proved, becomes fact or law which enables the researcher to predict event, which haven‘t yet been observed‖. The truth of this submission is validated by adopting certain data collection methods as cited above for this research. In subsequent sections and sub-sections, a discussion is given on each of them, thus, explaining the specific processes employed in them, as well as, the many advantages they possess. 3.1 Research Design Àjàlá,V. (1993:105) states that: Research design is the plan of attack: What approach to the problem will be taken? What methods will be used? What strategies will be most effective? The design is of extreme importance as an improper design could lead to misleading result. Any serious researcher must have a carefully formulated design before data are collected. A number of things come to play in one‘s consideration of the choice of forms or designs in a study. The applicability or accessibility of a design to a set of people is an evidence of whether or not a specific design is chosen. Dixon-Ogbechi (2007:3) presents a research as ―Any organised enquiry that aims at providing information for solving identified problems‖. It affords us the opportunity of delving into whatever phenomenon or problem occurs. It is impracticable to study the whole population. The designs, therefore, adopted are anchored on the survey method. In essence, to portray all (though unfeasible to attain to all), a few research designs are utilised. 114 3.1.1 Participatory Observation The participatory observation is appropriate since it affords an authentic and a first hand knowledge. It is required for a researcher to be deeply involved in the research pursuit. Crystal‘s view is that whenever the mother tongue or a language of the environment is being studied, ‗Linguists act as their own informants, judging the ambiguity, acceptability or other properties of utterances against their own intuitions‖. Being all ears is very crucial for researchers. They cannot afford ―walking with their eyes closed‖. In fact, they need ―a third eye‖ to notice aptly concepts and situations around them (what others gloss over). Therefore, ability to see aesthetics in what others do not take cognisance of or that which they ignore, and are lackadaisical about, is a mark of a researcher who would be great in findings and conclusions. The personal involvement of the researcher, coupled with their intelligence and intuitive knowledge in the research area, is a hallmark to achieving this. There are many things, one could observe, changing regarding language usages in various communities and socio-cultural groups. One of such is this phenomenon called Anglicism. Discovering these sociolinguistic phenomena ─ Anglicisms ─ is best via the method of participatory observation i.e. the researchers being a part and parcel of the people (community) they are investigating during the course of study. They can elicit information and data from informants freely without their unnecessary attention or conciousness. This provides a free normal linguistic or non-linguistic atmosphere of interaction. Data gathered this way are most natural. In fact, participatory observation is the bedrock in marshalling fresh information. Being a YEB, this researcher watched with keen interest how YEB teenagers and youths Anglicise their names both in speeches and writings (notes or letters). It 115 is scintillating reading through notes dropped by friends (teenagers and youths) of the researcher‘s children full of Anglicisms in their names. This kindled a rousing interest in the subject of this research. For instance, in some of these teenagers notes or letters to the researcher‘s son, ―Femo‖, ‗Femmy‘ and ―Phemmy‖ are written by different friends instead of the shortened Yorùbá name ‗Fëmi‘ or the full rendition ―Olúwafëmi‖. Youths also wrote her daughter‘s name ―Bolex‖ for ―Bólú‖ and ―Bee Bee‖ for ―Bólú and Bùnmi‖. The researcher‘s quest heightened when she noticed business names on the signboards reflecting same such as ―Kenny Photo‖, (Këhíndé Photo), ―Biofem water‖ (Bìödún and Fémi water), ―Sholly furniture‖, (ßôlá Furniture), ―RotSegKay Restaurant‖ (Rótímì, ßëgun, and Káyõdé Restaurant), to mention but a few. Travelling from Ilorin to Ibadan, the researcher observed the pervasion of these Anglicisms in business names on signboards in the majority of the towns and big villages (apparently where YEBs are), along the way. In addition, being a member of the marriage committee in her church, the researcher observed Anglicisms in personal names on the wedding cards, wedding mementoes, and prayer request letters by couples-to-be such as ―YemBol 2000‖, ―SunShade‖, etc. From the foregoing, the importance of participatory observation cannot be denied. This is corroborated in Hudson‘s (1980:2) submission that ―personal experience is a rich source of information on language in relation to society.‖ This approach is convenient and widely used by researchers. Crystal (1987) calls it the primary datum. To Dixon-Ogbechi (2002:26), it ―is more systematically planned and recorded so as to relate to the specific phenomenon we are studying‖. Whereas, ―behavioural observation‖ is what an author like Asika (2002:17) calls it. 116 Participatory observation, because of dependability and thoroughness, transcends the level of the just daily routine of the use of the eyes. It is very advantageous. Asika (2002:18) says, ―The more the researcher participates in and observes these activities, the greater the thoroughness and reliability of information gathered‖. Subsumed under participatory observation is the ‗personal experience‘, which Hudson renames ‗armchair‘ approach. To Hudson (1980:2), this is inadequate and unsafe. In his words: it will soon become clear that the „armchair‟ approach is dangerous if it is applied to personal experience alone, for two reasons. First, we may be seriously wrong in the way in which we interpret our own experience. Secondly, personal experience is a very limited base from which to generalise about language in society, since it does not take account of all the other societies, where things are arranged very differently. In spite of this criticism, personal experience still has its credit. Therefore, the participatory observation is combined with other methods (i.e. the questionnaire and interview) in this research. 3.1.2 The Questionnaire Questionnaires are utilised in researches to collect data from respondents. Data collection helps in establishing the phenomenon of the research, a fact or an event. It affords the possibility of the statistical analysis of the results. Specifically the bio-data part helps the researcher to come out with general assertions with the test system among different groups of users. For example, item three of the questionnaire requires respondents to tell of the acceptability of Anglicised names in the respondents‘ religions. In questions 5 and 6, subjects are to express whether people normally write Anglicised names on mementoes at ceremonies and 117 furthermore, they are to give examples of Anglicised names on wedding, birthday, and funeral ―take-away‖ gifts and on gift items from shops and business cards. The questionnaire has three (3) sections all together. Section one requires the biographical data of the respondents. The information gathered in this section is very useful in correlating response sets between the different groups as per their consistency. These background questions are crucial in easing the respondents into the questionnaire, and for classification purposes. They help ginger-up the interest of the respondents. Age, sex, marital status, religion, rank/status and qualification are variables, which make up questions in this section. In sociolinguistics, sex is an important social variable we must take cognisance of, because it determines what we say and how it is said. The submission of sociolinguists like Akíndélé and Adégbìtë (2000), Yule (1995) is that language as used by a male is different from that of a female. We want to see its application in the way males and females differently use Anglicisms in personal and business names. Are both sexes involved in the trendiness of Anglicisms? If they are, then we can juxtapose the types of Anglicisms employed by both groups. Age, as a very strong social variable, regulates our language usage. The interlocking of the age and time variables is evident in how the youth display trendiness when compared with the aged not only with language experimentation, but even in Anglicisms in personal and business names. It is a known fact that youths are the custodians of things in vogue or fashionable. Therefore, the attitudes of both young and old people to Anglicisms in names differ. The age brackets specified in section one of the questionnaire give relevance to this. 118 The link between marital status and maturity is stronger than that which exists between age and maturity. In this part of the globe, one who is younger but married is acclaimed more matured than one who is older, but unmarried. The older but unmarried is considered inexperienced. Respondents are to provide their marital status, which will afford us the chance to measure the language attitude of youths versus the adults as far as Anglicisms in personal, and business names are concerned. In Nigeria, married people must be careful in their diction. They cannot afford to be trendy or appear a go-go person. In the light of this, how do singles fare in their language experimentation of Anglicisms in names compared with married people? The research is on a universal subject i.e. names. Moreover, to corroborate the fact that nobody is nameless, the respondents are to supply their names. Also, names given in the biographical data can be used as a correlative measure to the information required in sections B and C of the questionnaire regarding respondents‘ names and Anglicised ones. It is amazing to notice that a respondent gave an Anglicised name in responding to question no 1 in the biographical data (without knowing that it is Anglicised) i.e. ―Bukky‖. This shows how far the phenomena of Anglicisms have gone in the society. This respondent now writes this Anglicised form as her ‗real‘ name. It reveals that this Anglicism is not a matter of joke, since this is now gone into her official records (because as a student, she writes this (Bukky) Anglicised form as one of her names as opposed to the shortened indigenous form, Bùkölá (from Olúwabùkölá). This research is on YEBs; hence, all respondents are expected to be literate to some varying degrees. This shows disparities in levels of education. Based on these disparities, we measure their attitudes regarding Anglicisms in personal and 119 business names. The educational qualification as a social variable is quite in place because it affords us to measure the extent of respondents‘ ability to read and write. This in turn determines the level of their exposure to the outside world. Literacy and education are ‗windows‘ to different realms or worlds such as literary, technological, media and cultural world. The more exposed one is, the more ‗sophisticated‘ and ‗fashionable‘ he/she becomes so that he becomes alienated from his local, but traditional and cultural roots. Thus, the ‗literates are breaking away from the traditional and cultural convention of naming and ‗name styles‘ in order to conform with the western or English styles, which they feel possess the vogue, snappiness, and fashion they love, culminating in Anglicisms in names under study. For this research, we have categorised educational qualifications into postgraduate, degree/HND, ND/NCE/A Level, WASC/GCE/O Level, and primary school. Dittmar (1976:7) says, the way we perceive the world is highly determined by our origin and the language we speak. The English language is affecting and determining the way YEBs perceive the world. Thus, the two languages they are exposed to are reflected in the Anglicisms in personal and business names under study. Also, the place of origin in the biographical data enables us to ascertain those that are truly YEBs among respondents. Anglicisms are phenomena of language change. They are brought about by language contact. The types of Anglicised names expressed by YEBs cannot be found among the Yorùbá who live in villages and are not in the urban setting (where language contact is very evident). Hence, the importance of the respondents‘ places of residence asked for in the biographical data. 120 The respondents‘ mother tongue and other languages they speak are in no small measure social variables in determining the types of Anglicisms expressed by YEBs. The use of languages, apart from their mother tongue, affects their understanding of the western cultures and therefore, their various Anglicisms in names. Religion is one of the major social variables because the exposure to the English culture via Christianity, as well as, the Islamic world cannot be over- emphasised. These religions contributed in no small measures to the different names Anglicised in this study. The occupations and ranks of our respondents can also affect their attitude towards Anglicisms in personal and business names. Section B contains six open- ended questions. These questions are aimed at surveying the opinions of the respondents on Anglicisms in personal and business names without restricting them from expressing themselves freely in their own words. The free response question types provide the opportunity for respondents to give many possible answers. These questions provide clues to the attitudes of respondents regarding Anglicisms in names. Section C that contains close-ended questions provides the need to supplement the open-ended questions in section B, which though are very profitable, are not the end in themselves. Rather, close-ended questions are fashioned to measure the different degrees of intensity regarding the respondents‘ feelings concerning their perceptions of certain phenomena, which for multiple-choice questions cannot afford us to gather. This question type is labelled as the scale questions according to Asika (2002:85). 121 In yesteryear, the respondents were confined to only two options i.e. Yes or No in the closed-ended question type. This question type provides no better option than for the respondents to accept the extreme views of subjects. However, with the scale questions, respondents have varying degrees to choose from by agreeing or disagreeing to certain degree (as we have in our section C) thus: SA─ Strongly Agree A─ Agree D─ Disagree SD─ Strongly disagree There are many advantages in the close - ended questions. For instance, a researcher can easily calculate the number of respondents for one particular view and juxtapose with another view because of the restriction in the answer set. This can facilitate statistical data, as well as, create easy tabulation of the statistical findings. Without much toil, at a glance, the attitude and disposition of a group about any phenomenon can easily be analysed with the biographical data provided. Also, the time needed for rumination by respondents in providing answers to open-ended question types is saved in the closed-ended questions. Hence, quick and effortless responses provided by the various options serve to help both the researcher and respondents. For instance, the respondents can fill the questionnaire spontaneously and the researcher can retrieve them in no time. Furthermore, the choices provided in the close-ended questions for respondents are highly monitored; the researcher extracts the extraneous materials gathered from these responses, which have been provided in the open-ended question types. Lastly, the comparisons of views of different groups over time, by 122 administering the same sets of questions to different, but the same participant groups at some regular intervals, are made easy in the close-ended questions. Section C of the questionnaire is made up of items 7-40. Respondents are only to tick either strongly agree (SA), agree (A), strongly disagree (SD), or disagree (D). The attitudes of respondents to Anglicisms in personal and business names and their general disposition to the English language being juxtaposed with the indigenous (Yorùbá) language are being tested by the questions in this section. For instance, question 7 seeks to test the level of respondents‘ awareness of the term Anglicism while questions 8-13 are on attitudes, which reveal Anglicisms in names as new trends. Items like 24, 29-39, are designed to test the attitudes of respondents to the Yorùbá language while 17, 14, 22-26, 33a, 37b and 40 hinge on respondents‘ attitudes to the English language. Questions 11, 15(f) and (g), 16 and 34 probe into respondents‘ attitudes to their indigenous names. Such questions as found in items 11, 15a, b, c, d, e and 17 are on respondents‘ attitudes to Anglicisms in their names. Activities that spur respondents‘ desires to Anglicisms in names are addressed by questions 18 and 21. Four hundred copies of the questionnaire were administered to randomly selected respondents: fifty each for the six South western states, forty for Kwara, thirty each for Kogi and Edo. 123 3.1.3 Interview Formal interviews were conducted to find out the different types of Anglicisms exhibited by YEBs. The following are the questions the interviewees were asked. The researcher‘s questions to respondents with business names: 1. Do you own this business outfit? 2. The name looks like an English name, is it? 3. What does it mean? 4. Since you are Yorùbá, why did you not give it a Yorùbá name? 5. Is it true that some Nigerians are conforming to the English style of writing business names? 6. Is your own one of them? 7. If yes, why? 8. Do you think coining your business name to look or sound like an English word will affect your business positively than giving it a plain Yorùbá name? 9. If yes or no, please explain. 10. Can you mention any other name(s) that has (have) been coined to look or sound English like yours? Interviewees‘ information gathered were recorded. Eliciting information from informants at times may be a little difficult and may often not come naturally (especially when the act of recording goes along with it), but with the subject of names under study, information came readily with enthusiasm. In Nigeria, there seems to be no hide and seek game regarding names and meanings ─ everybody is at home, interested in names, and naming. To cap it all, this research combines the study of names with the language and culture that are in vogue and the Nigerian 124 youth (YEBs) are proud of the English language and western culture. In essence, they are literate and have some exposure, to an extent, to the English language. The non-verbal cues of the informants (while responding to the questions) are also taken cognisance of apart from the recorded verbal ones. Take for instance, the raising of a thumb or two fingers when hailing or calling a friend or colleague‘s Anglicised indigenous name is to express an ‗okey-dokey‘. In addition, even the intonations of the English language used as opposed to the tones of the Yorùbá language are all paralinguistic features. They serve to inform us about the attitudes of our respondents. 3.1.4 Cards and Mementoes For this research, we investigated some areas where Anglicised names are found. The domains of Anglicisms examined are nine viz: on signboards, vehicles, business cards, wedding cards, ―pray for us‖ letters, E-mail addresses, mementoes, official documents, T.V./News papers, and goods. It is assumed that the Anglicised names found in these domains will virtually reveal different types of Anglicisms in names exhibited by YEBs in the entire Yorùbá speaking communities as highlighted in 3.2.1. For instance, mementoes can be brought to Ilorin or Lokoja from a wedding, burial or birthday ceremony that took place in Lagos or Ibadan. The fact is that these mementoes, invitation or business cards travel everywhere within the Yorùbá speaking communities and even the entire nation. Likewise, the delivery vans or vehicles and goods with Anglicised names go round the communities and the nation at large. 3.1.5 Library Exploration 125 This is a secondary source of data, which is very useful in researches generally. There are two types of library exploration viz: unpublished and published sources. Information retrieved via journals and articles, related books, magazines, daily times, are the published materials. The published and unpublished materials are very crucial to a researcher for a literature review. The literature review is quite useful since the act of reviewing the available materials points the possibility of the researcher not being the first to write on the subject. Moreover, a starting point is provided for the researcher. In addition, the researcher is afforded the opportunity to ponder on the views of others. By reviewing the numerous existing related works, the researcher is guided to perceive where to continue from where others have stopped. 3.2 Procedure for the Study We examine four hundred (400) questionnaire forms for this study. In doing this, a random selection from the bulk to stand for the whole is done as explained below. The subsections following show how the respondents were stratified. 3.2.1 Sampling Techniques Getting an entire population in a sociolinguistic research of this nature will be a Herculean task if not an impossible one. Our best bet was to opt for stratified random sampling (i.e. sampling the population chosen to be studied). It is acclaimed as the appropriate yardstick for determining the pattern of distribution of the questionnaire since every society is naturally stratified based on sex, age, occupation, social status, and literacy level. Since a sample is a part of the whole population, it follows then that it mirrors the whole. Therefore, in choosing the sample, consideration is given to the different social classes, educational levels, ages, and 126 religious beliefs. Pointing out the relationship between the two, Asika (2002:39) succinctly puts it thus: A population is made up of all conceivable elements, subjects or observation relating to a particular phenomenon of interest to the researcher. Subjects or elements are individual items that make up the population. They may be observed or physically counted. With the sampling technique, the researcher obtains a quicker result. In addition, thoroughness is guaranteed in the handling of the results, since they received the researcher‘s adequate supervision. Toeing the line of Osuala‘s (2001:125) probability sampling method: ―where each element in a population is chosen at random and has a known, non-zero chance of selection‖, we administered the questionnaire. Furthermore, the four steps of drawing a representative sample out of the apparent large population of YEBsIN recommended by Osuala thus: (1) Defining the population, (2) Obtaining a list of units in the population, (3) Determining the size of the same so that all characteristics of the population are represented, and (4) Drawing units from the list so that they are representative of the total. Respondents‘ samplings of YEBsIN were in stages. In terms of dating, the examined Anglicised personal and business names fall within 1975-2005. Ages 13 – 30 are regarded as the youth while age 60 and above are considered as aged (for the purpose of this study). 127 For a representative of this community respondents from each part where the Yorùbá language is spoken were first sampled for a stratified sampling. Therefore, for YEBs resident in Õyö, Ìbàdàn was chosen; for those resident in Õÿun, Òsogbo; for those resident in Èkìtì, Adó-Èkìtì; for those resident in Òýdó, Àkúrë; for those resident in Ògùn, Abëòkúta; for those resident in Edo, Benin; for those resident in of Kogi, Kabba; for those resident in Kwara, Ìlôrin; for those resident in Lagos, Lagos metropolis. The population is grouped into certain strata with the stratified sampling technique. The characteristics of grouping are based on the sociolinguistic variables found in the biographical data of the questionnaire. See the breakdown below for a feel. 3.2.2 Analytical Method In analysing the data, the statistical, frequency, percentage, and the deductive evaluation methods are adopted. Investigating Anglicisms in Yorùbá Person Names (YPNs) and Yorùbá Business Names (YBNs), as well as the attitude of YEBs to Anglicisms is a serious task needing not just one method of analysis, but a combination of methods. Handling the informants‘ biographical data, the statistical method is found highly relevant for the analysis and categorisation of the information gathered. This analysis involving social demographic breakdown is descriptive as well as inferential according to Asika (2002). The attitudinal behaviours of informants can be assessed via the descriptive segment, which takes care of the tabulation and summation of related and group variables adequately well. 128 Again, through inferential statistics, as Asika opines, we can deduce from the statistical assessments ―of central tendency and dispersion, certain meaning and important relations which lie hidden within the data‖ (2002:128). Furthermore, he submits these functions of inferential statistics are:  To estimate a population parameter from the sample  To predict the population characteristics from the general characteristics of the selected sample  To test relevant hypotheses for drawing valid conclusion for research studies. Making possible the variables and groups comparison are the frequency and percentage of analytical methods. Therefore, in the consideration of the third section of the questionnaire the frequency and percentage methods of assessment are found most useful. The percentage of the number of the respondents, who opted for any of the given options, can easily be calculated. Their attitudes to Anglicisms in personal and business names can be got as shown by the frequencies and percentages that differ. A juxtaposition of the various social groups is done. Invariably, the research and hypothetical questions are thereby affirmed or refuted. The deductive reasoning evaluating method is used in analysing the open- ended questions of the questionnaire, responses of subjects in the interview, and the data sourced from the wedding and business cards, letters (notes), mementoes, and signboards. The nature of the open-ended questions and interviews is not the straitjacketed type; therefore, the method of analysis used for biographical data, as well as, questions with options, cannot be used. Therefore, the onus is on the researcher to fish out, without evident rational guide, the ‗direct‘ responses. 129 In all, Asika‘s (2002:107) opinion for the analysis of the data gathered, in using the results of the analyses to answer research questions and test relevant hypotheses, is carried out. Doing this, we take either of two steps i.e., picking the research questions one after the other, while we put the relevant tables after them to reveal how the analyses in the tables suggest answers to the research question; or two, testing the hypotheses at the appropriate level of significance. 3.3 Conclusion The highlights of the various methods of data collection and analytical design to be adopted, in this study, have been given from the foregoing. The methodology, along with its advantages, was discussed. The survey research methods include the participatory observation, the questionnaire, personal interview, the library exploration, explorations of letters and notes, wedding and business cards, mementoes, and sign-boards‘ names. The verification or dis-affirmation of the hypotheses as submitted in Chapter 1 is made possible through the data collected. In addition, this chapter analyses the sampling techniques employed. The data analysis comes up in the next chapter. 130 CHAPTER FOUR DATA ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS 4.0 Introduction Osuala‘s (2001:151) apt definition of analysis is ―the statistical calculation performed with the raw data to provide answers to questions initiating the research‖. In the interpretation of the data, we make inferences indispensable to research connections and depict deductions regarding these connections, looking at respondents‘ responses to the many questions and relating them to biographical data of the respondents. The integrated theories discussed in the conceptual models are consciously used in responding to the research questions. This chapter apportions five major sections in examining the data collected and each has sub-sections. The chapter not only examines the lexico-semantic, linguistic, and sociolinguistic features found in Anglicisms of Yorùbá-English Bilinguals in Nigeria (YEBsIN), it explores the categories, variations, multiplicity of tongues and the domains of Anglicisms. Coupled with all these, to be discussed in this chapter are the attitudes of respondents to Anglicisms, the English language and the Yorùbá language. 4.1 The Features of Anglicism in YPNs and YBNs Absolutely, there are some distinct characteristics of YEBs‘ Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs. They are the outstanding qualities we observed in them and they quickly convey quite a lot of things per the psychography of YEBsIN as a speech community under study. In addition, a revelation of YEBs‘ language plight is pinpointed as a result of languages in contact. Principally, lexico-semantic, phonological, morphological, linguistic, and sociolinguistic features are the ones examined. 131 4.1.1 Lexico-Semantic Features Hornby (2001:1069) gives semantics a layman‘s definition as ―the study of the meanings of words and phrases‖. True, semantics is the study of meanings. However, it is not only of words and of phrases, for that would only be word based like the meaning postulates and componential semantic theories. It also involves the Master Speech Acts Theory, which recognizes the importance of the global context of an utterance at all levels of linguistic analysis: lexical, phonological, and syntactical and the total contextual meaning i.e. the pragmasociolinguistic context (Adégbìjà, 1985 & 1988). The primary layer or literal, the secondary or non-literal, and the global or tertiary level of meaning must come to play. The term ―Lexico-semantics‖ is an index to the dual attention of this section since it combines lexical and semantic study. Lexis is concerned with word – stock of a language i.e., the totality of the vocabulary. A thorough understanding of lexis is a ‗sine qua non‘ to one‘s skill and ability to communicate in any human language. Àkàndé, (2003:75) quoting Fromkin, et.al. (2000:25) corroborates the fact that the study of lexis is majorly concerned with the organisation of the lexical items which: … are meaningful linguistic units that can be combined to form phrases and sentences when a speaker hears a word in his language he has an immediate association with a particular meaning. Deducing from the above quotation, Àkàndé submits that vital to the study of lexis are the principles of combination and association (i.e. how words co-occur or contract the relations of sameness; oppositeness or inclusion). Nation (1990:32) affirms that: Knowing a word includes being able to recall its meaning when we meet it. It also includes being able to see which 132 shade of meaning is most suitable for the context that it occurs. In addition, knowing the meaning of a word may include being able to make various associations with other related words. In addition to Adégbíjà‘s Master Speech Acts semantic analysis, Shodipe‘s (2004:212) assertion on lexical analysis will be adopted that: Free and bound morphemes are thus the basic ingredients in word formation as they are usually combined to create various forms of lexical patterns, which can be described in morphological terms. These include affixation, conversion, blending and compounding. Àlàbí (2000:108), writing on lexical and semantic features in Nigerian English, opines that Bámgbóśé (1986:106 - 107), identifies the following features: coining of new lexical items from the local languages or from pidgin either directly or in translation, e.g. ‗Barb‘ from ‗barber‘ and ‗invitee‘ from ‗invite‘; giving new meanings to some lexical items, e.g. ‗corner‘ to mean ‗a bend in the road‘ and ‗globe‘ to mean ‗an electric bulb‘; retaining for some lexical items older meanings no longer current in indigenous English e.g. ‗station‘ to mean ‗the town or city in which a person works‘; giving new forms or meanings to certain idioms, e.g. ‗to eat one‘s cake and have it‘ instead of ‗to have one‘s cake and eat it‘; and developing entirely new idioms, e.g. ‗off-head‘ instead of ‗off hand‘. The classes of lexico-semantic features in Nigerian English (NE) recognised or identified by authors vary. For instance, Adégbìjà (1989:171-5) has five major classes; Jowitt (1991:131) gives eight. Babátúndé (1997:176) illustrates with six major classes and Bámiró (1994) has the largest number (ten) of lexico-semantic variation in NE. The ten variations identified by Bamiro are: (1) loan shift, (2) semantic under-differentiation, (3) lexico-semantic duplication and redundancy, (4) 133 ellipsis, (5) conversion, (6) clipping, (7) acronyms/alphabetisms, (8) translation equivalents, (9) analogical creation, and (10) coinages. Many authors have written on aspects of lexico-semantics as cited above. It is noteworthy that the term Anglicism has not received attention in this part of the globe. This part, therefore, handles lexico-semantic features attested to in Anglicisms in YPNs. Samples of Anglicised YPNs given by the respondents are presented in tables 1-12 below. Table 1: Consonant Clusters Indigenous Non-Consonant Anglicised Consonant Cluster Patterns Cluster Names (1) Dámi (cvcv) Dammy (cvccv) (2) Bölá(cvcv) Bolly (cvccv) (3) Lôlá(cvcv) Lolly (cvccv) (4) Rêmí(cvcv) Remmy (cvccv) (5) Sôlá(cvcv) Sholly (cvccv) (6) Sêgi (cvcv) Sheggy (cvccv) (7) Yétúndé (cvcvcv) Yetty (cvccv) (8) Tölá (cvcv) Tolly (cvccv) (9) Töpé (cvcv) Toppy (cvccv) (10) Bösê (cvcv) Bossy (cvccv) (11) Tèmi (cvcv) Temmy (cvccv) (12) Kölé (cvcv) Kolly (cvccv) (13) Këmi (cvcv) Kemmy (cvccv) (14) Níkê (cvcv) Nikky (cvccv) (15) Gbémi (cvcv) Gbemmy (cvccv) (16) Jùmõkë (cvcvcv) Jummy (cvccv) (17) Fúnmi (cvcv) Funmmy (cvvccv) (18) Fúnkë (cvcv) Funkky (cvvccv) (19) Fëmi (cvcv) Femmy/Phemmy (cvccv) (20) Ôpë (vcv) Oppy (vccv) (21) Lará(cvcv) Larry (cvccv) (22) Láńre (cvNcv) Larry (cvccv) (23) Dúpë (cvcv) Dupsy (cvccv) (24) Bùkölá (cvcvcv) Bukky (cvccv) (25) Folúsö (cvcvcv) Folly (cvccv) (26) Folúkë (cvcvcv) Folly (cvccv) (27) Fúnsö (cvcv) Funshy (cvccv) (28) Jìmí (cvcv) Jimmy (cvccv) 134 Consonant Cluster: During the colonial era, English words (names inclusive) were Nigerianised. Almost all English words with consonant clusters were split; thus, forcing either the Yorùbá, Igbo, or any indigenous syllabic structure on them. Therefore, bread becomes (búrëdì), sprite (sípíráìtì), comb (kóýbù/kóòmù), to mention a few. However, a new transformation is happening now. We have the ‗Englishness‘ of Nigerian names i.e. there is a move from our own non-consonant cluster Nigerian orthographical forms to the consonant cluster and Anglicised pattern (see Table 1 above). These examples look like English words such as daddy, mummy, Sammy, Sunny, Kelly, Lizzy, Suzzy, etc. Currently, however, they are written as Õfà (vcv), Ìlôfà (vcvcv), Èfò Àmùrò (vcv – vcvcv) , Çgbëdá Çga (vcvcv – vcv), Ayétòrò Gbçdç (vcvcvcv – cvcv), Ekìnrìn-Àde (vcvcv – vcv). The phonetic problem that occurred as a result of the way the 1875 Yorùbá Orthography spelt some names of Yorùbá and villages (i.e Õffà (vccv), Ìllôffà (vcvccv) Èffò - Àmùrò (vccv – vcvcv) , Çgbëddá Çgga (vcvccv – vccv), Aiyétòrò Gbçddç (vvcvcvcv – cvccv), Ekìnrìn-Àdde (vcvcv – vccv), has also spurred this trend of Anglicism in names. The syllabic structures are relevant also under the phonological features in YPNs and YBNs (see 4. 1. 2). Table 2: Clippings Indigenous Names Clipped Anglicised Forms 135 1. Adésôj í/Ôlásôj í Soj 2. Olúyôm í/Àbáyõm í Yom 3. Adé bím pé/Ôlá bím pé Bim 4. Olúyçm isí/Ôláyçm í Yem 5. Olúwa fëm i/Adéfëm i/Babáfëm i Fem 6. Ôlá sún kànmí/Adé sún kànmí Sun 7. Adé sím ilölá/Adé sím isölá Sim 8. Gbád ébõ/Gbád égçsin Gbad 9. Ôlá bís í/Bís ílölá/Adé bís í Bis 10. Ô lár éwajú Larry 11. Olúwa dám ilölá Dam 12. Olúwa rêm ílëkún Rem 13. Olúwa këm i/Fôlá këm i Kem 14. Oluwa Máy õwá May 15. Adé böl á/Ômö böl á Bol 16. Ô lád élé Lad 17. Ôlá jùm õkë Jum Clippings: The term ‗clipping‘ refers to ‗a piece cut off from something‘ (Hornby 2000: 204). It seems the cutting of parts of some indigenous names is a common phenomenon (formal situations inclusive) bringing about shortened forms of most names (especially, personal names) without affecting their functions in the contexts they occur. These shortened or clipped names are done naturally and intuitively by choice. For example, ‗Adésimilölá‘ (number 7) in table 2 above, can be clipped in a number of ways: ‗Adé‘ and Adésimì, (initial position), Désimi, Similölá, Simi, (medial position), and 136 Lôlá (final position). Nevertheless, our respondent picks the last one in the medial position and goes further to Anglicise it by clipping the final ‗i‘ off because of the peculiarity of the fact that she is getting wedded and wants it to syncronise well with her fiance‘s name (number 11, Olúwadámilölá as Dam). When merged, we have SimDam. Reinforcing the above submission Adam (1973: 135) says: This term refers to the process by which a word of two or more syllables (usually a noun) is shortened without a change in its function-taking place. Advertisement, examination, gymnasium, laboratory, photograph, professor, all have commonly used clipped forms: ad, or advert, exam, gym, lab, photo, prof.... There do not seem to be any clear phonological or graphological rules by means of which we might predict where a word will be cut. Table 3: Analogy/Generalisation Indigenous Names Analogical Anglicised Forms 137 (1) Máyõwá Mayour (2) Adébáyõ Bayour (3) Fábìyí Fabulous (4) Sadé Shade (5) Káyõdé Kay (6) Ôlábõdé Bodmas (7) Köládé/Köláwôlé Kolington (8) Tìmílëhìn Tim (9) Olújìmí Jim (10) Babátúndé/Babalôlá Pappy/Babs (11) Këhìndé Kenny (12) Fúnsö Funshy (13) Ôlátöpë/Tèmitöpë Top /Tops Analogy/Generalisation: Borrowing from Adégbìjà (1989:172), analogy/generalisation is a lexico- semantics occurence, which involves ―the formation of new words on the basis of partial likeness or agreement in form or in sense with already existing words, either in the mother tongue or in English‖. Examples found in the Anglicised indigenous names are presented in Table 3 above. Table 4: Compound - blends Indigenous Names Compound-Blend Anglicised Pattern 138 (1) Sôjí & Bölá SojBol (2) Yômí & Jùmõkë YomJum (3) Bímpé & Ládélé Bimlad (4) Yçmí & Bólú YemBol (5) Fëmi & Këmi FemKem (6) Súnkànmí & Fôlásadé SunShade (7) Simisölá & Dámilölá SimDam (8) Gbadé & Máyõwá GbadMay (9) Bísí & Këmi BisKem (10) Fëmi & Töpë FemTop (11) Fëmi & Rêmí FemRem (12) Láńrewájú & Dámilölá LarryDam Compound - blends: Adam (1973:146) gives below some apposite examples of compound - blends which syncronise with the forms of Anglicisms identified in Table 4 above thus: Ballute ——> Combination of balloon and parachute Amerind ——> Contraction for, American and Indian Brunch ——> A ‗portmanteau‘ word for breakfast and lunch Cablegram ——> Cable + -gram, by superficial analogy with telegram. Dictaphone ——> Dictate + -phone as in Gramophone Squarson ——> A jocular combination of squire and person Solemncholy ——> Fancifully for solemn (after melancholy). It should be noted that in the indigenous names that demonstrate compound - blends, the letters beginning the second segment of the name Anglicised are sometimes capitalised in this corpus unlike Adam‘s above. This makes it easier to 139 identify that two names are fused and can be analysed. Obviously, they display a blend composed of two elements that are splinters. However, the capitalisation of the second segment is a matter of choice. Table 5: Initialling and Partial Acronyms Indigenous Names Initials and Partial Acronyms Forms 140 (1) Ìbùkún I.B. (2) Bölájí B.J. (3) Túnjí T.J. (4) TiJésù Tee Jay (5) Ayõmídé A.Y. (6) Tìjání T.J (7) Táiyé TeeMan (8) Bólú Bùnmi (two names) BeeBee (9) Similádé Bösê Sórêmëkún S.B.S. (Analogical with School of (three names) Basic Studies) (10) Dayõ Jëminíwà DeeJay (11) Tìmílëhìn, Tolúwanimí, 3 Tee Tùmínínú (12) Moyin, Kíkëlômô, Kölápõ, 2 2 M.K .A Adérójú, Aríyewínní (five names) Initialling and Partial Acronyms: The initials of letters of names constitute the Anglicisms observed in the corpus above. This is akin to ―John Fitzgerald Kennedy often known by his initials JFK‖ Hornby (2001:616). There are various types of acronyms as exemplified above syncronising with the submission of Adams (1973: 136) that: Acronyms, words formed from the initial letters of a phrase, have been on the increase since the beginning of the twentieth century.... Acronyms may be pronounced as words, for example Unesco, or as series of letters, for example BBC. Occasionally, they are given pronunciation spellings. A rider to Adam‘s submission, ‗pronunciation spellings‘ are given to acronyms such as ‗Tee Jay‘, ‗Bee Bee‘, and ―Dee Jay‘ for numbers 4, 8, and 10 in Table 5 141 respectively. However, outside this corpus, a myriad of English examples, that probably gave rise to the indigenous Anglicised names abound. Consider these: (1) Disk Jockey Deejay (D.J.) (2) Old Kinderhook Okay (O.K.) (3) Master of Ceremony Emcee (M.C.) (4) Ante Meridian Eiem (A.M.) (5) Doctor of Philosophy Ph.D (6) Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome AIDS (7) Bachelor of Medicine M.B (8) Member of British Council MBC or (9) Member of British Congress MBC etc. (10) Doctor of Medicine or MD Managing Director For numbers 1 & 5 in table 5 above, the first two letters of respondents‘ names are used to form the acronyms giving us I.B. & A.Y, respectively. Number 2 has the consonant of its first and third syllables combined but number 3 made use of the consonants of its first and second syllables giving us ―B.J.‖ and ―T.J‖ respectively. However, numbers 4, 7, 8, 10 and 11 pick the first letters of the respondents‘ names and also add decorum by writing the ‗pronunciation spelling‘ for letters ‗T‘, ‗B‘, ‗D‘ and ‗J‘. Not only that, there is the raising of letter ‗T‘ into power 3 (meaning ‗T‘ in three places). ‗Tee Man‘ (number 7) is a pet name given by the respondent to his twin brother while reciprocally, he is called ‗Kenny‘ from 2 2 ‗Këhíndé‘. M.K. A (in number 12 above) are five initials for the five names the respondent bears. The ‗K‘ and ‗A‘ are raised to power 2 just like the ‗T‘ is raised to power 3 in number 11 above. Table 6: Consonant Shift 142 The voiceless palato – alveolar The voiceless palato - alveolar fricative/∫/ is realised in the same way fricative /∫/ in English is phonetically in Yorùbá but orthographically represented as ‗sh‘ orthographically represented as ‗s‘ (1) ßadé Shadé (2) ßëgun Shëgun/Shêgëê (3) ßôlá Shôlá/Shölly (4) ßògo Shògo (5) ßêyç Shêyç (6) ßaléwá Shaléwá (7) ßèyí Shèyí (8) ßólëyç Shólëyç (9) ßódípõ Shódípõ (10) Bámiÿayé Bámishayé Consonant Shift: You will notice that the ‗s‘ with a diacritic under these names in Table 6 above, i.e. ―s‖, a Yorùbá consonant, has given way to its English counterpart /∫/ (voiceless palato - alveolar fricative) that sounds exactly like it in Yoruba phonetics. Taking a cue from that, we have the former Nigerian President being addressed as ―uncle Shege‖ in the media because one of his names is ―ßëgun‖. Also, the last syllable ‗gë‘ rather than ‗gun‘ rhymes with the ‗ç‘ sound of the first syllable. After all, there is ―ç‖ sound in English but ‗un‘ sound is typically Yorùbá, which gives way totally to English and of course the diacritic under ‗e‘ also is thrown off in its written but not in the pronunciation. Thus, it is an Anglicised sound. Towns like Òÿogbo and Ògbómõÿö have felt the impact of the wind of Anglicism blown on them as they are now spelt as Òshogbo and Ògbómõshö. 143 Well, age is obviously related to the time variable. The aged tends to be conservative in language use as they are unable to keep up with the rate of language shift‖ (Ôlöruntöba-Ojú, 1999:131). Table 7: Clipping and Suffix ‗-s‘ Marker Indigenous Names Suffix `–s` marker (1) Babátúndé/Bab átöpë/Bab árímísá Babs (2) Adé tòkunbõ/Ôlátòk unbõ Toks (3) Ajíbádé/Ajíbóyè/Ajíb ölá Ajibs Clipping and Suffix ‗-s‘ Marker: The three examples of Yorùbá Anglicised names in Table 7 were first of all clipped and then a suffix ‗-s‘ was added to each of them. The suffix ‗-s‘ marker is alien to Yorùbá names. However, respondents gave them as Anglicised indigenous names. This is attesting to the Anglicism in those names in Table 7 manifesting through the suffix ‗-s‘ marker in fusion with their clipped indigenous names. Table 8: Clipping and Suffix ‗-y‘ Marker Indigenous Names ‘–y’ suffixation (1) Töpë Topy (2) Ìfëolúwa Ify 144 Table 9: Clipping and Suffix ‗–us‘ Marker Indigenous Names ‘–us’ suffixation (1) Gbénga Gbengus (2) Yínká Yinkus (3) Káyõdé Kayus (4) Báyõ Bayus Table 10: Clipping and suffix ‗–x‘ Marker Indigenous Names ‗–x‘ Suffixation (1) Wálé Walex (2) Kúnlé Kunlex (3) Bólú Bolex (4) Adéôlá Adex (5) Fúnmi Funmex/Funmmex (6) Yõmí Yomex/Yommex Clipping and Suffix ‘–y‘, ‗–us‘, and ‗–x‘ Markers: Tables 8, 9 and 10 above reflect Anglicisms in those corpuses. As far as the researcher knows, the Yorùbá language has none of its indigenous names ending with a ‗–y‘, ‗–us‘ or ‗–x‘. So these suffixes added to already clipped Yorùbá names have been influenced by the hold the English language has on those respondents. The suffixes, ‗–ify‘ and ‗–fy‘ in English verbs mean ―to make or become‘. The researcher is of the opinion that such suffixes may be very much restricted to names just in line with Adams‘ (1973: 164). submission that: Some suffixes, or combinations of suffixes, we may surmise, are too specialised in meaning, and therefore too restricted in the kind of stems they are likely to have, to acquire new shades of meaning. Stems of –iana (as in Johnsoniana) for instance, are almost entirely confined to proper names Table 11: Phonetic Attachment/Inclination Indigenous Names Phonetical Inclined Anglicised Pattern 145 (1) Máyõwá majour (from Mayour) (2) Adébáyõ Bajour (from Bayour) (3) Àbáyõmí Yourmy (4) Fúnmi Phunmy (5) Fadékë Phaday (6) Fóyèkë Phoyestic Phonetic Attachment/Inclination The ‗pronunciation spellings‘ are employed majorly in Table 11. The ‗yõ‘ of Má yõ wá, ‗Adébáyõ‘ and ‗Àbá yõ mì‘ is similar to the English ‗Your‘ which has eventually metamorphosed into the palatal unrounded /j/ at the beginning of the word ‗jour‘ instead of ‗your‘. The interchangeability of ―Ph‖ for ‗F‘ in British and American orthographies for words like Photo and Phase, and their realisations in the phonetics change to /fəʊtəʊ/ and /feiz/ respectively is perhaps responsible for Anglicisms in these indigenous names. However, it is the other way round for such names as Fúnmi, Fadékë, and Fóyèkë to ‗Phunmy‘, ‗Phaday‘ and ‗Phoyestic‘ respectively. Table 12: Clipping and Duplication Indigenous Names Clipped and Duplicated Anglicised Unclipped and Unduplicated Forms Forms (1) Olúwafëmi/Adéfëmi/Babáfëm i Fem-Fem (2) Olúwa bùnmi Bum-Bum (3) A bös êdé Bos-Bos (4) Olúwa yëm isí Yem-Yem Clipping and Duplication: 146 The process of duplication is not strange to a Kwa language. For instance from verbs like ‗pçja‘ (to kill fish), ‗wolé‘ (to inspect house), duplication of those verbs forms to nouns as: ‗Pçjapçja‘ a fisherman ‗Woléwolé‘ a sanitary inspector. It is not surprising, therefore, that these Yorùbá names (in the above corpus) have been clipped, as well as, duplicated. However, the clipping is done in the syllabic structure of English (cvc) which is incongruous with the Yorùbá syllabic structure under study. It should be noted, however, that not all the categorisations above are mutually exclusive. They are inter-related; for example, some that are categorised under Clippings can be regarded as Consonant Clusters. Analogy/Generalisation category may be termed as Clippings. Some names under initialing and Partial Acronyms can come under Compound-Blends. In fact, some names under Clipping and Duplication may be brought under Compound-Blends. Eventually, majority (if not all) can be categorised under clippings. However, these categorisations have to be maintained for the peculiarity of this study. It is clearly seen that language is a dynamic phenomenon. It is not static; it keeps changing with time, age, place, situations, events, and technology. This study confirms that our youths now think of their indigenous names in English terms. The elderly ones are not as innovative in their language shift. It has been asserted that in Africa, the speech of the elderly is often marked by proverbs and aphorisms (Ôlöruntöba-Ojú, 1998, p.131). This researcher submits that the speech of youths is heavily marked by Anglicisms and new coinages. 147 The fact that the Yorùbá (especially youths) are deeply exposed to two cultures (i.e. Nigerian and English) is a corollary of the Anglicisms in names under study. There is no argument against the truth that language reflects culture. The two cultures YEBs are exposed to in Nigeria (especially in this jet age of computer) are producing a kind of ‗hybridisation‘ of nick and pet names attested to in the tables above. Prior to this era, when English was introduced in Nigeria, adaptation of colonial masters‘ names such as Coker, Smith and Clifford, was in vogue. Now, English has become an ―aged man‖ in Nigeria whose fourth or fifth generation has produced these Anglicisms in names. This is not saying anomie is happening to owners of indigenous languages and their names but that the English language is held in high esteem and there is a kind of fusion or hybridisation of Yorùbá names. 4.1.2 Phonological Features in Anglicised YPNs & YBNs There are certain phonological criteria in English that help in defining a word. In Yorùbá, stress accounts for no significant role in locating word status. However, tone and pitch are vital in establishing lexical contrasts and wordhood. We have three (3) lexical tones in Yorùbá viz: the high tone, the mid tone and the low tone (Bámgbóÿé, 1966) and they are significantly needful in differentiating words from one another. Here are few examples: Yorùbá word English equivalence Igbá Calabash Igbà Woven twisted ropes used for climbing trees especially by palm wine tappers. Ìgbá Locust bean fruit Ìgbà Time, period, the length of somebody‘s life Igba Two hundred 148 Igbà a system of pawning The three tones i.e high tone ( ), mid tone (--), and low tone ( ) can occur at word- initial, word-medial or word-final positions, but the high-tone cannot appear on vowel-initial words: High-tone ( ) dúdú black ìmëlë laziness Adé crown Mid-tone (--) ômô child Ike plastic ojo fear, cowardice, also coward Ire goodness Agolo tin ôrõ gift Low tone ( ) Ìlù drum õpõ cheapness, abundance õwõ honour, respect Ètò plan Êdõ Liver Dùùrù organ (musical) We observe some phonological changes in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs, which help to signal them as opposed to the Yorùbá, names (words) from which they are coined. In Tables 20 and 21 examples include: Table 20 Anglicised YBNs Phonological Changes S/N. (6) KolMor Enterprises Kol Bán köl é Mor Mor ádéyõ ‗Mor‘ is articulated /mכ:/ as opposed to /Mo/ in ‗Morádéyõ‘. The ‗o‘ sound is 149 substituted for ‗כ:‘ sound. Also, the CVCV syllable structure is turned CVC. There is an ear loan as in the phonetics for ‗more‘ and ‗mor‘. (8) Kenny Lad Ventures ‗Ken‘ is an elided form of ‗Këhíndé‘ just as ‗oun‘ is from ‗ohun‘. A rider to this is that some grammar books spell ‗oþjç‘ instead of oúþjç (see Rowland, 1963). The English ‗Ken‘ has an eye loan with ‗Ken‘ from the English Kenedy. Then a suffix ‗ny‘ is added to give us ‗Kenny‘. The same goes for no. 89: ―Kenny & Tee Telecom‖. (15) Bayfunk Computers ‗Bay‘ is from Báy õ. But ‗Bay‘ /bei:/ has a diphthong in its articulation because of the ‗y‘ ending but in Yorùbá, the ‗y‘ is articulated as a palatal approximant /j/ as it begins the second syllable [yõ] in ‗Báyõ‘. Also, Funk /f^nk/ is from Fúnk ë Olú + fún + mi + Kë Olúwa + fún + mi + kë Olúwafúnmikë Olúfúnmikë Fúnmikë (Olúwafúnmikë means The Lord has given me to care for or take care) The ‗n‘ in ‗funk‘, is realised as a velar nasal /ŋ/ while in ‗Fúnkë‘ it is realised as an alveolar nasal /n/. (38) Bayrem Cosmetics ‗Bay‘ is from Bay õ. 150 The explanation given for Bayfunk in no. 15 above is not far-fetched. (57) BleTimPel ‗Ble‘ is from Ble ssing There is no ‗Tim‘ is from Tim ilëhín phonological changes in these ones ‗Pel‘ is from Pelumi The phonological change observed is that ‗p‘ is articulated as bilabial plosive /P/ instead of the velar bilabial plosive ‗Kp‘/Kp/ in the Yorùbá word /Kpêlúmi/ In the same vein, no. 69 ‗Popson‘, the ―Pop‖ is articulated in the English version /pp/ as opposed to ‗Pópó/kpƱkpƱ/ of the name, ‗Pópóôlá‘. Table 21: Anglicised YPNs Phonological Changes (1) Funktional Jewelries We take a cue from Table 20, no. 15 (15) Beezol Ventures ‗Bee‘ is from Bì sölá. The double ‗e‘ as in ‗meet‘, ‗see‘ or ‗pleet‘ is phonetically realised as long ‗e‘ /i:/ which is also equated for ‗Bee‘ here. Also, ‗z‘ in ‗Beezol‘ is the Anglicised phonetic realisation of the ‗s‘ in ‗Bìsölá‘ just as we have in business/bizns/ usually shortened as ‗biz‘. The same is true for the ‗s‘ (the voiceless alveolar fricative) in nos. 46, 75, and 155 realised as ‗z‘ (the voiced alveolar fricative) i.e. ―Anny Tez‖, ‗Tobiz‘, and ‗Dolabiz‘ respectively. (16) Murphy Building Materials Mu Mú fútáù 151 -r- infix ‗r‘ ph Mu f utau. There is the interchanging of ‗f‘ for ‗ph‘ as in ‗foto‘ for ‗photo‘, and ‗face‘ for ‗phase‘. Orthographically in Yorùbá, ‗ph‘ does not exist but through ear-loaning and phonetic representation ‗ph‘ is substituted for ‗f‘ (22) Sukky (Nig) Ltd. Su Sú nkànmì. The ‗n‘ before ‗k‘ is deleted. Thus, the nasality is cancelled to give us an oral sound in ‗suk‘ plus a suffix of ‗ky‘. (32) Murphadel Mu Mú fútáù -r - infix ‗r‘ ph same as no. 16 above adel Adél ékè (35) Ganeey Cooper The phonological change of ‗ee‘ sound in Store ‗Ganeey‘ is similar to the one explained under no. 15 above. (124) Mudashiner Electrical Muda Múdà ÿírù Works -Shi Adé ÿí nà The English palato-alveolar fricative // is used in the orthography [sh] to represent its Yorùbá counterpart[ÿ] -ner Adéÿí nà The Yorùbá ‗na‘ is substituted for the English ‗ner‘ as in the 3rd syllable of the word ‗opener‘ /ʊpn/. The schwa in its phonetic realisation is not found in Yorùbá at all. (167) Súnmádé Gift Shop Sun Mo sún. This is analogical with /SΛmeid/ the English ‗sun‘ I move 152 Made Fara mádé. This is also analogical with English ‗made‘. These look like English words through eye loaning. But the phonetic changes are evident in the fact that ‗un‘ of ‗sun‘ in Yorùbá /sún/ is a nasal vowel whereas in its Anglicised form it is realised as two sounds: an oral vowel // and an alveolar nasal /n/ as in /sΛn/. For ‗made‘, in its Anglicised status, it is articulated as one word /meid/; a diphthong is its vowel. But for the Yorùbá ‗made‘ is a short form of ‗Faramade‘, the analysis is: Fi ara mö adé Put body closely crown. or stick to (stay closely to the crown) 4.1.3 Morphological Features in Anglicised YPNs and YBNs An Anglicised name (word) is a morphologically complex word. A word (especially, in Yorùbá) in its construction reveals that its internal structure is formed from morphemes through morpho-logical principles viz: affixation, reduplication, compounding, or tone rules. Affixation to McCarthy (1981) and Marantz (1982) is a word building process that includes compounding and reduplication apart from prefixation and suffixation. Affixation, in this study, is considered as a process in which one or more letters (bound morphemes) are attached to either the initial, medial or final position of a root (free morpheme), that affects its meaning. In essence, morphemes are of two kinds: the bound morphemes and the free morphemes. Bound morphemes are like leeches; they depend on another morpheme (a free one) to become a word. 153 Bound morphemes are of three kinds and linguists technically refer to them as prefix, infix and suffix as illustrated by the linguist‘s tree diagram below: Morpheme Free Bound Word Affix Prefix Infix Suffix The free morpheme is referred to as the root. Immediately an element is added to a root, it becomes a stem which can further accommodate other addenda. Both root and stem are called ‗host‘ morphemes. The process whereby a bound morpheme precedes the root, succeeds it or splits it, is called prefixation, suffixation, and infixation respectively. Majorly, affixation in English leans on prefixation and suffixation. Take for instance, the word ―disestablishment‖ is made up of the root, establish and joined to it is the (suffix) morpheme [-ment]. Furthermore, it is being prefixed by [dis-]. Moreover, more than one prefix or suffix can occur on a single word as in un/account/abil/ity, un/in/habit/abil/ity and un/inter/change/abil/ity. In Yorùbá, suffixation is not present; both prefixation and infixation are accounted for though Ògúnkëyẹ (2002) on the contrary submits that there are no infixes in Yorùbá. A word like aláígböràn (stubborn person) consists of ‗gböràn‘, ―obey‖ as the root morpheme plus Onì – AGENTIVE, and àí – NEG prefixes. Ògúnkëyẹ (2002:58) is also of the opinion that we can only account for prefixes in 154 Yorùbá except we are regarding partial reduplication in words like tààrà-rà, tààrà-tà, bàbàrà- bà as suffixes. The following examples exhibit Yorùbá prefixes: Jó ‗dance‘ (Vb) i-jó ‗a dance‘ (N) là ‗prosper‘ (Vb) Ôlá ‗prosperity‘ (N) gbön ‗wise‘ (Vb) Ôgbön ‗wisdom‘ (N) Dç hunt (Vb) Ôdç hunter (N) The last type of affixation is infixation and it is not attested in English. However, in Yorùbá we have examples thus: Ômô + kí + ômô ômôkômô Ilé + sí + ilé Ilésile Ìgbà + dé + Ìgbà Ìgbàdégbà We also have examples in the language of the Philippinos called Tagalog. Jenson (1990:78) illustrates this process thus: Base form Kanta ‗sing‘ Kinanta ‗was sung‘ Kumanta ‗sang‘ Kumakanta ‗is singing‘ From the foregoing, infixes -in-, -um-, and -umak- are inserted to kanta, the root. Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs exhibit both prefixes, infixes and suffixes unlike the Yorùbá language itself from the following: 4.1.3.1 Prefixes in Anglicised YPNs and YBNs 155 From the corpus examined under Table 21, we have just three examples of prefixes in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs as follows: S/N. Anglicised YBNs and YPNs Prefixes (116) Aronky Water A– prefix ‗a‘ Ronk, free morpheme from Rónk ë i.e. the root -y suffix ‗y‘ (129) Alolly Babe Beauty A – prefix ‗a‘ Salon ―lol‖ free morpheme from Lol a i.e. the root -ly suffix ‗ly‘ (185) Aloly A – prefix ‗a‘ ―lol‖ free morpheme from Lôl á i.e. the root -y suffix ‗y‘ From the foregoing, the only form of prefix found in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs in this corpus is ‗a‘. This is in contrast with the Yorùbá language that exhibits its affixation only in prefixes. However, prefixes in the Yorùbá language (unlike those in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs) often change the grammatical category of the form they are connected to. Take for example the following: 1. làjà (vb) settle quarrel Õ-la-ìjà (N) (Õlàjà) peacemaker pre settle quarrel or fight 2. gbàlà (vb) save ì-gbàlà (N) (ìgbàlà) salvation pre save 3. Sìn (vb) worship 156 ê-sìn (N) (Êsìn) Religion pre worship 4. Mu (vb) drink õ-mu (N) (Õmu) palmwine pre drink 5. dá (vb) to create ê-dá (N) (Êdá) creature pre create 6. ßeré (vb) to act o-ÿe-ere (N) (òsèré) actor pre do play 7. jà (vb) fight ì-jà (N) (ìjà) a fight pre fight 8. ßê (vb) to sin ê-ÿê (N) (Êÿê) sin pre sin Infixes in YBNs and YPNs In English, there are no infixes, whereas in Anglicised names under study we have some infixes. Perhaps, this may be a result of the fact that they are from multiple sources as discussed under 4.2.3. Some of these infixes are picked from Table 21 as follows: S/N. Anglicised YPNs and YBNs Analysis 16. Murph Building Materials Mu Múfútáù (AYorùbálisedArabic name) -r- infix ‗r‘ 157 ph f from Mú f útáù (interchanging ‗f‘ for ‗ph‘ as in ‗foto‘ and ‗photo‘ and ‗face‘ and ‗phase‘. 32. Murphadel Agro Unique Mu Mú fútáù Stores -r- infix ‗r‘ ph Mú f útáù (interchanging) ‗f‘ for ‗ph‘ as in ‗foto‘ and ‗photo‘, ‗face‘ and ‗phase‘. adel Adél ékè 158 53. Whalex Communication Wálé Adé wálé -h- infix ‗h‘ -x- suffix ‗x‘ 55. Lambsho Minimart Lamb Ôlörun là¹b ê Sho ßô lá. ÿ – sh has phonetic inclination. Orthographically ‗h‘ is an infix here. 124. Mudashiner Electrical Muda Múdà ÿírù Works Shi Adé ÿí nà -h- in ‗shi‘ is an infix orthographically but phonetically it is realised as part of the voiced alveolar fricative // in ‗ß‘ (Yorùbá) and ‗Sh‘ (English). 133. Adeshollar Outfit Instead of the Yorùbá name ‗Adéÿôlá‘,we have Adeshollar. Orthographically, we have no ‗h‘ in the name Adéÿôlá; so it is an infix here just like in no. 124 above. 169. Yormite Computers This is from the Yorùbá name, ‗Yõmì‘. Clearly, ‗r‘ in ‗Yormite‘ is an infix while ‗-ite‘ is a suffix. 174. Dortun Photos ‗Dõtun‘ is the name from which ‗Dortun‘ is coined as an Anglicised 159 name. The insertion of ‗r‘ serves as an infix that gives it a logo that is foreign to Yorùbá. 4.1.3.2 Suffixes in YPNs and YBNs Suffixes usually follow the root of a word. Though we will focus here on suffixes but we submit that the grammatical category of Anglicised names either by prefixation, infixation, sufixation, or compounding remains the same like the Yorùbá names from which they are coined i.e. nouns. No change is effected in their grammatical category. Primarily, they do not exist to add meaning or effect grammatical change but mainly for decorum, trendiness or fashion and stylistic effect. Take for instance,‗Folly‘ Fol Fol úÿó -ly suffix ‗ly‘. The meaning of the word it resembles in English, ‗folly‘ (through eye loan) is not taken cognisance of by either the bearer or caller. But the fact is that the bearer wants a trendy and ‗guyish‘ name which looks English and international (as opposed to the ―local‖, indigenous one ―Foluÿö‖). Another example is ‗Faday‘ Fad Fad ëkë -ay sufix ‗ay‘ This Anglicised form has nothing to do with the meaning of ‗fad‘ or ‗day‘ in English. However, one may be tempted to think that it is a combination of ‗fa‘ and ‗day‘. This accrues a link of it to the English word ‗day‘ via eye-loan. To a literate 160 person but non-YEB, the two Anglicised names ‗Folly‘ and ‗Faday‘ may by their orthographical representations and eye-loaning be mistaken to have meanings related to the English words ‗folly‘ and ‗day‘ or even ‗Fad‘. But through MCBs (mutual contextual beliefs), YEBs know their indigenous meanings and their grammatical category still remains a noun. It is important to reiterate that before suffixes are applied to Anglicised YPNs and YBNs, the Yorùbá names involved are first, clipped or shortened (which now serve as roots or stems). There are in this corpus, eleven types of syllabic structures Anglicised names are fashioned into: Syllabic Structural pattern S/N. Anglicised Names (extracted from Table 21) (A) (i) CVC without suffix 44 Lad Ô lad ípõ CVC 45 Yem Yëm isí CVC 48 Dem Dém ölá CVC 67 Top Töpë CVC 194 Fey Fèy ísáyõ CVC 197 Tem Tèm ídayõ CVC 109 Fak Fák áyõdé CVC (ii) CVC plus suffix 25 Kolly Kol from Köl áwôlé CVC plus suffix ‗ly‘ 48 Demmy Dem from Dém ölá CVC plus suffix ‗my‘ 157 Folex Fol from Fôl ákë CVC plus suffix ‗ex‘ 181 Buks Buks from Bùk ölá 161 CVC plus suffix ‗s‘ 184 Meddy Med from Mêd ínà CVC plus suffix ‗dy‘ 39 Dayeg Day from Day õ CVC plus suffix ‗eg‘ 57 Tuns Tun from Tun tun CVC plus suffix ‗s‘ 59 Larry Lar from Ômô lar á CVC plus suffix ‗ry‘ 62 Temmy Tem from Tèm ilolúwa CVC plus suffix ‗my‘ 69 Tosco Tos from Tós ìn CVC plus suffix ‗co‘ 80 Femco Fem from Adé fëm i CVC plus suffix ‗co‘ 81 Enis Çni from Çni ôlá CVC plus suffix ‗s‘ 176 Toks Tok from Adé tòk unbõ CVC plus suffix ‗s‘ 91 Remmie Rem from Adé rêm í CVC plus suffix ‗mie‘ 92 Femos Fem from Fëm i CVC plus suffix ‗os‘ 89 Wolly Wol from Wôl é CVC plus suffix ‗ly‘ 188 Tobest Tob from Töb a CVC plus suffix ‗est‘ 126 Rolex Rol from Röl ákë CVC plus suffix ‗ex‘ 128 Kayus Kay from Káy õdé CVC plus suffix ‗us‘ 162 139 Jimex Jim from Jim oh CVC from suffix ‗ex‘ 131 Bosco Bos from A bös êdé CVC plus suffix ‗co‘ 134 Rasco Ras from Ràs ákì CVC plus suffix ‗co‘ 121 Dupsy Dup from Mo dúp ë CVC plus suffix ‗sy‘ 195 Dappie Dap from Ôlá dap õ CVC plus suffix ‗pie‘ (B) CVCV plus suffix 2 Detos Deto from A Détö lá CVCV plus suffix ‗s‘ 9 Walesco Wale from Adé wálé CVCV plus suffix ‗sco‘ 71 Toyestic Toye from Ôlá tóyè CVCV plus suffix ‗stic‘ 72 Femistic Femi from Olúwa fëmi CVCV plus suffix ‗stic‘ 78 Nikey Nike from Ôlá níkêë CVCV plus suffix ‗y‘ 86 Sogostical Sogo from Olú ÿògo CVCV plus suffix ‗stical‘ 75 Tobiz Tobi from Tóbi lölá CVCV plus suffix ‗z‘ 105 Fadeco Fade from Fadé kë CVCV from suffix ‗co‘ 132 Bolux Bolu from Bólú wátifë CVCV plus suffix ‗x‘ 135 Walexy Wale from Adé wálé CVCV plus suffix ‗xy‘ 142 Tuyil Tuyi from Awó túyì CVCV plus suffix ‗l‘ 163 143 Toyestic Toye from Awó tóyè CVCV plus suffix ‗stic‘ 164 Seyisco Seyi from Olú sèyí CVCV plus suffix ‗sco‘ 161 Demosco Demo from A démö lá CVCV plus suffix ‗sco‘ 171 Sojisco Soji from Ôlá sôjí CVCV from suffix ‗sco‘ 172 Damico Dami from Dámi lölá CVCV plus suffix ‗co‘ 60 Dupex Dúpë from Mo dúpë CVCV from suffix ‗x‘ 51 Temis Témì from Tèmi ladé CVCV plus suffix ‗s‘ (C) CVCVC without suffix 140 Labak Labak from Làbák ë CVCVC 163 Debis Debis from A débís í CVCVC 199 Titem Titem from Titèm ilolúwa CVCVC (D) (i) CVCC with suffix 1 Funktionals Funk from Fúnk ë CVCC plus multiple suffixes (i) ‗-tion‘ (ii) ‗-al‘ (iii) ‗-s‘ 117 Yinkus Yink from Yínk á CVCC plus suffix ‗us‘ 196 Bimppy Bimp from Adé bímp é CVCC plus suffix ‗py‘ (ii) CVCC without suffix 200 Ronk Ronk from Rónk ë CVCC (suffix less) (E) CVCVC with 66 Layonic Layon from Ô láyôn u CVCVC suffix ‗ic‘ suffix 28 Adex Ade from Adé sínà (F) VCV with suffix CVC plus suffix ‗x‘ 164 58 Oyes Oye from Oyè péôlá VCV plus suffix ‗s‘ 61 Onisco Oni from Òní VCV plus suffix ‗sco‘ 83 Enis Eni from Eni Ôlá ‗Enis‘ is a variant alternative to Enny‘ (see no. 165 below). VCV plus suffix ‗s‘ 100 Orisco Ori from Orí ôlá VCV plus suffix ‗sco‘ 113 Ejis Eji from Èjí wùmí VCV plus suffix ‗s‘ 123 Ejisco Eji from Èjì rë VCV plus suffix ‗sco‘ 156 Ayox Ayõ from Ayõ délé VCV plus suffix ‗x‘ 179 Afosco Afô from Afô lábí VCV plus suffix ‗sco‘ 151 Enny Eni from Eni ôlá CVC plus sufix ‗ny‘ where ‗i‘ is Deleted Anny Ani from Aní jésùÿôlá 165 VCV plus suffix ‗ny‘ where ‗i‘ is Deleted (G) VCVC plus suffix 103 Abisco Abis from Abís Ölá VCVC plus suffix ‗co‘ 38 Arams Aram from Arám idé VCVC plus suffix ‗s‘ 41 Adeks Adek from Adék únlé VCVC plus suffix ‗s‘ (H) VCVCV plus suffix 191 Adelex Adele from Adélé kè VCVCV plus suffix ‗x‘ (K) VCVCVC without 165 Suffix 3 Abolad Abolad from Abölád é VCVCVC Although, this has no suffix marker Anglicising it, Its consonant ending is incongruous in the Yorùbá language because no name and even word ends with a consonant. 4.1.3.3 Compounding Generally, compounding is a word formation process that involves two or more free morphemes conjoined to act as one word. Majority of linguists (Corr 2003, Jesperson 1922, Marchand 1969, Lyons 1968, etc) concord on a compound as being a morphologically complex unit which consists of two or more words working as one word. For instance, in Yorùbá, we have a synthesis of two words into one in the following: (a) Ilé-èrò (Ilérò) hospital house people (b) Ogún – ìbí (Ogúnìbí) birthright inheritance birth Examining compounding in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs, we observe that YEBs first formulate different syllable structures as free morphemes clipped from Yorùbá, Arabic and Indo-European names to represent Anglicised names. Second, they amalgamate two or more of those syllable structures. From Table 20, we have fourteen strusctural patterns of compounding in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs as below: 166 Syllabic Structural S/N. Compounded Anglicised YPNs and YBNs Patterns (Extracted from Table 20) (A) CV plus CVC 4 Totem To + tem CV CVC Olúwa tó yìn Tèm iladé (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names). Tofem To + Fem 7 CV CVC Adé tö lá Adé fëm i (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names). 13 Jutol Ju + tol CV CVC v Jù mõkë Töl ání (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names). 28 Royet Ro + yet CV CVC Ró tìmí Yét úndé (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names). 33 Bomac Bo + Mac CV CVC Bö lá Mák indé ‗c‘ for ‗k‘ as in Car/ka:/ (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names). 46 Yedap Ye + dap CV CVC Yé túndé Dàp õ (Two free morphemes conjoined From a couple‘s names). 50 Safat Sa + fat CV CVC 167 Sà ká Fát ímõh (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names) 63 Adjim Ad + Jim CV CVC Àd ùkë Jím õh (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names) 65 Bofem Bo + fem CV CVC Bö lá fëm i (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names). 67 Renik Re + nik CV CVC Rê mi Ník êë (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names). (B) CV plus CVC with 5 Elbuns El + bun + suffix ‗s‘ Suffix CV CVC El ijah Bùn mi + s (Two free morphemes conjoined from a couple‘s names). (C) CV plus 2 CVCs 47 Jetundam Je + Tún + Dam CV CVC CVC Jé sùÿeun Olúwa tún mise Olúwa dám ilölá (D) 2 CV plus CVC 21 Febuseg Fe + bu + seg CV CV CVC 168 Fè yí Bù kölá Sëg un 37 Motimoy Mo + ti + Moy CV CV CVC Mo ní tí tí Moy in 75 Yebumot Ye + bu + mot CV CV CVC Ye mí Bù kölá Mot únráyõ 78 Rufadec Ru + fa + dec CV CV CVC Ru kayat Fá lúyì A dék únlé ‗c‘ for ‗k‘ as in car/ka:/ (E) CVC plus CV plus 26 Funmar Fun + Ma + suffix ‗r‘ Suffix CVC CV Fún milölá Má yõwá (F) CVC plus VC 61 Labob Lab + ob without suffix CVC VC Làb ákë Ôb arímisá (G)CVC plus VCV plus 79 Jumadex Jum + ade + suffix ‗x‘ Suffix CVC CVC Jùm õkë Adé dire (H) 2 CVCs 83 Radsan Rad + San CVC CVC Mo rád éyõ Sán ní 9 Bisdem Bis + dem CVC CVC Ôlá bís í A dém ölá 169 11 Kunkem Kun + kem CVC CVC Kun le Kem i 25 Tunbim Tun + bim CVC CVC Tún dé Bí¸ bö 27 Remnik Rem + nik CVC CVC Rêm í Ník êë 29 Bayrem Bay + rem CVC CVC Báy õ Rêm í 38 Muytos Muy + tos CVC CVC Múy ìwá Tós ìn 43 Rajrab Raj + rab CVC CVC Ráj í Ràb ìtíyù 49 Lanray Lan + ray CVC CVC Láþ re Ma ráy õ 51 Remlek Rem + Lek CVC CVC Rêm í Lék an 52 Bistad Bis + tad CVC CVC Bís ölá Tád é 56 Femjum Fem + Jum 170 CVC CVC Olúwa fëm i Ôlá jùm õkë 58 Remdel Rem + del CVC CVC Rêm í Dél é 60 Yuskad Yus + Kad CVC CVC Yus uf Kad ijat 62 RasHab Ras + Hab CVC CVC Ras heed Hab ibat 66 YetMet Yet + Met CVC CVC Yét úndé Mét ìböla 70 Bunvic Bun + Vic CVC CVC Bùn mi Vic tor 71 Mojlat Moj + Lat CVC CVC Moj írádé Ô lát iþwö 72 Sambim Sam + Bim CVC CVC Sam uel Bí¸ bö 74 Lasfun Las + Fun CVC CVC Lás ún Fún mi 76 Bolwum Bol + Wum CVC CVC Böl ájí Wùm í 171 84 Timreb Tim + Reb CVC CVC Tìm ílëhìn Reb ecca 90 Fatbat Fat + Bat CVC CVC Fàt áì Mui bat 91 Wemdel Wem + del CVC CVC Wêm ímö Ôlá dél é 92 Tunniks Tún + nik + suffix ‗s‘ CVC CVC Tún dé Ôlá ník êë (I) 2 CVCs plus suffix 3 LIZKINS LIZ + Kin + suffix ‗s‘ CVC CVC E liz abeth A kin 10 Toykins Toy + kin + suffix ‗s‘ CVC CVC Tóy õsí A kin (J) CCV plus 2 CVCs 39 BleTimPel Ble + Tim + Pel CVC CVC CVC Ble ssing Tìm ílëhìn Pêl úmi (K) 3 CVCs 57 Rotsegkay Rot + Seg + Kay CVC CVC CVC Rót ìmí Sëg un Káy õdé (L) VCVC plus CVC 86 Oladkem Olad + Kem CVCV CVC Ôlád ipõ Këm i (M) CVC plus CV plus 94 Yemsonat Yem + so + nat CVC CVC CV CVC Yëm isí ßô lá Nat haniel 172 (N) Compounding plus 82 Lamar La + Mar Initialling Là mídì M unirat A biodun Raheem 18 Folat Fo + La + t Fo lámí Lá ra T ósìn 19 Darsk Da + R + S + K Dá údà R ájí S amiatu K íkë 20 Hamadab Ha + Ma + Da + B Ha med Ma nsurat Hami da h B ánkë 36 Akinfit Akin + F + I + T Akin olú F êhìntolú Ì níOlúwa T olúwanimí 41 Rotek Rot + e + k Rót ìmí Ç niôlá K únlé 48 SOP S + O + P S ëgun Ô löládé P êlúmi 54 Demoshadek Demo + Shade + K A démö lá Fôlá ÿadé K únlé 77 Solak ßôlá + K Olú ßôlá K ëhìndé 4.1.4 Linguistic Features of Anglicisms in Names The observation that Anglicisms are a genre hinges on the fact that there are certain notable features in the Anglicised YPN and YBN. In marking out different genres, peculiar features come readily in our decision. One cannot but notice some linguistic features of Anglicised YPNs and YBNs under examination. And since 173 linguistics is the science of language, we concur with Crystal‘s (1999:487) that ―linguistics shares with other sciences a concern to be objective, systematic, consistent and explicit in its account of language‖. Explicitly, in the corpuses of the Anglicised indigenous names we examined, the discovery of certain linguistic features is based on facts not feelings; and these linguistic features are exemplified in (a) homographs (b) homonyms, and (c) clippings, abbreviations, acronyms, and initiallings of names in Western and Nigerian cultures: 4.1.4.1 Homographs: These are words spelt the same as another, but are different in meaning and origin. In the bid to Anglicise their indigenous names, YEBs clipped off some parts to become like English words whose origins, meanings and pronunciations are different from the indigenous names. Examples are: YPNs English word 1. Fara Mádé (Made) Made /meid/ 2. Mo sùn (sun) sun /s^n/ 3. Akinlolú (Akin) Akin /əkin/ 4. Modúpë (Dúpë) Dupe /dju:p/ 5. Adéníkë (Nikê) Nike /naik/ 6. Fôláÿadé (Shade) Shade /∫eid/ 7. Fúnmix (fun) fun /f^n/ 4.1.4.2 Homonyms These are words that are spelt the same and they sound the same as another, but are different in meaning and origin. We have Yorùbá trade and personal names 174 that are anglicised which are spelt the same and sound the same as English words. YEBs‘ Anglicisms of combined native names have resulted in these homonyms. YPNs/YBNs English words 1. Bisrot /biz/ Bis /biz/ 2. Darakpot /pt/ pot /pt/ 3. Nikjob /db/ job /b/ 4. Darray /rei/ ray /rei/ 5. Barrylash /læ∫/ lash /læ∫/ 6. Olad /læd/ lad /læd/ 7. Topson /tp/ Top /tp/ 8. Timilehin /tim/ Tim /tim/ 9. Royal /riəl/ Royal /riəl/ 10. Royet /jet/ Yet /jet/ 11. FunMix /Miks/ Mix /miks/ 12. Lolly-Tim /lli/ lolly /lli/ 13. Ollyfat /fæt/ fat /fæt/ 14. Yemwall /w:l/ Wall /w:l/ 4.1.4.3 Clippings, Abbreviations, Acronymns, and Initiallings of Names in Western and Yoruba Cultures Clipping refers to the cutting of a piece of something in British English (BrE). Cutting is a synonym for ‗clipping‘ in American English (AmE). The application of this to names involves shortening polysyllabic names. For instance, ‗sinmilölá‘ has four syllables, which can be split into two free morphemes: ―Sinmi‖ and ―Lölá‖. However, the full rendition is ―Adésinmilölá‖. This can be clipped in a number of ways to: ‗Adésinmi‖, ‗Désinmi‘, ‗Sinmilölá‘, ‗Sinmi‘, ‗Lölá‘ or ‗Adé‘. The clipping can also be at the initial ‗Adé‘, ‗Sinmi‘ or ‗Desinmi‘ (medial), and ‗Lölá‘ (final) positions. It seems that clipping in Yorùbá names is a common phenomenon (formal situations inclusive), which brings about shortened forms of names, especially, 175 personal names without affecting their functions negatively in the contexts they occur. These shortened or clipped names come naturally and inituively, coupled with choice and admiration. As earlier quoted, Adam (1973:135), gives four (4) categories of clippings: (1) Clipped adjective from Noun phrases: Perm from Permanent wave Pub ― Public house Op ― Optical art Pop ― Popular music Prefab ― Prefabricated structure Zoo ― Zoological garden Maths ― Mathematics Specs (retaining the final ‗s‘)― Spectacles Turps (has acquired an ‗s‘ ) ―Turpentive (2) Irregular Clippings Another form of clippings, Adam gives, are those she categorises as ―irregular‖ because they defer from the pattern already given in (1) above. Here they are: 2b. Bike From Bicycle Mike From Microphone Michael (proper names) (emphasis mine) Pram From Perambulator 2b Clipped forms which have a –y or –ie. suffix are: Aussie From Australian Bookie From Book maker Hanky From Handkerchief Movies From Moving picture Telly From Television 176 3. Clippings representing the final part of a word Bus From Omnibus Cello From Violoncello Copter From Helicopter Phone From Telephone Plane From Aeroplane 4. Clippings representing the middle part of a word Flu From Influenza Fridge From Refrigerator Script From Prescription 5. Clippings show various degrees of semantic dissociation from their full forms Mob From Mobile (shortened from the Latin mobile vulgus) Pants From Pantaloons Curio From = object values as a curiosity Fan From Fanatic(=‗admirer‘,‗enthusiast‘) They have acquired meanings rather different from their full forms and are also not felt to be shortenings. 6. Compounds of clippings i.e. a combination or fusion of two or more clipped words Amerind For American Indian Biopic For Biographical picture Diamat For Dialectical materialism Hifi For High fidelity Psywar For Psychological warfare Alnico For An alloy of aluminium, nickel and cobalt Tacsatcom For Tactical satellite communications Abbreviations in Webster‘s view are contractions or letter symbols employed as shortened forms of words and phrases to aid writing and to save space. This practice dates back to antiquity. We have examples on coins and inscriptions because lack of space necessitated shortening of words. As papyrus and parchment developed, transcribers to save energy used abbreviations. 177 In this jet age, the swift enlargement in the world of science, technology and business and in the government agencies has generated vastly increased vocabulary of abbreviations. For instance, in fields like Chemistry, Physics, Mathematics, Computer science, etc. many symbols are in use. Linguistically, an abbreviation serves as a way of augmenting a language or variety of it. Abbreviations possess great linguistic economy and they are employed in almost all registers. There are some occasions when clippings, acronyms, initialling, and abbreviations could result in alphabetism where they are articulated together as if they are words. Awonusi‘s (2004:46) perspective is that: Economy remains one of the important goals of linguistic theory. At the micro-level of application, the notion of economy suggests the ability of a speaker-writer to use the minimally necessary number of lexical items to express comprehensively the communicative import of his speech thereby maximally impacting on the hearer/reader. Names Anglicised YBNs and YPNs Idowu ID Ibukun IB Ayo AY Although abbreviations are a common phenomenon today, they are objects of ancient times. Yes, common and indispensable, they are to all who write, especially, students in keeping pace with lecturers during lectures; the laity jotting profusely from what comes from the clergy; and stenographers taking dictations from bosses, to mention but few. Abbreviations are so common in use that dictionaries have a list of those used in the edition on its first page. The production of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs, produces a blend of clippings, abbreviations, acronyms, and initials that are similar to those given in the 178 foregoing. These English backgrounds mentioned above, somehow, affected YEBs in their ‗art‘ of Anglicisms. It should be noted that in the indigenous names that demonstrate compound blending, the letters beginning the second segment of the names Anglicised are sometimes capitalized, unlike Adam‘s example earlier discussed above. This makes it easier to identify that two names are fused and they can be analysed. Obviously, they display a blend composed of two elements that are splinters. 4.1.5 Sociolinguistic Features of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs In a society, as a social phenomenon, positive or negative attitude can be developed because of the attractiveness or unattractiveness of a particular language. Mentalists (they believe that ability to use language is inborn in Homo Sapiens) see an attitude that is cultivated because of motivation as being of a high instrumental value. This reflects a self- oriented and individualistic attitude since it is geared towards the achievement of a definite personal goal. Gardener and Lambert‘s (1972) judgment is that instrumental motivation signals pragmatic and utilitarian motives which is characterised by the longing to achieve social recognition or economic advantage. YEBs‘ derivation of personal benefits from learning the prestigious language (the English language) has drastically influenced their linguistic performance in it, which they in turn demonstrate in Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs. Adégbìjà (1994) attests to this kind of positive leaning towards English among Nigerians as follows: The results of language attitude research in Africa tend toward the mentalist orientation as they reveal that the major attraction, pull and motivation for learning European languages seem largely to hinge on their potent instrumental value. In this sub-section, we examine the sociolinguistic features of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs. To do this, we look at instances of 179 YEBs‘ attitudes to the English language and the Yorùbá language. In addition, we analysed questions 7-40. 4.1.5.1 Attitudes of Yorùbá-English Bilinguals in Nigeria (YEBsIN) to Anglicisms in Yorùbá Personal and Business Names Investigating YEBs‘ Anglicisms in Yorùbá personal and business names is hinged on language attitudes. Attitudes of Nigerians generally (especially, YEBs) to the English language have been favourable but somehow contemptuous to their indigenous tongues. Awoniyi‘s (1976:15) observation is quite accurate here: Even when the C.M.S. with its operational base in Lagos challenged the imposition of English, as it favoured the use of the indigenous languages side by side with English, the attitude of the natives themselves was not encouraging. Buttressing the above, Oyètádé (2001:18) portrays the high premium indigenous people placed on English thus: What they wanted was English as it guaranteed their opportunity for white-collar jobs and good conditions of life. For instance, when vernacular was introduced in the adult schools in Eastern Nigeria, students withdrew from classes. The positive attitude of YEBs was exhibited in the way they Anglicise their business names is deliberate. Late Chief Ôbáfëmi Awólöwõ (1960:64) also quoted in Ômôlçwà, 1975:109), while recounting his Wesley College days experiences, paints the picture of anomie and or disavowal in the attitude of the people to the indigenous languages. He said: The principal (he was English) of the College in my time, the Rev. G.H. Nightingale, B.D. suffered a good deal of unjustified criticism. Essentially his view was that we should be proud of anything that was indigenous to us; our language, our culture and our style of dress. The official language in the classrooms and in the dining room was English. But in the College compound you could speak any language you liked as long as you were understood. It was believed that Mr. Nightingale fostered these policies in order to slow down our progress in the western sense. I shared his view then, but I now think that he was a great pioneer. 180 It is therefore, evidently clear that small or tiny SPARKS of one age automatically grow into the FIRES of the future. YEBsIN are represented in our data. This sub-section describes our informants and respondents‘ attitudes to Anglicisms in both YPN and YBN. It is hoped that the results of the findings in this research are representational of YEBsIN. Our exposure and understanding of the workings of Anglicisms among YEBs reveal the differences in the language behaviour of the different groups in the community. Furthermore, they lend a search light to whether the English language or indigenous language (Yorùbá) is being promoted or not. In the words of Brown (1995:ix), we have this depicted: Studies such as this explore trends and interactions among the many aspects of language learning and teaching and investigating 181 relationships among various aspects of language learning or differences in the overall language behaviour of groups. In short, although such studies are not the end-all answer to the problems of understanding language, they systematically reduce our confusion from bewildering to manageable proportions. It is not hidden that there are many seemingly odd but fascinating phenomena in the social aspects of language. At a glance and on the surface, one may be tempted to discard an Anglicised (business or personal) name as an oddity. However, on a closer and deeper examination, one would discover what thrilling and fascinating these phenomena called Anglicisms are. No doubt, Anglicisms have hidden depths among YEBsIN (as examined in the third part of the questionnaire: items 7-40 below). The demographic information of the YEBsIN used as investments for this research is presented below in Table 13. Table 13: Demographic Information of the Respondents Sociolinguistic Scale Frequency Percentage Cumulative Variables Percentage Sex Male 200 50% 100% Female 200 50% Age 11-20 168 42% 21-30 220 55% 31-40 4 1% 41-50 4 1% 100% 51-60 4 1% Above 60 12 3% Religion Christianity 288 72% 100% Islam 112 28% Marital Status Married 216 54% 100% Single 184 46% Educational SSS/WASC 144 36% Qualification OND/NCE 64 16% Degree/HND 136 34% Post-graduate 56 14% 100% Occupation Students 184 46% Civil Servants 56 14% Businessmen 128 32% 100% 182 & Women Craftmen & 32 8% Women Table 13 above shows that all social groups and categories of YEBsIN are represented. This justifies that this research is done in its social context. In addition, the possibility of giving a general observation and a blanket opinion of a particular class is afforded us because all classes of members are examined. Furthermore, mark differences that are thrilling and scintillating are made possible for observation among various categories of members. These social variables are of utmost importance. Therefore, we say with Eckert (2000:152) that: Progress through the life course involves changes in family status, gender relations, employment status, social networks, place of residence, community participation, institution participation, and engagement in the market place – all of which have implications for patterns of variation. It is unlikely that speakers pass through all the identity changes of a lifetime without making any changes in their use of sociolinguistic variables. In fact, YEBsIN could be heard saying, ―we are not static, we are dynamic‖. They are viewed echoeing: ―our status, place of residence, and social network has changed; hence, we reinforce this by Anglicising our names in the bid to distinguish ourselves‖. Yes, YEBs‘ progress through the course of life involves changes and one of those changes is the act of Anglicism in their names. Initially, the researcher, having observed for a decade the phenomenon of Anglicism in names first among her children (teenagers and young adults) and their friends, thought the wave of Anglicism is only restricted to students. It is quite revealing that Anglicisms in names cut across sectors (students, civil servants, businessmen and women, and craftmen and women) of YEBs. 183 Amazingly, it is noticed that contrary to the general cherished attitudes the Yorùbá have regarding their names, YEBs now freely allow their names to be twisted and amended all in the name of Anglicism and trendiness. In the recent past, people picked quarrels if their names were miscalled, misspelt, misarticulated, or punned upon. Few decades ago, among young people (especially, pupils and students), teachers have had to settle mis-understandings because mates or colleagues were fighting over the fact that their names were not called in the proper way. For instance, a few European teachers could not articulate /gb/ and /kp/ sounds found in Yorùbá names like ‗Gböláhàn‘, ‗Pópóôlá‘ and ‗Àpáta‘ rendering them funningly as /bכ:lahầ/, /ppla/ and /apta/ instead of /gbכ:láhã/, /kpókpoכla/ and /àkpáta/ respectively. The aftermath is that friends and colleagues mimicked the way those Europeans called those names. The action really angered their bearers then. Over time, it no longer does. In fact, people now consciously Anglicise their names. But why this change in attitude? Attitudes are bound to change because they are not innate. YEBs have come to see English in a new light and they now hold new perceptions towards the language. In the words of Deprez and Persoons (1987:127 & 128), we observe a synchronisation that: … attitude is a predisposition to respond consistently, which in this context means (a) consistency regarding the different subcomponents of attitude, i.e. the cognitive, evaluative and the conative component of attitude must be in harmony. It also indicates (b) that the behavioural intentions and the actual behaviour must be in accordance with each other. If (a) or (b) are not fulfilled, then the attitude is prone to change. The two main reasons for discordance are, first, new beliefs that do not fit in the original belief structure, and second, behaviour that contradicts the existing beliefs and evaluations i.e. of this behaviour is determined by external influences. 184 The ‗new belief‘ of YEBs is that the English language is trendy and global and they can afford to make their YPNs and YBNs English like. This is contrary to the former beliefs of children, pupils and students. 4.1.5.2 Analyses of Questions 7-40 Now we turn to the Tables on the responses of YEBs‘ attitudes for analysis. Table 14: Attitudes which reveal Anglicisms in names as new trends Item Scale Frequency Percentages % Cumulative % Item 7 SA - - Anglicism is a A 2 0.50 0.5% 100% familiar word to me D 276 69.0 SD 122 30.5 99.5% Item 8 These days some SA 188 47.0 indigenous names A 196 49.0 96.0% 100% are being D 7 1.7 pronounced in an SD 9 2.3 4.0% English way. Item 9 There is a trend now SA 212 53 100% that indigenous A 188 47 100.0% names are turned D - - into nick or pet SD - - 0.0% names resembling English in spellings or forms e.g. ßôla Sholly Bùkölá Bukky Item 10 I am used to SA 216 54.0 westernised forms A 167 41.7 95.7% 100% of indigenous names D 9 2.3 SD 8 2.0 4.3% Item 12 Englishlisation or SA 218 54.5 Britishism of A 164 44.0 95.5% 100% indigeous names is D 7 1.7 in vogue in Nigeria SD 11 2.8 4.5% Item 13 Couples-to-be preparing for SA 189 47.3% wedding do A 155 38.7% 86.0% 100% 185 combine their SD 22 5.5% names on either D 34 8.5% 14.0% ‗pray for us‘ letters, wedding mementoes that look westernised or Britishlised. It is not surprising that none of the respondents would strongly agree to the assertion that Anglicism is a familiar word. In contrast, three hundred and ninety- eight of the respondents representing 99.5% either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the submission that Anglicism is a familiar word. Our respondents‘ position is understood because the word Anglicism is new to majority of them. In fact, in an interview with the only two affirmative respondents (i.e. 0.5%), it was revealed that they mis-understood Anglicism for ‗Anglican‘ and ‗Anglicanism‘ respectively. Proving the point further, interactions with colleagues at workshops and conferences regarding the meaning of Anglicism per se confirmed this. They claimed ignorance of the word. However, when the researcher put the same question in other ways, they responded in the affirmative. Considering questions 8,9,10,12 and 13 under Table 14 above, responses are positively very high thus: (a) Indigenous names are being pronounced in an English way; (b) Nick or pet indigenous names have English spellings or forms; (c) People are used to westernised forms of indigenous names; (d) Englishlisation or Britishism of indigenous names is in vogue in Nigeria; and (e) Couples-to-be combine their names to print the ‗pray-for-us‘ notices, wedding cards, and mementoes that look westernised or Britishlised. 186 These represent 96%, 100%, 95.75%, 95.5%, and 86% respectively. The responses reveal that although respondents are unaware of the word ‗Anglicism‘, they unknowingly partake in the phenomenon. Table 15: Attitudes of respondents to the Yorùbá language Items Scale Frequency % Cumulative % Item 24 The English SA - 2.0 2.0% language was A 8 100% prohibited at a time SD 344 86.0 in our home A 48 12.0 98.0% Item 27 The indigenous SA 102 25.5 language was once A 92 23.0 47.5% 100% prohibited in our SD 102 25.5 home D 104 26.0 51.5% Item 28 Though I speak, but SA 122 30.5 I cannot write even A 96 24.0 54.5% 100% a letter very well in SD 102 25.5 Yorùbá D 80 20.0 45.5% Item 29 Though I write in SA 216 54.0 Yorùbá, I cannot A 98 24.5 78.5% 100% tone mark Yorùbá SD 52 13.0 words even my D 34 8.5 21.5% names Item 30 Though I SA 154 38.5 understand I cannot A 80 20.0 58.5% speak my father‘s SD 98 24.5 100% dialect (a variant of D 68 17.0 41.5% Yorùbá) Item 31 I do not understand SA 162 40.5 my father‘s dialect A 46 11.5 52% (a variant of SD 132 33 100% Yorùbá) D 60 15 48% Item 32 I cannot pray SA 292 73.0 fluently in Yorùbá A 72 18.0 91.0% (without code- SD 22 5.50 100% switching) D 14 3.50 9.0% Item 33 I pray mostly in SA 98 24.5 187 Yorùbá A 34 8.5 33.0% 100% SD 192 48.0 D 76 19.0 67.0% Item 35 I dislike being spoken to in our SA 116 29.0 dialect (a variant of A 92 23.0 52.0% 100% Yorùbá) especially, SD 98 24.5 in the public D 94 23.5 48.0% Item 36 Away from home, I SA 132 33.0 hide my identity by A 108 27.0 60.0% speaking English at SD 96 24.0 100% all times D 64 16.0 40.0% Item 37(a) The language I SA - - speak in dreams is A 2 0.5 0.5% Yorùbá SD 236 59.0 100% D 162 40.5 99.5% Item 38 As a baby, the 1st SA 136 34 word I spoke was A 62 15.5 49.5% 100% Yorùbá SD 162 40.5 D 40 10.0 50.5% Item 39 I normally avoid SA 148 37.0 people who speak A 86 21.5 58.0% my dialect to me. SD 94 23.5 100% D 72 18.0 41.5% In the midst of multiplicity of languages came the introduction of the English language along with other foreign languages like French, German and Portuguese (Akìndélé and Adégbítë, 2000:46). The ‗triumph preference‘ of English over the indigenous languages by YEBs cannot be denied. YEBs‘ responses to the questions raised in Table 15 confirm their negative attitudes to the Yorùbá language. One of the resultant factors of these is YEBs‘ preference for Anglicisms in their once highly cherished and favoured indigenous names. Definitely, YEBs‘ changing attitudes in favour of Anglicised names cannot be divorced from their negative attitudes to their indigenous language (Yorùbá). It has been rightly observed in Nigeria and many 188 other sub-Saharan African countries changing language attitudes in preference for the exoglossic languages rather than vice-versa. Before we discuss this form of language change among YEBs, we shall analyse responses to items in Table 15 on the Yorùbá language. For item 24, it is not surprising that none of the respondents would strongly agree that the English language was prohibited at any time in their homes. Contrastingly, three hundred and ninety-two representing 98% of the informants either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the claim. Juxtaposingly for item 27, two hundred and six of the respondents accounting for 51.5% either agreed or strongly agreed to the assertion that the indigenous language was once prohibited in their homes, while one hundred and ninety-two representing 47.5%, either agreed or strongly agreed to the assertion. These positions taken by the respondents are clear pointers to their negative and their positive attitudes to the Yorùbá and the English language respectively. In essence, 51.5% of our respondents had it inculcated in them right from home the importance of the English language and made it mandatory for them to speak English even at home. However, only 8% of our respondents had to speak the indigenous language (Yorùbá) compulsorily at home. Only a few diehards insisted that the Yorùbá language must be spoken at home (not English). Sequel to YEBs‘ language attitudes discussed above, the responses we have for items 28 to 33b are ripples of consequences from the negative indigenous language attitudes built in YEBs right from home as against the positive second language attitudes indoctrination. Thus, we have 54.5% of our respondents affirming the claim that they could not write a letter very well in Yorùbá. 78.5% respondents 189 either agreed or strongly agreed that though they can write in Yorùbá, they cannot tone mark Yorùbá words; not even their names. 58.5% respondents confirmed that though they understand, they cannot speak their fathers‘ dialects (variants of Yorùbá). 52% respondents either agreed or strongly agreed that they do not understand their fathers‘ dialects (Yorùbá variants) at all. 91% submitted that they could not pray fluently in Yorùbá without code switching; and 67% either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the claim that they pray mostly in Yorùbá. Furthermore, in Table 15, the responses to items 35-39 heighten the foregoing ripples of effect thrown on YEBs due to their negative attitudes towards the Yorùbá language, and the fact that most of them were forced to speak English at home at the expense of the Yorùbá language. It is appalling that as many as two hundred and eight respondents either agreed or strongly agreed that they disliked being spoken to in their dialects, especially in the public. This number represents 52% of the respondents. Worse still, two hundred and forty representing 60% concurred with the opinion that away from home, they hid their identities of being Yorùbá by speaking English at all times. Incredibly worst still, three hundred and ninety-eight representing 99.5% either disagreed or strongly disagreed that the language of their dreams is Yorùbá. This connotes that, in YEBs‘ subconsciousness, the English language is thoroughly entrenched. It goes further to signal that their psyche has its deep roots and tentacles in the English language. Moreover, two hundred and two of the respondents (50.5%) either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the view that the first word they spoke as a child was Yorùbá. In essence, as bilinguals, a little more than half of the respondents spoke an English word first in life. Bewailing the stygian gloom which covers the future of the 190 Yorùbá language is by no means out of place when one weighs all these negative indigenous language attitudes YEBs hold because ―Attitudes provide an insight into latent or overt common thoughts and beliefs and can therefore be valuable indicators for future development‖ (Peter Lang, 2005:29). Surely, positive attitudes are indicators for future development. Conversely, needless to say, negative attitudes paint a gloomy future. From the foregoing, YEBs‘ preference for Anglicisms in names cannot be divorced from negative attitudes to their native language (Yorùbá). Toeing the same line, we shall hasten to discuss another contributive factor to YEBs‘ preference for Anglicised names under Table 16. Table 16: Attitudes of respondents to indigenous names Items Scale Frequency % Cumulative % Item 34 I do not know the SA - - meaning of my A 78 19.5 19.5% 100% Yorùbá SD 214 53.5 (a) surname D 108 27.0 80.5% (b) Personal names SA - - A 68 17.0 17.0% 100% SD 202 50.5 D 130 32.5 83.0% Item 11 I prefer the SA 137 34.3 Anglicised or A 132 33.0 67.3% Britishlised SD 88 22.0 100% form(s) of my D 43 10.7 32.7% name(s) to my indigenous name(s) Item 16 I have aversion for SA 58 14.5 westernized A 14 3.5 18.0% 100% indigenous names SD 244 61.0 D 84 21.0 82.0% Item 15 (f & g) Westernised indigenous 191 (personal and business) names have the following accorded them in Nigeria: (f) Disrepute SA 20 5.0 A 8 2.0 7.0% 100% SD 312 78.0 D 60 15.0 93.0% Item 15g (g) Adulteration SA 42 10.5 A 18 4.5 15.0% 100% SD 288 72.0 D 52 13.0 85.0% For ―a‖ and ―b‖ under item 34, it is unexpected that none of the respondents strongly agreed with the opinion that they do not know the meanings of both their surnames and personal names. However, seventy-eight representing 19.5% and sixty- eight representing 17% of the respondents agreed that they do not know the meaning of their Yorùbá surnames and personal names respectively. This is a little strange, because in the Yorùbá society, it is expected that everyone knows the meaning of the names they bear. In fact, a few decades ago, people proudly and enthusiastically gave meanings of their names impulsively with ease. One cannot discountenance these percentages (19.5% and 17%) of YEBs whose position is that they do not know the meanings of their surnames and personal names respectively. It is puzzling to find some respondents taking this position among members of the (YEBsIN) community. There are far reaching effects of YEBs not knowing the meanings of their personal names or/and surnames. If one knows the deep, rich and beautiful meaning of one‘s names, the tendency not to want to give it up for any other one is likely. YEBs‘ position here reinforces the danger that they are gradually detaching themselves from their roots. These YEBs do not know and did not bother to know 192 the meanings of their names are facts of their little or no interest in their indigenous names. This reactional chain is a shift of interest towards the exoglosic language, which culminates in Anglicisms in both personal and business names. A changing language attitude is observed. Items 11, 16, 15f and g in Table 16 heighten this. Two hundred and sixty-nine representing 67.25% of our respondents either agreed or strongly agreed with the proposition that they prefer the Anglicised or Britishlised forms of their names to their indigenous names. Conversely, three hundred and twenty-eight i.e. 82% of them either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the claim that they have aversion for westernised indigenous names. YEBs‘ negative attitude to their native names is further overtly revealed by the fact that three hundred and seventy-two; (i.e. 93%), and three hundred and forty, (i.e. 85%), of the respondents either dis-agreed or strongly disagreed with the views that westernised indigenous names have (a) disrepute and (b) adulteration accorded them in Nigeria respectively. YEBs‘ inclination for Anglicisms in their YPNs and YBNs is strongly woven with the rope of positive pull towards the English language. This takes us to our observations in the attitudes of respondents to the English language in Table 17. Table 17: Attitudes of respondents to the English Language Items Scale Frequency % Cumulative % Item 14 The English SA 294 73.5 97.8% language has the A 97 24.3 100% status of respect and SD - - admiration in D 9 2.2 2.2% Nigeria Item 22 I got my exposure to SA 168 42.0 the English A 86 21.5 63.5% 100% 193 language right from SD 102 25.5 home before school D 44 11.0 36.5% age Item 23 My parents speak SA 155 38.7 English and A 106 26.8 65.5% 100% encourage their SD 31 17.7 children to speak D 27 16.8 34.5% English always because of its importance 194 Item 25 In fact, there is a SA 123 30.7 periodic gift in the A 57 14.3 45.0% family for any one SD 115 28.7 100% who speaks English D 105 26.3 55.0% throughout a given period. Item 26 Everybody must SA 170 42.5 speak English in our A 96 24.0 66.5% 100% home SD 81 20.3 D 53 13.2 33.5% Item 33(a) I pray mostly in SA 180 45.0 English A 115 28.7 73.7% 100% SD 19 19.7 D 26 6.5 26.2% Item 37(b) The language I SA 197 49.3 speak in dreams is A 118 29.5 78.8% 100% English SD 53 13.2 D 32 8.0 21.2% Item 40 I prefer the English 70.3 language to the SA 281 27.7 98.0% Yorùbá language A 111 - 100% because of its SD - 2.0 2.0% trendiness D 8 The result of item 14 above shows that YEBs‘ positive attitude to the English language, as a social phenomenon, is very high. Three hundred and ninety-one of the respondents (i.e. 97.75%) either agreed or strongly agreed with the claim that the English language has the status of respect and admiration in Nigeria. There is no gainsaying the fact that in Nigeria, we have a heritage of colonial past. The implantation of English in Nigeria was through colonialism. A mere implantation would have not given English the hegemonic power it possesses over all the indigenous languages, but for functions allotted it, especially in education and governance. The official support English enjoys at the expense of the indigenous 195 languages gives it deep entrenchment into Nigerian culture. Hence, the English language confers prestige, success, progress, power and admiration. In fact, the general opinion well captured in Adégbíjà (1994:69) is that there is ―a high evaluation of European languages, especially in the domains of officialdom and higher education‖. No wonder then, English rides on YEBs‘ positive attitudes as they Anglicise their indigenous names. This research reveals that: (i) two hundred and fifty-four of the respondents (i.e. 63.5%) got their exposure to the English language right from home before school age; (ii) two hundred and sixty-one (i.e. 65.5%) have their parents speak English and encourage them to do the same always because of its importance, and (iii) two hundred and sixty-six (i.e. 66.5%) must speak English compulsorily in their homes according to the results for items 22, 23 and 24 respectively. The result in item 25 that one hundred and eight (i.e. 45%) of the respondents either agreed or strongly agreed with the proposition that there is a periodic gift in the family for any one who speaks the English language throughout a given period is appalling! Juxtaposing this with the result in Table 17 under item 24, where only eight (i.e. 2%) of the respondents agreed (but none strongly agreed) with the assertion that the English language was prohibited at a time in their homes, makes the negative attitudes of YEBs and their parents to indigenous languages more vivid. The significant functions allotted to a particular language provide rooms for its growth, admiration, honour and esteem. However, the reverse is the case when no assignment is officially given to a language. It is lightly esteemed and poorly evaluated. Adégbìjà (1994:71) exemplifies thus: 196 There is the example of Pidgin English in Nigeria, which is a language used by many but respected only by a few. On the other hand, we also have an example of Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea, with similar origins as Nigerian Pidgin English. Tok Pisin has grown in esteem partly because of the institutional support it has received and the official functions it has been assigned. It has now become a language, which commands considerable respect. The same is true of Bahasa Indonesia, functioning as an admired and highly respected national language in Indonesia. YEBs‘ perception of the English language‘s status and roles brings about their positive attitudinal motivations reflected in Anglicisms in their personal and business names. The preference of YEBs for Anglicised names to indigenous ones is depicted in the results of the research into language attitude under those tables discussed above. The roles assigned English in Nigeria gave rise to its entrenchment and dominance. English has become ubiquitous in Nigeria. Pointedly, Bámgbóśé‘s (2004:6) submission below spells this out: Perception of the utility of English use reflected in attitudes is also a contributory factor to its towering influences in language policy. Particularly among the elite, English is seen as a tool that OPENS ALL DOORS AND MUST BE CULTIVATED AT ALL COSTS… Another factor is the economic value that the knowledge of English confers (emphasis, mine). It is observed from the foregoing that YEBs have a strong parental motivation towards the acquisition and usage of the English language right from their homes. It is, therefore, not surprising that three hundred and one (i.e. 73.75%) of our respondents either agreed or strongly agreed with a motion that they pray mostly in English while three hundred and fifteen (i.e. 78.75%) either agreed or strongly agreed with the position that the language they speak in dreams is English. To the submission that they prefer the English language to the Yorùbá language because of 197 its trendiness, three hundred and ninety-two (i.e. 98%) of our respondents either agreed or strongly agreed. YEBs‘ positive attitudes towards the English language because of its hegemony cannot be over-emphasised from our results and discussion thus far. One may even be tempted to subscribe to Kachru‘s (1990:4) opinion that ―Today, the linguistic vision of Samuel David has been realised; the English language is a tool of power, domination, an elitist identity and of communication across continents‖. Realising the power and dominion the English language has above the indigenous languages, YEBs‘ portraying the elitist identity display their favourable disposition to the English language and culture by Anglicising their names. This takes us to Table 18: Attitudes of respondents to Anglicisms in their names. Table 18: Attitudes of respondents to Anglicisms in their names Items Scale Frequency % Cumulative % Item 11 I prefer the SA 254 63.5. 85.5% 22.0 Anglicised or A 86 8.0 100% Britishlised form(s) SD 32 6.5 14.5% of my name(s) to D 26 my indigenous one(s) Item 15 Westernised indigenous (personal and business names have the following accorded them in Nigeria SA 304 76.0 (a) Prestige A 60 15.0 91.0% 100% SD 22 5.5 D 14 3.5 9.0% (b) Elegance SA 318 79.5 A 34 8.5 88.0% SD 36 9.0 100% D 12 3.5 12.0% (c) Beauty SA 306 76.5 A 38 9.5 86.0% 198 SD 34 8.5 100% D 22 5.5 14.0% (d) Admiration an Excitement SA 316 79.0 A 38 9.5 88.5% 100% SD 28 7.0 D 18 4.5 11.5% (e) Pride SA 322 80.5 A 36 9.0 89.5% SD 28 7.0 100% D 14 3.5 10.5% Item 17 I have affinity for SA 286 71.5 westernized A 38 9.5 81.0% 100% indigenous names SD 54 13.5 D 22 5.5 19.0% Table 18 above helps to confirm the hypothesis that YEBs have positive attitude to Anglicising their names. More importantly, it establishes how much YEBs cherish and admire westernised personal and business names. It is observed under item 11 that three hundred and forty-two subjects accounting for 85.5% of the total respondents examined, either strongly agreed or agreed that they prefer the Anglicised or Britishlised forms of their names to the indigenous forms of same. For the same reason, the result for item 17 shows that three hundred and twenty-four respondents (i.e. 81%) either agreed or strongly agreed with the proposition that they have affinity for westernised indigenous names. Under item 15, the following five affirmative high results are observable from the five options for the propositions that westernised indigenous (personal and business) names have the following accorded them in Nigeria: (a) prestige, (b) elegance, (c) beauty, (d) admiration and excitement, and (e) pride as follows: three hundred and sixty-four respondents (i.e. 91%); three hundred and fifty-two respondents (i.e. 88%); three hundred and forty-four respondents (i.e. 86%), three 199 hundred and fifty-four respondents (i.e. 88.5%); and three hundred and fifty-eight respondents (i.e. 89.5%) respectively. The social rise that goes with the English language in Nigeria acts as a propellant for YEBs‘ admiration or attraction towards English. The fact of English ascendancy cannot be faulted. In its ascendancy, the crescendo may still be far or not even reached. This is so because, daily the spreading and overwhelming tentacles of the English language increase. Come to think of it, YEBs‘ submission is that they Anglicise their business names because ―the Englishness‖ of their names internationalises the outlook of such businesses just in line with Kachru‘s (1990) submission. YEBs made it known during an informal interview that Anglicised business names are like the magic words, ―open sesame‖, that teleguide sale in contrast to indigenous ones. They attract more customers, especially, the literate who have the purchasing power. Like Kachru, this writer concurs that English possesses power likened to the ―fabled Aladdin‘s lamp, which permits one to open, as it were, the linguistic gates to international business, technology, science, and travel‖. Though there is an extreme semantic richness in indigenous names, the Anglicised ones are full of transmutation. Furthermore, the truth is everybody loves positive changes. Human beings hate monotony because variety is the spice of life. In Adégbíjà‘s (1994:70) view: Most individuals do not enjoy a static existence. They want to move up the social ladder. They want to be seen as achievers. Language usage constitutes an important component of the desire to achieve because we use language to project an identity of image, to achieve a particular goal and to realize our basic potential. In a multilingual community, there is a natural conflict between the different languages for the fulfilling of these roles. Any language that helps to achieve such goals and proves able to fulfill our crucial instrument, integrative 200 or other pragmatic needs, tend naturally to command our admiration and respect and thus positively evaluated. To show an attitude of pleasure and excitement, YEBs while articulating Anglicised names often raise their ―thumbs up‖ or ―two fingers up‖ as if with an attitude of victory. This corroborates Wales‘ (1989:40) opinion: Attitude in face-to-face interactions can also be conveyed by body language: facial expressions of disgust, pleasure, etc., hand gestures of triumph („thumbs up‟) or ill luck („thumbs down‟). In fact, Adégbìjà (1994:71 cf. Adégbìjà, 1989c) captures succinctly the functional dynamo inherent in languages thus: The fact that European languages in Africa have continued to grow in esteem is obviously partly attributable to the palpable functions which people see them perform in day to day communication. In Nigeria, for instance, University education is virtually impossible without a credit pass in English … In such a citizen‟s personal history and psyche will be written: „English stopped my progress in life‟. Such an epitaph could leave an imprint of hostility or admiration. Hostility, because a life ambition has been prematurely cut-short and crushed by a language. Secret admiration, because the language and those able to acquire competence in it are looked up (to) as apparently worthier … Unfortunately, such subtle ramifications of languages tend to be passed on from one generation to another. It is a known fact that our use of language is not in communicating just the information, but largely also feelings and attitudes. Table 19: Attitudes of respondents to activities that spur their desires to Anglicisms in names Items Scale Frequency % Cumulative % Item 18 I watch/listen to SA 113 28.3. 49.0% 20.7 CNN A 83 31.3 100% SD 125 19.7 51.0% D 79 Item 19 SA 187 46.7 201 I love listening to A 77 19.3 66.0% 100% either B.B.C. or SD 123 30.7 V.O.A. D 13 3.3 34.0% Item 20 SA 32 8.0 I love listening to A 52 13.0 21.0% 100% news In Yorùbá SD 192 48.0 D 124 31.0 79.0% Item 21 SA 185 46.3 I browse a lot on A 75 18.7 65.0% the internet SD 87 21.7 100% D 53 13.3 35.0% From Table 19, almost half of the respondents, 49% to be specific, normally watch or listen to CNN. Furthermore, well over half (i) love listening to B.B.C. or V.O.A. and (ii) browse a lot on the internet; precisely 66% and 65% of the informants respectively. These results are indications of positive inclinations to activities that ginger YEBs‘ exposure to the English language. Conversely, however, a very low percentage of the respondents, exactly 21% love listening to news in Yoruba. Attitude is a big ascertaining factor of human behaviour. YEBs‘ affinities for English driven activities as against their aversions for Yorùbá driven ones are reflective of a principal language attitudinal control in Nigeria which is centrifugal in nature. In Adekunle‘s (1995:63) words: The second major influence behind language attitudes in Nigeria is a centrifugal one. It is an outward – looking attitude which is utilitarian or instrumental in motive and objective. It is an outward-looking attitude, which is utilitarian or instrumental in motive and objective. It finds expression in the desire for modernization in all spheres of life …The English language is regarded as the language which can give access … English enjoys considerable favourable attitude in this country. The positive attitudes of YEBs to the English media (CNN, BBC, VOA and the internet browsing) as reflected in Table 19 above, underpin the popularity the 202 English Language enjoys among YEBs. In the following letter of M.C.A. Gbénga of Ôbáfëmi Awólöwõ University Ilé-Ifê, captioned ‗Restore CNN, Please‘, the fact cannot be concealed that CNN, for instance, is a valuable medium of keeping abreast of international news. In addition, YEBs‘ positive attitude to the English Language is circuitously portrayed in the said Gbénga‘s submission issued in The Guardian on Sunday of April 18, 1993 to the editor: … basically, the CNN fulfils two of these aims to wit: information and education. But with CNN off the screen, one wonders if access to first-hand information and education was exclusively meant for the rich who can afford satellite dishes or cable television. Those who claim to be avant-garde in the campaign against the NTA broadcast of CNN programmes viewed the transmission as not only an (sic) evidence of neo-colonialism but also a way of suppressing vital local programmes. Let it be known that we cannot sacrifice vital information of news about other countries of the world on the altar of such sentiments. Furthermore, YEBs like the elite in Nigeria have a noticeable changing positive attitude to the Anglicisms in YBN and YPN and in the way they dress. YEBs‘ admiration for the English language and culture is overtly revealed in ßëgun Joseph‘s dressing style under the title, ―cultural conflict: 33 Years After‖, in the Sunday Vanguard of October 3, 1993: On the streets, it is common to find people complimenting (sic) our otherwise national attires with English caps and tops while our students prefer to dress like characters in latest American movies. Suddenly, we have become a nation that officially accepts the British and American English in all our dealings as slangs have become the order of the day. The zenith of Anglicisms is in YEBs‘ YPN and YBN. ßëgun Joseph‘s submission is true: We have ―officially accepted‖ the British and American English 203 in all our dealings. If English has taken over the names, anything else can be influenced. We have observed, without doubt, changing language attitude among YEBs with an upward movement of interest to the English language (though exoglosssic) but contrariwise to the indigenous (Yorùbá) language. 4.2 Categories of Anglicised YPNs and YBNs Category in logic refers to any of the various basic concepts into which all knowledge are classified. Aristotle has ten (10) categories viz: substance, quantity, quality, relation, action, passivity, time, place, position and condition. In another sense, category is a class or division in a scheme of classification. In as much as using language is a kind of behaviour in which sources and purposes are not usually the same surely style and register will emerge. Style, portrayed by Darbyshure (1971:98) is: Every use of language must have some kind of style, since, what we call style is always a deviation from the norm and the norm is something abstract which does not exist in any language use except as some sort of idealization in the background. If style is ‗a deviation from the norm‘, an Anglicism, as a deviation from the standard Yorùbá form of word (name), is a style, which cannot be divorced of category. It is a style. Hence, it is recognised as different and, therefore, put under a special category. In the course of analyzing the data for this study, four (4) categories of YBNs and YPNs were revealed. It is very necessary that an explanation of these categories be discussed in details. The categories are as follows 4.2.1 Consanguinity in Anglicisms in YBNs and YPNs 204 Upon investigation and personal interview, it is discovered that not only are there fusion of both personal and surnames in the Anglicised YBNs and YPNs, but also consanguinity is revealed in them. Furthermore, they reflect couples‘ names, abbreviations of members of nucleus family names, two or three woven friends‘ names for business purposes, and fused names portraying relationships which are ruled governed and societal norms (see examples in Tables 20-25 i.e Appendices). Inference as a notion cannot be divorced of deduction and entailment. In decoding meaning from Anglicised YBNs and YPNs, we infer that these names are from a combination of two or more indigenous names or one or more indigenous plus one or more non-indigenous names or vice versa. One also may apply the mutual contextual beliefs (MCBs) in making deductions about Anglicised personal and business names as different from purely indigenous or non-indigenous ones. The operation of cooperative principle exists among YEBs in Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs based on what operates both in English and Yorùbá cultures as well as their social class. For instance, what otherwise would have been termed senseless or nonsensical by probably the non-literate, YEBs are able to make inferences and interpretations from the Anglicised personal and business names as coherent because of the common background existing among them as interlocutors. According to Grice (1971), there are four conversational conventions: quantity, quality, relation and manner. Under relation and manner, there should be relevance and orderliness. In Anglicisms in names, YEBs do not have irrelevant materials strung together but relevant ones from both indigenous and non-indigenous names. Moreover, YEBs operate orderliness in their formulation of Anglicised names. No arbitrariness is observed in the corpuses examined though their coinages 205 depend on personal choices. For instance, one may decide to combine one‘s indigenous first name and surname to form an Anglicised name. Another may just take the first segment of one‘s first name to combine with one‘s indigenous spouse‘s indigenous first and second segments of names or vice versa. In other cases, just the initials or the first two letters of couples‘ indigenous‘ names may serve. Further still, parts of couples‘ and children‘s indigenous names will do the job. In some other instances, both indigenous names are combined with either Christian or Moslem names. These names may be of Greek, Hebrew, Latin, French or Arabic etc. origin. One important thing in all these is that Anglicisms in YBN and YPN are matters of choices. These choices are broken into four categories in our corpuses namely: (a) Consanguinity in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs, (b) Individualised Anglicised YBNs and YPNs, (c) Multiplicity of cultures in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs, (d) Anglicised names coined from Arabic and Yorùbá sources. Tables 20-25 illustrate these. (see Appendices ―C‖ – ―H‖) In Table 20, there is the fusion of mother‘s, husband‘s, and self names in no. 1 ―Juaniks‖. Our respondent (the owner of the salon shop) by name ―Adenike‖ told the researcher that ―mother is gold‖ and she can never forget her mother. Hence, she picked her mother‘s name first represented by ‗Ju‘ from Juanah, followed by ‗a‘ for Adélékè (her husband‘s) and lastly her own name ‗nik‘ from Nìkêë with an ‗s‘, which is a suffix from the English language. According to her, the suffix ‗s‘ transforms the name from sounding or looking local (like a Yorùbá word). It is now a seemingly English word with its international value. The negative attitude of this respondent to her indigenous language (Yorùbá) is deduced from her submission. She added that by coining a name that is English-like, customers will know she is 206 literate and would attract literate customers who have the patronising power to her shop. The suffix ‗s‘ is a plural marker indicating that this coined name belongs to the three people mentioned. In the same way, ―Tunniks‖, ―Elbuns‖, ―Lizkins‖, ―3 Tees‖, ―Kodbetts‖, and ―Toykins‖ in nos. 3, 5, 10, 30, 32 and 39 respectively present the suffix ‗-s‘ as a plural marker. For instance, ‗Tunniks‘ is a combination of (Tún)dé (husband) and (Nìk)êë (wife) with an ‗s‘ as if it is joining the two names together. ‗Elbuns‘, ‗Lizkins‘ and ‗Toykins‘ have the same explanation. However, ‗3 Tees‘ and ‗Kodbetts‘ need more explanation. The former is a combination of the owner‘s (of the shop) children‘s names: Töba, Táyõ and Tónì. The first ‗T‘ of each of the three children‘s names plus a suffix ‗-s‘ plural marker were combined. Their parents wisely avoided sibling rivalry by coining an Anglicised name that includes all with an addition of the ‗s‘ plural marker to cement a kind of belonging and togetherness. The later, ‗Kodbetts‘ is an Anglicised YBN that includes all the members of this nuclear family. Everybody in this family is paired up; only the surname (Oyèyçmí) which is common to all stands alone: ‗K‘ is shared between Kúnlé (the first born) and Këmi (the 2nd born); ‗D‘ is for Dámilölá (the last born) and Dùnþì (the mother); ‗B‘ stands for both Bõdé (the father) and Bùnmi (the fifth born); ‗et‗ is a latin word meaning ‗and‘ (see more about this under 4.2.3); and ‗ts‘ is representative of Töpë and Tóyín (the third and fourth born respectively) i.e. two ‗Ts‘ in the family. In other words, the suffix ‗s‘ here is a plural marker. The ‗s‘ in Aliwendy‘s (no. 22) is different from those esses we have just considered above. It is possessive. It tells the story that this super store belongs to 207 ‗Àlì‘ a short form of Àlìù (husband) and ‗Wendy‘ from ‗Wándé‘ (wife) (please, read more on ‗Wendy‘ under Analogous English words and Anglicised names). Some other YBNs with an ‗s‘ ending are nos. 23, 24, 40 and 43: Dadus, Jumayos, Bekandims and Muytos respectively. Interestingly, their ‗S‘s‘ are not suffixes unlike the previous one discussed above. For instance, ‗Dadus‘ has ‗dad‘ from ‗Dàda‘ (surname) plus ‗us‘ as in ―all of us in the family‖. ‗Jumayos‘ is coined from ‗Jum‘ (Jùmõkë), ‗ayõ‘ (Ayõmìdé) and ‗s‘ (seun). These are the three children‘s names in this family. ‗Bekandims‘ is broken down into ‗Be‘ from ‗Belau‘, ‗Kan‘ from ‗Àkànké‘ (both are the owner‘s late mother‘s names), and ‗dims‘ is the short form of ‗dimensions‘ (an English word). ‗Muytos‘ is delineated thus: ‗Muy‘ from Múyíwá (husband) and ‗Tos‘ from Tósín (wife). For time and space, explanation on each of the YBN listed in this table is not possible. However, each has been given a short delineation by its side. In addition, in some of the other sub-sections, we have some of these YBN described in one form or the other. Thus, the bit described in each section should suffice so as to avoid unnecessary repetitions. 4.2.2 Individualised Anglicised YBNs and YPNs Individualised YBNs are exclusively coined from one, two or more YEBs‘ names. They are different from those names formulated from two or more related people‘s names. These ones are personalised YBNs; they are solely from the name(s) of individuals that own those trades or products. The observations under this sub- heading are quite revealing. The corpus is presented in Table 21. (see Apendix ―D‖) 208 ‗Funktionals‘ is the first Anglicised YBNs in this corpus. At a glance, ‗funktionals‘ looks like ‗functional‘. In fact, one is tempted to take it for an English word, which would have automatically thrown it out of the Anglicised names the research work is particular about. Amazingly, however, it is an individual‘s name, which for the purpose of a trade has been ‗woven‘ into a seemingly English word. Its analysis goes thus: Funk - (Fúnk)ë ‗-tionals‘ has multiple suffixes: (i) ‗-tion‘ (ii) ‗-al‘ (iii) ‗-s‘ When one considers its analogical semblance with functional, the only difference between the two is a substitution of ‗c‘ for ‗k‘. This is not strange at all. The letter ‗c‘ is used for ‗k‘ in phonetics as in ‗c‘ for ‗car‘ /ka:/. It fits as a hand to a glove. Furthermore, the two meanings of functional (a) designed to be useful rather than beautiful or attractive and (b) something is working correctly are very applicable to this YBNs, ―Funktionals Jewelries‖. In the first instance, jewels, jewellery, or other objects made with valuable stones are used for decorations. Contrariwise, a functional thing is designed to be useful or practical, but not meant for a mere decoration, beauty or attraction. Second, it is supposed to be working perfectly. This jeweller is impressing the fact that the jewels she sells are better than others because they are not just for mere decorations rather they are operational. She is of the opinion that apart from coining a trade name from her personal name (Olúwafúnmikë), which is Anglicised (and therefore not localised), the name would attract customers for its uniqueness and trendiness. The researcher, however, 209 observes a display of ignorance on the part of this jeweler; she adds a suffix ‗s‘ plural marker to an adjective (functional or ‗funktional‘), as well as, pluralises jewellery (an uncountable noun). In no. 9, we have ‗Walesco Aluminium‘. The Anglicised name ‗Walesco‘ is from our respondent‘s personal name, ―Adéwálé‖. This name can be broken into three other personal shortened forms: ‗Adé‘, ‗Wálé‘ and ‗Déwálé‘. The second one is picked and a suffix ‗sco‘ is added. This is where choice comes in. Other Yorùbá names with ‗Wálé‘ include: Ômöwálé, Babáwálé, Oyèwálé, Ôláwálé, Ôdëwálé, etc. Even from the short form ‗wálé‘ one can decide to choose different forms of Anglicisms for it apart from ‗Walesco‘ such as: ‗Whalex‘, ‗wall‘, ‗walex‘ and ‗walexy‘ as in nos. 53, 115, 130 and 135 respectively. In ‗Whalex‘, we have ‗Wale‘ with an infix ‗h‘ between ‗w‘ and ‗a‘ plus a suffix ‗x‘ after ‗e‘. For no. 115, ‗Yemwall‘ is a combination of two personal names of this shop owner: Yçmì and Wálé. The second name is our focus here; rather than having it Anglicised as any of the options mentioned above, he picked ‗Wall‘ i.e. ‗Wal‘ deleting the last letter ‗e‘ and substituting it with an ‗l‘. The coinage of ‗walex‘ is simply by an addition of a suffix ‗x‘ whereas no. 135, ‗walexy‘ is by a suffix ending of ‗xy‘. These are as a matter of choice rather than laid down rules. No. 22, ‗sukky‘ looks far from being a Yorùbá name. Yet it is. Its full rendition is Ôlásúnkànmì. Its formation is unique from others. ‗Su‘ is from the circled first two letters, ―Sun kanmi‖ followed by a deletion of ‗n‘ that ends the first syllable. The first letter of the second syllable, ‗k‘ is picked to be completed with a suffix ‗ky‘. When this is compared with how the same name in no. 198 is Anglicised, the dichotomy is not thin: ‗sukky‘ and ‗sun‘. For no. 198, we have ‗Sunlek‘ which is 210 a combination of ‗sun‘ – Ôlá sún kànmì and ‗Lek‘ – Ôlá lék an‘. These Anglicised forms are so different from their roots i.e. ―Ôlásúnkànmì‖ and Ôlálékan‖. It should be borne in mind that there are other names that these Anglicised forms could have as roots such as: ‗Adésúnkànmì‘ and ‗Oyèsúnkànmì‘. ‗Nibol‘ in No. 37 is a fusion of two personal names: ‗Nike‘ and ‗Bölá‘. ‗Nike‘ has other Anglicised variations apart from ‗Ni‘ such as: ‗Nik‘, ‗Nikky‘, ‗Nikey‘, as in no. 78, ‗Nikey‘. It has only a suffix ‗y‘ added to the short form of either ‗Ômö nìkêë‘, ‗Oyè nìkêë‘, ‗Ôlá nìkêë‘, and ‗Adé nìkêë‘. Our respondent claims the addition of a suffix ‗y‘ is deliberate because it causes the second segment of this Anglicised name (Nikey) to metamorphosed into an English word (key).When it is combined with the first segment (Ni), its meaning becomes ―to have the key‖. To her, it means this company has the key to success or break-through. That is why she prefers ‗Nikey‘ to ‗Nikky‘ or any other Anglicised form. Though she has other native names, she would have combined with ‗Nike‘ like we have in no. 37: Nìkêë and Bölá for Nibol, she is thrilled with the fact that a name teleguides and ‗Nikey‘ is a good name that would give her the ‗key‘ to open financial doors and prosperity. Turn with me to ‗RemTak‘ in no. 40. From the space between ‗Rem‘ and ‗Tak‘, one can deduce that more than one name are involved in the creation of this Anglicism. The first name, ‗Rem‘ is from ‗Rêmì‘ although it is a ‗short form from either ‗Adérêmìlëkún‘, ‗Olúwarêmìlëkún‘, ‗Babarêmìlëkún‘ etc. ‗Tak‘ is, however, from our respondent‘s two other personal names: T from ‗Tolúwáÿç‘, ‗ak‘ from ‗Akindìpê‘. In this table, other Anglicisms from the name, ‗Rêmì‘ are ‗Remmie‘ and ‗Remmy‘ as in nos. 91 and 114 respectively. 211 Under no. 51, we have ‗Temis‘. Suffix ‗s‘ is joined with the short form of ‗Tèmiladé‘: ‗Tèmi‘. That suffix ‗s‘ Anglicises it. There is no Yorùbá name that ends with an ‗s‘. Many other Anglicisms are fashioned from this name, ‗Tèmi‘ such as ‗Temmy‘, ‗Tem‘ and ‗Titem‘ in nos. 62, 197 and 199 respectively. ‗Tèmi‘ could have its full rendition as: ‗Tèmìtáyõ‘, ‗Tèmilolúwa‘, ‗Titèmilolúwa‘, ‗Tèmìdayõ‘, ‗Tèmìtöpë‘, ‗Tèmìdire‘ etc. ‗Dupex‘ in no. 60 is coined from ‗ModúpëOlúwa‘ meaning ―I give thanks, Lord‖. A suffix ‗x‘ is added to its short form - ‗Dúpë‘. No doubt, ‗x‘ is incongruous in Yorùbá language and it is used for the purpose of Anglicism. Other choices of Anglicisms from this name are ‗Duppy‘ and ‗Dupsy‘ found in nos. 95 and 121 respectively. The name ‗Çniôlá‘ appears in the Table three times namely nos. 81, 83 and 151. These Anglicisms are formulated respectively from it: ‗Enny Table water‘, ‗Enis Communications‘ and ‗Enny communications‘. ‗Enny‘ appears twice; to delineate this, ‗Eni‘ is from ‗Çniôlá‘; ‗n‘ is doubled while a suffix ‗y‘ replaces ‗l‘ as in penny. ‗Enis‘, however, has ‗Eni‘ from ‗Çniôlá‘ with a suffix ‗s‘ denoting possessiveness. The brief explanation given above on Anglicised names in Table 21 coupled with the short description along side of each Anglicised name will help to shed light on the rest. Others are discussed in subsequent sub-sections. 4.2.3 Multiplicity of Cultures in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs No doubt, YEBs‘ Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs have constructed a new genre of work, which entails a strong blend of multiplicity of tongues such as Yoruba, Hebrew, Arabic, and some Indo-European languages. This innovation or 212 creation is an intercultural one. Therefore, Anglicisms are hybrids from interactions among diverse tongues and their differences. The process of these new entities needs understanding. These cultural hybrids have enriched our language repertoire. In the name of trendiness or globalisation, YEBs‘ Anglicisms in names encourage a wider scale of intercultural exchanges. However, care must be taken so that the problem of recognition or meaninglessness in the new blends will not ensue. Quirk‘s submission in Adam (1973:v) is quite revealing of the convergence of multiple tongues in the English Language whose expansion of its vocabulary has been commendably through ‗raid‘ from other languages or better put by ‗donation‘ from different languages: English is the text-book example of a language that expands its vocabulary by unashamedly raiding other languages. For a thousand years new words have, like dockside imports, often borne an stamp of their country of origin: outlaw from medieval Scandinavia, gentle from medieval French, madrigal from Renaissance Italy, Chutney from nineteenth-century India and Karate from twentieth-century Japan, to name a few examples that indicate the chronological and geographical range. Such words clearly and interestingly reflect the contact that English-speaking peoples have had with other countries and other cultures … There is no dillying-dallying that these Anglicised names (words) ‗clearly and interestingly reflect the contact that English-speaking peoples have had with other countries of other cultures‘. The significance of unraveling the multilingualism in these Anglicised YPNs and YBNs cannot be handled with levity. Couched in their multiplicity of tongues, Anglicisms in these YPNs and YBNs look mysterious and thus pose problems of identification and semantics. In fact, we need to identify both their users and 213 meanings. Otherwise, a few decades from now, they may become meaningless. On this, Ferquson (1972: vii) correctly observes: In describing a particular language or language variety, it is necessary to identify its users and to locate its place in the verbal repertoire of the speech community in which it is used. Without this identification many aspects of the grammar will be mysterious and those mysteries may range from details of phonology to features of discourse … Multiple tongues in YEBs‘ Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs is rife for some reasons namely: (a) Nigeria‘s multilingual nature; (b) English language‘s dominance over other Nigerian languages and (c) The English language being a universal language. In Tables 20 and 21, it is observed that some YBNs and YPNs are fashioned from combinations of either Yorùbá plus English names, or Yorùbá with Arabic names, or Yorùbá and Hebrew names or vice versa. Now, let us first examine English names that are combined with Yorùbá names as extracted from Tables 20 and 21; they are contained in Tables 22 and 23 respectively as follows. (See Appendices ―E‖ and ―F‖). English names are from two main sources: Hebrew and Indo-European (see Withycombe 1977: xiii). It is observed; from Tables 22 and 23 above that there is an inter-weaving of both English and Yorùbá names. Take for instance, no. 1 is Juaniks under X(i); ―Julianah‖, a part of it, comes from Latin meaning ―downy hair‖ is fused with two Yorùbá names, ‗Adélékè‘ (―One who comes and is on top‖ or ―the crown is above‖ and ―Adénìkç (one who comes and has fondness‖ or ―the crown has fondness‖). A suffix ‗s‘ is then added. That is an interesting union! Elbuns (no. 5) is a combination of Elijah (an Hebrew name meaning ―the Lord is my God‖) and ‗Bùnmi‘ (a Yorùbá name which means ―give me‖; its full rendition is ―Olúwabùnmi‖ 214 i.e. ―God gives me‖. Also at the end, a suffix ‗s‘ is appended. Esther, under no. 44, is of Persian origin, which means ‗star‘, and it is merged with ‗Ôlárewájú‘, a Yorùbá name meaning ―Wealth progresses‖. Speaking on the name ―Esther‖, Kelly (1985:72) says, ―It is a variation for ‗Ishtar‘, the Persian name for star, the Babylonian goddess of love and fertility‖. He goes further with its variations as Essie, Ester, Ettie, Etty, Hester, Hesttie, and Hetty. In Table 23, we have ‗Fasco‘ as number 7 and it gives us a combination of ‗F‘ for ‗Francis‘, ‗a‘ for ‗Ayõôlá‘, ‗s‘ for ‗stationary‘ and ‗co‘ stands for ‗company‘. According to Kelly (1985:159), ‗Francis‘ is a Latin word meaning ―from France‖ with variations as: Fran, Francesco, Franchot, Francisco, Frank, Frankie, Franky, Franz and Franklin. In number 74, we have ‗Chrisbay‘ which merges ‗Christopher‘ (of Greek origin meaning ―bearer of Christ‖ and its variations are Chris, Christie, Christy, Christoph, Cris, Christoforo, Kit, Kris, Kristy – see Kelly (1985:145) with ‗Báyõ‘ which is Yorùbá has its full rendition as Adébáyõ. It means ―one who comes to meet joy‖. However, Babalôlá and Àlàbá (2003:18) present it thus: ―Adebayõ: Adébáyõ: A-dé-bá-ayõ: He who, on arriving in the family, found joy‖. ―Barrylash‖ (no. 192) has its combination from an Irish source (Barry meaning ‗spear thrower‘) and a Yorùbá name, ―Ôláòÿebíkan‖, which is shortened as ‗Láśebíkan. ‗Laś‘ is picked but the diacritic under ‗ś‘ has given way to its English counterpart /∫/ (voiceless palato-alveolar fricative) that sounds exactly like it in Yorùbá. Thus, we have ‗Lash‘ fusing into ―Barry‖. This is a marriage of two cultures in an Anglicised name! Babalôlá and Àlàbá (2003:707) give the meaning of Ôláòÿebìkan, as ―Nobility is not limited to one place‖. In both Tables 22 and 23, it is seen that Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Persian, Irish or even an English word (such as Melody, Wendy, Us, dimensions, Comfort, Sunday, son, most) is added to a Yorùbá word in the remaining numbers. Therefore, 215 it suffices with those similar ones already explained. However, in a side column the origins of those names combined with Yorùbá ones are briefly highlighted in the two extracted lists labelled Tables 22 and 23. 4.2.4 Arabic-Yorùbá Anglicised Names The innovative prowess exhibited by YEBs is such a charming one. These special qualities in Anglicisms in names are very attractive and magnetic to a keen observer. Its magnetive spell forces the researcher first to recognise these hybrids as new entities: they belong to neither of the cultures. They are new cultural products that are very hard to pigeonhole. Culture is an agent of change: in fact, YEBs‘ culture, being an inter-wovening of many cultures, creates a hybridisation of names from both Arabic and Yorùbá sources. In these Anglicised names, one observes a network of interculturalism that seems to deal a heavy blow to monoculturalism. Majority of Yorùbá Muslim names are deeply rooted in Arabic origin. However, they have completely been transformed beyond recognition because of the immense changes the Nigerian culture has had on them. The domestication of these names is of a huge magnitude observable from their orthographies and phonetics. These Arabic ―Yorùbálised‖ names are so indigenised that their meanings and origins are almost gone into oblivion. In fact, no mean effort and research are needed to explore them. It is quite intriguing coming across some Arabic names Anglicised in the corpus examined. They are much more complex than Yorùbá indigenous names that are Anglicised. It is simply because they have undergone two kinds of metamophorses. The first stage is that of Yorùbálisation of the Arabic names and second, the Anglicisation of the indigenised Muslim and Yorùbá names together. They are complex, therefore, for easy understanding. There are four columns in the two tables below: (i) names as given by the Yorùbá respondents, (ii) the Arabic 216 names the respondents used as models, (iii) their variations in Yorùbá, and (iv) their meanings in Arabic or Hebrew. We now turn to Tables 24 and 25 for analysis.(See Appendices ―G‖ and ―H‖) One glaring feature of Anglicised Arabic/Yorùbá names observable from both Tables 24 and 25 is that many Yorùbá variations of the Arabic/Muslim names are Anglicised and some of these variations are not easily recognisable from their original Arabic forms. For instance, in Table 24, we have no. 9 ‗sánì‘ or ‗sanni‘ from ‗Thani‘; no. 18 ‗Làmìdí‘ from ‗Al-Hamid‘ or ‗Abd-al-Hami‘; no. 36c ‗Amuda or Amudatu‘ from ‗Hamidah‘; and no. 40 ‗Belawu, Belau or Belahu‘ from ‗Billah‘. Others are no. 50a ‗Sakariyau, Sakaniyau, Saka, or Yau‘ from ‗Zakariyau‘; no. 78 ‗Rukayatu, Ruka, Rukaya‘ from ‗Ruqayyah‘; and no. 88 ‗Lawali, Lawani or Lawandi‘ from ‗Muhammed al-Awwal‘. The same thing goes for Table 25: ―Kúdì and Kudiratu‖ are from ‗Quadrah‘ in no. 54; ‗Kádìrí, Jelani, Akadiri and Akadi are from ‗Abdul-Qadir (All-Jilani) or Kader‖ in no. 87b and ‗Múdà, Múdàśírù or Mudasiru‖ are from ‗Al-Mudaththir‘ in no. 124. These data present interesting and revealing insight into the understanding of these names. The differences are very pronounced. It is observed that the spellings given by our respondents differ from the ‗Yorùbálised‘ variations. Let us consider cases where the orthographical representation of ‗ῐ‘ changes to ‗ee‘ thus under Table 24, Munirah (no. 18b) changes to ‗Muneerat‘. ‗Rahim (no. 18c) changes to ‗Raheem‘ ‗Raji‘ (no. 20a) changes to ‗Rajee‘. ‗Hamidah‘ (no. 36c) changes to ‗Hameedat‘ ‗Ibrahim‘ (no. 43b) changes to ‗Ibraheem‘ 217 ‗Bashirah (no. 64b) changes to ‗Basheerat‘ ‗Rashid‘ (no. 66a) changes to ‗Rasheed‘ ‗Habibah‘ (no. 66b) changes to ‗Habeebat‘ In Table 25, ‗Ganiyyah‘ (no. 35) turns to ‗Ganeeyat‘ ‗Latifah‘ (no. 79) turns to ‗Lateefat‘ ‗Kamal-al-Din‘ (no. 140) turns to ‗Kamaldeen or ‗Kamal-ud-Din‘ ‗Kazim‘ (no. 162) turns to ‗Kazeem‘ or ‗Qasim‘ A few other similar examples outside these corpora are found in Oseni (2004:82): Miftāhuddῖn Miftadeen Muhyiddῖn Muhyideen Najmuddῖn Najimudeen Nῡreddῖn Nurudeen Shamsuddῖn Shamsudeen Sharafuddῖn Sharafudeen Tajuddῖn Tajudeen Amirah Ameerat Farῖdah Fareedat Hanῖfah Haneefat Majῖdah Majeedat Najibah Najeebat It is likely that our respondents, being YEBs, have been influenced by possibly the phonetic and orthography of the English language from words like: meet /mi:t/ sheet /si:t/ peel /pi:l/ meek /mi:k/ leek /li:k/ keep /ki:p/, etc. 218 From the foregoing, the submission is that, this is a level of Anglicism in Arabic-Yorùbá names. A combination of Arabic/Muslim names with Yorùbá, which do not look neither Arabic nor Yorùbá but English, is a higher level of Anglicism exhibited by YEBs in these corpora under study. A few examples from Tables 24 and 25 in conjunction with Tables 20 and 21 will suffice. ‗Radsan‘ in no. 9 of Table 20 combines Mo rád éyõ and San ni (this belongs to a couple); ‗Lamar‘ in no. 18 of Table 20 is a combination of four names: La midi (self), M unirat (mum), A biodun (wife), R aheem (dad). ‗Hamadah‘ in no. 36 of Table 20 has the three names of the children suffixing it with an English word as follows: Ha mmed (son), Ma nsurat (daughter), Hami da h (daughter), and B ank; ‗Bekandims‘ is in no. 40 of Table 20 and its formulation into an Anglicised name is intriguing: Be lau (mother‘s name), Akan kë (mother‘s name), Dim ension s . This is a memorial recreation centre. It shows that the owner really dotes upon his late mother. The names combined are Arabic ‗Billah‘ for ‗Belau‘ and ‗Àkànkë‘, a Yorùbá name with clippings from an entire English word ‗dimensions‘: ‗dim‘ and ‗s‘ (which is a plural marker). ‗RajRab‘ no. 49 of Table 20 is a combination of a couple‘s names: Raj i (husband) and Rab i (wife); they are both Arabic in origin. No. 54 in Table 25 is coined from the respondent‘s two personal names which are both Yorùbá and Arabic respectively: Larakud: Ômô lara (Yorùbá) and Kud irat (Arabic). That is, ‗Qudrah‘ meaning ‗power of Allah‘ (see no. 54 of Table 21). In the same vein, ‗Yuskad‘ in no. 62 under Table 24 is fashioned from two Arabic names in origin: ‗Yus uf‘ and ‗Kad ir‘. They are personal names of the respondent. ‗Mudashiner‘ in no. 124 under Table 25 has its formulation from both Arabic and Yorùbá word respectively: ‗Muda‘ Muda shiru (Arabic), ‗shi‘ Ade shi na (Yorùbá), 219 and ‗ner‘ Adeshi na where ‗na‘ is articulated as the English suffix ‗-ner‘ in words like China /t∫ainə/, ‗opener /əpənə/, partner/ pa:tnə/, and learner /lʒ:nə/ etc. Very close to this is that ‗a‘ in ‗Madinah‘ (no. 184 under Table 25) changes to ‗e‘ as in ‗Medinat‘. The same thing goes for ‗Makkah‘ now written ‗Mecca‘ (which is outside this corpus). Consonant deletion of ‗h‘ and substitutions of ‗t‘ is also noticed in the Anglicised Arabic names as given by the respondents at the end of such names, ‗h‘ is deleted and substituted with ‗t‘ like the following: ‗Munirat‘ for ‗Munirah‘ (no. 18b) in Table 24 ‗Samiat‘ for ‗Samiah‘ (no. 20c) in Table 24 ‗Raliat‘ for ‗Radiyah‘ (no. 34) in Table 24 ‗Shukurat‘ for ‗Shukrah‘ (no. 35b) in Table 24 ‗Mansurat‘ for ‗Mansurah‘ (no. 36b) in Table 24 ‗Hameedat‘ for ‗Hamidah‘ (no. 36c) in Table 24 ‗Rabiat‘ for ‗Rabiah‘ (no. 49b) in Table 24 ‗Fatimat‘ for ‗Fatimah‘ (no. 50b) in Table 24 ‗Khadijat‘ for ‗Khadijah‘ (no. 62b) in Table 24 ‗Basheerat‘ for ‗Bashirah‘ (no. 64b) in Table 24 ‗Muibat‘ for ‗Muhibbah‘ (no. 91b) in Table 24 ‗Ganeeyat‘ for ‗Ghaniyyah‘ (no. 35) in Table 25 ‗Kudirat‘ for ‗Qudrah‘ (no. 54) in Table 25 ‗Lateefat‘ for ‗Latifah‘ (no. 79) in Table 25 ‗Medinat‘ for ‗Madinah‘ (no. 184) in Table 25 In addition to consonant deletion of ‗h‘ and substitution with ‗t‘ in the foregoing, when these Arabic female names are ‗Yorùbálised‘ , there is a vowel insertion of ‗u‘ at the end of such names to conform with the syllatic structure of the language. There is no consonant cluster. Consider these: ‗Munirah‘ Muneerat Mùnírátù (no. 18b) in Table 24 220 *‗Samiah‘ Samiat Samiatu (no. 20c) in Table 24 *‘Radiyah‘ Raliat Rálìátù (no. 34) in Table 24 Rálìyátù (no. 34) in Table 24 *‘Shukrah‘ Shukurat Súkúrátù (no. 35b) in Table 24 ‗Mansurah‘ Mansurat Màýsúrátù (no. 36b) in Table 24 *‘Hamidah‘ Hameedat Ámúdátù (no. 36c) in Table 24 ‗Rabiah‘ Rabiat Rabiatu (no. 49b) in Table 24 ‗Fatimah‘ Fatimat Fatimatu (no. 50b) in Table 24 ‗Khadijah‘ Khadijat Khadijatu (no. 62b) in Table 24 ‗Bashirah‘ Basheerat Bàśírátù (no. 64b) in Table 24 *‘Muhibbah‘ Muibat Múìbátù (no. 91b) in Table 24 *‘Ghaniyyah‘ Ganeeyat Gàníyátù (no. 35) in Table 25 *‘Qudrah‘ Kudirat Kúdírátù (no. 54) in Table 25 ‗Latifah‘ Lateefat Làtífátù (no. 79) in Table 25 ‗Madinah‘ Medinat Mêdínátù (no. 184) in Table 25 The asterisked names above do not only have an insertion of ‗u‘ at their final positions, but also ‗Rálíátù‘ (no. 34) has a deletion of ‗d‘ for a substitution of ‗l‘. ‗ßúkúrátù‘ (no. 35b) takes another vowel ‗u‘ insertion at the medial position (thus breaking the consonant cluster thereby); ‗Amudatu‘ (no. 36c) deletes at the initial position the glottal fricative ‗h‘; and ‗Múíbátù‘ (no. 91b) also drops its medial glottal fricative ‗h‘. Also, the first syllable has ‗h‘ thrown off ‗Gànìyátù‘ (no. 35 in Table 25) while ‗Kúdìrátù‘ (no. 54 in Table 25) breaks its consonant cluster of its Arabic form ‗Qudrah‘ by inserting vowel ‗i‘. Consonant replacements, not only at the final position of a name but also at the initial and medial positions are other unique characteristics of Anglicised and ‗Yorùbálised‘ names. For instance, ‗q‘ changes to ‗k‘ in ‗Qudrah‘ and ‗Kudirat‘ at the initial position while ‗z‘ to ‗s‘ in ‗Razzaq‘ and ‗Ràsákí‘ at the medial position both for nos. 54 and 134 in Table 25. It is also observable that ‗q‘ is replaced with ‗k‘ 221 at the final syllable of ‗Razzaq‘ and ‗Rasaki. The same is true for ‗Zakariyya‘ and ‗Sakariyau‘ in nos. 50a and 78 respectively under Table 24 above. It is also a feature of these names to delete one out of a double consonant: ‗Zakariyyah‘ (no. 50a) turns ‗Sakariyau‘ under Table 24 ‗Ruqayyah (no. 78) turns ‗Rukayatu‘ under Table 24 ‗Fattah‘ (no. 91a) turns ‗Fàtáí‘ under Table 24 ‗Muhibbah‘ (no. 91b) turns ‗Múíbátù‘ under Table 24 ‗Ghaniyyah‘ (no. 35) turns ‗Gànìyátù‘ under Table 25 Similar examples outside our corpora abound in Doi (1978:120): ‗Wahhab‘ Wahab Tiamiyyah Tiamiyu Ghaffar Gafar Quddus Kudus Musaddiq Musadiku Murtadiyyah Muritadiyat Mushaffiah Musafiat Mushakkirah Musakirat Musharrafah Musarafat Musawwirah Musawirat, etc. One can also observe a substitution of ‗s‘ or ‗ś‘ for ‗th‘ from the tables: ‗Thani (no. 9) evolves as Sani under Table 24 ‗Mudaththir (no. 124) evolves as Mudasiru under Table 25 or Múdàsírù We have also examples outside these corpuses to authenticate the submission above from Doi (1978:119) as follows: Uthman Usman Thawban Saoban Thalith Salisu Thamic Saminu 222 Warith Waris Harith Harees Apart from the ‗ Yorùbálised‘ Arabic female names already discussed, some of the male ones also have their own peculiarities: either ‗i‘ or ‗u‘ suffixes each name in this category. Consider these examples from Tables 24 and 25: Hamid becomes Làmídì Rahim becomes Rahimi Ali becomes Àlíù or Àlíyù Zakariyya becomes Sàkárìyáù Rafi becomes Ràfíù, Ràfíyù Fattah becomes Fàtàí, Fàtáyì Siraj becomes Sìrájù Rashid becomes Ràśídì, Ràsídì Yusuf becomes Yúsúfù, Yésúfù Kadir becomes Kádírì Bashir becomes Baśiru, Bàsírù Ghani becomes Gàní, Gàníyù This trend of foreign words indigenisation (this time around ―Yorùbálisation‖) is also observed in Christian male and female names. Have a look at these: Peter is Yorùbálised as Pétérù John ― ― as Jòhánù, or Jõhönù James ― ― as Jèmíìsì or Jemisi Samson ― ― as Samúsìnnì Ezekiel ― ― as Isíkëlì Julius ― ― as Júlíõsì Mark ― ― as Máákù Lawrence ― ― as Lörëýsì Job ― ― as Jóóbù Gabriel ― ― as Gebúrëlì Daniel ― ― as Dáníëlì 223 David ― ― as Dáfídì Elizabeth ― ― as Èlísábêtì Margaret ― ― as Mágirêtì Marian ― ― as Mereání Grace ― ― as Gìrésì or Gèrésì Alice ― ― as Álììsì Rachael ― ― as Rákelì Mary ― ― as Mérì, Màríà Esther ― ― as Ësítérì Deborah ― ― as Dèbórà Ruth ― ― as Rúùtù Dorcas ― ― as Dökàsì Caroline ― ― as Karoláìnì This ‗Yorùbálisation‘ (of Western Christian names) breaks the consonant cluster present in English names and words. In the same vein, the Moslem names that were first of all ‗Yorùbálised‘ and now invariably Anglicised do have a break of the consonant cluster in the Arabic names too. From Tables 24 and 25, our examples are as below: Shukrah is Súkúrátù in no. 35b of Table 24 Ibrahim is Iburaimu, Bùrëmõ or Bùráímõ in no. 45b of Table 24 Idris is Ìdírísì or Dirisu in no. 14a of Table 25 Miftau is Múfú or Múfútáù in no. 16 of Table 25 Taslim is Têsìlímù or Tçsili in no. 46 of Table 25 Qudrah is Kúdírátù or Kúdí in no. 46 of Table 25 Mustafa is Músítàfá in no. 145a of Table 25. To corroborate this fact, some other examples of Muslim names are presented from Òsénì (2004:82) and Doi (1973:121): Badruddin as Badirudini Najmuddin as Najimudini 224 Shamsuddin as Samusudini Mahfuzah as Mahafusa or Mahafusatu Luqman as Lúkúmõnù or Lukumanu Yahya as Yahaya It is good to reiterate here that the table is turned. Anglicism in Yorùbá names is now in vogue. Yorùbá names, as well as, Muslim names are fashioned like English names in contrast to what we have in the indigenisation of English names. To YEBs, Anglicised names are mellifluous; they are high sounding, as well as, sweet, smooth and melodious. Therefore, both Christian personal and business names, as well as, Moslem and indigenous names are Anglicised. That is why we now have a combination of: Mo rad eyô and San ni as ‗Radsan‘ in no. 9 Table 20 La midi, M unirat, A biôdun, R aheem as ‗Lamar‘ in no. 18 Table 20 Da uda, R aji, S amiat, K ikç as ‗Darsk‘ in no. 20 Table 20 Ali u and Wendy (from Iye wande) we have ‗Aliwendy‘s‘ in no. 22 Table 20 Ral iat, Ade môla + suffix ‗x‘ as ‗Raladex‘ in no. 34 Table 20 Ham ed, Sh ina, Shuku rat as ‗Hamshrat in no. 35 Table 20 Ham ed, Ma nsurat, Hami da h, B ank as Hamadab in no. 36 Table 20 Be lau, A kan ke, Dim ension s as ‗Bekandims‘ in no. 40 Table 20 Yus uf, Kad ijat as Yuskad in no. 62 Table 20 Ad ukç, Jim oh as ‗Adjim‘ in no. 63 Table 20 Raf iu, Bash irat as RafBash in no. 64 Table 20 Ras heed, Hab ibat as ‗RasHab‘ in no. 66 Table 20 Ru kayat, Fa luyi, A dek unle as ‗Rufadec in no. 78 Table 20 Was iu, Khad ijat as ‗Waskhad‘ in no. 81 Table 20 Toy in, Law al as ‗Toyal‘ in no. 88 Table 20 Fat ai, Mui bat as ‗Fatbat‘ in no. 91 Table 20 Ba batunde, La wal as ‗Bawal‘ in no. 12 Table 21 Jim oh, I dris as ‗JimDris‘ in no. 14 Table 21 225 Mu futau, -r – (infix), ph ‗f‘ from Mu f utau, ‗y‘ (suffix ‗y‘) as ‗Murphy‘ in no. 16 Table 21 Adeba yô, S uraj, plus suffix ‗s‘ as ‗Adebass‘ in no. 30 Table 21 Dad a and Ras heed as ‗Dadras‘ in no. 33 Table 21 Ras heed and Law al as ‗Raslaw‘ in no. 34 Table 21 Ômô lara and Kud irat as ‗Larakud‘ in no. 54 Table 21 Az eez and Ha med as ‗Azmed‘ in no. 64 Table 21 Bash iru plus suffix ‗y‘ as ‗Bashy‘ in no. 70 Table 21 Moj irade and Lat ifat as ‗Mojlat‘ in no. 79 Table 21 Ga niyu and Kad ri as ‗Gakad‘ in no. 87 Table 21 Ras aki plus suffix ‗co‘ as ‗Rasco‘ in no. 134 Table 21 Kaz eem plus suffix ‗y‘ as ‗Kazy‘ in no. 162 Table 21 Jim oh plus suffix ‗my‘ as ‗Jimmy‘ in no. 177 Table 21 Fat ai plus suffix ‗ty‘ as ‗Fatty‘ in no. 182 Table 21 Med inat plus suffix ‗dy‘ as ‗Meddy‘ in no. 184 Table 21 The examples are many. In addition, as one would observe, there are combinations of Yorùbá indigenous and Moslem names. Many have two or more Moslem names combined. Some others are just one muslem name, and quite a handful have their Anglicised names from combining muslem and Yorùbá names with English words. It is also discovered that, while YEBs will Anglicise their names (both indigenous and non-indigenous), the non-literate will Yorùbálise their non- indigenous names (especially, the foreign Christian and muslem names). Cognisance must be taken of the fact that some of these Anglicised Arabic- Persian-Islamic names discussed in our corpuses have biblical variations. Authors like Adékílékún (1985), Doi (1978), Ôpëlóyçrú (1996), Òsénì (2004), and Stade (1970) as well as the Website, give the same submission but they do not proffer meanings to them. This researcher presents us their meanings in Hebrew in Tables 24 226 and 25 above. Those Arabic-Persian-Islamic names (which our Yorùbá Moslem respondents bear) with biblical characters include: Dáúdà David meaning ‗beloved‘, ‗darling‘ or ‗friend‘ Ibraheem Abraham meaning ‗father of a multitude‘ Sàká Zachariah meaning ‗remembered by the Lord‘ or ‗Jah is renowned‘ Yusuf Joseph meaning ‗addition‘ or ‗God adds‘ Idris Enoch meaning ‗educated‘ or ‗dedicated‘ Apart from the submissions on the meanings of these names, Kelly (1985:150) and Fields (1985:112) give some variations for them thus: David Dave, Davie, Davis, Davit, Davy Abraham Abe, Abram, Avram, Bram Joseph Giuseppe, Jo, Joe, Joey, Jose, Jozef Zachariah Zac, Zach, Zachary, Zack, Zak, Zechariah, Zeke. However, for ‗Enoch‘ both authors give no variation. Nevertheless, beyond this corpus, Doi (1978) and Oseni (2004) present some other Arabic-Persian-Islamic names having equivalent biblical characters are presented (though without any meaning or variation) as follows: Yahaya John, the Baptist Isa Jesus Yaqub Jacob Illyas Elijah or Elias Ishaq Isaac Ismail Ishmael Yunus Jonah Musa Moses Nuh Noah Harun Aaron Sulyman Solomon 227 Ayyub Job Gleanings from Withycombe (1976), Kelly (1985) and Fields (1985) and the Bible offer us meanings to these names being mostly Hebrew in origin: John ‗Jehovah has favoured‘ or ‗God is gracious‘ Jesus ‗the Saviour‘ or ‗the redeemer‘ Jacob ‗he seized the heel‘ or ‗he supplanted‘ Elijah or Elias ‗Jehovah is God‘ Isaac ‗laughing one‘ Ishmael ‗God will hear‘ Jonah ‗Dove‘ Moses ‗drawn out‘ Noah ‗repose‘ Aaron ‗enlightened‘ or ‗shining‘ Solomon ‗peaceful‘ Job ‗symbol of piety and resignation of the just faced with trials‘ One other feature of Yorùbá Moslem Anglicised names is the clipping of ‗Abdiyyat‘ from names like ‗Aabd-al Quadir‘, ‗Abd-al-Karim‘, ‗Abd-al-Rahim‘, ‗Abd-al-Rashid‘, ‗Abd-al-Razzaq‘. Thus in the first instance, becoming ‗Kadiri‘, ‗Kàrìmù‘, ‗Ràìmí‘, ‗Ràśìdí‘ and ‗Ràsákí‘ respectively, and second, they are Anglicised as depicted in Tables 20 and 21. This ‗Abdiyyat‘ is reflecting the servanthood of man to the Supreme Being, the Creator. It is not strange that in the Yorubalisation of Arabic names, the prefix word ‗Abdiyyat‘ is clipped just like ‗Olúwa‘ or ‗Ôlörun‘ (God) is clipped from names like ‗Olúwatóyín‘ (God is worthy to be praised) or ‗Ôlöruntóbi‘ (God is big) to become ‗Tóyín‘ and ‗Tóbi‘ respectively. 228 We have discovered that YEBs‘ Anglicisms in YBNs and YPNs having a combination of Yorùbá and Arabic names involve borrowings from multiplicity of tongues as English, Hebrew, Latin, Persian, Old German, Greek, Irish, Arabic and Yorùbá. No doubt, there is a convergence of tongues and linguistic complexities here. Enough, Nigeria‘s language complex situation is heightened/toughened through these Arabic-Persian-Islamic and English – Christian names. In the words of Ògúndèjì (1988:670): Each indigenous linguistic group has its own pre- Islamic, pre-christian and pre-colonial dramatic traditions, which made use of indigenous languages and other non-verbal cues… This situation was further complicated by the Arabic- Islamic and Euro-Christian contacts. Truly, one cannot deny or even brush aside the amalgamation of multiple tongues in YEBs‘ Anglicisation of YBNs and YPNs. Of course, they are woven aesthetically superbly. Anglicisms in YBNs and YPNs are akin to loanwords. It is a fact that borrowing would be because of one reason or the other. Therefore, borrowings are usually logical. According to Erkenbrecher (2006:3): Loanwords are often widely known and used, since borrowing serves a certain purpose, for example, to provide a name for a new invention. One can easily realize that there is always a reason for borrowing and that it never happens illogically. It can be held true that the transfer of linguistic features, words or terms from one language group is most frequent if mutual direct contact is established. Furthermore, the prestige a certain nation language community has at certain time in history is even more influential on borrowing/ loaning of words. 4.3 Variations of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs of YEBsISN Language dynamism is seen in the fact of YEBs‘ choice of one type of Anglicised business or personal name as against the other. This reinforces the fact of 229 the complex competence YEBs are endowed with. Corroborating this fact is Dittmar‘s (1981:104-108) declaration about Variability Concept‘s objectives. They give the description and explanation of the whole speech network practice within a given community, and their complex competence for communication in conjunction with the social norms and parameters. It is known that one of the linguistic varieties is the social one. The different varieties of Anglicisms for the same names accounted for among YEBsIN in this study reveal their social class, i.e. Yorùbá–English bilinguals (in contrast with the illiterates). The fact of the contact of the English language with the Yorùbá language has brought about some modifications and variations in YEBs names. It is inevitable for a language to change over time. Surely, changes have come upon Yorùbá (business and personal) names. The products of these changes are presented in our data revealing variations in the (a) same names but different Anglicisms, and (b) different names but the same Anglicisms in the corpus below: 4.3.1 The same name but different Anglicised Forms Table 26 Same Name Different Anglicised Forms 1. Bùkölá Bukky Buks 2. Tosin Tosco Tos 3. Tòkunbõ Toks Tokuns 4. Töpë Top Topy Toppy Topsy Topco 230 Topyco 5. Dámi Dam Dammy Damisco (though not in the corpora examined but gotten through informants) 6. Dáre Dar Daray Darray 7. Tölá Tolly Tol 8. Yõmi Yom Yommy Yommex Yomex Yormi Jourmi 9. ßôlá Sholly Shollex Sholex (but /s/ is realised) Solar 10. Wôlé Wol Wolex Wolly 11. Wálé Wal Walex Walesco Walexy 12. Ôlá Olasco Olas Olly 13. Fëmi Fem, Femco Femo Femis Femistic Femos Femmy Femosco Phemmy 231 14. Fadékë Faday Phaday Phadek Fadek Fadex Fadec Fadeco 15. Këmi Kemmy Kemos Kemosco Kemostic Kamistic 16. Rêmí Rem Remmy Remmie 17. Rónkë Ron, Ronk Ronkus Ronky Aronky 18. Kúnlé Kunlex Kuul Kun 19. Dàpõ Dap Dappy 20. Röpò Rop Roppy 21. Jùmõkë Jum Jummy Jumex 22. Níkêë Nik Niks Nikky Nikey 23. Bölá Bol Bolly Bolar 24. Dôlá Dol 232 Dolly 25. Lôlá Lol Lolly Alolly 26. Lará Lar Larry 27. Dúpë Dup Duppy Dupsy 28. Çniôlá Enis Enny 29. Tèmi Tem Temmy 30. Yçmí Yem Yemmy Yemko 31. Abíödún Abby Abbey (supplied by informant; not in the corpora examined) Abestic Abesco 32. Dõpámú Dop Doppy Dopex 33. Yétúndé Ye Yet Yetty 34. Káyõdé Kay Kayus Kayuz Kayos 35. Jimoh Jim Jimmy Jimex 233 Jimmex 4.3.2 Different names but the same Anglicism Table 27 Name Anglicism 1. Tundun Tuns Túnráyõ Túndé 2. Tóyìn Tos Tosin 3. Táyé Ty Táyõ 4. Ti Jésù TJ Tajudeen Tìjání A few decades ago, this researcher thought that one thing a Yorùbá person would not like to change is the name. However and contrariwise today, we are witnessing a turn of event – change in YEBs‘ names and particularly through the Anglicism in their names. And not only do they Anglicise their names, but also exhibit different variations of the same names. Take for instance, no. 8 under Table 26 above, we have six (6) Anglicised variations for one name, ‗Yõmì‘: (i) Yom, (ii) Yommy, (iii) Yommex, (iv) Yomex, (v) Yormi, and (vi) Jourmi. The choice for CVC English syllable structure is found in ‗Yom‘ as opposed to the Yorùbá CVCV structure. ‗Yommy‘ and ‗Yommex‘ exhibit the consonant cluster pattern of the English language. However, suffix ‗-ex‘ marker is employed by the choice, of ‗Yommex‘ and ‗Yomex‘. Interestingly, ‗Yormi‘ and ‗Jourmi‘ pitch after ‗pronunciation spellings‘. The ‗yõ‘ of ‗Yõmi‘ is likened to the English ‗Your‘ which now metamorphoses into the palatal unrounded /j/ as seen in the word ‗jour‘ instead of ‗your‘. Our respondent feels that it suffices to equate ‗yor‘ for ‗your‘ in the 234 Anglicised form of ‗Yormi‘. What makes it an Anglicism is the insertion of ‗r‘ in between ‗yo‘ and ‗mi‘ to give us ‗Yormi‘. This is analogical with a combination of ‗Your‘ and ‗My‘ in English. Apart from the insertion of ‗r‘, a step further is the choice of ‗r‘ ending Anglicised words analogical with a word like ‗car‘: nos. 6 ‗Dar‘, 9 ‗Solar‘, 23 ‗Bolar‘ and 26 ‗Lar‘ for Anglicisms in Yorùbá names in ‗Dáre‘, ‗ßôlá‘, Bölá and ‗Lará‘ respectively. The final suffix ‗r‘ ending transformed their outlooks completely apart from the fact that they have been clipped and their diacritics have been thrown away. In nos (13) and (14) the interchangeability of ‗ph‘ for ‗F‘ in the English orthography and its phonetics is portrayed in the Anglicisms in names like ‗Fëmi‘ and ‗Fadékë‘: ‗Phemmy‘ and ‗Phaday‘ respectively (Table 26). Having nine (9) variations for ‗Fëmi and six (6) for ‗Fadékë‘ reinforces the fact that in no way is a language monolithic and that variations are common. Also, we bear in mind that other names in this corpus toe this line and have at least two (2) variations for one name. Table 27 lends force to the dynamism of language having different names for the same Anglicism. The fact that some of our respondents are able to fix different names for an Anglicised form is a pointer to the non-monolithic nature of language. For instance, names like no. (1) ‗Tundun‘ can be a short form of ―Oyètúndù, Ômötúndùn, Ôlátúndùn, Adétúndùn‖, while ―Túnráyõ‖ is clipped from ‗Motúnráyõ‘ and ―Túndé‖ may have its full rendition as ―Babátúndé‖, Ômötúndé, Ôlátúndé, Owótúndé, Ayõtúndé, and Awótúndé‖. All these variations of YEBs‘ names are available for ―Tuns‖ – an Anglicised form. 235 For nos (3) and (4), Anglicisms ‗TY‘ and ‗TJ‘ stand for ‗Táyé and Táyõ‘ and ‗Tijésù, Tajudeen and Tíjánì‘ respectively. It is observed that the first letters from the first and second syllables of each of the names are picked. In essence, we also have at least variations of YEBs‘ names fixing into one particular type of Anglicism. Number (2) has ‗Tos‘ as its Anglicism shared between two variations of YEBs‘ names – ‗Tóyín‘ and ‗Tósín‘. The first syllable ‗To‘ is picked for ‗Tóyín‘ with an addition of an ‗s‘ suffix marker. Though the same Anglicism for ‗ Tos‘ applies for ‗Tóyín‘ and ‗Tósín‘, the realisation of ‗Tos‘ from ‗Tósín‘ differs because we have just a shortening which gives us cvc structure in ‗Tos‘ and followed by a deletion of the rest part. Tremendously, as one can observe, language changes according to different situations and circumstances. YEBs‘ situations and circumstances such as the Anglo- Nigerian contact, the language situation in Nigeria, the hegemony of the English language, globalisation and the synonymous of English, etc all have roles to play in the variations of Anglicisms YPNs and YBNs under discussion. 236 4.3.3 Variations in Western Names and Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs Variations of names are no news in the English language: They are ‗model‘ and target language for YEBs in the formulation of their Anglicised names. Take for instance, ‗Bridget‘ and ‗Edith‘ are Irish and Old English names respectively. Their variations are ―Biddy, Birgit, Birgitta, Bride, Bridey, Brigette, Brigel, Brigida, Brigit, Brigita, Brigitte, Gitta, Gitte‖ and ―Eda, Edie, Edyth, Edythe, Eydie‖ respectively (Kelly: 1985:58 and 68). Changes from the usual patterns of western names are not new. Many times we have come across some little differences between similar names, which are known as variations in English names. Kelly (1985) has numerous examples of variations of both males‘ and females‘ names. Here are a few examples from Kelly (1985) for males: (1) Alexander (Greek) means ―protector of mankind‖ Variations: Al, Alec, Alejandro, Alessandro, Alex, Alexio, Alexis, Lex, Sander, Sandor, Sandro, Sandy, Sasha (2) Benjamin (Hebrew) names ‗Son of the right hand‖ Variations: Ben, Benji, Benjy, Benn, Benny. (3) Christian (Latin) means ―follower of Christ‖ Variations: Chris, Christie, Christy, Kris, Kristian. (4) Dominic (Latin) means ―of the Lord‖ Variations: Dom, Domenico, Domingo, Dominick, Nick, Nicky (5) Walter (old German) means ―power of the army‖ Variations: Wallie, Wally, Walt, Wat, Watt. For females: (1) Abigail (Hebrew) means ―source of joy or ‗a father‘s joy‖ Variations: Abbey, Abbie, Abby, Gael, Gail, Gale, Gayle. (2) Candace (Greek) means ―glowing white‖ Variations: Candee, Candice, Candie, Candy, Kandace, Kandi, Kandy 237 (3) Emily (old German) means ―industrious‖ Variations: Em, Emelina, Emeline, Emilia, Emilie, Emiline, Emlynne, Emmie, Emmy, Millie, Milly. (4) Nicole (Greek) means ―victory of the people‖ Variations: Nicki, Nicky, Nicola, Nicoletta, Nicolette, Niki, Nikki. (5) Pamela (Greek) means ‗all honey‘ Variations: Pam, Pamella, Pammie, Pammy . It is not unlikely that YEBs have come across some of these variations in Western names and have followed suit in Anglicising their indigenous names. 4.3.4 Analogous English Words and Anglicised Names If we go by the Longman Dictionary of English that analogous is similar to a thing so that a comparison can be made, then the Anglicised names under consideration are examples of YBNs and YPNs that are analogous with English words. Their use presupposes that YEBs have been influenced by seemingly similar words they have come across in English. YEBs‘ permutation of available indigenous names or parts of them to design analogous English new ones is not without precedence. In consonance with this, Quirk in his ‗Forward‘ to Adams‘ (1973:v) book declares: We sometimes translate the foreign words, we need, as Bernard Shaw did with Nietzsche‟s Ubermensch to produce superman; or we achieve a new means of designation by using an existing word in a different sense, as with the homosexual meaning of gay. Or … we can permute existing words and parts of words to make new combinations such as boathouse, houseboat, or the adjective ungovernable YEBs use the existing YPNs or part of them to combine with English words or even names. What emerge are these Anglicised analogical words. YEBs‘ keen interest to make Yorùbá names English in form is copiously portrayed in Table 28: Table 28: Analogous English words and Anglicised names 238 S/No. Anglicised Indigenous Names Analogous English Words 1. Yem wall Engineering company Wall 2. Lan ray Print Media Ray 3. Dar ray Electronics Ray 4. Damsel Unisex Salon Damsel 5. Bob shege Bob 6. Bod mas Bod 7. Kollington Fuji Music Kollington 8. Abbey Abbey 9. Jay Kay Jay Kay 10. Ola mot Computerized I.D. cards MOT (mot test) 11. Darak Pot Nig. Ltd. Pot 12. Sun shade Computer Sun Shade 13. To biz Biz 14. Lolly- Tim Business Centre Lolly Tim 15. Pop son Boutique Int‘l Pop Son 16. Top son Top Son 17. Akìn fit Rentals Akin Fit 18. Tayo lad Lad 19. Kay us Fashion Designer Kay Us 20. Dad us Dad Us 21. Nik Job Job 22. Jimmy Jimmy 23. Iffy Courier Iffy 24. Pappy Pappy 25. Bo lux Lux 26. RAD SAN Mini Mart San 27. EL BUNS Nig. Ltd Buns 239 28. Kenny Lad Natures Lad 29. Ras law Investment Law 30. Yet com Beauty Salon Yet 31. Dad ras Agro Chemical Dad 32. Fun duk Organised Table water Fun 33. Ada bass Ventures Bass 34. Royal Arts & Signs Royal 35. Taj bat Stores Bat 36. Bee zol Ventures Bee 37. La Mar Tech. Nig. Ltd. Mar 38. Folly Water Folly 39. Anny Tez Productions Anny 40. Jib ray Jib Ray (of the sun) 41. Ali wendy ‗s Super Store Wendy 42. Mar toy Investment Mar Toy 43. Funky Funky 44. Funk Funk Adam (1973:131) speaking on patterns that are analogous opines that: neo-classical compound-elements may be combined into structures analogous to those of native noun and adjective compounds. They may be for example verb-object, like agriculture from Latin agricultura, translatable as „field- cultivation‟, or „homicide‟, from Latin homicidium, „man- slaying‟. The fact of similarity cannot be denied in Adam‘s example above. Also, perusing our corpus, examples of both full and partial semblances abound. In fact, it is incredulous to discover that YBNs and YPNs have metamorphosed completely into English orthographical representations (words) except for their semantics. Take for instance, words like ‗damsel‘, ‗Kollington‘, ‗sunshade‘, ‗Jimmy‘, ‗Iffy;, ‗pappy‘, ‗Royal‘, ‗Folly‘, ‗Funky‘ and ‗Funk‘ (from nos. 4, 7, 12, 22, 23, 25, 35, 39, 44, and 45 240 respectively) are amazingly Yorùbá Anglicised names (words) which are totally turned English in their appearances. Their likeness cannot be mistaken. We notice a partial resemblance of Anglicised YBNs and YPNs with English words: ‗wall‘ from ‗Yemwall‘ (no. 1), ‗ray‘ from ‗Lanray‘ (no. 2), ‗pot‘ from ‗Darakpot‘ (no. 11), ‗Biz‘ from ‗Tobiz‘ (no. 13), ‗Job‘ from ‗Nikjob‘ (no. 21), ‗Lux‘ from ‗Bolux‘ (no. 26), ‗san‘ from ‗Radsan‘ (no. 27), ‗Buns‘ from ‗Elbuns‘ (no. 28)‘ ‗yet‘ from ‗Yetcom‘ (no. 31), and ‗fun‘ from ‗Funduk‘ (no. 33), etc. The use of analogous English words is also a pointer to a number of things. For instance, those outside the circle of YEBs cannot understand these words. The fact of YEBs‘ MCBs cannot be denied. Also, YEBs‘ use of Anglicised YPNs and YBNs that are analogical with English words is a pointer to their social class. It reflects YEBs‘ ego or pride in things that are English because they are synonymous as we have discussed under YEBs‘ attitude to the English language. 4.4 Domains of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs Aligning with Webster, ‗domain‘ is an area of activity, interest, or knowledge, especially one that a particular person or thing deals with. Where do we find Anglicised names? In this study, we have identified major areas viz: (1) Anglicisms on sign boards/posts (2) Anglicisms on vans/vehicles (3) Anglicisms on business cards (4) Anglicisms on wedding cards/‘pray – for - us‘ letters (5) Anglicisms in E-mail addresses (6) Anglicisms on mementoes (7) Anglicisms on official documents (8) Anglicisms on T.V. and Newspapers (9) Anglicisms on goods. 241 4.4.1 Anglicisms on Signboards/Posts Majority of the business names in the tables already discussed in this study are from Anglicised Yorùbá business names (YBNs) gathered from signboards in Yorùbá speech community. Please see to Tables 20 and 21. 4.4.2 Anglicisms on Vehicles Business men and women make use of vans, lorries, cars, etc. as means of publicity or advertisement by writing their Anglicised business names on them while delivering their products to different wholesalers and retailers. Such examples are already included in Tables 20 & 21. 4.4.3 Anglicisms on Business Cards Small business cards have Anglicised names inscribed on them. (See the Appendix). 4.4.4 Anglicisms on Wedding Cards It is in vogue to have Anglicised native names of couples-to-be on wedding cards. In fact, prior to the distribution of wedding cards, young adults in courtship normally print ‗pray-for-us‘ letters or at times ‗wedding notification‘ letters for distribution to members of their churches, friends, colleagues, and well-wishers to solicit for prayers well ahead of their D-day. Some would even write that the ‗pray- for-us‘ or wedding notification letters should be taken as invitations cards in case their wedding cards do not get to them. We have samples of such Anglicised ‗couples-to-be‘ names in the Appendix. 4.4.5 Anglicisms in E-mail Addresses Couples‘ and friends‘, personal names have been Anglicised as e-mail addresses: 242 (i) NikJob 2001 @ yahoo.com Nik e + Awo job i (ii) Bollytitoy 2003 @ yahoo.com It means ‗Bölátitó 4.4.6 Anglicisms on Mementoes During ceremonies (wedding, birthday, funeral, founders‘ day, etc.) take away gifts are usually given as mementoes and it is observed that Anglicised names are inscribed on many of them (see Appendix for samples). 4.4.7 Anglicisms on Official Documents Little did the researcher expect Anglicised names on official documents like one‘s credentials before she started this research work. Her thoughts were that people have Anglicised names for informal matters (never for formal and official documents like certificates) and also as sobriquets. Amazingly, during a registration exercise, one of her students in the year 2003, came with his credentials revealing that his name ‗Adésôlá‘ is Anglicised as ‗Adeshollar‘ (see the Appendix). 4.4.8 Anglicisms on T.V. & Newspapers The zenith of the domain of Anglicisms in YPNs is on the electronic media (especially the national news) and newspapers. These are domains the researcher least expected she would find them. They are coming in trickles. For example, a former Minister of Education and the current Vice President World Bank Africa is popularly known and addressed both on T.V. and Newspapers as ‗Oby‘ which is an Anglicised form of her Igbo name ‗Obiageri‘ (Oby Ezekwesili). 4.4.9 Anglicisms on Goods On labels of certain products, cellophane of bread and satchets of water (pure water), we often find Anglicised names‘ inscriptions such as ‗Ayox Delicious bread‘, 243 ‗Tolux Pure Water‘, ‗Folly Pure Water‘ (see Appendix). ‗Ayox‘, ‗Tolux‘ and ‗Folly‘ are Anglicised YBN from YPN in this mode: Ayõ délé + suffix ‗-x‘ Tolú lôpë + suffix ‗-x‘ Föl örunÿö + suffix ‗-ly‘ 4.5 Conclusion This chapter considered the issue of Anglicisms in YEBs‘ YPNs and YBNs in YEBsIN. The various data sources have been examined from observation, questionnaire, interview, names on sign-boards/posts, van/vehicles, business cards, wedding cards/‘pray - for - us‘ letters, E-mail addresses, mementoes, official documents, T.V. / newspapers, and goods. Our analyses were subsumed under four major sections viz the features of Anglicisms, categories of Anglicised YBNs and YPNs, variations of Anglicisms, and domains of Anglicisms. All these sections have sub-sections. We also probed into the several attitudes of the respondents and analysed them in tabular forms. In addition, other respondents‘ submissions in the questionnaire were discussed under some tables. The next chapter discusses the findings, summary, implications and recommendations of the research. 244 CHAPTER FIVE CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 5.0 Introduction In this chapter, we highlight the major findings of the study as well as our hypotheses as outlined in 1.2. Besides, a summary of the research is given and some suggestions for further studies are proffered. Further, an examination of the implications of the research for linguistics, pedagogy, bilingualism, Yorùbá cultural heritage, communication, and growth of the Yorùbá Language is done. 5.1 Highlights and Findings The pervasive influence of English brings about the concept of Anglicism favoured among YEBs and employed as a sociolinguistic feature of personal and business names. This linguistic behaviour is exhibited by YEBs though unwittingly. Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs have five major parts: Lexico-semantic, phonological, morphological, semantic and sociolinguistic features. They uncover the Englishness of Anglicised indigenous names. Anglicism is brought about by a fusion or hybridisation of indigenous and western names. This occurrence is common because the English language is held in a very high esteem among YEBs. The fact that YEBs are exposed to two cultures, Yoruba and English, is a corollary of Anglicisms in names under study. YEBs have positive pull towards the English language as a result of motivation, because it has a high instrumental value that is geared towards achievements of definite personal goals i.e. YEBs derivation of personal benefits from the prestigious language drastically and positively influenced their positive linguistic performance demonstrated in Anglicisms in their names. Investigating 245 Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs hinges on language attitudes. YEBs have a new thought that the English language is global, therefore, they can afford to make their YPNs and YBNs English like. For instance, 95.5% strongly agreed or agreed that Anglicism in indigenous names is in vogue. Anglicisms in names cut across social stratifications: students, civil servants, business men and artisans of YEBs. This study postulates that (a) Indigenous names are being pronounced in an English way. 96% gave affirmative response; (b) Nick or pet names have English spellings or forms. 100% of the respondents strongly agreed or agreed; (c) Westernised forms of indigenous names are common features. 95.75% gave affirmative answers; (d) Englishlisation or Britishism in indigenous names is in vogue in Nigeria. 99.5% of respondents strongly agreed or agreed; (e) Couples-to- be do combine their indigenous names to print ‗pray for us‘ letters, wedding cards, wedding mementoes that look Westernised or Britishlised; 86% of our respondents strongly agreed or agreed. The study also uncovers the negative language attitudes of YEBs towards Yoruba, as against the positive towards English. Most respondents were taught to speak in the English language from childhood even with incentives to do so. Yet they could not communicate proficiently in Yoruba. Ripples of the consequences of this negative attitude towards indigenous language were revealed by the respondents: (i) 54.5% respondents affirm that they could not write a letter very well in Yorùbá; (ii) 78.5% respondents either agreed or strongly agreed that though they can write in Yorùbá, they cannot tone mark even their names. The cream of the tonal Yorùbá language occurs in names; 246 (iii) 91% of the respondents submit that they cannot pray fluently in Yorùbá without code-switching; (iv) 52% of the respondents either agreed or strongly agreed with the claim that they disliked being spoken to in their dialects (variants of Yorùbá) especially in the public; (v) 99.5% either disagreed or strongly disagreed that the language they speak in dreams was Yorùbá – connoting that in YEBs‘ sub- consciousness, the English language is deeply rooted; (vi) 60% of the respondents concord with the opinion that away from home they hide their identity (of being Yorùbá) by speaking English at all times; (vii) 50.5% of the respondents either disagreed or strongly disagreed with the view that the first word they spoke as a child was Yorùbá. This foretells a stygian gloom for the future of the Yorùbá language because all these negative attitudes to the Yorùbá language are indices of lack of future development. Therefore, YEBs‘ softspot for Anglicisms in names must have been because of all these negative attitudes to the Yorùbá language. Furthermore, at the expense of the Yorùbá language, YEBs‘ preference for the English language cannot be over-emphasised in the study: (i) 97.75% for either agreed or strongly agreed with the claim that the English language has the status of respect and admiration in Nigeria; (ii) 63.5% of our respondents got their exposure to the English language right from home before school age; (iii) 65.5% of the respondents have their parents speak English and encourage them to do the same always because of its importance; (iv) 45% of the respondents either agreed or strongly agreed with the proposition that there is a periodic gift in the family for anyone who speaks the English language throughout a given period; (v) 78.75% either agreed or strongly agreed with the position that the language they spoke in dreams is English; 247 (vi) 98% of the respondents either agreed or strongly agreed with the fact that they prefer the English language to the Yorùbá language because of its trendiness. This study proves a shift of interest to the exoglosic language, which culminates in Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs. YEBs‘ position in this study is that Anglicising their names enhances their social values and gives them courage to approach life issues more confidently. Also, YEBs‘ feel there are lots of transmutation in Anglicised names in contrast to the indigenous ones (though rich semantic wise). YEBs‘ affinities for English driven activities as against their aversion for Yorùbá driven ones are reflective of a principal language attitudinal control in Nigeria, which is centrifugal in nature. For instance, 66% and 65% of our respondents (a) love listening to BBC and VOA and (b) Browse a lot on the internet respectively while conversely just 21% love listening to news in Yorùbá. This outcome tallies with Adékúnlé‘s (1995:63) observation that ‗English enjoys considerable, favourable attitudes in this country‘. The study reveals the merging of two or more names in YPNs and YBNs Anglicisms, which are further broken into these categories: (a) Consanguinity in YPNs and YBNs Anglicisms. (b) Individualized Anglicised YBNs and YPNs are especially formulated from owners‘ personal names. (c) Multiplicity of cultures in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs: We have a conglomeration of different tongues here, because YEBs‘ contact with the English and other cultures forms a major influencing factor. Just as English has built up its vocabulary through donations from different languages, Anglicised YPNs and YBNs are exhibiting the same characteristics. For instance, we have the multiplicity of tongues discovered in these Anglicised names and they are from languages such 248 as Latin, Persian, Hebrew, Greek, Irish, German, Arabic, English, and Yorùbá. (d) Anglicised names coined from Arabic and Yorùbá sources: It is discovered that the Yorùbá Muslim names underwent a double domestication: First they were metamorphosed into Yoruba while the second metamorphosis occurs when the indigenised Islamic Yorùbá names are Anglicised. Variations of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs of YEBsIN: Wherever a language contact occurs, there is bound to be a language change and once a change occurs, one cannot rule out varieties. The manifestations of these are (a) same names but different Anglicisms, (b) different names but the same Anglicisms. Analogous English words and Anglicised names: Permitting parts of Yorùbá names to look like already existing English words is done by YEBs in Anglicisms in names. A large semblance is recognised in Table 28. Domains of Anglicisms: Little did the researcher know that Anglicism is becoming almost ubiquitous when she first observed an Anglicised YBNs on a signboard two decades before the commencement of this research work. The researcher once thought Anglicisms in names are found only in cities or urban areas, but this research proves that notion wrong and reveals that they are virtually in all nooks and crannies of villages in Yorùbá speaking areas of Nigeria. Also, apart from signboards or posters, they are found on vehicles, cards (business or wedding), ―pray-for-us letters‖, E-mail addresses, mementoes, official documents, T.V. and newspapers, and of course on goods. 5.2 Summary In the contemporary world, the English language is designated as the dominant language due to many reasons. It has the largest number of speakers; it is 249 one of the official languages chosen after World War 1 for maintenance of international peace and order etc. Therefore, YEBs are saying they have ‗voted‘ for the international language against their indigenous local language. Furthermore, to strengthen their allegiance to the English language, they have ‗sacrificed‘ their indigenous names on the altar by Anglicising their names. All our various analyses, as well as, the researcher‘s observation of Anglicisms in YEBsIN help to establish YEBs‘ characteristics in Anglicised names. For example, YEBs‘ habit of clipping or shortening and Anglicising of even their fathers‘ names which was almost an anathema or aberration, is now in vogue, coupled with the hilarity and enthusiasm and non-verbal cues of a fist in the air and thumb raised. YEBs in Nigeria revealed the linguistic and sociolinguistic behaviour in their Anglicised names which may seem insignificant but inherent in the respondents‘ sub-consciousness. As we unearth them in this study, we are showing the interweaving of language and culture. In essence, language and culture are interwoven like a man is to his shadow. Language is a social matter; there seems to be a social fulfilment and excitement when YEBs articulate their Anglicised names. The synopsis of this is in Jowit‘s (1991:26) perception: language and society develop side by side. Social changes bring linguistic changes and language provides insights into the workings of a society. Also, the act of YEBs Anglicisms in YBNs and YPNs is a conveyance of their belonging to a literate social group buttressing that social changes bring linguistic changes. 250 Infiltrations of languages one into another are observed from YEBs‘ formulation of Anglicisms from Arabic, Greek, Hebrew, Latin, Old German, Irish, Persian, English, and Yorùbá. 5.3 Implications of the research We examine in this section the implications of our findings for cultures, linguistics, bilingualism, communication, semantics, maintenance of the society, and pedagogy language planning. It is evident, that this group of English speakers uses the language variantly. This is shown in types of Anglicisms discussed in 4.2.1 to 4.2.4 and the variations of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs discussed in 4.3.1 to 4.3.4. Their implications are discussed in the sub-sections below. 5.3.1 Implication for Semantics Myriad of Anglicised indigenous names we considered may on the surface be termed meaningless or nonsensical by one who is a stranger to YEBs‘ culture. There are semantic extended forms embedded in them, which are indications to the fact that meanings of Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs may not be understood via their orthographical representations solely. In essence, the primary layer of meaning does not suffice in deciphering meanings from Anglicisms in names. Such meanings may transcend the primary and secondary into the tertiary i.e. the pragmasociolinguistic context. Consequently, our knowledge of lexes and grammar cannot be adequate in comprehending the hybridisation or interweaving of multiple cultures involved in the formation of Anglicism in names. Palmer (1996:24) got the message right: … the linguistic sign consists of a signifier and a signified; these are, however more strictly sound image and a concept, both linked by a psychological „associative‟ bond. Both the noises we make, that is to say, and the objects of the world 251 that we talk about are mirrored in some way by conceptual entities. 5.3.2 Implication for Linguistics The continuous progress or growth in a language may also be in its varieties or dialects. For instance, the several modifications in our languages are very crucial to historical linguistics, which is a branch of general linguistics. By extension, the insights that will be provided by our findings will in no small measure illuminate our minds with transformations linguistically. Descriptive linguistics will have a lot of astuteness gained from the various discoveries made in this research. The fact remains that a language and or its variety(ies) must be used correctly. The cream of what we are saying is couched in Awonusi‘s (2004:16) delineation of what a good usage of a language is: When we apply the adjectives „good‟ and „bad‟ to solidify physical things,… we can be reasonably sure that we are implicitly invoking criteria of such objectivity as to guarantee acceptance of our judgement by others. Applied to abstracts, however (taste or table manners or pronunciation or linguistic usage more generally) the labels are far less objective. Good is what we like, „bad‟ is what we dislike and a good deal depends on just who „we‟ are. 5.3.3 Implications for bilingualism Sociolinguists‘ interest in bilingualism and multilingualism is on the increase, especially, when cognizance is taken of the high rate with which languages are in contact in this jet age. Where languages are in contact and thus influencing one another, offshoots of bilingualism or multilingualism abound such as code switching, code mixing, linguistic interference, Anglicisms, etc. Once codes mixed or codes switched are understood by members affected in a discussion, there may be no problem posed. However, bilingualism is to some extent, perceived as negative. For 252 instance, YEBs have developed no admiration for their indigenous names and language by Anglicising their names in favour of the English language, which they claim is fashionable. A positive aspect of bilingualism displayed by YEBs in Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs is the creativity exhibited by them, which is very amazing and thrilling. The fact of originality in creativity cannot be denied and we must therefore not deny YEBs of their creativity. 5.3.4 Implications for communication So vital is communication to human existence. Perpetually, human beings love to air their opinions and to be understood. Without communication, this world would be a weird place. In addition, the cruciality and importance of names in communication cannot be over-emphasised. It is noted that there is a kind of silent message in YEBs‘ Anglicisms in names. Speaking on communication, Hall (1994) broke non-verbal communication into six categories: (a) Appearance message, (b) facial message, (c) environmental message, (d) posture, (e) Gestures, and (f) paralanguage. Under appearance, we have dressing which speaks volumes. YEBs now ‗dress‘ themselves in a new robe called, Anglicism. You are what you wear. Wearing Anglicised names communicates a lot that YEBs are already westernised, Britishlised or Americanised in their psyche. Since dressing speaks volumes and YEBs‘ Anglicised names are their new garments, therefore, they communicate that they have become a part of the British colony or empire again. Therefore, an Anglicised name is communicating kudos to the English name and culture. 253 Also, for these Anglicised names to be felicitous, a number of things must come to play i.e. MCBs, participants‘ ability to interprete and make inferences from the participants‘ submissions and opinions. The knowledge of the culture of the language is, therefore, necessary in communication. For example, majority of the Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs examined sound nonsensical or absurd to non-YEBs who has a completely different language and culture. How does a non-YEBs, for instance, understand and decipher meaning from Anglicised names formulated from a conglomeration of cultures (English, Yorùbá, Hebrew, Arabic, Irish, Persian, etc.) such as ‗sogostical‘, ‗Darakpot‘, ‗Biofem‘, ‗Lizkins‘, ‗Barrylash‘, ‗Yemsonat‘, ‗Bekandims‘, ‗Salow‘ as observed in 4.2.3 and 4.2.4. 5.3.5 Implications for indigenous languages In the pluralistic nature of Nigeria‘s linguistic sphere, this study has many implications. Since the existence of Nigeria as a nation, the English language has occupied a place of honour and royalty. Its incursion into the domain of self- identification in names now gives it further importance in the scheme of things. This new dimension of the English language‘s supremacy and ‗triumph‘ over our indigenous language (which is due to our negative language attitudes) is worst than all those that occurred before it and must be checkmated. If not, we will give ourselves over to linguistic domination and cultural extinction. The English language, in its competition with the indigenous languages, has not only taken over the power domains and the domestic domains but also our identification (our names). If care is not taken, in a few decades from now, YEBs‘ great grand children may not be able to express themselves in the indigenous language (Yorùbá). 254 It is amazing and ironic that the white people are constantly researching and mounting up interest in our own indigenous languages, which we are neglecting and despising. Quickly, we can remember the famous white lady, Susan Wenger, who preferred to be called ―Àdùnnì Olóríÿà‖ and also a white man, Ulli Beier, popularly known as Õbötúndé Ìjímèrè, a Yorùbá name. They are unlike a Yorùbá international musician who prefers his Anglicised name ‗Majek Fashek‘ to his indigenous name ‗Májêëkódùnmì Fáÿeun. From the reactions of the respondents there is need to reverse the trend noticed in this study so Yoruba language will not be totally lost. One way to do this is to creat functions for the language in education, government, etc. Concerted efforts should be made to establish an Academy and centres for indigenous languages whereby adequate machineries would be put in place for the implementation of goals and objectives on language development. This would go a long way in developing and modernising indigenous languages. The wrong notion and attitudes that our indigenous languages are incapable of certain functional roles should be corrected. Our people at the helm of the nation‘s affairs and the ―power- filled domains‖ (education, administration, the mass media, the judiciary, legislature, politics, etc) must be patriotic part of the agents for the indigenous languages development and modernisation. 5.3.6 Implications for language policy and planning Nigerian bilinguals (represented by YEBs) are shying away (if not even ‗flying‘ away) from their indigenous languages. Consecutive governments in Nigeria are not bold enough to develop a satisfactory language planning policy. Perhaps, the language‘s sensitive nature amid a multilingual setting might have bedevilled this 255 occurrence. One serious implication of this study is the language planning policy formulation, implementation and monitoring. It is high time the political leaders re- assessed the status of the native languages as regards the achievements of our national philosophy and goals. A real pragmatic approach is a MUST for the nation‘s formulation of policies especially as per language planning. For instance, the lukewarm attitudes to the nation‘s three major indigenous languages, as well as, the secondary position allotted them is penned in sections 51 and 59 of the 1999 constitution. This advocacy for a positive attitude to the indigenous language is only practicable and achieveable if the leaders (especially political actors) get themselves involved as ‗catalysts‘ for a positive language attitudinal change. Anglicised names are couched in the dominance of the English language and its culture over indigenous languages and cultures. One cannot over-emphasise the fact that language policy involves socio-political and economic issues. It does not deal with language alone. Moreover, a multilingual policy should be favoured over a monolingual policy. This will make for an effective language policy that is all embracing. 5.3.7 Implications for the growth of the English Language The English language has been acclaimed the world‘s donor language. This is due to the liberality of the English language. One beautiful thing the English language does is to add to its lexicon new items that are in frequent use either from the variation of the language or even from other languages it gets in contact with. For instance, there are some Latin, Greek, French and Hebrew words to buttress this point below. Examples: Latin: erratum/errata addendum/addenda 256 alumnus/alumni Greek: datum/data phenomenon/phenomena thesis/theses criterion/criteria French: monsieur/messieurs plateau/plateaux Italian: bandit/banditti Hebrew: seraph/seraphim Cherub/cherubium, etc. With an Anglicised native name, English speakers can easily articulate it. This is because English native speakers, as well as second language users of the English language, who normally have difficulties in articulating Yorùbá names can now easily do so. It is clear that with YEBs‘ Anglicisms in indigenous names, English has the capability of solving their linguistic needs. This is an indication that English in its capacity as a world language is functional and dynamic. A research of this kind sheds light on the English language as a unique functional dynamic world language. It is a functional language and not quite abstract. To wit, we submit that Crystal‘s (1997:viii) thought it not false: I believe in the fundamental value of a common language, as amazing world resources, which presents us with unprecedental possibilities for mutual understanding, and thus enables us to find fresh opportunity for international co- operation. In my ideal world, everyone would have a fluent command of a single world language. 5.3.8 Implications for the maintenance of the society 257 YEBs are mostly youths. The maintenance of language and culture lies in their hands. If now, they are already swept along the tide of the western culture, the language is in jeopardy. The fact remains that a language continues to exist when it is made to function. There is a bond and an interwoven relationship between language, culture and thought. Names are part of our cultural heritage. In fact, an understanding of Yorùbá names is an understanding of a very big chunk of the culture. The generation gap between YEBs adolescents and youths and the aged who are not literate is getting wider. For instance, the aged who are the custodians of the cultural values are well grounded in the Yorùbá language while YEBs are detached from their cultural roots because they prefer the English language and culture against the Yorùbá language and culture. In about a decade or two from now, one can predict whether or not the Yorùbá society would survive if nothing is done to salvage this negative attitude of YEBs. Culture normally rides on the wheels of a language. It is needless to say that language is one of the indicators of a culture. Culture and communication ride the vehicle of language. 5.3.9 Implications for the Yorùbá Language and Culture Subtly, an Anglicised name is upholding the English language and culture at the expense of the Yorùbá language because language and culture are inseparable. If names communicate the culture, history, ethos, beliefs, custom and all our psychography, the chance of losing all these by Anglicising the indigenous names is high. Anglicised names are now found on official documents such as certificates, registered business names and cards, e-mail addresses, etc. One of the serious implications of this action is that posterity would lose touch with the cultural 258 heritage, which already they seem to be detached from being unable to write well or not able to write at all the Yorùbá language. We have considered, in this part, the many implications of this research. It is thus founded that if findings were judiciously applied, this research would eventually be advantageous to both YEBs, English native speakers (ENS), future generation and users of the English language as a global language. 5.4 Suggestions for Further Research In this research, we have done a sociolinguistic analysis of YEBs‘ Anglicisms in YPNs and YBNs in Nigeria. No doubt, our examination is on a social scale. In essence, other areas abound for researchers to delve into such as Anglicisms in other Nigeria languages, e.g. Igbo, Hausa, Ibibio, Ijaw or Tiv, etc. Moreover, an extension of the scope of this research work includes: American oriented Anglicised indigenous names cum British oriented ones; Gender and Anglicisms in indigenous names; Comparative Anglicisms in Yorùbá, Igbo, Hausa indigenous names; etc. Since a name is a universal linguistic item and it is like a shadow which we cannot shake off, coupled with the global attribute of the English language, Anglicisms could certainly be examined across cultures. 5.5 Conclusion From the preceding discussion, we pointed out that inter-culturalism cannot but emerge on a greater plane since there is a crave for globalisation. Thus, there is hybridisation of cultures, which punches a technical knock out on monoculturalism. These hybrids in names – Anglicisms – are regarded as new expressions, which belong to neither culture. For instance, YEBs‘ interest in the English language is made manifest in their love for Anglicised names – a corollary of the English culture 259 of naming. It is reflected that all the Anglicised names have the CVC syllable structure, which is in conflict with the Yorùbá syllable structure. We identify that with Anglicisms in names, YEBs have changing language attitudes with a sway of interest from the indigenous names and Yorùbá language to the western names, as well as, the English language but not vice-versa. This pattern of language change among YEBs is enhanced by the instrumental functions accorded the English language via government policies, actions and inactions. Thus, in YEBs‘ social context, they develop positive attitudes to the English language because it is made an attractive language by our policy makers, and because of its international status. Its trend-setting tendencies cannot also be ruled out. Corr (2003:81) says that the young people: Use more English words in their everyday speech today than they did 15 years ago. Therefore, the English sounds very youthful to us. At official occasions like political discussions or something similar it is renounced. Because a youthful language would be out of place there. I am sure that things will not change when the younger generation are grown up. YEBs demonstrate they use more of English words in line with Corr‘s submission above. This research is relevant not only to members of this speech community but also to non-members. Members will read and know about the changes regarding themselves while non-members will be informed about the people in question. Toeing Crystal‘s (1997) line of thought, we concur that the extent to which we take cognisance of, surrender to, or violate communicative sanctions is not a negotiable factor in a research of contextual identity. Some of the indelible traces left on YEBs by the English language dominance and its growing international provenance are these Anglicisms in names. If now, 260 YEBs Anglicise their indigenous names to almost unrecognisable YEBs‘ names and to such a degree that they appear nearly meaningless, what then happens to their rich cultural heritage? It is noteworthy that Yorùbá names encapsulate the rich cultural heritage, ethos, values, beliefs, traditions, customs, experiences, nuances, etc., of the people. Commenting on same, Ajílëye (1991:5) concurs that Yoruba names: are from rich sources: ancestors, mythologies, circumstantial births, occupations, religions, beliefs and customs, gods and goddesses, as well as, the Supreme God, etc. Some ideas: sorrows, happiness, joy, philosophical sayings, desires, longing are expressed … some of them can be used to add flavour to both formal or informal conversation via their overtones, meanings and metaphors. Come to think of it. In the Anglicisms in names, we are mortgaging our rich culture. In the clippings and abbreviations of names all in the name of emotive English fashion, there is a gross violation of justice done to the rich and meaningful cultural values which are embedded in those indigenous names. This is a slow cultural death. It is crucial to bear in mind that cultural heritage symbolises, expresses and embodies cultural identity of a society. Cultural heritage should be seen as part of the social infrastructure, and as a system of communication that substitutes for religion, law, politics, science, morality, and economics. It is described as one‘s wealth or a meritorious public good, which exhibits positive physical attributes. No sane being will fold the arms and watch the wealth and public good carted away. By the same token, cultural heritage embedded in indigenous names must not be carted away in the name of Anglicisms. The tongue is depicted or reflected in the names. If these names are now being stiffled for new ones i.e. Anglicisms, definitely, there goes a ‗preying‘ on the language and culture right on the land. In Zabus‘ (1991:17) opinion, a linguistic colonisation is in progress. He surnames it ―GLOTTAPHAGIA‖. We delineate from 261 this study that debunking that names are (a) cultural heritage and (b) cultural identities is unsavoury. Both of them are very crucial and of utmost importance to existence because they form the cumulative and holistic experience of a nation. Buttressing this point adequately is Udu‘s (2002:6) submission: Cultural heritage and identities are a veritable means by which ethnic or national fixtures are defined, delineated and developed. They reflect the rational, emotive and empirical principles that govern a people‟s existence, and to a significant extent, demarcate physical and metaphysical boundaries and territories of states. The study helps to throw light on how mass culture – radio, television, the press, cinema, computer, or internet, also workshop, the theatre, conference, public meetings, seminars, lectures etc., – have very great impact on the psyche of YEBs. The aggregate of these via the English language (as a medium of communication) culminates in Anglicisms. If names, with their psychological effects, have high premium and emotional attachment, these phenomena called Anglicisms have successfully swayed them and won YEBs‘ hearts. It follows then that these are no mean matters; they really need astuteness in handling them. This study has identified YEBs‘ attitudinal anomalies. We must be fleet footed, vigorous, and incessant in the campaigns on national awareness via the mass culture. The psychological effects names have on cultural identity should be cultivated to the advantage of indigenous cultures. Very crucial is the attitude of the new generation to their mother tongue. Knowing the meanings of the indigenous names and by no means ‗slashing‘ or ‗bastardising‘ them in the name of creativity, Anglicisms, internationalism, and globalisation helps to arouse interest in the Nigerian languages. 262 There is no replacing the lingua franca suddenly or immediately. The task is colossal and Rome was not built in a day. Bánjô (1996) discusses the ongoing debate on the choice of a national language in his book: Making a virtue out of a necessity: An Overview of the English Language in Nigeria. Spirited and concerted efforts should be made to salvage our language and culture from debasement. We should resist linguistic domination and cultural subversion. Anglicisms in names among YEBsIN have been found to evoke images and impressions; thus they perform certain acts. Generally, the images a name conjures may be positive, negative, vague or uncertain largely; this hinges on one‘s exposure or experience. However, the Anglicised names we considered evoke graphologically the English language and culture but semantically they do not. They are presented as oozing forth a global image wrapped in a world language. Viewing English as ‗the linguistic communicative correlate of globalisation‘ by Gnutzmann (1999:151) is so justified. Furthermore, Halliday (2003) and Oyèlëyç (2004) paint a picture of the English language turning out to be the medium that crosses the linguistic and cultural boundaries of the world. Whoever wants to exploit it (in whatsoever domain: sales, services, communication, technology, etc.) would wield enormous power. Furthermore, the English language dominance becomes irresistible because no other language can be used to battle against it. In other words, resisting the dominance of the English language is a herculean task if not an impossible one. 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Ullmann, S. 1957. The principles of semantics. Great Britain: Blackwell and Moth Ltd. University Press Plc. 2005. A dictionary of the Yorùbá Language. Ìbàdàn: University Press Plc. Wales, K. 1989. A Dictionary of stylistics. UK: Longman Group. Wardhaugh, R. 1986. An introduction to sociolinguistics. USA: Basil blackwell, inc. Wikipedia: ―Anglicism‖ Withycombe, E.G. 1977. The Oxford dictionary of English Christian names Oxford: University Press. Wright, Roger. 2004. Latin and English as world languages. English today, Vol. 20. No. 4. Cambridge University Press. Yang, W. 1990. Anglicism in German: The example of the mirror news magazine. Tubingen: Niemeyer. Yule, G. 1985. The study of language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Zabus, C. 1991. The African patimpesct indigenization of languages in West African europhone novel. Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodophi, G.A. 273 APPENDIX A QUESTIONNAIRE This research work is a sociolinguistic one. It aims at identifying Anglicisms in personal and trade names among Yorùbá-English bilinguals (YEBs) in Nigeria. Also, it focuses on investigating the attitudes of Yorùbá-English bilinguals (YEBs) to the English language and culture vis à vis the personal names they bear as well as the trade names they use for their business outfits. Kindly, assist in filling this questionnaire honestly and patiently.Every personal information will be treated as confidential, anonymous and for research purpose only. BIOGRAPHICAL DATA SECTION A: Tick (√) the appropriate box. Names (surname first)…………………………………………………….. Sex: Male { } Female { } Age: 10 - 19 { } 20 - 29 { } 30 - 39 { } 40 - 49 { } 50 - 59 { } 60 and above { } Marital Status: Married { }, Single { }, Divorced { }, Widow/Widower { } Educational Qualification……………………………………………….. Name of School (if student)……………………………………………… Class……………………………………………………………………….. Occupation (If employed)………………………………………………… Rank/status………………………………………………………………… State of Origin……………………………………………………………… Place of Residence………………………………………………………... Mother Tongue…………………………………………………………… Other language(s) spoken……………………………………………….. Religion (If any)…………………………………………………………….. SECTION B: 1. Explain whether or not Anglicised names are used by people in your religion. 274 …………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………. 2. What do you understand by an Anglicism? …………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………. 3. What is your comment on the fact that some indigenous names are being pronounced in English way? …………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………. 4. Please, list as many examples as you can of indigenous names written or pronounced like English ones …………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………. 5. What do you feel about this phenomenon of indigenous names being turned into nick or pet names ressembling English in spelling or form? …………………………………………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………………. 6. Give example of Anglicised names you have seen on: (a) wedding take away gifts;…………………………………………. (b) birthday take away gifts;…………………………………………. (c) funeral take away gifts;……………………………………………. (d) gift items from shops;……………………………………………… (e) business cards. ……………………………………………………. 275 SECTION C For questions 7- 40 below, please tick (as applicable) the extent of your agreement or disagreement S/N Questions Strongly Agree Disagree Strongly Agree Disagree 7. Anglicism is a familiar word to me 8. These days some indigenous names are being pronounced in an English way. 9. There is a trend now in which indigenous names are turned into nick or pet names resembling English in spellings or forms e.g. (a) Solá=Sholly (b) Búkölá=Bukky 10. I am used to westernised forms of indigenous names. 11. I prefer the Anglicised or Britishised form(s) of my names(s) to my indigenous one(s). 12. Englishlisation or Britishism in vogue in Nigeria. 13. Couples-to-be preparing for wedding do combine their names on either ‗pray-for-us‘ or wedding cards that look westernised or Britishlised. 14. The English language has the status of respect and admiration in Nigeria. 15. Westernised indigenous (personal and business) names have the following accorded them in Nigeria: (a) Prestige (b) Elegance (c) Beauty 276 (d) Admiration (e) Pride (f) Disrepute (g) Adulteration 16. I have aversion for westernised indigenous names. 17. I have affinity for westernised indigenous names. 18. I watch/listen to CNN 19. I love listening to B.B.C. or V.O.A. 20. I love listening to news in Yorùbá 21. I browse a lot on the internet. 22. I got my exposure to the English language right from home before school age. 23. My parents speak English and encourage their children to speak English always because of its importance. 24. The English language was prohibited at a time in our home. 25. In fact, there is a periodic gift in the family for anyone who speaks English throughout a given period. 26. Everybody must speak English in our home. 27. The indigenous language was once prohibited in our home. 28. Though I speak, but I cannot write a letter very well in Yorùbá. 29. Though I write Yorùbá, I cannot tone mark Yorùbá words, even my names. 277 30. Though I understand, I cannot speak my father‘s dialect (a) variant of Yorùbá). 31. I do not understand my father‘s dialect (a variant of Yorùbá). 32. I cannot pray fluently in Yorùbá (without code switching). 33. I pray mostly in: (a) English; and (b) Yorùbá. 34. I do not know the meaning of my Yorúbá (a) Surname; and (b) Personal names. 35. I dislike being spoken to in our dialect (a) variant of Yorùbá) especially, in the public. 36. Away from home, I hide my identity by speaking English at all times. 37. The language I speak in dream is: (a) Yorùbá and (b) English. 38. As a baby, the first word I spoke was Yorùbá. 39. I normally avoid people who speak my dialect to me. 40. I prefer the English language to the Yorùbá language because of its trendiness. 278 APPENDIX B (1) (2) (3) 279 (4) (5) (6) (7) 280 (8) (9) (10) 281 (11) (12) (13) (14) 282 (15) (16) (17) 283 (18) (19) (20) (21) APPENDIX C 284 Table 20: Consanguinity in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs Anglicised YBNs and Consanguinity in Anglicised YBNs and YPNs YPNs 1. Juaniks Salon Ju Ju anah (wife‘s mum) a A délékè (husband‘s name) nik Adé níkê ë(wife) -s suffix ‘s‘ 2. DELJOS Enterprises DEL Ômö dél é (wife) Jos Jos hua (husband) 3. TUNNIKS Stores Tun Tún dé (husband) Nik Ôlá níkêë (wife) -s suffix ‗s‘ 4. ToTem Outfit To Olúwa tó yìn (husband) tem Tèm iladé (wife) 5. ELBUNS Nig. Ltd. EL El ijah (husband) Bun Bùn mi (wife) -s suffix ‗s‘ 6. KOLMOR Enterprises Kol Bámi köl é (husband) Mor Mor ádéyõ (wife) 7. ToFem Computer To Adé tö lá (wife) Centre Fem Adé fëm i (husband) 8. Kenny Lad Ventures Kenny Këhìndé (husband) Lad Ômô lad é (wife) 9. RADSAN Mini Mart RAD Mo rád éyõ (wife) SAN Sán ní (husband) 10. LIZKINS Business LIZ E liz abeth (wife) Centre Kin A kin (husband) -s suffix ‗s‘ 11. Bisdem Supermarket Bis Ôlá bís í (wife) dem A dém ölá (husband) 12. Olly-fat Beauty Salon Ol Ôl áníyì (husband) -ly infix ‗ly‘ 285 Fat Fat imoh (wife) 13. Jutol Press & Business Ju Jù mõkë (wife) Centre tol Töl ání (husband) 14. Rotafem Stores Ro Ró nkë (wife) T T öpë A A bíölá children Fem Fëm i (husband) 15. Bayfunk Computers Bay Báy õ (husband) funk Fúnk ë (wife) 16. BioBen Exclusive Salon Bio Bíö dún (wife) Ben Ben edict (husband) 17. Adat Pharmacy Ad Ad élóyè (husband) a a nd t T ítí (wife) 18. LAMAR Tech. Nig. La Là mídì (Husband) Ltd. M M unirat (Husband‘s mum) A A bíödún (wife) R R aheem (Husband‘s dad) 19. FOLAT Sewing FO Fô lámí (husband) Institute LA La rá (wife) T T ósìn (wife) 20. DARSK Recharge DA Dá údà (Husband) Cards R R ájì (Husband‘s dad) S S ámìátù (Husband‘smum) K K íkë (wife) 21. Febuseg International Fe Fè yí (wife) Beauty Salon bu Bù kölá (wife) seg Sëg un (husband) 22. Ali Àlí ù (husband) Aliwendy‘s Super Store Wendy Wándé (wife) ‗s apostrophe ‗s‘ 286 23. Dadus Ventures Ltd. Dad dàd a (surname) US us as in all ―all of us in the family‖ 24. Jumayos Stores Jum Jùm õkë The three ayo Ayõ mídé children in this s s eun family 25. Kunkem Ventures Kun Kún lé (husband) Kem këm i (wife) 26. Funmar Stores Fun Fún milölá (wife) Ma má yõwá (husband) -r suffix ‗-r‘ 27. Tunbim Productions Tun Tún dé (husband) Bim Bí¸ bö (wife) 28. Royet Recharge Card Ro Ró tìmí (husband) Yet Yét úndé (wife) Note: If ‗Royal‘ why not ‗Royet?‘ 29. Remnik Provision Rem Rêm í (husband) Stores Nik Ník êë (wife) 30. 3 Tees Ventures T öba, T áyõ, and T óní The three children in this family 31. Todebim To Tó yìn (mother) Telecommunication deb A déb õwálé (father) i I srael children m M elody 32. KODBETTS Investment K K únlé & K ëmi (son & daughter) Nig. Ltd. O O yèyçmí (surname) D D ámilölá & Dùnþí (son & mother) B B õdé & B ùnmi (father & daughter) ET and (Latin word) Ts T öpë & T óyìn (daughter & son) 33. BoMac Investment Bo Bö lá (wife) Mac Mák indé (husband) As in ‗c‘ for /k/ e.g. car - /ka:/ 287 Raladex Medicine Store 34. Ral Ral iat (wife) Ade Adé mölá (husband) -x suffix ‗x‘ 35. Hamshrat Electronics Ham Ham med (husband) Sh ß ínà (son) Rat Shukur rat (wife) 36. HAMADAB Islamic HA Ha mmed The three Bank MA Ma nsurat children in this DA Hami da h family. B B ánk 37. Motimoy Enterprises Mo Mo ní The three Ti Tí tí children in this Moy Moy in family. 38. Bayrem Cosmetics Bay Báy õ (husband) Rem Rêm í (wife) 39. TOYKINS Stores Toy Tóy õsí Kin A kin -s suffix ‗s‘ 40. BEKANDIMS Be Bè láù (mother‘s) Memorial Recreation Kan À kàn kë (mother‘s) Centre Dims Dim ension s 41. Akinfit Boutique Akin Akin lolú (husband) F F êhìntolú (wife) i Ì níOlúwa (daughter) t T olúwanimí (son) 42. B.T.T.R. Schools B B ólú The four T T ítí children T T olú in this family R R êmí 43. MUYTOS Computer Muy Múy ìwá (husband) Training Centre Tos Tós ìn (wife) 44. Esthola Baby Care Esth Esth er (wife) 288 Ola Ôlá rewájú (husband) 45. JIBRAY Printing Ji Ji moh (surname) Production Bra I bra him (brother‘s name) Y Y ínká (his own name) 46. YEDAP Electronics Ye Yé túndé (wife) Dap Dàp õ (husband) 47. JeTun Dam Stores Je Jé sùÿeun The three Tun Olúwa tún miÿe children in Dam Olúwa dám ilölá this family. 48. Rotek Electronics Rot Rót ìmí (surname) e E niôlá (wife) K K únlé (husband) 49. Rajrab Super Stores Raj Ráj í (husband) Rab Ràb ìtíyù (wife) 50. Safat Stores Sa Sà ká (husband) Fat Fat imoh (wife) 51. Lanray Print Media Lan Láþ re (husband) Ray Mo ráy õ (wife) 52. Remlek Technical Rem Rêm í (wife) Enterprises Lek Lék an (husband) 53. Lolly-tim Business Lol Lôl á (wife) Centre -ly suffix ‗ly‘ tim Tìm í (husband) 54. SOP Decorations S S ëgun O Ô löládé (husband) P P êlúmi (wife) 55. Shadel Variety Stores Sha Śa dé (wife) Del dél é (husband) 56. Bistad Textile Stores Bis Bís ölá (husband) Tad Tád é (wife) 57. BleTimPel Variety Ble Ble ssing (wife) Stores Tim Tìm ílëhìn (son) Pel Pêl úmi (husband) 289 58. Femjum Business Fem Olúwa fëm i (husband) Centre Jum Ôlá jùm õkë (wife) 59. Damsel Dam Dám ilölá (husband) Se Śê gilôlá (wife) L ‗l‘ common to both Analogical with the word ‗damsel‘ 60. Remdel Music & Video Rem Rêm í (wife) Del Dél é (husband) 61. Labob Enterprises Ltd. Lab Làb ákë (wife) Ob Ôb arímisá (husband) 62. Yuskad Stores Yus Yus uf (husband) Kad Kad ijat (wife) 63. Adjim Ventures Ad Àd ùkë (wife) Jim Jim oh (husband) 64. RafBash Barbing Salon Raf Ràf íù (husband) Bash Bash irat (wife) 65. Bofem Stores Bo Bö lá (wife) Fem Fëm i (husband) 66. RasHab Sewing Institute Ras Ras heed (husband) Hab Hab ibat (wife) 67. Renik Salon Re Rê mí (husband) Nik Ník êë (wife) 68. Jibson Jib A jíb ádé (self) son son of (his father) 69. Popson Boutique Int‘l Pop Póp óôlá (surname) son son of (his father) 70. YetMet Enterprise Yet Yét úndé (wife) Met Mét ìböba (husband) 71. BunVic Investment Bun Bùn mi (wife) Vic Vic tor (husband) 72. Mojlat Enterprises Moj Moj írádé (wife) Lat Ô lát iþwö (husband) 290 73. Femjum Catering Fem Adé fëm i (husband Services Jum Ôlá jùm õkë (wife) 74. SamBim Ventres Sam Sam uel (husband) Bim Bí¸ bö (wife) 75. Yebumot Hotels Ye Yç mí (son) The three bu Bù kölá (daughter) children in mot Mot únráyõ(daughterthis family. 76. Lasfun Continental Las Lás ún (husband) Farms fum Fún mi (wife) 77. Demoshadek Investment Demo A démö lá (surname) Shade Fôlá ÿadé (wife) K K únlé (husband) 78. Rufadec Ru Ru kayat Fa Fá lúyì (husband) dec A dék únlé ‗k‘ for ‗c‘ as in ‗c‘ for /ka:/ 79. Jumadex Dry Cleaners Jum Ôlá jùm õkë (wife) ade Adé dire -x suffix ‗x‘ 80. Nikken Ventures Nik Adé ník êë (wife) Ken ken – Këhìndé (Analogous with Kenny from Kennedy) 81. Waskhad Investment Was Wàs íù (husband) Khad Khad jat (wife) 82. Yemsonat Creations Yem Yëm isí (wife) So Sô lá (husband) nat Nat haniel (surname) 83. Bosadex Popcorn Bos Bös êdé (wife) ade Adé põjù (husband) x suffix ‗x‘ 84. BolWum Variety Stores Bol Böl ájí (husband) Wum Wùm í (wife) 291 85. Solak Nursery Primary Sola Olú sôlá (wife) School K K ëhìndé (husband) 86. Rotsegkay Enterprises Rot Rót ìmí (son) The three Seg Sëg un (son children in Kay Káy õdé (son) this family 87. Ejisco Electronics Eji Èjì ôlà sco suffix ‗sco‘ 88. Toyal Gifts Shop Toy Tóy ìn (wife) al Law al (husband) Note: ‗Toyal‘ is akin to ‗Royal‘ 89. Kenny & Tee Telecom Kenny Këhìndé Tee T áyé twins Note: ‗Tee‘ as in the phonetics of letter ‗t‘ /tee/ 90. TimReb Electronics Tim Tìm ílëhìn (husband) Reb Reb ecca (wife) 91. FatBat Super Stores Fat Fàt áì (husband) Bat Mui bat (wife) 92. WemDel Clinic Wem Wêm ímö wife) Del Ôlá dél é (husband) 93. Ejiks Communication Eji Èjì rë (another name for a set of twins) -ks suffix ‗ks‘ 94. Oladkem Pharmacy Olad Ôlád iípõ (husband) Kem Këm i (wife) 95. Olamot Computerised Ola Ôlá yçni (husband) I.D. Card Mot Mot únráyõ (wife) 292 293 APPENDIX D Table 21: Individualised Anglicised YBNs and YPNs Anglicised YBNs and YPNs Individualised Tendencies 1. Funktionals Jewelries Funk Fúnk ë (personal name) -tionals Multiple suffixes (i) ‗–tion‘ (ii) ‗-al‘ (iii) ‗-s‘ Analoguous with functional 2. Detos Variety Stores Deto A détö lá (personal name) -s suffix ‗s‘ 3. Abolad Natural Honey Abolad Abölád é (personal name) 4. Olasak publicity Ôlá wálé (personal name) Sàk árìáyáù (personal name) Sunseg Automotive Company Sun Ôlá sún kànmí (personal name) Seg Olú sëg un (personal name) 5. 6. Olusco Photo Olu Olú káyõdé (personal name) -sco suffix ‗sco‘ 7. Fasco F F ranscis (personal name) a A yõôlá (personal name) s s tationary (English word) co co mpany (English word) 8. Jofem Goldsmith Jo Jo shua (personal name) fem Babá fëm i (personal name) 9. Walesco Alumnium Wale Adé wálé (personal name) -sco suffix ‗sco‘ 10. Jay-Kay Physiotherapy Jay J ames (personal name) Kay Adé k óyèjô (personal name) 11. KemBol Store Kem Këm i (personal name) Bol Böl á (personal name) 294 12. Bawal Plumbing Associate Ba Ba bátúndé (personal name) wal La wal (personal name) 13. Topmost Stores Top Töp ë (personal name) Most most (English word) 14. JimDris Enterprises Jim Jim oh (personal name) Dris I dris (personal name) 15. Beezol Ventures Bee Bí sölá (personal name) z stphonetic realization of ‗s‘/z/ (the 1 nd letter of the 2 syllable: ―Bì s ölá‖) -ol ôl á from Bís(öl)á 16. Murphy Building Materials Mu Mú fútáù (personal name) -r- infix ‗r‘ ph f from Mú f útáù (phonetic inclination) -y suffix ‗y‘ 17. Bayus Relaxation Centre Bay Báy õ (personal name) -us suffix ‗us‘ 18. Segelad Graphic Company Seg Sëg un (personal name) e suffix to replace ‗un‘ lad Ô lád iípõ (personal name) 19. Sunlad Furniture Sun Sun day (personal name) Lad Ôlá lád èjì (personal name) 20. Kaylad Nig. Ent. Kay Káy õdé (personal name) lad Ô lád élé (personal name) 21. Tunatol Easy Cut Tun Tún dé (personal name) Atol Atöl ágbé (personal name) 22. Sukky (Nig.) Ltd. Su Sú nkànmí (personal name) k Sún k ànmí (personal name) -ky suffix ‗ky‘ 23. Yetbeat Catering Services Yet Yét úndé (personal name) Beat Beat rice (personal name) 295 24. Royal Arts & Signs Ro Ró tìmí (personal name) yal O yèl àdé (personal name) 25. Kolly Bright Video Coverage Kol Köl áwôlé (personal name) -ly suffix ‗ly‘ 26. Funduk Table Water Fun Fún mi (personal name) duk Àdùk ë (personal name) 27. BOF Business Centre B B abájídé O Ô ládélé three initials F F ákáyõdé 28. Adex Boutique Ade Adé sínà (personal name) -x suffix ‗x‘ 29. Kenny Mart Ke Kë hìndé n Këhì n dé -ny suffix ‗ny‘ 30. Adebass Ventures Adeba Adébáyõ s S uraj -s suffix ‗s‘ 31. ID Computer ID Ìd òwú 32. Murphadel Agro Unique Stores Mu Mú fútáù -r- infix ‗r‘ ph Mú f útáù (Interchanging ‗f‘ for ‗ph‘ as in ‗foto‘ and ‗photo‘, ‗face‘ and ‗phase‘) adel Adél ékè 33. Dadras Agro Chemical Dad Dàd a Ras Ras heed 34. Raslaw Investment Ras Ras heed law Law al 35. Ganeey Cooper Store Ga Ga niyat nee Ga ni yat The orthographical representation of long ―ee‖ is used for its phonetics /i:/ as in ‗ni‘ of ‗Ganiyat‘ 296 for ‗nee‘ in ‗Ganeey‘ y Gani y at 36. Yetcom Beauty Salon Yet Yét úndé Com com fort 37. Nibol Beauty Salon Ni Ní kêë bol Böl á 38. Arams Palace (Home of Wears) Aram Arám ídé -s suffix ‗s‘ 39. Dayeg Rentals Day Day õ -eg suffix ‗eg‘ compare with Dayos Dayus variant choices 40. Rem Tak Telecom Rem Rêm í T T olúwaÿe Ak Ak índípê 41. Adeks Vision (Eyes Care Adek Adék únlé Centre) -s suffix ‗s‘ 42. Mr. Tee Boutique Tee T öpë Pronounced as ‗Tee‘ 43. Bolab Medical Laboratories Bo Bö láþlé lab Ô láb ísí (Analoguous with the short form of laboratory) 44. LAD Photographic & Lad Ô lád ipúpõ Recording Studio 45. Yemi Fashion Centre Yem Yëm isí 46. AnnyTez Production Anny Aní másahun (plus suffix ‗ny‘ where ‗i‘ is deleted) Tez Tes lim ‗s‘ realized as in the voiced fricative /z/ 47. RADIS Enterprises R R ichard 297 adis Àdìs á 48. Demmy Ventures Dem Dém ölá -my suffix ‗my‘ Analoguous with ‗my‘ and ‗mummy‘ 49. Solab Ventures Ltd. So Sô lá lab Owó lab í 50. SimTosh Variety Store Sim Sim iládé To Tó yìn sh ß ôlá 51. TEMIS International Temi Tèmi ladé -s suffix ‗s‘ 52. Bukky Computer Services Buk Bùk ölá -ky suffix ‗ky‘ 53. Whalex Communication Wale Adé wálé -h- infix ‗h‘ -x suffix ‗x‘ 54. Larakud Enterprises Lara Ômô lará Kud Kud irat 55. LAMBSHO Mini Mart Lamb Ôlörun là¹b ê sho Śô lá ś sh 56. Victop Sewing Institute Vic Vic toria top Tèmi töp ë 57. Tuns Rentals Tun Tún dùn -s suffix ‗s‘ 58. Oyes International Furniture Oye Oyè péôlá -s suffix ‗s‘ 59. Larry Fashion Lar Ômô lar á -ry suffix ‗-ry‘ 60. Dupex Eatery Dupe Mo dúpë -x suffix ‗x‘ 61. Onisco Furniture Factory Oni Õní 298 ‗sco‘ suffix ‗sco‘ 62. Temmy Stores Tem Tèm ilolúwa -my suffix ‗my‘ 63. Kayus Fashion & Co. Kay Káy õdé -us suffix ‗us‘ 64. Azmed Computers Az Az zezat med Ha med 65. Estee Unique Boutique S S ëgun (Two initials written in T T áyõ their phonetics as opposed their orthographies) 66. Layonic Gift Shop Layon Ô láyôn u -ic suffix ‗ic‘ Analogous with ocean + -ic = oceanic 67. Top Gift Shop Top Tèmí töp ë 68. Topson Printers Top Ôlá töp ë son ‗son‘ as in ‗son of‘ Analogical with Thompson 69. Tosco Press Tos Tós ìn -co suffix ‗co‘ 70. Bashy Video Centre Bash Bash iru -y suffix ‗y‘ 71. Toyestic Aluminium Toye Ôlá tóyè -stic suffix ‗stic‘ 72. Femistic Engineering Works Femi Olúwa fëmi -stic suffix ‗stic‘ 73. Abestic Furniture Abe Ab íödún -e infix to replace letter ‗i‘ -stic suffix ‗stic‘ 74. Chrisbay Restaurant Chris Chris topher bay Báy õ 75. Tobiz International Furniture Tobi Tóbi löba -z suffix ‗z‘ 76. Salow Travels Sal Sàl ámì 299 o O lúÿëgun w W illiam 77. REMTO Industries Ltd. Rem Rêm ílëkún To Tó yìn 78. NIKEY Company Nike Ôlá níkê ë -y suffix ‗y‘ 79. Mojlat Computers Moj Moj írádé Lat Lat ifat 80. Femco Enterprises Fem Adé fëm I -co suffix ‗co‘ 81. Enny Table Water En En iôlá -ny suffix ‗ny‘ to replace letter ‗i‘ 82. Torothy Fabrics Toro Tóró tì -thy suffix ‗thy‘ to replace ‗ti‘ 83. Enis Communications Eni Eni ôlá -s suffix ‗s‘ 84. Ebenfem Pharmacy Eben Eben ezer fem Olúwa fëm i 85. Josey Printing Works Jo Jo seph Sey sèy í 86. Sogostical Aluminium Sogo Olú sògo -stical suffix ‗stical‘ Analogical with sarcastical 87. GAKAD Investment Ga Gà níyù kad Kad ri 88. Bolar Media Production Bola Ômö bola -r suffix ‗r‘ Analogical with solar 89. Wolly House Painter Wol Wôl é -ly suffix ‗ly‘ 90. Rasheey Hair Cut Rashee Rashee d -y suffix ‗y‘ 300 91. Remmie Feeds Rem Adé rêm í -mie suffix ‗mie‘ 92. FEMOS Oil Fem Fëm I -os suffix ‗os‘ 93. DARRAY Electronics Dar Dár e Ray Dá re Pronounced as ‗ray‘; analogical with ‗ray‘ of light. 94. Dappy Mini Mart Dap Ôlá dàp õ -py suffix ‗py‘ 95. Duppy Fashion Designer Dup Mo dúp ëOlúwa -py suffix ‗py‘ 96. DAYUZ Publicity Day Olú day õ -uz suffix ‗uz‘ 97. Yommy Fashion Designer Yom Yõm í -my suffix ‗my‘ 98. Adex Barbing Salon Ade Adé kúnlé -x suffix ‗x‘ 99. Bolisco Art & Publicity Bol Böl á -isco suffix ‗isco‘ 100. Orisco Photos Ori Orí ôlá -sco suffix ‗sco‘ 101. Lanray Agro Chemical Lan Láþ re Ray Lan re ‗Re‘ pronounced as ‗ray‘. Analogical with ‗ray‘ of light. 102. Lankay Hotel Lan Láþ re kay Káy õdé 103. Abisco Recharge Card Abis Abís ölá -co suffix ‗co‘ 104. Larry Fashion Lar Lar á -ry suffix ‗ry‘ 105. Fadeco International Fade Fadé kë Audiovisual -co suffix ‗co‘ 301 106. Tundeb Clearing Agency Tun Tún dé Deb Déb õálé 107. Jos-Tund Engineering Jos Jos iah Company Tund Túnd é 108. Adefab Fashion Designer Ade Adé níyì Fab Fáb ìyí 109. Fak Unisex Salon Fák áyõdé 110. Tunnet Communications Tun Tún dé net from ‗inter net‘ 111. Tobiz Collection Tobi Ôlörun tóbi -z suffix ‗z‘ by analogy with ‗biz‘ (an informal word for a particular business) 112. Bummy Beauty Salon Bum Bù n m i but ‗n‘ is deleted st -my suffix ‗my‘ analoguous with 1 person pronoun ‗my‘ where ‗i‘ is deleted 113. Ejis Electronics Eji Èjì wùmí -s suffix ‗s‘ 114. Remmy Stitches Rem Olú rêm ílëkún -my suffix ‗my‘ as in 112 above. 115. Yemwall Engineering Co. Yem Adé yçm í Wal Wál é -l suffix ‗l‘ analogical with ‗wall‘ 116. Aronky Water A- prefix ‗A‘ ronk Rónk ë -y suffix ‗y‘ 117. Yinkus Publicity Yink Yínk á -us suffix ‗us‘ 118. Tayolad Hitech Tayo Ôlá táyõ lad Ô lád ìpõ 119. Topson Promotions Top Tèmí töp ë -son suffix ‗son‘ as in ‗son of‘ Töpë 302 120. Balex Feeds Bal Bal ógun -ex suffix ‗ex‘ 121. Dupsy Food Canteen Dup Mo dúp ë -sy suffix ‗sy‘ 122. DarakPot (Nig) Ltd. Dar Dár amölá ak Ak apoti Pot Aka pot i 123. Ejisco International Store Eji Èjì rë -sco suffix ‗sco‘ 124. Mudashiner Electrical Works Muda Múdà sírù shi Adé ÿí nà -ner Adésí nà 125. Rask Telecom Rask Ràs á k ì 126. Rolex Computer Services Rol Röl ákë -ex suffix ‗ex‘ 127. Jaykay Carpets Jay J ayéôlá Kay K öláwôlé The phonetics of ―JK‘ is used here 128. Kayus Fashion Designer Kay Káy õdé -us suffix ‗us‘ 129. Alolly Babe Beauty Salon A prefix ‗A‘ Lol Ômô lôl á -ly suffix ‗ly‘ 130. Walex Upholstery Works Wale Babá wálé -x suffix ‗x‘ 131. Bosco Boutique Bos A bös êdé -co suffix ‗co‘ 132. Bolux Paint Depot Bolu Bólú watifë -x suffix ‗x‘ 133. Adeshollar Outfit Adeshollar Adéÿôlá ‗ś‘ becomes ‗sh‘ ‗l‘ is duplicated 303 ‗r‘ is a suffix as in postvolaric ‗r‘ in ‗car‘ 134. Rasco Mercedes Benz Ras Ràs ákì Mechanic -co suffix ‗co‘ 135. Walexy Computer Wale Adé wálé -xy suffix ‗xy‘ 136. Darray Car Wash Dar Ôlörun dár e -ray ‗re‘ ‗r‘ is doubled and then ‗re‘ is substituted for ‗ray‘ seemingly having the same Sound 137. FunMix Nig. Ltd. Funmi Olúwa fúnmi láyõ -x suffix ‗x‘ analoguous with ‗mix‘ 138. Timion Electronics Timi Tìmí lëhìn on on i (This is an analogy with Simeon, especially, in sound) 139. Jimex Fashion Designer Jim Jim oh -ex suffix ‗ex‘ 140. Labak Communication Labak Làbák ë 141. Kamwil Kam Kam aldeen w wiring i industry l limited 142. Tuyil Pharmaceutical Tuyi Awó túyì -l suffix ‗l‘ 143. Toyestic Investment Toye Awó tóyè -stic suffix ‗stic‘ 144. Delka Vet Centre Del Dél é Ka Ká yõdé 145. MOSAAJ Pharmacy M M ustapha O Ô ba S S ulaiman 304 A A débáyõ A À làbí J J imoh 146. Demmy Nig. Ltd. Dem Dém ölá -my suffix ‗my‘ 147. Larry K Communications Lar La n r e with the deletion of ‗n‘ -ry we have a suffix ‗ry‘ added 148. Owo-lad Ventures Owo Owó labí Lad Ô lád àpõ 149. Solad Boutique Sol Olú sôl á ad Ad éyçmí 150. Alafem Creations Ala Àlà dé Fem Fëm i 151. Enny Communications Enny Eni ôlá ‗n‘ is doubled and then ‗y‘ is substituted for ‗i‘ as in ―penny‖. Çni + suffix /ny/ while ‗i‘ is deleted. 152. Fash Guest House Fash Fáÿ ínà ‗ś‘ is substituted with ‗sh‘ 153. Adeb Rentals Adeb Adéb áyõ 154. Fatok Oil Fatok Fátók í 155. Dolabiz Investment Dola Oyè dôlá Biz Bìs ìlôlá ‗s‘ is given a phonetic realisation /z/. So, it is analogous with the informal short form of business (biz) 156. Ayox Bread Ayo Ayõ délé -x suffix ‗x‘ 157. Folex Beauty Salon Fol Fôl ákë -ex suffix ‗ex‘ 158. Mosbuk Enterprises Mos Mos únmölá buk bùk ölá 305 159. Soj Publicity Soj Adé sôj í 160. Adelak Consult Adelak Adélak ùn 161. Demosco Printers Demo A démö lá -sco suffix ‗sco‘ 162. Kazy Cut Kaz Kaz eem -y suffix ‗y‘ 163. Debis World Debis A débìs ì (Why not ‗Debiz‘ like ‗Dolabiz‘ as in no. 155 above. This is a matter of choice) 164. Seyisco Stores Seyi Olú sèyí -sco suffix ‗sco‘ 165. Anny International Bookstore Anny Aní Jésùsôlá ‗n‘ is doubled and then ‗y‘ is substituted for ‗i‘ 166. Mufluk Cabinet Marker Muf Múf útáù luk Luk man 167. Sunmade Gifts Shop Sun Mo sún This is analogical with the English ‗sun‘ Made Fara mádé This is an analogy to the English ‗made‘ 168. Lankay Hotel & Restaurant Lan Láþ re Kay Káy õdé 169. Yormite Computers Yo Àbá yõ mì (Analogous with ‗your‘ sound) -r infix ‗r‘ -mi Àbáyõ mí -te suffix ‗te‘ 170. Solarite Video Coverage Sola Olú ÿôlá -r suffix ‗r‘ as in postvolaric ‗r‘ -ite suffix ‗ite‘ 171. Sojisco (Doctor of Shoes) Soji Ôlá sôjí -sco suffix ‗sco‘ 172. Damico International School Dami Dámi lölá -co suffix ‗co‘ 306 This is like the short form of ‗company‘ Why not ‗Dammy‘? This is choice. 173. Ladsol Business Centre Lad Ô lád ipúpõ sol Olú sôl á 174. Dortun Photos Do Adé dõ tun -r - infix ‗r‘ tun Adédõ tun 175. Sunad Variety Store Sun Sun day ad Ad éníyì Why not like the popular ‗Sunny Ade‘? This is a matter of choice. 176. Toks Engineering Company Toks Adé tòk unbõ -s suffix ‗s‘ 177. Jimmy Fashion Designer Jim Jim oh -my suffix ‗my‘ 178. Leklaw Provision Store Lek Ôlá lék è Law Law al 179. Afosco Laundry Works Afo Afô lábí -sco suffix ‗sco‘ 180. Larapex Confectionaries Larape A lárápé -x suffix ‗x‘ 181. Buks Computer Training Buk Bùk ölá -s suffix ‗s‘ 182. Uncle Fatty Barber Fat Fàt áí The same is used for ‗Fatimoh‘ -ty suffix ‗ty‘ 307 183. Jolaf Restaurant Jo Awó jô bí laf Ô láf ënwá 184. Meddy Precious Boutique Med Med inat -dy suffix ‗dy‘ 185. Aloly Baby Salon A prefix ‗A‘ lol lôl á -y suffix ‗y‘ This is analogous with ‗Alloy‘ and‗ Lollypop‘. 186. Jumab Restaurant Jum Jùm õkë ab Ab íödún 187. Rolak Mini Mart Rolak Rölák ë 188. Tobest Business Centre Tob Töb a -est suffix ‗est‘ The 2nd syllable is an Analogy with ‗best‘ 189. AY Bam Oil Ay Ay õ Bam Bám idélé 190. BolBam Aluminium Bol Böl ájí Bam Bám ikölé 191. Adelex Printers Adelek Adélék è -x suffix ‗x‘ 192. Barrylash Bookshop Barry Barry (Germanic name) Lash Láÿ ebíkan ‗ś‘ becomes ‗sh‘ 193. Solak Nursery & Primary Sola Olú sôlá School K – 1st letter of Këhìndé 194. Fey Supermarket Fey Fèy ísayõ 195. Dappie Eatery Dap Ôlá dàp õ -pie suffix ‗pie‘ This is an analogy to ‗meatpie‘, ‗puppie‘ or ‗Debbie‘. Also, choice contrasts this to ―Dappy‖ or ―Duppy‖ 196. Bimppy Nig. Ltd. Bimp Adé bímp é -py suffix ‗py‘ 308 This is an analogy to Puppy, Duppy, Dappy,etc. 197. Tem Interior Decorations Tem Tèm ítáyõ 198. Sunlek Investment Ltd. Sun Ôlá sún kànmí Lek Ôlá lék an 199. Titem Delicious Popcorn Titem Titèm ilolúwa 200. Ronk New Age Nursery & Ronk Rónk ë Primary 201. MuyKosh Computer Training Muy Múy iwá Kosh A köÿ ìlè ‗ÿ‘ becomes ‗sh‘ APPENDIX E Table 22: Anglicised names coined from Western and Yorùbá Sources (extracted from Table 20: ―Consanguinity in Anglicisms in YBNs and YPNs‖) 1. Juaniks Ju – (Ju)liana (mother‘s name) Juliana (Lat) meaning ―downy hair‖ a - (A)délékè (husband‘s name) 309 nik – Adé(ník)êë (self) -s - suffix ‗s‘ 10. Lizkins Liz – E(liz)abeth (wife) Elizabeth (Heb) meaning ―God‘s kin – A(kin) (husband) oath‖ -s - suffix ‗s‘ 16. BioBen Bio – (Biö)dun (wife) Benedict (Lat) meaning ―Blessed‖ Ben – (Ben)edict (husband) 23. Dadus Dad – (Dàd)a (surname) Us (an English word): a pronoun; the us – ‗us‘ as in ―all of us‖ in the family object form of ‗we‘ meaning ―people in general‖ 31. Todebim To – (Tó)yìn (mother) Israel (Heb) meaning ―soldier of the deb – A(déb)õwálé (father) Lord, Prince of God, wrestled with I – (I)srael God, fighter, ruler‖. M – (M)elody children Melody (an English word) and means ―a tune‖ 40. Bekandims Be – (Bè)láù (mother) Dimensions is an English word. It Kan – À(kàn)kë (mother) means ―the length, height, width, dims – dimensions depth or diameter of something‖ 57. BleTimpel Ble – (Ble)ssing (wife) Blessing (an English word) meaning Tim – (Tìm)ílëhìn (son) ―something that you have or Pel – (Pêl)úmi (husband) something that happens which is good because it improves your lives, helps you in some way or makes you happy. 70. BunVic Bun – (Bùn)mi (wife) Victor (Lat) meaning ―Conqueror‖ Vic – (Vic)tor (husband) 5. ELBUNS El – (El)ijah (husband) Elijah (Heb) meaning ―Jehovah is Bun – (Bùn)mi (wife) God‖ s – suffix ‗s‘ 44. Esthola Esth – (Esth)er (wife) Esther (Per) meaning ―star‖ Ola – (Ôlá)rewájú (husband) 74. SamBim Sam – (Sam)uel (husband) Samuel (Heb) meaning ―Heard by Bim – (Bí¸)bö (wife) God‖ 82. Yemsonat Yem – (Yëm)isí (wife) Nathaniel (Heb) meaning ―gift of So – (ßô)lá (husband) God‖ nat – (Na)thaniel (surname) 90. TimReb Tim – (Tìm)ílëhìn (husband) Rebecca (Heb) meaning ―bound, tied‖ Reb – (Reb)ecca (wife) 310 311 APPENDIX F Table 23 Anglicised names coined from Western and Yorùbá sources (extracted from Table 21: ―Individualised Anglicised YBNs and YPNs‖) 7. Fasco F – (F)rancis (personal name) Francis (Lat) meaning ―from a – (A)yõôlá (personal name) France‖ s – (S)tationary (English word) co – (Co)mpany (English word) 8. Jofem Jo – (Jo)shua (personal name) Joshua (Heb) meaning ―God Fem – Babá(fëm)i (personal name) saves, whose salvation is the Lord‖ 10. Jay-Kay Jay – (J)ames (personal name) James (Heb) meaning Kay – Adé(k)óyèjô (personal name) ―following after supplanting‖ 13. TopMost Top – (Tôp)ë (personal name) Most: an adverb meaning Most – Most (English word) ―having the greatest amount of a particular quality‖ 19. Sunlad Sun – (Sun)day (personal name) Sunday: the day between lad – Ô(lád)iméjì (personal name) Saturday and Monday. 23. Yetbeat Yet – (Yét)úndé (personal name) Beatrice (Lat) meaning beat – (Beat)rice (personal name) ―bringer of joy‖ 36. Yetcom Yet – (Yét)úndé (personal name) Comfort: Someone that brings Com (Com)fort (personal name) consolation, well-being, and contentment 47. RADIS R – (R)ichard (personal name) Richard (O Ger), meaning adis – (Àdìs)á (personal name) ―strong ruler‖ 56. Victop Vic – (Vic)toria (personal name) Victoria (Lat) meaning top – Tèmí(töp)ë (personal name) ―Victory‖ 68. Topson Top – Ôlá(töp)ë Son (someone‘s male child) son – son 74. Chrisbay Chris – (Chris)topher Christopher (GK) meaning bay – (Báy)õ ―bearer of Christ‖ 76. Salow Sal – (Sàl)áwù William (O Ger) meaning O – (O)lúwaÿëgun ―resolute guardian‖ W – (W)illiam 77. Remto Rem – (Rêm)ílëkún Timothy (GK) meaning To – (T)im(o)thy ―honouring God‖ 84. Ebenfem Eben – (Eben)ezer Ebenezer (Heb) meaning 312 Fem – Olúwa(fëm)i ―rock of help‖ 85. Josey Jo – (Jo)seph Joseph (Heb) meaning Sey – (Sèy)í ―addition or ―God adds‖. 107. Jos-Tund Jos – (Jos)iah Josiah (Heb) meaning ―God Tund – (Túnd)é heals, supports‖ Josiah (Arab) meaning ―God has protected‖ 192. Barrylash Barry – (Barry) Barry (Ir) meaning ―spear Lash – (Láÿ)ebìkan thrower‖. APPENDIX G Table 24: Arabic-Yorùbá Anglicised names (Extracted from Table 20) S/No. Islamic/Arabic The Islamic/Arabic Their Their meanings in names as given names respondents variations in Arabic by respondents used as Models Yorùbá 9b. Sanni Thani or Sání, Sánní Muhammed second. Muhammed Thani 18a. Lamidi Al-Hamid or Abd- Làmídì The praise worthy or al-Hami the servant of the praise worthy Lord. b. Munirat Munirah feminine Mùnírátù, An illuminated lady. form of Munir Mùnírà d. Raheem Abd-al Rahim Ràímì, Rahim The servant of the merciful Allah. 20a. Dauda Daud, Dawood, Dáúdà, ‗Beloved‘, ‗Darling‘ or Dawud (Arabic Dáódù ‗friend‘ (Hebrew). form of David) b. Rajee Muh-al-Raji Rájí One who is full of expectations from Allah. 313 c. Samiat Samiah Sámíà, One who hears. Sámíátù 22. Aliu Ali Àlíù, Àliyù, A person of high rank. Iko 34. Raliat Radiyah Rálìátù, One who is satisfied. Rálìyátù 35a. Hamed Al-Hamid Hamed, One who praises Allah. Ahmëdi, Hamidi b. Shukurat Shukrah Súkúrátù, Thanks of Allah. Súkúrá 36a. Hamed Same as 35a above Same as 35a Same as 35a above. above b. Mansurat Mansurah Mõýsúrá, A victorious lady. Mõýsúrátù c. Hameedat Hamidah Àmídá, One who is praise Àmídátù worthy. 40. Bellau Billah Bèláwù, In the name of Allah. Bèláù Bèláhù 45a. Jimoh Al-Jum‘at Jímõ A male child born on Friday. b. Ibraheem ―Ibrahim Khalil – Bùrëmõ, Father of a multitude Allah‖ Ebrahim, Bùràímõ, (Hebrew). Ibrahim (Arabic Ìbùràímù variations of Abraham) 49a. Raji Same as 20b above Same as 20b Same as 20b above above b. Rabiat Rabiah Rábíátù, Spring time, spring, Rábí, garden. 50a. Saka Zakariyya Sàkárìyáù, The same as the Biblical Sàkánìyáù, Zachariah which means Sàká, Yáù ―God has remembered‖. b. Fatimat Fatimah Fátímà, Fàtí, Daughter. Fátìmötù 62a. Yusuf Yusuf (Arabic Yusufu, Means ‗addition‘ or form of Joseph) Yésúfù ‗God adds‘ in Hebrew. b. Kadijat Khadija, Khadijat Kàdíjátù, Means ‗a mature child‘ Kàdíjá in Arabic. 314 63. Jimoh Same as 45a above Same as 45a Same as 45a above. above 64a. Rafiu Ar-Rafi Ràfíù, Ràfíyù The exalter of ranks, the exalter of the Faithful. b. Bashirat Bashirah Bàsírá, Bringer of glad tidings. Bàsírátù 66a. Rasheed Rashῖd Ràśídì, Ràsídì Rightly guided. b. Habeebat Habῖbah Hàbíbátù, Loved by all. Àbíbá, Àbíbátù 78. Rukayat Ruqayyah Rúkàyátù, Charming, attractive, or Rúkà, Rúkàyá captivating. 81a. Wasiu Al-Wasi Wàsíù The All-embracing: one of the names of Allah. b. Khadijat Same as 62b above Same as 62b Same as 62b above. above 88. Lawal Muhammed al- Làwálì, Muhammed the first: it Awwal Làwánì, is believed that first of Làwáńdí all Allah created the light of the prophet Muhammed to guide the entire creation. 91a. Fatai i. Al-Fattah Fàtáhì, Fàtáì, i.The victorious ii. Abdul-Fattah or Fàtáyì ii. The servant of the victorious. b. Muibat Muhibbah Múìbátù, It means ―charming, Múìbá loving‖. 315 APPENDIX H Table 25: Anglicised names coined from Arabic and Yorùbá sources (Extracted from Table 21) S/No. Islamic/Arabic The Their Their meanings in names as given Islamic/Arabic variations in Arabic by respondents names Yorùbá respondents used as models 12. Lawal Same as no. 88 in Same as 88 in Same as 88 in table 24 above Table 24 Table 24 above. above 14a Jimoh Same as no. 63 in Same as no. Same as no. 63 in Table 24 above 63 in Table Table 24 above. 24 above b. Idrees Idris (Arabic Ìdìrísì, Dìrísù, Means ‗trained‘ or form of Enoch) Dìísù, Ìdìrísù ‗skilled‘ in Hebrew. 16. Mufutau Miftahuddeen, Múfú, The key to success. Miftau Múfútáù 30. Suraju Siraj Sùrájù The lamp, light, sun, or candle. 32. Mufutau Same as no. 16 in Same as no. Same as no. 16 in Table 21 above 16 in Table Table 21 above. 21 above 33a. Rasheed Ar-Rashid Ràśídì, Ràsídì The judicious guide. 34a. Rasheed Same as 33a Same as 33a Same as 33a above. above above b. Lawal Same as no. 88 in Same as no. Same as no. 88 in Table 24 above 88 in Table Table 24 above. 24 above 35. Ganeeyat Ghaniyyah Gàníyátù, One who is rich Gàníyà, (feminine of al- Gàníátù Ghanni). 46. Teslim Taslim Têsilimu, Peaceful. Literally it Têsi, Têsili means the benediction at the close of prayer. 54. Kudirat Qudrah Kúdí, Power of Allah. Kúdírátù 316 64a. Azeez Al-Aziz, Abd-al- Àsísì, Làsísì, The servant of the Aziz Làísì most powerful. b. Hamed Al-Hamed Hamed, Same as no. 35a(in Ahmçdi, table 24 above). Hamidi 70. Bashiru Bashir Bàśírù, The harbinger, Bàsírù bringer of good news. 79. Lateefat Latifah Làtífátù, The gracious Làtífá person (feminine form of al-Latif). 87a. Ganiyu Al-Ghani, Abdul- Gàní, Gàníyù The rich and the Ghani enriching one (God‘s attribute). b. Kadri Al-Tilani (Abdul- Kadiri, The powerful, Qadir), Kader Tölání, servant of the Àkádirì, powerful Allah. Àkádì 124. Mudashiru Al-Mudaththir Múdà, The one who is Múdàśírù, wrapped Múdàsírù 134. Rasaki Al-Razzaq Ràsákì The provider (Allah‘s attribute). 139. Jimoh Same as nos. 45a Same as nos. Same as nos. 45a & & 63 in Table 20 45a & 63 in 63 in Table 20 above Table 20 above. above 140. Kamaldeen Kamal-al-Din, Kàmálù, Go up in the Kamal-ud-Din Kama perfection of the religion of Allah. 145a. Mustapha Al-Mustafa Músítàfá, The chosen one. Tafa b. Sulaiman Sulaiman (Arabic Súlè, ―Little man of form of Sulemönu, peace‖ or Solomon) Súlèmönà ―worshipped of the god Shalman‖ in Hebrew. c. Jimoh Same as no. 139 Same as no. Same as no. 139 in in Table 21 above 139 in Table Table 21 above. 21 above 317 162. Kazeem i. Kazim, or Kasimu, i. one who controls ii. Al-Qasim Kásúmù anger ii. One who distributes. 177. Jimoh Same as no. 145c Same as no. Same as no. 145c in in Table 21 above 145c in Table Table 21 above. 21 above 182. Fatai Same as no. 91a Same as no. Same as no. 91a in in Table 24 above 91a in Table Table 24 above. 24 above 184. Medinat Madinah Mêdínátù, Illustrious, Mêdínà illuminated city. 318