i ISLAM IN OYO AND ITS DISTRICTS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY By EMMANUEL DADA ÄDELQWQ B.A, RELIGIOUS STUDIES (IBADAN) A THESIS IN THE DEPARTMENT OP RELIGIOUS STUDIES. SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OP AR TS IN PARTIAL PULPILMENT OP THE REQUIREMENTS POR THE DEGREE OP DOCTOR GP PHILOSOPHY OP THE UNIVERSITY OP IBADAN DEPARTMENT OP RELIGIOUS STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OP IBADAN, IBADAN. 197fl UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ii A B S T R A C T This work describes the history and development of Islam in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century. In short, the work is an attempt to see in what way Islam lad moulded the history of the people of Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century, The first chapter describes the beginnings of Islam in the area until the period when the religion became stagnant as a result of the fall of-the Old Oyo Empire, In this way, we are able to see the various difficulties militating against Islam in the area in the early period, * In chapter two, we discuss the survival and growth of Islam in the area after the fall of the Old Oyo Empire, The forces, external and internal, responsible for this stage of Islamic growth are discussed in this chapter, Thus we are able to see a clear picture of how Islam surmounted the initial difficulties generated by the decline and fall of the Old Oyo Empire and how it eventually established itself strongly alongside the age-long traditional religion. Chapter three deals with the expansion of Islam during the increasing influx of Christian miss-ionaries into Oyo and its districts. In this chapter, the difficulties facing the missionaries and their effects on the expansion of UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY iii Christianity and Islam are discussed, Furthermore, the rrhallenge of Christianity and the reaction of the Muslims tc the challenge are examined» In this way, we are able to see why Islam became the dominant religion in the area in the nineteenth Century» In chapter four, we examine the Status of Islam in the period when the area, known as Oyo and its districts, was rrought within the web of Western civilisation» In this way, ire are able to see the influence of British rule on the expansion and development of Islam in the area in the period between 189^ and 1900» The religio-social significance of Islamic institutions in the area in the nineteenth Century is examined in chapter five» The influence of the institutions on the growth of Islam and how they provided a universal link with the Muslim world are clearly shown in this chapter» The people of Oyo and its districts had been greatly influenced by the traditional religion before the influx of Islam» Thus, in the last chapter, we turn our attention to examining the influence of Islam on the traditional background of the Muslim community» In this way, we are able to see the interaction of the traditional religion and Islam among the people of Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century» Since Islam constituted a strong force and became the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY iv dominant religion in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century, we conclude by examining the extent of its success anong the people of the area in this period, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY V ACKNOWLSDGEMENTS I am highly indebted to many people and institutions that offered me assistance in the course of preparing this work» While I express my profound gratitude to them all, I must mention some specifically. May I express my profound gratitude to my Supervisor, Dr. Muizz Goriawala» He has helped me greatly in very many ways in the course of preparing the work, He demonstrated a creditable interest in my work by giving me the right directions and by going through the work thoroughly well and by pointing out my short-comings. Without his help,I would not have been able to complete the work satisfactorily» The University of Ibadan awarded me a University Scholarship to undertake the postgraduate work and the Directorate of the National Youth Service Corps, Lagos, kindly released me from the compulsory National Youth Service Corps» I should therefore wish to express my appreciation and gratitude to the two institutions» I am very grateful to the entire staff^of the Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies, University of Ibadan^for the opportunity offered me to learn Arabic in the Department» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY vi May I also thank Malam Garba,of the Department of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages, University of Ibadan, concerning the transliteration of the Hausa words in the thesiso I must mention here Dr, S.U. Erivwo^of the Polytechnic, Ibadanifor his useful and scholarly suggestions. To him, I am very grateful, May I also thank Mr „ Dapp Fakaypde^a graduate teacher in Prench at the Rpmp Secondary School, $agamu in Ogun State? for putting me through with regard to my sources of materials written in Erench, I thank Professor L,A. Banjp^of the Department of English, University of Ibadan and Dr„ Isaac George^of the Department of Linguistics and Nigerian Languages, University of Ibadan, for their help concerning the definition of the title of my thesis. I am very grateful to the Aäfin of Oyo for the permission offered me by the authorities there to take pictures and interview court members and most especially the arokins» (the traditional chroniclers), The names of informants given in the footnotes and in the appendix show the magnitude of my gratitude to those who have kindly allowed me to interview them during my field work, My movements and interviews during the field- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY vii work were immensely facilitated by research grants, a camera, and a tape-recorder provided by the authorities of the University of Ibadan and the Department of Religious Studies respectively. To these authorities, I am very grateful» I am grateful to my typists, namely Mr» J.O» Qyadiran, of the Department of Preventive and Social Medicine, University of Ibadan, Messrs Qlatunji and Ohuenta^of the Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan#for typing most of the draft» I am also indebted to the staff of the search room of the National Archives, Ibadan, where I got very many useful written sources. I am also appreciative of the assistance given to me by the staff of the Africana Section of the University of Ibadan Library» Equally, am I appreciative of similar assistance given to me at the various Divisional and District Offices» I am also grateful to Dr» J»A. Atanda, formerly a Senior Lecturer in the Department of History, University of Ibadanjfor allowing me to use some maps in his book, "The New Oyo Empire: Indirect Rule and Change in Western Nigeria 189^-1934", London, 1973. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY I acknowledge my indebtedness also to Chief Imams and several other Muslims in Qyp and its districts for their ready and enthusiastic co-operation during my field work, I wish to express my gratitude to my wife. It is enough to say here that she has always been a stable source of strength for me and her encouragement in terms of clerical assistance and soothing words contributed, in a large measure, to the successful completion of this work Finally, I am grateful to the Acting Head of Department, ReVo Dr„ J,0» Awolalujfor the various forms of help received from the Department in the course of preparing this work„ Emmanuel Dada Adelpwp- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ix CERTIFICATION PAGE I certify that this work was carried out by Mr. E.D. Adelpw9 in the Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan. ’i 0 ■ , » *-rl fc d ( S u p e r v i s o r ) Muizz Goriawala, M.A» (Born«)» M.A., Ph.D. (Lond.), Senior Lecturer in the Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY X C O N T E N T S Page AO S t r a C t o o « ooo ooo o o o ii-iv Acknowledgements »o» <»»o v-viii Certification by Supervisor „o, o o o ix Table of Contents o © o ooo o o o x-xiii List of Illustrations: Maps and Plates o o o xiv Abbreviations oo» .o. o o o xv-xvi 01os sary ooo ooo ooo o o o xvii-xxxi INTRODU CTION o o o xxxiv-xli PART ONE: (HISTORY) 1-31U 1,0 ISLAM IN OYQ AND 3TS DISTRICTS PROM ITS INCEPTION TO 1836 1-92 1©1 Qyp and its districts before Islam 1-20 1o11 Ethnie history . 0 . © © , 1-10 1„12 The traditional social System 10-11 1.13 The traditional political System ... 11-15 1 olA The traditional religious beliefs 16-20 1 . 2 The influx of Islam into West Africa 20-25 1 , 3 The influx of Islam into Nigeria 25-35 1 , U The influx of Islam into Yorubaland 35-37 1 . 5 The beginnings of Islam in Qyp and its districts ,.. ».. 37-62 1. 6 Islamic Stagnation 62 -92 1 . 6 1 Conflicts with the traditional society 62-68 1 . 62 Imperial crises . .© , 68-82 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xi Page 10621 The attack of Apomu 0 9 9 O O 9 9 9 9 69 1 ,622 Afpnja’s rebellion and the fall of the Old Qyp Empire .,. »., «, 0 «». 69-82 1 » 63 Population movements and their impact on the Muslims and their religion »<,, 82-92 2.0 THE PERIOD OP ISLAMIC RESURGENCE AND CONSOLIDATION, 93-138 21,8 37- 189T51 he period of Islamic resurgence, 1837-1859 93-137 2, 1 1 New Urbanisation and the status of Islam 93-111 2, 12 Migration from across the seas and its impact on the Muslim population and Islam 111—126 2, 13 The influence of the Muslims in the royalC Our ts 8 0 0 8 0 0 0 0 8 0 0 ( 126-129 2„ IN The role of the itinerant and ubiquitous maläms 000 000 o o. oot 130-132 -2, 15 The beginnings of Islamic knowledge 132-13N 2, 16 Open-air preaching 0 0 0 0 0 ÜN-137 2, 2 The period of Islamic consolidation, 1860-1895 0 0 0 0 0 0 137-158 2, 21 Mosque-building projects ..o »,» 137-1N1 2, 22 Muslim associations and their impact on . ISlam 000 800 008 000 080 INI-IN5 2« 23 The growth of Muslim scholarship »oo 1N5-1N6 2. 2N Purther entrenchment of the Muslims in the royal courts 0,0 .., ... <>«» 1N6-151 2. 25 Sufism and its impact on Islam 151-15N 2, 26 The spread of Islam in the rural districts 15N-158 3oO THE EXPANSION CP ISLAM IN THE ERA OP CHRISTIANITY, 1 8 7 5 - 1 9 0 0 0 0 8 , 8 8 8 0 8 8 0 0 8 8 . 1 5 9 " 2 7 2 3» 1 The rise of Christianity in Yorubaland 159-167 3, 2 Early Christian missionary enterprise in Qyp and its districts and its impact on the expansion of Islam ..o o.. 167-175 3. 3 The difficulties confronting the early Christian missionaries and their impact on Christian advance and the expansion of Islam 175-189 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xii 3 o k The ehallenge of Christianity and the reaction of* "the Muslims o o o o o o o o o 189-272 4.0 THE EXPANSION CF ISLAM IN THE ERA OP BRITISH RULE , 189U-1900 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 273-311+ 4.1 British occupation of Qyp and its districts 273 -281 4.11 Christian missionary enterorise and the : pacification of Yorubaland ... . . . 27U-280 4.12 British domination of Qyp and its districts 280-281 l + o 2 Islam and British rule . . . ... . . . 281-311+ l+.2i Islam and the Pax Britannica . . . . . . 28 1-281+ - l + o 22 Islam and Western Education . . . . . . 281+-301+ 1+. 23 Islam and the administrative policies of the British Colonial Government ... . . . 301+-311+ PART TWO : (INSTITUTIONS AND ACCULTITRATION) 315-525 5.0 HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS CP ISLAMIC INSTITUTIONS IN QYQ AND ITS DISTRICTS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 315- 387 5.1 Muslim Organisation . . . . . . . . . 316- 338 5® 2 Muslim f estivals o » . o « o 0 . « o o o 338-353 5.3 Muslim education . . . ... 00. ... 3 5U-3 87 6.0 THE INFLUENCE CF ISLAM UPON THE TRADITIONAL BACK­ GROUND OP THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY . . . 388-525 6„1 Muslim progress and conflicts with the traditional society ... . . . ... 388-1+01 6.2 Islam and the traditional religious beliefs 1+01-1+71+ 6.21 Belief in God 0 . . o . . o o o o o o 1+01-4+01+ 6.22 Belief in the divinities and spirits ... 1+04-1+11+ 6.23 Belief in the ancestors . . . . . . . . . 1+15-1+16 6.21+ Belief in the power of magic, medicine, witchcraft and sorcery . . . . . . . . . 1+16-451 6.25 Islam and the life cycle of man . . . ... 452-474 6.3 Islam and the political set-up ... ... 471+-1+88 UNIVERS TY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xiii Page 6» L+ Islam and the social structure 1+88-525 6,14-1 Social life . 1+88—1+9 i 6,1+2 Marriage and divorce ,,, 1+91-509 6,1+3 Naming and circumcision 509-519 6,1+1+ Will and inheritance 519- 520 6,1+5 The position of women ,,, 520- 525 v W*.»GLUS ION 4 0 0 0 * 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o 526-531+ —JP PTOTTD IXE 3 o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 535-561 THE IFA POEM, ÖTUA MEjl, RELATING TO THE INTRODUCTION OP ISLAM INTO YORUBALAND ,,« 535-51+1+ II, THE IFA POEM, OTÜÄ M&Jl, RELATING TO THE CONFLICT BETWEEN ISLAM AND THE YORUBA TRADITIONAL RELIGION IN THE EARLY DAYS OP ISLAM IN YORUBALAND 51+5-51+7 III, LIST CP THE CHIEP IMAMS IN SOME TOTOS IN OYO AND ITS DISTRICTS FROM THE NINETEENTH CENTURY*TO THE PRESENT DAY ,,, ,»» o,o o», , 51+8-555 IV, LIST CP THE ALÄÄFINS OF QY£ PROM THE DAYS OP QRANYAN TO THE PRESENT DAY 556-560 V, THE TWELVE MONTHS OP THE ISLAMIC CALENDAR 561 BIBLIOGRAPHY 0,o 0,o ,oo ,o, o 562-610 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xiv LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS MAPS: Page 1 . Qyp Province, 191^-3U ...„ ..«. . • •. l ( a ) 2« The Old Qyp Empire in the Eighteenth Century 2(a) 3 . of* New Qyp . o o . o <> o o « o o o 82 (a) PLATES: 1 . The central mosque, Qyp ..». .•«. io.« 1l0(a) 2. The palace mosque, Qyp ..,. .... lU7(a) 3« Muslim officers in Qyp: Qtun Imple, Alhaji Sadiku Awayewaperere, a descendant of the first Qtun Imple (left)$ Phrärhkbyi Alhaji Apiru, a descendant of the first Phrhkbyi (right).,». 326(a) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY XV ABBREVIATIONS Ag. Actingo A.U.D. Ansarüdeeno B.S.O.A.S. Bulletin of Ibhe School of Oriental and African Studies. Co Molo Church Missionary Inteiligencer. C 3 M O S O Church Missionary Society. Corres. Correspondence. D,0, District Officer, EJ. Encyclopaedia of Islam, Encl o Enclosure. E.R.E. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, GoVo Governor. \ H.S.N, Historical Society of Nigeria. I.FoA.n. L 1 Institut Prancais D* Afrique Noire, J 0H0S0N0 Journal of Historical Society of Nigeria. Jo R0 Go S o Journal of the Royal Geographical Society N.A.Io National Archives, Ibadan. N.Jo Io Nigerian Journal of Islam. N.UoDo Nuwairudeen NoY o Co National Youth Corps. 0 oD <► Oyo Division. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY *■* » X a Old Testament lyc Prof, Oyo Provinee. ?.P. Parliamentary Paper (British), ~ m Private Paper, Ä~ • wr»« Roman Catholic, x S,B,R, Sierra-Leone Bulletin of Religion, Sec. Secretary, 3,1,M. Sudan Interior Mission. S.U.M. Sudan United Mission, ■J t I 9 L . University of Ibadan Library, W.ä ,I.S.E.R. West ilfrican Institute of Social and Economic Research. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xvii QL033ARY .■JA5IC WOHDS; lihSn The call to prayer. al-qiy5ma The Day of Judgement, ^acTqa Elghth-day naming ceremony according to Muslim rite» ridca Innovation; new ideas and practices contrary to the sunna of the Prophet„ ghusl Complete ablution, hadlth Traditions of the Prophet, haläl That which is allowed, permitted or ■ permissible, haräm That which is prohibited, hijra The migration of Prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in 622 A,D„ hisäb Divination from figure given by handful of earth thrown down, and henee from figures given by dots made at random, cTdu'1 -fito r The festival following the month of Ramaflän; the festival for breaking the fast, alcidu’l-Kabir Greater Beirain which is usually celebrated on the lOth of Dhu * 1-hi.j .ia or cIdu’l- a££ta cidda The period of probation incumbent upon a whoumsabna nda ftdeurr indgiv owrhciec h ors het hem ayd eanotth rofe mahrerry , UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xviii ^abr The right of matrimonial restraint accorded to the father or his repre- sentative- janaca Council of elders; village assembly. ~unaca (Friday) congregational prayer» Laf §’a The doctrine of equality in marriage» nswlidu' n-nabl The Prophet’s birthday» —iqaddam A leader in a Tijaniyya tariqa naso lh0a AcLvice, open homily or sermon, c— §do l Judge qibla Direction to which Muslims turn in praying (towards the Kacba). ribät Monastery; Frontier post manned by pious men» rüh3 Vitalising spiritual principle» sadäq (Bridal) dower, §adaq3 Voluntary alms, offering» shahäda The confession or articles of faith» Shari*a Islamic law; the canon law of Islam,In African languages it generally means judge ment» Thus we have the Yoruba derivative word sferlh meaning judgement, ShT*a A Muslim secto as0 -so irät u'l The straight path„mustaqo lm UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xix Sunna The model behaviour or tradition of the Prophet; one of the foundations of Islamic jurisprudence, hence employed for the custom of Muslims» tafsir Explanation, exegesis-jcommentary (usually on the Qur^än), talSq. Divorce» tarlqa S•üfT Order» tawhld The doctrine of the divine unity or o oneness (of God)» Umma Religious Community» wallma Ceremony marking either consummation of marriage compact or successful completion of certain stage of Qur*anic education; party; ’banquet» wa*z Preaching» o wird A litany task or special prayer generally recited at the end of certain ritual prayer» Yä Sin A _sura of the Qur*än believed to be efficacious in incantation» yawm u*l-jumuca Priday. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY XX HAUSA WORDS: Alkali Judge (Compare Arabic word for«judge*- al-aädi). Muezzin; the caller or announcer of the hours of prayer. Llmdh Leader of ritual prayer; political head of Muslim community. Compare the Arabic word for this leader:(al-Imam)v Note also the word llmdh as the leader of the ritual prayer is known in Central Sudan. Malern Cleric; lettered man; learned Muslim. In all probability, the Hausa word and its variants for the cleric are taken from the Arabic word for 'teacher', mucallim. nH'ibl An assistant Imäm, S5bon ghrl New town especially quarters inhabited by southerners. In Yorubaland, the area inhabited by the Hausa is called Sabo and in this case, the word means the quarter of the 'aliens'. (The word 1 ScTbo' means * new1 and the word gärl means 'town') sünä A name wankS Washing, employed for the ceremony of joining Islam. Compare the following Statement: an yi masä wanka: he has become a Muslim. YOKUBA WORDS (ORIGINAL AND LOAN) Alüfa A cleric; a lettered Muslim; a learned Muslim. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxi iklfe Concubine, Abhjh A type of Yoruba facial marking. Aböliiwbdl This is the title of lyä Äffan, a woman in Egungun cult, who undergoes certain rites and is allowed to go into the groves, and to see the Egüngiin dress and undress without being harmed in any form Abpr$ Chief Priest of Yoruba traditional religion. Ab$>riph The votaries of Yoruba traditional religion. Adip-iränä The fare-fowl in Yoruba traditional religion, Agb ädä A Yoruba flowing garment, Agb&rfe Araulet preparation in Qyp and its districts» It is commonly used to refer to adultery, Agüdh Yoruba word for emigrant slaves from Brazil and Catholic Mission, Whirlwind which is believed by the Yoruba to contain spirit or spirits (cf, l.-jl or len.) „ Akdüköwbd Class of mälams with the knowledge of Arabie, Yoruba, Islam and Christianity, They can be aptly regarded as Muslim apologists or Muslim controversialists. Xkti The Yoruba returning freed slaves from Sierra-Leone, Aldhfin King; one who owns the palace; (the title of the king of Qyp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxii liaarira Yoruba Muslim word for the Here-After« .'Atjännh Heaven, Paradise (This is taken from Ar ab i c word« al - ,i anna)» ĴLhkifibh This is part of the insignia of office for Yoruba Muslim officers such as the Chief Imäm and the Phrhkbyi„ ^r$mp This is the crown prince in Yorubaland. The title is conferred upon the eldest son of the sovereign in a formal manner, He is the heir-presumptive» Ar 0kin The traditional chronicler, historian, or rhapsodist in the palace of a Yoruba king. As ipa One of the Oyo Mfesi, the seven king- makers of Qy» Asp-Ökfe £yo traditional cloth« Ataare Alligator pepper« Atingh (Sfmib) Witch doctors» Ayhnm0 Predestination; destiny. Baäld Head of certain clan or compound« Baäl§ Head of certain town or village, Bhbä )i.cLiinl Male patron of religion (Islam) Babal&wo This is the generic title given to the diviners in Yorubaland who are connected with the cult of Orünmiläa Literally it means "father of the cult" or "father who is versed in the mystery"„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxiii rstaldbsh Chief Priest of Yoruba traditional religion: Literally, it means "Pather in divinity (worship)". 3al<5gun Commander-in-Chief of the Veteran warriors» It is also a title of one of the Muslim officers in Yorubaland, Bätä A special drum for the worship of $hngö, the god of thunder and lightning. 3?b? This is a festival akin to a jubilee or golden age of a king's reign, It was a common festival in the prime days of the Old (Jy<2 Empire, 3̂ml This is^t/hYeoruba word for Dahomey and this is the form that is used to refer to a Dahomean in Yorubaland» Eösü A sura of the Qur^än, Egüngün One of the spirit-gods worshipped in Yorubaland, This is popularly known as masquerade. E$ü A Yoruba divinity who is primarily a "special relations officer" between heaven and earth, the inspector-general who reports re^ularly to Olödümarfe on the deeds of the divinities and men, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxiv and makes reports on the correctness of worship in general and sacrifices in particular. (Compare called "Satan" or "Devil" in English language. In Yoruba theology, Epü is depicted as so versatile a character that one raust be wary of what one says about him. He has often been commonly called the "Devil" or n"oSatt atnh"eo DevTihle Yoof ruobuar N"le5w$ ü Teiss tacmeernttainly acquaintance, who is an out and out evil power in Opposition to the plan of God’s Salvation of man), ^tütü Expiatory sacrifice» ?bp Sacrifice. %gh A type of bird in Yorubaland, Sihä Confinement; curfew; seclusion; (of wMoumselni)m soespecially among some Yoruba ?hin-Iwk After-Life; Here-After, ?nikeji rOenlei'gsi ocno.unterpart in Yoruba traditional $ru-iyäwö Articles (of various types) of a prospective wife in Yorubaland. Ghä The name for Fulani quarters in YHoaruusbaa lqaunadr.t ers( Cfi-n YSoäbrou,b althaen dn)a.me for Gännh This is the Yoruba word for Ghana. q\Ir Ü (Giri- A simple rectangular mosque in gir'i) Yorubaland marked out with branches, stones, broken bottles or low mud wall. It is usually a prelude to a full- fledged mosque. Moreover, it usually marks the inception of Islam in a place, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY XXV liwä Secretary or head of an association in Yoruba social set-up» Haayh Verses of the süra of the o.ur̂ än» E&nhtürti Araulets written on slates (wkldä)» Ib$>w0 Dowry in a Yoruba marriage compact» Iddna Betrothal» Idlld Yoruba traditional lineage. Idlhdi A Dahomean» Ifä (Ordnmilh) This can mean any of the following: A geomantic form of divination; the oracle deity; and it is in this Connection that Ifä earns the name 0rünmllh» tfh-lpmp A child in Yorubaland who is believed to be a gift from a tutelary divinity» This type of child is usually named on the sixth day» W (igl) Whirlwind which is believed by the Yoruba to contain spirit or spirits (Cf. A,iä) Iköbl The first part of bride-price in a marriage compact in Yorubaland» This usually goes to the mother of the prospective wife. Iläri Officials, male and female, in the court of the Aldhfin of Qyp with partings on their heads» Il6e-Kdwü O.ur5 änic school (madrasa). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxvi Im̂ mti Leader of ritual prayer; the head of Muslim community, (This Yoruba loan- word is, in all probability, taken from the Arabic word for the head of ritual prayer, ImSm, (Cf, the word LfemömU), Ip^nri Destiny or predestination in Yoruba traditional belief. Irdkb African teak or swamp mahogany. Irö-Ifä Awo ocdo,n icaIlt bies llo nem adoef tohf e hoirnns,t ruimveonrtys, foorr Ifä divination. Isanldlöri The second part /o f bride-price in a Yoruba marriage "compact, This usually goes to the father of the prospective wif e, Itü-yigi Islamic System of divorce. (Jtü-yijl) lw$f h These were eunuchs and lordlings of the court in the days of the Old Qyp Empire, iyä-ildiini Female patron of religion (Islam), ly^rbsün Divining powder, This is one of the instruments for Ifa divination. Jäktita The original solar divinity in Yorubaland whose attributes, powers and qualities were subsequently assumed by JjShng6 (a deified Alähfin of Qyp, a thunder divinity). Jüjü One of the Yoruba words for the traditional nßdicine, (it was originally a Prench word and in this context it means "toy" or "plaything", Thus the name can be regarded a misnormer in this context). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxvi i Käfiri An infidel; an unbeliever. (This is taken from the Arabic word*kafir) Kakahfb The king's chief warrior. Kölhmü A type of pen. (This is taken from the Arabic word*aalam). Kiriyö Yoruba Word for Creole, the name of the early Christian in Yorubaland« "Kiriyö", Miuns ltihmiss sienn steh,e eisa rlay wodaryds ustoe d rbiyd ictuhlee both Christianity and its votaries. Lädääni The announcer or caller of the hours of prayer, (This word is taken from the Hausa word for ̂ the announcer of the hours of prayer, Lädan)» Lkdll-llld Henna ceremony during Yoruba Muslim marriage ceremony. This practice crept into Yoruba Muslim culture from Hausaland. Lfem^mü Leader of ritual prayer; political head of Muslim Community. (This word is taken from the Arabic wordsIm5m. Mpgbä (magbh) The priests of ßhngö, the thunder divinity in Yoruba traditional religion, Mbndäfikl A traitor, an apostate, (This is taken from Arabic word for a traitor. munafia). Mösälääpi Mosque. Place of prostration. It is borrowed from Arabic word.musalla and Hausa word>masallachi. Nbhsiä Advice; open homily or sermon. (This is taken from the Arabic word for open homily, nastha}„ Odüduwh The common eponymous progenitor of the Yoruba. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxviii, Ögböni A Yoruba secret politico-religious cult, ögün The god of iron in Yoruba traditional religion» Olddümarfe This is the principal name of God in Yoruba traditional religion. Olökun A sea spirit. Olöölä One who specialises in circumcising new babies in Yorubaland, Olori Wife of a king or a person of note in Yoruba traditional community„ Olüwa This is a name of God in Yoruba traditional religiono Onithfhsiirü Qur^Sn commentator (mufassir), (The word (Onlt^füslirü) is taken from the Arabic word for explana- tion, exegesis, commentary on the Qur*än, tafsir) Onitirh An amulet-writing cleric, Oniwähsi A preacher, or a deliverer of homily. (This is taken from the Arabic word for homily, wacz)° öbgtin Yoruba native medicine, öri Sheabutter, Orl Yoruba physical head; the essence of Personality; the personality soul in man, This is believed to be that which malces a person a person, and without it, a supposed person is not a person per se. Ori-inü The internal head; the inner person. The essence of personality, That which makes a person a person, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xx ix Oriki Special name in Yorubaland apart from the ordinary or common name« Örisä A divinity; a deity; a minister of Olödümarfe in Yoruba traditional religion« The word is a corruption of an original name Orls§ - "Head-source"« örish-hlä The arch-divinity, the head of the Yoruba pantheon« Orb This is one of the spirit - gods worship- ped in Yorubaland« Literally, it means a bull-roarer or a bull-whizzer or a bull- ring« In Yoruba traditional religion it designates the spirit of the deceased« Orögbö Bitter kola« Orörl Graveyard of a deceased« Öptigbö An Örb-cult; a politico-religious body, The name is most common in Ij^bu- land, Owö-ori Bride-price; betrothal or marfiage money« (Ow6-iyhwö) Owd jijf Jealousy in a Yoruba polygynous home« Qdün-Käyö- The Muslim festival of plenty or the käyö festival in which everybody, Muslim and non-Muslim, eats to the füllest« It is the first event of the Islamic calendar nanedw ymeaarrk.s the beginning of the Islamic Oft» Yoruba spoken magic word; incantation« Ol^t^lälüfa A flowing garment usually worn by a Yoruba Muslim« UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY XXX Q10run This is a name of God in Yoruba traditional religion, The name Olörun is the one com- monly used in populär language, It appears to have gained its predominating currency in consequence of Christian and Muslim impact upon Yoruba thought; it is the name used mostly in evangelistic work and in literature, It occurs in ejaculatory pr&vers like Olbrun gbh mi b - "Deliver me, 0 God!" or in answer to salutations for examule. E b .iiire bl? A düp£ l<$w<$ Olbrun, "Have you risen well (this morning?)" "We thank God"„ Qlpeä A lagoon spirit» Moreover, a thief or a robber is also called pl^sä in Yorubaland, Qmppld Members of the lineage» The servant of Ifä» It is one of the instruments for Ifä divination. Qp$n-Ifä Divining tray in Yoruba System of divination, Qränyhn The common openymous progenitor of the people of Qyp and its districts and the founder of the Old Qyp Empire, OrS> A ghost, fairy„ !)run Heaven or Paradise in Yoruba traditional belief where Olödümarfe and the Örish are believed to have their habitation. Qrun-inä (prun apäddi) Hell of fire; bad heaven. Osanyin The tutelary divinity of medicine in Yorubaland, Opün A riverine female divinity, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxx i Qya A Yoruba goddess or female divinity, wife of Qängö. Mbsi Literally, this means the Qyp that know the correct answer; the council of seven elders or the seven kingraakers in Qyp. Pähdi Yoruba word for Catholic Mission. Phrhkbyi In the days of the Old Qyp Empire, this was the official in Charge of markets and traders, especially long-distance traders. He later assumed politico-religious headship of the Muslim community. However, when Islamic knowledge began to take root in Qyp and its districts^his erstwhile position as the religious head of the Muslim community was supplanted by the Chief ImSm. 7616 A type of Yoruba facial marking. Sääfü Yoruba word for rows. Qängö A deified Alähfin of Qyp; the god of thunder. Shrö This is the Yoruba form of the word Sierra- Leone. The word is also used to refer to a Sierra-Leonean. (Cf. the word Ghana and its Yoruba form>Gdnnä). Särüml Chief of the Calvary, Sörlkl Next in rank to Balögun, the Commander- in-Chief of the Veteran warriors. $£np£nnä A Yoruba divinity that is believed to be Lord of the open (Olöde), "the destruction that wasteth at noonday", the divinity whose main scourge' is small pox, In short, the divinity is a dreadful reality to the Yoruba. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxxii Stfnä According to custom or tradition; bad or good name» The word is taken from the Arabic word»sunna - 'custom, practice and sayings of the Prophet' and Hausa word.» sünä - 'a name'» Tbdäb A type of inko Tätpb Yoruba word for a native of Nupeland, Tbftisilrü Explanation, commentary, exegesis (usually (t̂ ftisiirti) of the Qur3än)» The word is taken from the Arabic word, tafslr meanins explanation or commentary on the Qur3än» Tdsibliyü The Muslim rosary» (t^BÜnbää) Tirb Yoruba word for writing; amulet» Compare the expression 'onitirb' - "an amulet-writing cleric"» Wbldb Broad wooden slate» Wäbsi Open-air preaching, homily, The word is taken from the Arabic word»wacz - 'homily’» Wiridi A litany task, generally recited at the end of certain ritual prayers The word is taken from the Arabic word, wird - 'A litany task'» Wblimfy Ceremony marking consummation of marriage or completion of certain stage of Qurgnic education» The word is taken from the Arabic word, wallma - ’nuptial ceremony'; 'party'; 'banquet'» Wonka* Ritual ablution of conversion; Yoruba word for the ritual washing involved in the ceremonial act of allegiance to Islam» The word is taken from the Hausa word, wankä which simply means 'washing'» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxxiii Yääsin A süra of the Q.ui*an especiall.v efficacious in incantation. Yldi A Muslim festival; a place in the open field wwhoerrde is Mtuasklein mfsr coeml ebtrhaet eA rscambei co f wtohredi^r 'fuedstivals. The meaning 'festival’. Ylgi (yiji) The Islamic sadäq (marriage oavment by the husband to the wife which becomes her legal property), This is the name from which the Muslim wedding derives its name iso-yigi. divorce being termed ltü-yigi «*unt.ving the yigi compact'„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxx iv I _N X R O D U C T I 0 N I am conscious of the fact that of all religions in O» yo* and its districts in the nineteenth Century, Islam occupied a very significant position, There can be no doubt that many books have been written and published on the secular history and traditional religion of the people in this area, It is also obvious that very many books have been published on the Christian missionary impact on the area, but as far as I know there has been no work specifically written on the history and development of Islam in the area, However, as a history of Muslims in Nigeria?this work, in a way, would complement some previous works dealing with the activities and impact of the Christian Missions in Nigeria, The most notable among such works are those by J„F. Ade, Ajayi: The Christian Missions in Nigeria,(London, 1965); E.A. Ayandele: The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria,(London, 1966); J„B» Webster, The African Churches among the Yoruba 1888-1922, (Oxford, 196k) and Joseph Akiny^le Qmpyajowo: Cherubim and Seraphim Church in Nigeria, (ibadan University, Ph»D, Thesis 1971), It is my view that an evaluation of the Nigerian past will benefit UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY X X X V greatly from a more balanced appreciation of the impact of both Christianity and Islam on the people of Nigeria, The work can also be said to be complementary to works such as those of E. Bplaji Idowu: Olödümarb: God in Yoruba Belief>(London, 1966); JoO. Lucas: The Religion of the Yorubasj(Lagos, 1948); E,G, Parrinder: African Traditional Religion?(London, 195k), West African Traditional Religion, (London, 19 6 1) and Joseph Qrap$ade Awolalu: Sacrifice in the Religion of the Yoruba, (University of Ibadan Ph,D„ Thesis, 1971)» I believe that to appreciate fully the effects of the interaction of religions in Nigeria,and Yorubaland in particular, the three major religions together with their impact on the people of Nigeria should be examined» Furthermore, this work will further our under- standing of the development and impact of Islam especially in the West African periphery of the Muslim World, This work is limited both in scope and time to a very compact group, and it thus contrasts with the exercises undertaken by J»S, Trimingham: A History of Islam in West Africa, (Oxford, 1965) and his bookjlslam in West Africa (Oxford, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxxv i 1972). However, the work falls a little bit in line with those of GoO, Gbadampsi: The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba 18U1-1908>(University of Ibadan Ph„Do Thesis, 1968); J0F 0 Hopewell, Muslim Penetration into French Guinea, Sierra-Leone and Liberia before 1850, and the recent studies which Monteil and Ivor Wilks undertook about the history of Islam among the Wolofs and Ashanti respectivelyo This type of close historical study of the different Muslim groups will enable us understand better the impact of Islam on the people of West Africa as a whole„ The work describes the origin and development of Islam in Qyp and its districts a subject that has hitherto not been seriously studied, and which has suffered remarkably from guesswork, conflation and vagueness. The people of the area occupied a significant position in Yorubaland in the nineteenth Century, and as the majority of them had embraced Islam and are constituting a very conscious and dynamic body with diverse connections, it is obviously 1, expedient to try and understand their past experiences, developments, ideas, hopes and aspirationso The subject of the research is limited to this area because it is a common conviction that research can be UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxxvii more effectively and efficaciously carried out if the area of the investigation is not too vast, Even here, we cannot Claim that we have seen every part of the area, However, a good number of the big centres of Islam in Oyo and its districts were visited, Moreover, questionnaire were distributed to some research assistants who conducted their investigation at places where they were born or have worked as malams and are therefore, well known and loved by the people, Their acquaintance with the Muslim officials, Chief Imams in particular, enabled them, no doubt, to collect easily and fully relevant and valuable Information for the work. It remains for me to add that I conducted personal interviews with very many renowned and knowledgeable Muslims in the area, This work deals with the history of the Muslims inhabiting the present Qyp North Division and Qyp South Division in Qyp State, It has been considered more useful in this work to deal with Yoruba Muslims in this area, who, on the whole, have a peculiar pattern of Muslim history and development, Reference has been made to the history of Yoruba Muslims in other parts of Yorubaland only where this has been considered relevant to a proper grasp of the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY xxxviii historical development of Islam in the area, I am aware of the fact that in order to understand in the context of religious beliefs and practices, it will be expedient to enter into the thought patterns and emotional warmth of its members; for, there is always the great jeopardy of proMeeting one's own religious feelings into the "imagined - feelings" of the votaries of other religions with the result that irrational value judgements are sometimes made, In the light of this, I have, there- fore, endeavoured to allow the Muslim community of Qy

o B d o / ' V > ' Aahoa^ ^ Jp / w a r a 0do. : V O jd e Gbongan y < S *v l‘e or 5 ~ 7 'fr Oke-Iho { \ \ -------------- '^Vtgbo-OraT y i y !, / 'a r n ia ^ / V lwo lk e j i\ . >>SV Ago-Owu ------------INTERNATIONAL BOUM OARY \:-'o ------ — PROVINCIAL 30 U N D A R Y V Araronii r O ------------D IV IS IO N AL CO U N DAR IES O Aooje -*• --*• -+- REGIONAL BO U N DARY f O ----------- MOTOR RO ADS (COMPLETED AN D ,UND ER CONSTRUCTION r.AILWAY □ PROV INC IAL HEADQUARTER PR INCIPAL TOW NS B D IV IS IO N AL HEADQ UARTERS M IN O R TOW NS A N D V ILLAGES Oyo Province, 1914-34 Oyo Divisional;Boundarv j ft fc .flh L fl Jtll fc flTL. fr IT»I j r f i fr | ̂ 3 Kap.,.1 • Qy? Province, 191U-193U UNIVE SITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 of sub-ethnic groups - the Qyp, the ?gba, the $gbado, the Ijpbu, the Ekiti, the Ondo, the Akoko, the Ijppa and the Ikalp» It is the common belief of the historians that the Qyp, for a considerable period of time, constituted the core of the Yoruba» From the point of view of geographical location, the Qyp occupied the open derived savanna to the North West of Yorubaland» This sub-ethnic group, by the nineteenth Century, contained a substantial number of Yoruba towns especially Qyp, the metropolis of the Old Qyp Empire» 2 While the Oyp included the people in the present Qyp/Efp, Ibadan, Qpun Divisions, the people of Qyp and its districts in particular are the people inhabiting the present Qyp Division» The people of Qyp and its districts constituted a distinct group with common eponymous progenitor, 1, Por further details about the geographical location Goufi ntehae FQoypr,e sts"e,e HOwoade, Ayp» "The States of the Education, (Audio iVsitsouravl oSfe Wcteisotn )A,f riIcbaa. daMni,n is1t1pr,y of September - Term 197b/l5> See above, map^on l(a)p„ 2. See below, map 2 on 2(a)p„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 Qranyan, -i within the sub-ethnic group, the Qyp, The people are the so-called descendants of Qranyan, and the cream of his conquering army, They have always retained their loyalty more or less to the successors of Qranyan,their common father, even where the revolutionary wars left them no longer United under one head as in the days of §ängö2 1« Qranyan is believed to be the founder of Old Qyp» Foufr trheeirgmno ries , clito akies d thien tgiemneerlaels s beplrie-ehfi stthoarty ,h isF opreriod further details concerning the founder of Old Qyp, see Atanda, J.A., The New O.vo Empire. 10, J\-\, 13-14; 15- 22, 26-7pp« et oassim: N.A.I. Qyp prof,2/3, File No. 203: "Versions of Yoruba Kings", by Adespji Aderpmi, the Qni of Ifp, 1931« Here he refers to Qranyan in tthhee yfoululn gefsotr m soasn Qorf aOndmuiay an( Oadnüdd umwaäi)n, tatihne s eptohnaytm ohues was progenitor of the Yoruba; _gv, Atanda, J.A., op. cito . 3p. About the history of Qyp after Qranyan, see N.AoI. QypvProf» k/6$ File No. 275/1918. History of Qyp from Aafin^Qyp, August 1918, See also Hodgkin, To Nigerian Perspectives. London, 1969,, 62-1+pp. 2, gängö was the third Alähfin of Qyp who was deified after his death. He is worshipped in Yorubaland to- day as the god of thunder and lightning. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY k than to those of Abipdun, There has always been among them a bond of sympathy and union, apart from what they have in common with the other components of the Qyp-dialect speaking people and the rest of Yoruba tribe. The towns and villages in this group owed allegiance to the Alääfin largely because their rulers regarded the Alääfin as their blood relation. In factjsome of these towns and villages were founded or ruled by princes from Old Qyp owing to disputes over succession or other grievanceso 2 The towns 1. The position of the Alääfin among the people of Qyp and its districts is seen in the description of the pba by the British officials in the late nineteenth Century. In a number of their despatches to London in this period and the early part of the twentieth Century, as well as in the treaties signed with the Yoruba chiefs towards the end of the nineteenth Century, these officials described the Alafin (Alääfin) as 'King of Qyp and Head of Yorubaland'; q«v° . Atanda, J.A», The New Qyp Empire. 2p. Ö’n page 5 of the same book, he refers to the Alääfin as the 'Head of the Qyp people* in the original context. See also "A dictionary of the Yoruba Language." Ibadan, 1969. 2. Despite the disputes or grievances, peace was often made between them and the Alääfin with whom they quarrelled, or alternatively they might be friendly with his successor. In any case, the feeling of ktion sthhiep Capsiotoanl .made a break-away prince owe allegiance UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5o and villages A remained closely inter-related in war and peace, and manifested a remarkable degree of uniformity in their historical development. It ie these settlemente that constituted the core of the Yoruba sub-group called the Qyp and the Yoruba at large. This work ia concerned with the Yoruba resident in this area which functioned as the political headquarters of the Old Qyp Empire for a long time, 1. In this Connection, the following towns and villages can be mentioned. Old Qyp (Qyp’le): (This has lain in ruin since the fall of the Old Qyp Empire), Qaki, Oke- Iho, Iganna, Ayetoro, Ofiki, Irawo-Owode, Okaka, Otu, Irawo’le, Qppptpri, Igboho, Igbpti, Kisi, New Qyp (Agod’Qyp), Awp, Fiditi, Iseyin, Ilpra, Akinmprin, Ikoyi, A.gp Ar§ see N.A.I. "Qyp Province Annual Report", 1923, Para, 17k; Abimbpla, W., ’The Ruins of Qyp Divisiorf, African Notes. Vol. ii, 1, October, 196h. Unlike most of the towns and villages in the Qyp Empire, the towns and villages mentioned here were not integrated into the Empire by virtue of military conquests but on the basis of blood relationship. See above, map 1 on l(a)p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6 , The Qyp developed their own dialect, culture and traditions» In spite of the unity in the culture of the Qyp and the Yoruba in general, there were some distinctive traits which marked out the people of Qyp and its districts from the rest of the Qyp« ‘1. The basic unity in the culture of the Qyp and the Yoruba at large is seen in the role of Ifp as the ancestral home, the cradle, of the Yoruba» In populär belief, the Yoruba were descended from Odüduwü of Ifp; and practically, every important Yoruba ruler» (See Johnson, S» The History of the Yorubas. 5p-) In this book, Johnson relates how the Yorubas are said to have Sprung from Läimirüdu, one of the kings of Mecca whose offspring were: Odüduwa, the ancestor of the Yorubas, the kings of Gogobiri and of the Kukawa, two tribes in the Hausaland, But he goes on to say that only the two latter nations, Gogobiri and the Kukawa, have the same distinctive tribal marks on their faces and re- cognised each other as of one blood» Thus, it is difficult to give a definitive conclusion about the Meccan origin of the Yoruba which, in my own opinion, is cloaked in timeless pre-history» See also Idowu, E»B» "The Religion of the Yoruba," in Gangan» Ibadan, issue No »6, 10-npp», 6 October, 1975» There is the recent work by Biobaku, S»0» "Origins of the Yorubas" in Lugard Lectures. Lagos, 1955 in which he tries to trace the Yoruba ancestry» He pursues a Suggestion by S» Johnson (on,eit». 3-5ppO that the Yoruba came from the East particularly, Mecca, This does not^ however, invalidate the Yoruba belief of a common ancestry or of their populär belief that Ifp was their ancestral home, the cradle of Yoruba creation and civilisation according to one Yoruba myth of creation, Concerning the tradition that Odüduwa was the progeni- tor of the Yoruba, see Idowu, E»B» Olödümarfe. God in Yoruba Belief. 12-29pp»; Atanda, J»A» The New Qyo Empire. 32p» ~ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 7 ° First, there was the role of Old Qyp as the cradle of the people of Qyp and its districts» It is the common belief of historians that these people were descended from YIonr uabdad iatti olna rtgo e;choamdm oann odtehsecre nbto, ndt hoe f Quynpi,t ya nidn ttheh eir common language. The Standard Yoruba language was invented in the last Century; but the various Yoruba dialects were mutually intelligible and werejs in fact? variants of one language» Concerning this bond, see Adayi, J.F, Ade»: "How Yoruba was reduced to Writing" in Odü, 8, October, I960; Atanda, J.A., op,cit. . 5p; "Report of the Yoruba Orthography CommitteeSMinistry of Education, Ibadan, 1969, 1-5l*pp. Of special relevance to pur present work are the following bonds of unity: Yoruba culture and traditional religion» The culture of Qyp and its districts, and the Yoruba- land at large, was basically urban and agrarian. The people lived in cities and large conglomerations, and their "urbanity" manifested itself in various aspects of their life such as politics, economic set-up, religious ways of life, languages and ethical behaviour» 1® Old Qyp town was given different names by different sets of people during the period of the Old Qyp Empire» In the area, they called Old Qyp, 'Qyp-^rp* meaning, literally "Qyp-Word". The significance of the suffix, "Word", does not allow for historical analysis. (Interview with the present Alääfin of Qyp, in his palace, December, 1973)» They also called it Qyp- Ajäkä, meaning "Qyp of Ajhkä". The Hausa and the allied groups called it ’Katunga'. See Niven, C.R. A Short Historv of Nigeria, London, 1957« 66p. See also Hodgkin, T., Nigerian Perspectives. London, 1969, h6-7ppt " “ ” ...... TChoen cBerrintiinsgh tphee opfloel locwailnlge d naimt es',E yesoe'e othre 'fAwoylalvo/'w.i ng books: Johnson: S, op.cit.. 150p. ; Atanda, J.A. The New O.vo Empire. 10, 11, 13—l4pp. et passim. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 8 Qranyan, the youngest son of Oduduwa; and practically every important ruler in Qyp town and its districts, Another distinctive feature of the people of Qyp and its districts which marked them out as a distinct group in Yorubaland can be seen in their local beliefs in certain divinities 2 and in their traditional practices, As said earlier, the basis of Yoruba traditional religion was the age-long common Africanness, but with regard to details the traditional religion of the people had some peculiarities, For example, peculiar to the people was 1. Concerning the relationship between Qranyan and Odudu- wh, see the following^N.A.I,: Qyp Prof, 2/3 file No« 203, 3p» Here the present Qni of If p , Qba Adespji Aderpmi used the abridged form of Odüdüä; Johnson, S, The History of the Yorubas. 8p,; Atanda, J.A, The New O.vo Empire. 32p, 2, The divinities are called ministers of Olödümarfe by Idowu in his book - Olödümarfe: God in Yoruba Belief? 57-l00pp, These, according to the traditional belief of the Yoruba, serve the will of Olödümarb in the creation and theocratic government of the world, They serve as intermediaries between man and God, While they serve as mediating ministers and not ends, there are some quarters in Yorubaland where they are regarded as ends in themselves. And when they are turned to ends, their devotees become idolatrous. Such a Situa­ tion is almost always a prelude to priestcraft. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 9 the belief in and worship of JjSangö and Qya. •i Qhngö was a deified Alähfin of Qyp who assumed the powers and qualities of Jhküta, the original divinity of sun and thunder, In Qyp today, there is the day called Qj^p-Jhktfta, meaning, 'the day of Jhküta'. And in fact, today in Qyp and its districts during the worship of $hngö, sacrifice is made first to Jäkdta, then to Shng<5. Qängö and Qya his wife were worshipped all over Yoruba- land but the original home of the divinities was Qyp. Another distinctive feature of the peopleWasthe Office of Pärhkbyi. 2 The Office was originally a commercial one 1. The information on $hng<5 and Qya was collected from the surviving priests of Qängö, the Mogbä. in Mpgbh quarters in New Qyp. Of special importance for us here is the fact that the worship of §hng6 and Qya first began among the people of the area and it was very much later, especially when the Old Qyp Empire was created that, through contact, the Yoruba and other ethnic groups within the Empire embraced the worship of ßhngö and his wife Qya. In short the area was the diffuse centre for the worship of Qhngö and Qya in Yorubaland. For further /̂con- details / Qhng<5 and Qya, see the following. Idowu,E.B„ cerning Qlädtimarb. God in Yoruba Belief. 9l-3pp. ; Johnson, S. The History of the Yorubas. 54. l49pp.; Ladipp, Duro, Opera, Qba Koi So (The King did not hang), Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. (Occa- sional publication No.10) 1-H7pp., 1968; Darmpla, 0. and A. Je je, AwQn Äsä äti örish Ilb Yoruba. Ibadan, 1968. 236-2!+0pp. See Hodgkin, T. Nigerian Perspectives. 84-6pp,, and Johnson, S., op.cit. . 34p. 2. Interview with the present Phrhkbyl of Qyp town, Alhaji Apiru, December, 1973. According to Alhadi Apiru, the ntahem e eaorfl itehse t fMiursstl iPmh rchoknbvyeir tsw asi nY eOsludf uQ yAplanamu, one of UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 10. and the holder of the Office featured prominently well in the Old Oyo Empire. The holders of the Office in other parts of Yorubaland derived the title from the original holder of the Office in the area. More will be said about the holder of this Office later in this work. 1.12 The traditional social System. With regard to the social set-up in the towns and villages of Oyo and its districts, there was almost perfect uniformity. The society was divided into age-sets and lineages. Einship solidarity was a prominent feature in the social set-up. The kinship principle extended beyond actual relatives. It extended beyond the boundary of the group which acknowledged common interests and loyalties. The society was guided by a norm of conduct constituted by a System of unwritten or oral laws and sanctions. The principle of seniority reinforced the principle of authority and obedience on certain rather well-defined lines. Thus the people of Oyo and its districts in a large community were not only accustomed to co-operate, but also to defer to the views of a certain dass of persons. It was a society largely ruled by custom in which the element of UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 11 individual judgement and initiative was veiy small» The society was conservative in its outlook and tended towards the Stereotyping of attitudes, behaviour, practices and, even, ways of thinking» The elders of the society were looked up to with unquestioning obedience by the younger folk» This facilitated the task of getting the content of the various Codes accepted, and did a lot to reduce heterodoxy to a minimum with regard to the changes required in the various Codes to suit altered conditions» Thus it is true to say that before the influx of the British colonial rule, no change had any Chance of being adopted which did not commend itself to the elders of the community. 1.13 The traditional political System. Within its own geographical area, the set of people inhabiting L QyP 311(1 its districts developed its own political Organisation» The area was the source of power and directives in the days of the Old Qyp Empire for the seat 1» For further details about the social set-up of the Yoruba, see Okediji, P»0» and 0»0» Okediji (eds»), The Sociology of the Yoruba by Fadip^, N.A. et pap^im» See also Peel, J.D»Y», Aladura: A Religious Movement among the Yoruba. Oxford, 1956, 19ff UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 12 of the government was there, There lay the palace1 2 of the Alä&fin, and with him in this area were his blood relations, The System of government was monarchical. The political structure was hierarchical with the pba at its apex and the Alähfin of Qyp as the supreme head, Within the political set-up, there was a balance of power and authority» That is, there were checks and balances to prevent tyranny or despotism, In this connection,the role of the council of elders was very important, The pba in this area had some sacerdotal 2 qualities, He was regarded as the vicegerent of God, His subjects called him Al äse bke.11 brish meaning "The Commander, the second in rank to the divinity," The sacerdotal qualities of the pba were evident in the sceptre affixed to his crown, The sceptre served as a warning that the pba should not be tyrannical for he was not an absolute ruler but derivatively divine and ruled on behalf of one who was "Wholly other"„ 1, See Ojo, G,J„A, Yoruba Palaces, London, 1966, U6-8pp, 2, For further details ooncerning the sacredotal qualities of ^a ^Yoruba pba in Qyp and its districts, see Balogun, K, "Sacred Kingship and Gerontocracy in Old Qyp Empire, A Study of an African Traditional Political System" (PhoD, Ibadan, 1975). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 13. Of all the pbas and baäles in Qyp and its districts, the Alä&fin of Qyp occupied a unique Position. He was regarded as the supreme head» Thus in the colonial era, the British officials described him as "King of Qyp and Head of Yorubaland". A He lived in confinement, ääfin4and not easily seen, Thus his subjects declared: "Iro^l^a ngbp. o.jü ko to Aläafin", meaning "we hear sound, eyes do not see Alääfin". He could only be seen through inter­ mediaries just as a son in Yorubaland would approach his father through intermediaries concerning important issues» The pba had many chiefs who helped him in the general administration of the town» First among these was the ’Bapprun', the leading member of the highest council of chiefs o Next was the Bal5gun». He was the officer in Charge of war» He was usually a man of valour who should see to the welfare of the royal household and the town in general. Next was the Phrhkbyi. p He was originally an officer in the 1» See above, f»n» i oniip. 2» Originally the title, "P&rhkbyi^referred to the traditional leader of the guild of long distance traders» He functioned in this capacity in the Old Qyp Empire before the influx of Islam» The title later became associated or confused in various places with leadership in the Muslim communities» In this connection, see Gbadamosi, G.O. The Growth of Islam.»» and Ajayi, J.F» and Michael Crowder (eds.1). History"of West Africa. London, 1974, Vol.2, 142p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1*4-0 court of the Alääfin of Qyp in the days of the Old Qyp Empire» He was the officer in Charge of markets and traders, especially long distance traders. Others were the baales, the traditional compound heads, They were responsible to the chiefs, who in turn would report to the pba. Of special importance, with regard to this work, was the Integration A of quasi-religious bodies such as the ögböni and the Orb. The Ögböni secret society was a prominent feature of the political life of the people. It is claimed to have originated in Ile-Ifp, 3 the ancestral home of the Yoruba. The executive officer of the society was the Ögböni proper. The great majority of the initiates were merely associate members or camp followers. This executive21 1, See Williams, M., "The Atinga Cult among the South- Western Yoruba: A Sociological Analysis of a Witch- finding Movement" in W.A.I. S.E.R., 1952» 2. See Williams, Mo, "The Yoruba Ögböni Cult in Qyp", Africa. XXX, I960, 26i+-5pp» See also Johnson, S. , The History of the Yoruba, 22, 77pp. 3* See Idowu, E.B., Olodumare„.. 2Ap» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 15 consisted mainly of old men» There was usually a woman member of the executive. The Ögböni could take strong and suitable action in dealing with any menace to the social or political order. It had attached to it other organisations - the ?lükü and the Orb (bull-roarer cult). The closely related ?lükü and Orb organisations executed their judgement in the case of felons and other law-breakers. In special cases, however, such as political offences, executions could take place in the ögböni lodge. The hardly differentiated l̂likü and Orb societies which, together, were in tum hardly differentiated from the Ogböni as regards personnel,instilled fear into the hearts of the women-folk„ The Ogböni also had its social and convivial side. Individual members of the executive took it in tum to entertain the remaining members. The installation of officers provided an occasion for feasting and drinking. 1. For further details about the political System of the YLoornudboan, Unsieev:e rFsaidtiyp,e ,P hN..DA». T, heTshies ,S ocIiIol9 +Oo. gy Seoef athles oYoruba, Ookfe dtihjei ,Y oFr.uOb.a bayn dF a0d.i0p. ^,O kNe.dAi.j i, I(beaddsa.n),, T1h9e7 0,S oc19i8o-l2o2giyj pp. , Articles by Lloyd, P.C. especially "The Traditional Political System of the Yoruba", South-Western Journal of Anthropology. 10, 1+ Winter 195h: Atanda. J.A. . The New O.vo Empire. 1-28pp. ; eee also Johnson, S., The History of the Yorubas. hO-78pp„ See also J.D.Y. Peel, Ala dura.... 2ij.rf, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1.14 o The traditional religious belief s . In the pre-Islamic times, the people of Qyp and its districts believed in one Supreme Being whom they called Olödümarfe, Ql^run or Oluwa, In addition to this belief, they worshipped divinities such as Origh-hlä' Odüduwh, Ifä, Egü, §hngö, Ogün, 5$>np$>nn$, Qya, Egüngtfn and Orb,^ There was also the belief in spirits, 3 ancestors and in the power 1 1 * Today Öriga-hld is called different names in different places in Yorubaland, He is the arch-divinity, He is called either örighfunfun or Qbhtälä in some places in Yorubaland; örigä Oltif^n in If0n; Örigh Öglyän in Ibadan, öriga-hlä in Qyp. For further details about öriga-:hld,see Idowu, E„B, , Olödümarb:, 7l-5pp» Here Idowu calls Örigh-hld the supreme divinity of the Yoruba. See also Lucas, J.O. The Religion of the Yorubas. 89-97PP,; Idowu, E.B, African Traditional Reetl ipgaisosni:m .A Def initionj London,"™19737”l^T7^f^9ir™l7lpp- 2. The definite number of these divinities is not easy to fix, The only source available to us on this question is the body of Yoruba oral traditions. For more details about the divinities in Yorubaland, see Delanp, 1,0,, The Soul of Nigeria. London, 1937» 175-I86pp. According Itdoo wour,a l E.eBv,i deOnlcödeh,m airtf e.h aso pr.acnigte.d. f6r7o-8mp p2.0)1 to 1,700 (q.v, Idowu leaves the question at this: "The Origh is a legion, for they are many , Thus we see that the exact census of the pantheon no one is now able to teil, Besides, no work has yet been able to list all the divinities, 3. Por details concerning spirits, see Awolalu, J,0, Sacrifice in the Religion of the Yorubaj 39-U5ppo UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 17, of magic, medicine, witchcraft and sorcery. The body of Yoruba beliefe permeated the whole fabric of the life and culture of the people of Qyp and its districts, Ifä1 and other divinities were consulted every- where in the area by all the people during the critical situations of their lives, The taboos 2 were essentially what the "divinities” hate; and the festivals were mainly 1 1 . Another name for Ifä is 0rdnmilk. Ifä is held to be alien to the Yoruba, It is believed that Ifä probably came from Nupe, Concerning this belief, see Johnson, S., The History of the Yorubas. 32, U7pp. See also Idowu, E.B, Olädümarfe. 3U . 77. 101 . 1l2pp, et passim, Here, Idowu maintains that while öripk- älä is the deputy of Olödümarfe on earth in his Creative and executive functions, 0rünmilh (Ifä) is His deputy in matters pertaining to omniscience and wisdom, Here also he gives the full form of 0rünmi- lk which he says can be either Qrun-1 *6-mo-a-ti-lk v-MOnly Heaven knows the me ans of Salvation" or Qrun mo-blk (bblk) - "Only Heaven can effect deliverance". See also Lucas, J.O» The Religion of the Yorubas, 69-86pp, ; Darampla, 0. and A» Jeje, Xwän Ask'kt'i örisk H b Ybrübä, 197-21i+pp, ; 0duypye , Modupp, The Vocabulary of Yoruba Religious Discourse, Ibadan, Day Star Press, 1971. 30, 93-lOOpp. 2 In Yoruba language the word is called akiiseä. meaning "We don't do it", The word refers to the prohibitions of the divinities. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 18, celebrations in honour of these divinities *1 and the deceased ancestors, 2 Security and protection were expected from these "divinities" whose favours and good- will were solicited through the medium of medicine, magic and sacrifices made by their priests, Moreover, artistic works such as carving of different kinds were inspired by concepts of these divinities and were largely switched 12 1, Traditional festivals abounded in Qyp and its districts, Among these were: Ogtin festival in honour of Ogdn, Qhngö festival in honour of Qängö, Egüngün festival in honour of a deceased ancestor, Orb festival in honour of a deceased ancestor, Orb was a common festival in Ispyin, a district of Qyp town, This is seen in the praise-name of the people of Ispyin: Isgyin Orb Qmo Ebedi (Ispyin that belongs to Orb) (The child of Ebpdl), Here, $bfdi is believed to be the founder of the town and had been connected with the Orb from time immemorial, Examples can be multiplied on festivals in the area, 2. Concerning the connection between the ancestors and the Egiingün festivals, see Idowu, E.B. Olödümarb. 191- Upp. Here he says the Egdngdn and Orb cults are means of demonstrating, in a concrete way, the belief that those who depart from this earth continue in existence elsewhere and are actively "in touch" with those who are still here, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ->9o towards their service» 4 Thus, possibly, the single most important factor in the lives of the people in the area, important because of its pervasive and determinant value, was the body of traditional beliefs and worship, When Islam came, it. had to reckon with the traditional background of the people, Some of the traditional factors such as common language, urban set-up, the traditional social System and the traditional political System were to assist the spread and development of Islam in pyp and its districts in the nineteenth Century, Others such as the panoply of Yoruba religious beliefs were, in some cases, as will be seen later in this work, of dubious significance for Islam, Moreover, new factors such as Christianity, Western European values and British rule later gained influx into the Situation, It will be seen later in this 1, See Cordwell, J„N, Some Aesthetic Aspects of Yoruba and Benin Cultures. (Ph.D. North Western Unive'rsity, 1952), He shows how figurines and artistic works are inspired and oriented towards religion, See also Hüll, R,W, African Civilization before the Batuuree, London, 1971, Ih9-l68pp,; see Otto, R,0, The Idea of the Hol.v, London, 1973, 65-71pp» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 20 work A how Islam spread and grew amidst these challenges and changing scenes =, 1.2 The influx of Islam into West Africa» In the 100 years following the hi.jra (622-722) the re was a considerable expansion of the Arabs 2 out of Arabia 1» See below, chapter 3, et passim, 20 Although this expansion has sometimes been regarded as great religious expansion, it was^in f act; a poli- tical expansion motivated by economic rather than religious factors» On this issue see: Hitti, P. History of the Arabs, Macmillan, 1963; Brockelmann,C„ History of the Islamic Peoples. London, 196k; Lewis, Bernard, The Arabs in History. London, 1968; Brockel­ mann has it that the Arabs were able to create UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 21, into places such as Syria, Iraq, Persia, Central Asia and along the coast of North Africa and even into Spain, And from North Africa,Islam spread across the Sahara to the Western Sudan and even partially into the Guinea Forest States. Islam spread in many ways in West Africa. Among these may be recognised the following: spread through peaceful settlement of Muslim merchants, through trading activities or nomadic movement of cattle rearers in the open savanna zone, Furthermore, Islam spread through diffusion or dispersal of population following forcible invasions such as that of Almoravids on the Ancient Empire of Ghana -i and the Moors on Songhay 2 Empire. an Empire, See also Atiyah, E.The Arabs, Lebanon, 1968; Macmichael, H.A., A History of the Arabs in the Sudan. London, 1922; Gibb, H.A.R. Studies on the Civilisation of Islam. London, 1962, V-t3hpp° J Du.iarric. G. L^Eta't Mahdiste due Soudan. Paris, 1899; Antonius, G., The Arab Awakening. London, 1938, London, 1946; Van Ess, J. Meet the Arab. London 19U3. This discusses the contact of tlhe Iraqians with the Arabs, Hourani, A.K. Syria ^Lebanon. Oxford, 19L6. Here we have the contact between the Syrians and the Arabs, The following books discuss the North African encounter with the Arabs: Knight, M.M. Morocco as a French Venture. New York, 1937« Mellor, F.H. Morocco Awakens. London, 1939; Usborn, C.V, , The Conquest of Morocco. London, 1936, 1. The Almoravids conquered Ghana by 1076 A.D, 2. Songhay feil in the hands of the Moors in 1591 A.D, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 22» In the eleventh Century, Tasina, a Lomtuna leader went on pilgrimage to Mecca and on his return proclaimed a Jihad on the followers of the traditional religion who resided in Senegal river area. cAbd Allah ibn Yäsln (d U5l/i059)»the head of the Almoravids»used his men of ribat -i to launch a Jiha_* d on the Ancient Empire of Ghana» Moreover, the Jihad p of Shehu cUthmän dan Fodio (175U- 1817) in Hausaland can be cited . Islam spread in so me parts of West Africa through established missionary Organisation, Here again the 1» Men of the ribät or ribät dwellers are called al- Muräbitün. The‘Murabitun Movement had begun among the militant Muslim tribes 'of the Berbers of the Sinhaja. The Word al-Muräbitün is derived from the Arabic word ribät which means a ^üfI monastery» European writers use -£he word Almoravids to refer to the al-Muräbit*ün, 2. Hneerwe coitn ceips t iomfp oIrtsalnatm taon d notthee ptrheaatc htihne g dioff fuas i"foonr eorfunner," Jibril ibn *Umar, inspired the revolt of ^Uthman (Jan Fodio,a törödo clericpm 180U against the ruler of the mtorvaedmietnito nawla s Hasuucsha stthaatte ito f sGporbeiard. ovTehre vaismtp eStturse tofc-h etshe of Central Sudan beyond regions of highly developed State Systems (Hausa, Yoruba, and Nupe) to lands of unco-ordinated small traditional groups in the plateau regions of Bauchi and Adaraawa» (See Kritzeck, J» and W.Ho Lewis (eds.), Islam in Africa. New York, 1969, 17, 26-7pp.)o UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 23» activities of the Almoravids in the Ancient Empire of Ghana can be cited. Yahya succeeded Tasina, a Lamtuna^who died in 1023- Yahya went on pilgrimage to Mecca and brought with him a famous preacher, *Abd Allah ibn Yäsln, CAbd Allah began to preach Islam among the Goddala. Suddenly Yahya died, and ^Abd Allah feit unsafe. He therefore retired to a ribät where he began to train the preachers who were supposed to preach Islam among the Berber tribes. However, this fact should not be over-emphasised. It is important to note that the Muslim missionary Organisation in West Africa cannot, in any way or form, be compared to the Christian missionary Organisation. While most of the Christian missionaries were sponsored by the Missions abroad, those Muslims who chose to teach, preach and spread Islam in West Africa were few and the few were not sponsored 1 , Here we may note the following Missions: the C.M.S., the Baptist, the Methodist, the Presbyterian, the Catholic, the S.I.M. and the S.U.M. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2k° by any International Organisation, Missionary work was mostly done on private basis, In addition to missionary activity* Muslim missionaries in West Africa undertook some private work such as Qur’anic teaching, divination and amulet preparation» The missionaries intensified missionary work later as a result of the rivalry between them and their Christian counterparts, The influx of Islam into West Africa was very significant„ Through Islam^the people of diverse ethnic groups and languages found a common bond of allegiance to a central authority, Ability of Muslims to read and write and to communicate over long distances made them valuable in advising the rulers of the Ancient Empires of West Africa, Through the holy pilgrimages to Mecca, and as Muslims, some o*f the rulers of the Ancient Empires belonged to the larger body politics of the Muslim world and this would make it possible to establish international relations, As more and more West Africans went on pilgrimage to Mecca, more and more Arabs and Egyptians came to visit West Africa, This meant not only culture-contact, but commercial-contact as 1o Here, we can compare the Situation in East Africa, Here,there was no established missionary Organisation until the beginning of the nineteenth Century, and whatever missionary activities had been born were the outcome of their rivalry with the Christian missionaries and were not sponsored by any International Organisation, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 25 well. The educational value of Islam was tremendous. Some rulers employed Muslim Interpreters to record events in Arabic language and to communicate with more distant rulers on behalf of the rulers. As a result of the influx of foreign Muslims into West Africa, Arabic writing and learning were introduced.^ 1.3 The influx of Islam into Nigeria • Islam entered Nigeria from two directions: from the North into Kanem-Bornu, the area which forms the present North Eastern State of Nigeria; and from the West into Hausaland, parts of the present North Western, North Central and Kano States of Nigeria. In both directions, it followed the caravan trade routes that existed from North Africa through the Sahara into the Western and Central Sudan. It will be expedient here to consider the method adopted by merchants with regard to the introdüction of Islam into Nigeria. As they passed along the trade routes, merchant Settlements were formed in which some of the foreign traders and craftsmen remained with their indigenous customers, intermarried with them and formed separate 1. For further details about the influx of Islam into West Africa see the following: CWoade, Ayo, "Islam in West Africa up to 1800" in History of West Africa (1000-1800), 20-22pp.; Trimingham, J.S., A History of Islam in West Africa and his book Islam in West Africa: Ajayi, J.F.A. and Ian Espie (eds.), A Thousand Years of West African History. 44, 113-130» 264-265pp. et passim ; Davidson, B., The Africans, London, 1969. 211-224pp.; Schieffelin, H.M., The People of Africa. Ibadan, I.U.R., 1974. 74-98pp. ; Niven, C.R. A Short History of Nigeria. 4, 25, 35, 44, 46, 50, 75pp. et. passim; Fage, J.D., Introdüction to the History of West Africa, Cambridge, 1961 34, 35, 52, 53-54, 69, 83-4pp. et passim. Oliver, R. and J.D. Page, A Short History of Africa. London, 1972. 72-74, 76-7, 81-4, 86-92, 93-7pp. et passim; Hunwick, J.O., "Islam in West Africa", A.D. 1000-1800" in Ajayi, J.F. Ade, and Ian Espie 113-131pp.; Smith, H.P.C., "Islam in West Africa" in Ibadan No. 15, March, 1963. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 26 . Organisationen They practised their religion publicly, and soon made an impact on their hosts through their religious devotions, supernatural healing power, ability to make both women and cultivated land fertile and in averting the dangers of witchcraft and sorcery which were, more often than not, dreaded by the traditional societies among whom they settled. From among such settlers would emerge teachers and preachers of Islam who, through their strict Islamic practices, coupled with their mystical powers, were regarded as holy mena They were often believed by the community in which they lived to possess the attribute of baraka, A a power by which they could bring blessings upon the ruler and his subjects. They soon became mediators in both secular and religious matters and finally endeared themselves to the rulers who eventually led their subjects in embracing Islam by slow progress. 2 With the introduction of the camel into North Africa towards the end of the Roman control of that area, travelling *2 1 » Balogun, I.A.B. ''Penetration of Islam into Nigeria" in N .Jo I. . Ile-If^, Vol. 1 , No. 1 , 38p., June, 1970. 2. Lewis, I.M», Islam in Tropical Africa. Oxford, 1966, 20-3PP. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 27 southwards into the interior of the continent became relatively easier than hitherto» This facilitated the movement of the North African merchants across the Sahara into the Western and Central Sudan* They travelled along three main routes» •i (i) From Morocco through Mauritania into the Senegal basin, and also through Taghaza and Taodeni into the Niger bend» (ii) From the area between Tunis and Tripoli through Ghandames into Katsina and Kano; and also through Fezzan into the Chad area* (iii) From Egypt and Cyrenaica through Fezzan into Kanen and the Chad area; and also from Egypt through Darfur and Waday into Kanem-Bornu area*2 After the thirteenth Century, a steady decline set into the Kanem Kingdom» Towards the end of the fourteenth Century, Kanem dynasty was forced to move westward into Bornu, taking 1 » See Balogun, I.A.B» "Penetration of Islam into Nigeria”, 38p, 2» Fage, J.D», An Introduction to the Hlstory of West Africa. Cambridge, 1962, 1 1 p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ► 28, Islam with it and consolidating its new 8tate with it as well. The dynasty was re-established in Bornu by the Safawa^ and by the time of Mai Idris Alawma (1570-1602), the Kingdom had again become powerful, having diplomatic links with North Africa and the Ottoman Sultanate, The influence of Bornu in this period extended westwards again into Hausaland and southwards into the Benue basin as far as Kwararafa. The application of the sharlca and the administration based on it were intensified, and the common people increasingly became Muslims. 2 In point of fact, Islam became the State religion in Bornu during the reign of Mai Idris Alawma and some neighbouring States accepted it,3 In the second half of the seventeenth Century, the power of Bornu began to wane as a result of the onslaught from the Tuaregs in the North and the Jukuns in the South* 1 . Balogun, I.A.B,, "Penetration of Islam into Nigeria", 38p. 2. Page, J.D•, An Introduction to the History of West Africa. 36p. 3. Trimingham, J.S., A History of Islam.... 36p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 29 Though this decline continued into the eighteenth Century, Bornu still retained its importance as a centre of Islamic culture during this period» -i At this period also, the Fulani emigrants from the West started to increase in number and expand within the Bornu State. Their inter- mittent attacks on small tribes within the State increased the already prevalent political insecurity which the inhabitants had experienced. 2 At the beginning of the nineteenth Century, a new threat to the stability of the State emerged in the rapidly growing power of the Pulani in Hausaland under Shehu «Uthmän dan Fodio. Moreover, Islam reached Nigeria through Senegal basin. Islam continued to make peaceful spread aided by the efforts of the Soninke tribe of Old Ghana and the Dyula (Wangarawa) traders who went about in pursuit of Kolanuts. In addition to trade in Kolanuts, they preached Islam. Consequently, the ruler of JenhS embraced Islam at about 1200 A.D» followed by 1 . Balogun, I.A.B. , "Penetration of Islam into Nigeria'1, 39p. 2. Trimingham, J.S. , A History of Islam.... l2JLjp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 30 all his subjects, with the result that JenriS "became the greatest Muslim metropolis in the V/estern Sudan". 4 Traders from Jenne gradually moved into Timbuktu whichjfrom the thirteenth Century,also grew eventually into both a commercial and great religious centre,later supplying both the Western and Central Sudan with learned men who left marks of their Islamic heritage» In the fourteenth Century, the Dyula (Wangarawa) Mandigo) traders brought Islam into Hausaland„ It first reached Kano during the reign of ^Ali Yaji (1349-85) and later Katsina (1380-1430)=^ In the fifteenth Century, Islam was taken seriously» The ruler who actually gave Islam a strong footing in Hausaland was Muhammad Rimfa, king of Kano (1463-99). Katsina itself could not be said to have accepted Islam seriously until the reign of Ibrahim Maje (1492-1520) Some other parts of Hausaland were not exposed to the influence of the Muslim traders and preachers until much 12 1. Trimingham, J.S.A History of Islam»,.. 31p» 2. Johnston, H.A.S., The Fulani Empire of Sokoto. 0,Uo P,, 1967, 10p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 31 later» The people in these places remained as adherents of the traditional religion» Sxamples of such places were Zaria, Zamfara, Gobir and Yauri» After the Wangarawa traders had introduced Islam into Hausaland, it came to the turn of the Pulbe of the Tokolor tribe to carry further the Islamisation of the area» With the activities of the Pulbe, the Muslims of Hausaland became acquainted with the Qur^än, the hadlth and the fiqh. Later»Fulani missionaries added books on tawhld and Arabic * grammar» Düring the reign of the next ruler, Muhammad Rimfa (1U63-99)»more Pulani missionaries poured into Hausaland and settled down to preach and teach Islam» This reign also witnessed a number of Muslim dignitaries who visited Kano and Katsina» Por example, the Kano Chronicles inform us of Sharifs from Arabia who visited Kano during this time* Ahmad ibn ÄUmar b. Muhammad Aq.it of Timbuktu, the grand- father of Ahmad Baba,also "visited Kano and other towns of the Sudan.""1 1. Balogun, I.A.B», "Penetration of Islam into Nigeria" in N»J»I,. Ile-If?, Vol» 1 , No» 2, 38p», January-June, 1971. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 32, From this time onward^both Kano and Katsina were increasingly becoming not only important commercial centres but also great seats of Islamic learning» Prom the eleventh Century, in the case of Kanem, and the fourteenth Century, in the case of Hausaland, when Islam entered Northern Nigeria; until the end of the sixteenth Century, it had a steady progress, especially among rulers and town dwellers after passing through the initial struggles with the traditional religion, This period was a period of syncretism. The abuses against Islam during this period were not confined to the rulers alone; the common people, as well as some of the c Ulamä* were equally guilty» The common people were accused of introducing innovation (bidca) into their practice of Islam thereby altering and adulterating the principles of the religion, and their 'venal malams’ proclaimed such illegal innovations to be legitimate« •l Prom this confused and corrupt Situation, cUthmän dan Podio was able, through his preaching and teaching, to 1 , Balogun, IoA,B„ , "Penetration of Islam into Nigeria", . 39p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 33» collect^agroup of Muslims around him to form a community out of the wider Muslim community that existed in Hausaland during the second half of the eighteenth Century» This community contained not only the Fulani who were of the tribe of *Uthmän dan Fodio, but also the Hausa and the Tuareg» By the beginning of the nineteenth Century, the Situation had reached a stage at which the knowledge of Islam was widespread enough and the Hausa States were corrupt enough to make Islamic reform welcome» -i When, therefore, cUthma-n dan Podio appeared as the Islamic reformer, and eventually launched a Jihad in Hausaland, he was able to secure enough support that granted him victory and helped him to lay the foundation upon which the Stabilisation and further spread of Islam within Nigeria were laid» Different scholars have given different opinions about the Jihad of *Uthman dan Podio» Some gave political reasons while some advanced economic reasons. However, the jjhad fighter 1 » Balogun, I.A.B. , "Penetration of Islam into Nigeria", 40p. 2» The Jihäd of cUthman dan Podio covered the period between 180U and 1 8 1 0 , UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3U themselves as well as their descendants Claim that it was ’a Holy War against the polluters of the Faith',1 Whatever opinion anyone may hold, however, the obvious fact about the Jihäd is that it v/elded the Hausa States, which had previously been antagonistic to one another, together into one solid unit under the Shari^a and added to them new areas where no States had previously existed, 2 In point of fact, the Jihäd was a formal attempt to convert Islam from the level of personal beliefs to one of communal law, an attempt to shake off the remnants of the traditional customs and to create a theocratic Empire where Islamic customs and practices v/ould prevail,^ The Jihad did not stop with the Hausa States alone, rather it continued eastward into the Bornu Kingdom, The Jihad also pushed southwards and incorporated Nupeland as well as Ilprin in Yorubaland, It was partly due to the fortitude of the Yoruba and partly due to the forest of 1, Lewis, I.M., Islam in Tropical Africa, h09p» 2, ihid, , p. 14.08p, 3» UBOapl,ogun, I.AoB,, Penetration of Islam into Nigeria" 9 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 35 this area, unfamiliar to the Fulani warriors, that a stop was put to the continuation of the JihädJ This,however, could not stop the already prevalent spread of Islam into the Southern parts of Nigeria» 1 .A The influx of Islam into Yorubaland» As a matter of fact, Islam had already been known to the Yoruba of Southern Nigeria even before the Jihäd of 'Uthmän dan Fodio, For example, speaking about the introduction of Islam into Yorubaland, El-MasrT says: "The important thing to note about the spread of Islam, however, is that it had already become a factor in the country before the Pulani Jihäd of l80h° By the end of the eighteenth Century and the beginning of the nineteenth Century, Islam had gained a foothold even as far south as the coast, where European travellers bore witness to the flourishing state of Muslim communities"»2 Islam reached Yorubaland by way of the desert to the north of the country or, to be more precise, by way of Hausaland, There have been Muslims south of the Sahara, in Bornu and Hausaland from the "eleventh and twelfth centurias 1. Por further details concerning the JihSd of *Uthman eLanFodio, see Balogun, The Life and Works of^Uthman DSn Fodio, Lagos, 1975. and Hiskett, M., The Sword of Truth; The Life and Times / S h ehu o^AJsumc'.n Dan Fodio, London, 1973» 2. El-Masri, P .II . 5 "Islam in Ibadan" in The City of Ibadan, (ed.) by Lloyd, P.C,, Mabogunje, A.L.,, Awe, B., Cambridge, 1967» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 36 Islam originally entered Yorubaland, like in the North, through the efforts of Muslim traders, When the Jihäd stopped, the peaceful penetration of Islam southwards, particularly into Yorubaland continued, Hausa missionaries from'the north settled in cities like Qyp, Ibadan, Ab^okuta, Ij$bu-Ode and Lagos and engaged in preaching Islam and teaching the Q.ur^än to the people, The Hausa missionaries were later joined by Yoruba missionaries from Ilprin, In course of time, there developed indigenous Muslim scholars from these areas who continued the activity of preaching and teaching Islam in other parts of Yorubaland, Islam had actually spread in several ways in Yorubaland, The Yoruba who had occasion to sojourn for a period in communities where it f lourishedjreturned home as professed converts to the faith and with a power to convert others commensuratewith their social and political influence in their own communities. In addition, Hausa traders in Yorubaland, whether itinerant or resident, have claimed their own share of converts, To start with, the groups of Muslims in Yorubaland were small and scattered but by the time a Chief Imlim for UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 37» a town was appointed, very often a Hausa, Fulani, or Nupe, Islam was well established» Here it is important to note that not all the early missionary efforts of Muslim missionaries in Yorubaland have been of a peaceful nature. As a result of Fulani domination -t during the first quarter of the nineteenth Century,and of the policy of conquest adopted in the interests of the faith, whole communities (of which the Yoruba Capital, Qyp, was one) were made to embrace Islam» 1 .5 The beginningsof Islam in O.vo and its districts. Concerning the beginnings of Islam in Qyp and its districts, a Student of history obviously finds himself in a subtle Situation» The exact date of the influx of Islam into the area can scarcely be fixed with precision 2 since 1» It was the intrigues of a Muslim malam, Alufa Alimi, with Affin ja, Alääf iriisgovernor of Ilprin (the most northerly of large Yoruba towns)*that led to the fall of the Alaäfin's authority, the sack by the Fulani of the Old Qyp and the establishment of a Muslim dynasty of Ilprin» /See 2» ^Abdullah Muhammad ibn-. Massanih» Shiftf*rubä fi tahrir fuqaha* Yoruba» The author and this work were mentioned by* Muhammad Bello in Inf5qu’1-Maisür 8p» See also Bivar, A.D.H» and M. Hiskett, "The Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 180U: Provisional Account" BoS.OoA.S.. xxv, 1962. Smith, H»F»C» "Arabic Manu- script: Material relating to the History of the 77estern Sudan" Supplement to Bulletin of News. H.S.N» iv, 2 , 1959» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 38 the inception of Islam in almost all parts of Yorubaland was "unplanned" and "unannounced"« The early history of Islam in Qyp and its districts is not known in detailo However, it is apt to note that the proximity of this area to the Muslim North, ■i and the fact that Old Qyp later became an emporium visited by many traders from different parts of the World combined to influence the influx of Islam into this part of Yorubaland, The people of Qyp and its districts had contact with the Muslim North both in war and peace time through the activities of soldiers, immigrants, emigrants and,above alljtraderso This varied interaction effected interming- ling of peoples, ideas, concepts, aspirations, religions and culture - an intermingling which favoured the influx of Islam from the neighbouring Muslim areas into Qyp and its districts and Yorubaland at large, It is the common belief that the people of Qyp and its districts constituted the first set of Muslims in Yorubaland«2 Tr See map T"on iTaTFT map 2 on 2(a)p. 2» The people of this part of Yorubaland were found mostly concentrated in North West of Yorubaland« See map 1 on ,l(a)p« See also Gbadampsi, G«0» The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba. 8p« UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 39 The inception of Islam irr ,> Qyp and its districts was connected with one Nupe priest who, according to Johnson, admonished Alääfin Ajiboyede (1562-1570) as early as the Igboho period»1 The story has it that after the festivities marking the B$bin the Status of nomads and cattle- rearers» The Fulani, the next largest group to the Hausa of Northern Nigeria, who are now scattered in many parts of the interior of West Africa are believed to be a mixed people who entered Hausaland as wandering herdsmen in the thirteenth Century, Being a pastoral people, they were allowed to feed their sheep and cattle wherever they liked and generally lodged outside towns and in tents or hastily erected huts» 1 „ While the ruling and aristocratic Fulani (known as the 'Town Fulani') and a second group (the 'settled Fulani') had long abandoned their nomadic habits, inter-married, and become more or less assimilated to the Hausa in language and appearance, a third group oorf igtihen aFlu lcaunsit,o mst,h e ha’bCiotws F ualnadn ia'p pe9a rsatniclel, prFeoserr vfeu rtthheerir details about the Fulani, see Oboli, H.O,N. An Out­ line Geogranhy of Yfest Africa. lli+-5pPo See also Atanda. J.A. (ed.) Clarkei s Travels 193p- cf, Akinjogbin's "A Chrönology of Yoruba History, 1789- 18-̂ 0" 0dü; University of If^: Journal of African Studie s Volo 2, No, (2) , 1966, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY They found the fodder of the savanna region of this area of Yorubaland of immense value for their cattle ranching, The descendants of this set of Fulani are found in the area tili today. A While some of them engage in settled life and trading, some remain as cattle- rearers and are highly ubiquitous, It was further noted that towards the close of the eighteenth Century, the position of Islam was already such that the Yoruba were propagating Islam afield to Porto Novo and Dahomey, 2 By i8i+0, 3 it became evident that there was some degree of islamisation in Yorubalando Before the fall of the Old Qyp Empire in l835jevidences show that there was a tinge of Islam, Ajayi agreed with Akinjogbin that before the collapse of the Old Qyp, there were 1 o Today they are found in such quarters as Säbo, Gaa in the area and Yorubaland at large, 2 2, refers to as the deputy of öripä-älä in matters pertaining to omni- science and wisdom. Ifä or i^rünmila was worshipped by almost, if not all the towns and villages in Qyp and its districts, Ifä was an important divinity in Ikoyi in the nineteenth Century, By then, it was called 'IFÄ IKOYI' and there was usually a yearly festival in honour of this divinity, During such a festival, it was customary to divine for the king and the town at large, It was during one Ifä festival that one of the babaläwo in the town divined for one of the earliest Onikoyis that before the next Ifä bfee stdievlailv,e reonde ofo f a hMiuss lwiimv efse mwaoluel dchild and that the child should not be instructed at all in the traditional way, He gave the following as the signs UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ue Düring the field Work, I met one of the members of the Alokolodo royal family in Iganna, in Qyp North, in August, 1975 * He is by name Alhaji Lasisi Ayinde» He said, out of all the four ruling houses: Etielu (Baya house); Agunloye, Ajimoti and Alokolodo, it was the Alokolodo that embraced Islam first» Düring this time, and before the collapse of the Old Qyp, Alokolodo was the ruling pba when one Muslim diviner called Yusufu Arauda eventually reached Iganna with some Muslim entourage» The Ar^mp"i> this time>was Adigun who, on the instruction of his father, allowed Yusufu Amuda and his entourage to stay at the quarters of the Alokolodo family» They were given a plot of land to build a house upon and a little of identification: small head-tie which would be found on her head, small skin of animal and umbilical cord which would be coiled round her arm representing the Muslim rosary (tgsiblyfa or t^sünbäh) » Not quite long, the child was born and all the Muslim signs predicted by the Ifä were found on her» She was given a Muslim name, Nana» Ifä's case was vindicated and the Onikoyi and his subjects became more tenaciously adhered to this tutelary divinity as a result of the efficacy of his prediction» The Onikoyi then invited a learned Muslim from a place called Adodo near Old Qyp to bring Nana up in the Muslim way» The mäl&m later married Nana who bore him four children» See Appendix I on 535-5U4PP« 1 » The Ar$mp is the Crown Prince, The title is conferred upon the eldest son of the sovereign in a formal manner» See Johnson, S» The Hj-ptopy of the_ Yoruba. U7p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY later they were given another plot of land for the erection of a mosque. They wielded influence in the town, for Yesufu in particular proved his mettle in terms of amulet preparation and divination in general. -1 He was said to be a source of power and succour for the ruling Alokolodo, Düring the field work, I met so me of the surviving descendants of this Muslim diviner. The present Chief Imam, Busari Akanji Arpmpsayejis a surviving descendant of the pioneer of Islam in that town, This ImSm further said that, a little later, some members of the Phrhkbyl from Old Qyp later joined Yesufu Amuda and they constituted the nucleus of the Muslim community in the town» In Qaki, Tede, Aha, Qppptpri, Igboho, Igbpti and Kipi in Qyp North, there were cases of the the influx of Muslim diviners intq/king*s court and in the 1 1, The people of Qyp today call amulet making, divina­ tion and the like is£ ägbbrb. meaning literally, ̂the work of whore, harlot, prostitute”. Here, this meaning should not be interpreted from the point of view of sexual dealings but on the basis of the itinerary involved in the work. It is also called is£ äh.jbh meaning^11 the work of anxiety, solicitude or care"’ a meaning that should be interpreted on the basis of the anxiety of the inquirer. It is also known as is£ hlüfa. meaning>"the work of a Muslim cleric". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY houses of militaiy officers. They were said to be a source of power for the kings and military officers and ^formed part of the nucleus of the Muslim Community in euch of these places. The truth as regards amulet preparation and divination -t can be established here in terms of the African idea in respect of now and the future, The practice of amulet preparation and divination was common amongst the Yoruba before the coming of Islaim There were mediums and diviners, They were specialists who belonged to the category of the medicine-men0 In their profession,they also dealt with the living-dead and spirits The main duty of mediums was to link human beings with the living-dead and spirits. Through them, messages were received from the other world, or men were given knowledge of things that would otherwise be difficult or impossible to knov/o Por example, through a medium, a person might be directed to find a lost article or to know the one that stole his goods<> The nature of the future could also be revealed by the medium» There were also me die ine-men 1. Por details about preparation of amulet and divination, see Mbiti, J„S<. African Religions and Philosophy . chapter 15° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY k9 who medicated pegs for the gates of a new homestead, and who also combated witchcraft and magic by preventing their action. So,the people who were already used to these specialists readily accepted Muslim mediums, divinere and medicihe-men as close substitutes and they voluntarily patronised them. Next is the basic fact of human existence all the world over» It is just that man, everywhere, wants to get the best out of life and he hates being limited in his effort to penetrate the future and to plan adequately, This is why men divine. They want to know the divine will and to be assured of success in their enterprises, of longevity, prosperity and increase in life» Thus; in all probability* the early Muslim medicine- men, mediums and diviners enjoyed a significant patronage of the people of Qyp and its districts in the nineteenth Century. By the nineteenth Century 2, there was also an Ifä divination 3 chant which, if the omens that pointed to it 1. In this connection the following Yoruba saying is apposite: Olöbgtin l'pkp h.ie. meaning, "A medicine-man is the head of a witch. 2. Gbadampsi, G.O, The Growth of Islam in Yorubaland. Chapter 1 , See also Appendix I, 535~3W+pp. 3. Recall here the circumstances surrounding the origin of Islam in Ikoyi. See above, f.n. 2 onA5-6pp„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 50 were correct, enjoined the inquirer to educate his child in the Muslim way and several persons reportedly embraced Islamo It is also in Crov/ther's narrative that Qyp Muslims from Ispyin and Dada played a prominent part in the destruction of his town Opoogun in 1821» 2 Furthermore, several Yoruba recaptives were Muslims on arrival in Sierra-Leone in the 1820'S» 3 Thus we see that Islam reached Qyp and its districts before the fall of the Old Qyp Empire in 1835» This view can be further ascertained 1o Dada is now completely desolate and is called Ahoro Dada» It is a village under the new Qyp and is situated on Säbo road» The village sprang up to- gether with Taku and Agbaakin» 2» Ajayi, J»F.A» ’Samuel Crowther of Qyp* Africa Remembered: Narratives by West Africans from the Era~of"~~the"sirflye Trade, (ed.,) P»D» Curti'n. Madison» 1967» 3» Peterson, John. Province of Freedom: A History of Sierra-Leone, 1787-0-870. Evans ton. Y9&9, lß^pT We shall see »late? in this work (chapter 2) ̂ how these Yoruba recaptives from Sierra-Leone»known as the Akusyhelped Islamic resurgence and entrenchment in Qyp and its districts after the fall of the Old Qyp It was about this time that Captain John Adams saw, at Ardra, sometime in the last two decades of the eighteenth Century, a group of local Muslims at worship and he noted that the adherents of Islam were many» "These were", according to him, "generally dressed after the Moorish (Berhers) fashion with large loose trowsers (sic)5 short shirt and sash" , See fCraoptma Pianl mAadsam st,o Jt»h eRHeTmravrekrs " Coonn gtoh.“eT öcnoiuTnötnr. yY BeYxStYeTnBd"i,ng 22Ö-lpp» fcited inYbadampsi, G»0» Tjie_ Growth of Islam in Yorubaland, 1 0p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 51. by the fact that as the career of the Muslim preacher, al-Sälih Alimi, shows, Islam was already well established o o at a few centres even before Afpnja's rebellion, A More­ over, Islam played a very important role in Afpnja’s military revolt. It was allied to three other factors each with military implicationSo As said earlier, the leading Yoruba warriors believed in the potency of Muslim amulets and consequently frequently patronised Muslim priests and amulet-makerso 2 There were prominent wealthy traders among the Yoruba Muslims in general, and they were very important concerning northern trade in horses. 1= Gbadampsi, 6.0., The Growth of Islam in Yorubaland; also AJqmad ibn Abi Bakr (alias Qmp Kokoro) in his history of Ilprin (cited in Gbadampsi, op.eit». 12p.) States that al-Salih Alimi stayed three moirEhs“ in Ogbomppp, a town not far from Ikoyi in Qyp South end, and a year at Ikoyi„ The Chief Imäm of Ikoyi confirmed this but maintained that al-Salih Alimi was not the Pioneer of Islam in Ikoyi but the learned Muslim, whom the Onikoyi, Nana's father, invited from Adodo. He went further to say that during the one year sojourn of al-Sälih Alimi (called Alüfa Alimi in Qyp and its [yie districts)£engaged in dynamic missionary activities / and was able to increase the population of/Muslims in Ikoyi, Gbadampsi also maintains the thesis that al-Sälih met some thriving Muslims at Ikoyi„ See Gbadampsi, G.O., op.eit-. 10p. 2. See above, U7-9pp UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 52 Most significant of all were the Muslim Hausa slaves recruited for their skills in the care of horses and without whom the size of the Calvary force of Qyp could not be sustained» Afpnja was able to recruit all the three groups to aid his rebellion» We have seen the various dates when Islam was supposed to gain entry into Qyp and its districts. Now, let us examine the mode of the entry of Islam into each of the towns and villages in the area before the fall of the Old Qyp in about 1836» In many of the large towns in the area^there were at least some sprinklings of Muslims» However, larger and firmer communities existed in a few towns» According to Gbadampsi, there was a large and firmer Muslim Community in Igboho, a town to the north-west of Yoruba- 1» Gbadampsi, G»0» The Growth of Islam» 1 1 p» It is the populär belief in this town that the Holy Qur^än reached Igboho through Buremp, the son of Alüfa Ya» (Interview with Alhaji Mustapha Qladpja, Arp of Igboho, Oke Äfin, Igboho, Alhaji Salimpnu Ajila, the present Chief Imam and the son of Abudu, one of the earliest Muslim converts» Interview was also held with some members of the Muslim community, Igboho, August, 1975)= Gbadampsi, (quoting from Ajayi and Crowther,Africa Remembered) holds that one Muslim was found in the court of the pba of Igboho in the sixteenth Century» In all likelihood, and on the basis of the belief of the Muslim community of Igboho, the Muslim might be Alüfa Y& mentioned above» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 53 = land. A town of some sizeable population, -j Igboho, had a fairly extensive section, ealled Molaba, completely settled by Muslims. p These Muslims who were also known as "Molaba" or "Molawa" were of considerable number3 and they had their quarter and rustic central mosque in their own area» See Gbadampsi, G.O. The Growth of Islam in Yorubaland. 11p. 1 » Crowther,in 1814-1, mentioned this town as one of the * Principal towns in the country of the Yoruba1 23. q.v, Shon, J.F. and S. Crowther: Journals of Rev» J.F. Shon and Mr. S. Crowther of an Expedition on the Niger. London, 1814-2= Bowen, T.J. estimated around 1850 that the population of Igboho was 20,000 q.v. Bowen, ToJ. Adventures and Missionary Labours in the Inferior of Af~ica.~-18l;9~lÖ56. ~Chärlestown. 1857. 218p. 2. The introduction of Islam into Igboho was associated with the efforts of Alufa Ya. He was believed to come from Qyp’lä during the period of Qyp-Igboho in the sixteenth Century» He was said to learn Islam and Arabic very early in Ilprin. Some of the earliest converts were: Asani and his son, Buremo all of Iya quarter, Sule of Ayetoro quarter, Abudu of Ajila quarter, Oke Aafin, Sanni and Amodu of Molaba quarter, Aliyu of Boni quarterj Abanda-Waki of Modeke quarter and Arannibanideb^, a settler who hailed from Is^yin in Qyp South. Others were: AbUBakr Bello, Abibu and Asinta. The descendants of Xlüfa Ya also formed part of the coterie of Muslims in this period» Among them were the following people: Burpmp, Suberu, Ali and Adebunmi. 3. There were seventy homesteads at Molaba, it is believed, If there were an average of five people for an homestead, this number would be^at least,about three hundred and fifty. q.v. Gbadampsi, G.O», op. cit» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5k Similarly*in Ispyin, in Qyp South, there was an established Muslim community, Most of the Muslims were settled at Oke Baba Dudu and Ijemba 4 where they practised Islam, According to Johnson, the early Muslims hailed from Songhay or Mali area and were credited with the introduction of Islam to the people here. Prominent among them were the Kanuri and Idindi Muslims, Above all, in Old Qyp,the metropolis of the Old Qyp, Islam was fairly well established, Alüfa Yigi 2 was identified as one who introduced Islam into this town, 1, Interview at Ispyin with the Muslim community at Ispyin including the present Chief Imäm, Jamiu and Ijemba Muslims in particular, August 1975« Notable informants were: AlhaDi Yaya of Ijemba quarter, Alüfa Wahidi Muritala of Imam’s quarter, See Bibliography: Oral Evidence, 2, Interview with the present Chief Imäm, Tafa and Ratibi Imäm, Agunpopo, Alüfa Sherifu, November 1975« "Alüfa Yigi" was "a white man" *Yoruba: (fenl.vän funfun. Lärü- bäwä ni), UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 55 Alüfa Yigi, according to Gbadampsi, was of Arab descent A who reached Qyp probably during the reign of Alähfin Ajagbo (1650-1658). 2 Thfe Arab had stayed in the palace, it is said, on the request of Aläüfin, and it was around him that the young nuclear Muslim community thronged, 1o See Gbadampsi, GoO» The Growth of Islam in Yorubaland» 13p» 2, Interview with the present Chief Imam of Qyp and the present Alähfin of Qyp, Alhaji Lamidi Qlayiwpla Adeypmi III. This Aläüfin was the sixteenth, according to Johnson; whilst Ajiboyede was the thirteenth, It is doubtful if both sources refer to the same person, Johnson’s Baba Yigi was Tapa and he went back» Where- as this other source maintains that "Alüfa Yigi" wMaosr eoav ewrh,i tes oAmrea bi nw hQoy pa?eitntclleuddi nagn d thlea tperre sbeencta meA läaünf iInm,am, traced the origin of Islam in Qyp to Prince Atiba» The present Alääfin maintains that Prince Atiba was rascally and ubiquitous» Eventually, he left Qyp for Ilprin where he gained proficiency in Islam and Arabic» Later, he came back to Qyp with the first Pärhkbyi, Yesufu Alanamu, his cousin, to launch Islam» The association of Atiba with Islam is not without some tinge of truth, Gbadampsi, in his thesis cited above, said he (Atiba) and Püräkbyi were well disposed towards Islam, This can be seen in one of the praise-songs for Atiba» This praise-song (oriki) was collected by SoO» Babaypmi from Sule Ajeniyi, an arökin, a rhapsodist, f rom Qyp now living in Ispyin, The praise-song was translated by Ajayi, in Ajayi, J.P, Ade» and Michael Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa. Vol. II, llpl+p» , as: UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 56 The size of the nuclear Muslim community was probably small, but it thrived and was considerably reinforced by the ingress of other occasional Arabs and the Hausa slaves and men who were brought to Qyp, Evidently then, Islam was established before the collapse of the Old Qyp in Old Qyp, Kipi, Igbpti, Igboho, Iganna, Ikoyi and Ispyin. 2 These were market towns in the hinterland-, In this connection, it is important to recall, at this juncture, that Old Qyp town developed into an emporium where many trade route s 3 from the North converged The market towns provided a milieu where Islam thrived well. !'Atiba whose folly was so great That he went to Ilprin to learn wisdom AIlt awdaesl etyhee' wisdom of others That Olukuewu relied upon Atiba did not know that Ilprin wisdom was unbecoming He did not know that Pulani wisdom was useless," Atiba was also said to spend some time as a hostage in bIel priinnf luien nctheed bmyi d I1s8l2a0m£ ;b„u t Dnüor ionneg tish iss urtei met,h athe hemight accepted Muslim name„ Woef fIisnlda m iti n dQiyfpf icfuolrt evtoi decnrceedsi,t Aatsi bnao tweidt he artlhiee ro,r igsihno w that the influx of Islam dates back earlier than the period of Atiba*s Settlement in Ilprin, 1, Gbadampsi, G.O, The Growth of Islam in Yorubaland, 13p> 2o See above, map 1 on i(a)po 3, See above, map 2 on 2(a)p„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 57 A certain Xlüfa Idindi, from Dahomey?was credited with the introduction of Islam into Ki^i. Among the earliest Muslim converts in Ki$i were: Asinta, Lawani, Amodu, Tatabu, Sanni and Asani, all of Onilu guarter» The next place to embrace Islam in Ki$i was Oloyoyo quarter» Here, Baba IyajWho hailed from Is$yin?was notable» Next was Teefa quarter Among the earliest converts were;Hisa, Abu Bakare and Alege who later became the Phrhkbyi» The introduction of Islam into Igb^ti 2 was said to be due to the efforts of one Sanni Qlajide» He settled at the court of Onigb^ti (later Imam's quarter). He was an ubiquitous trader who carried his trade to Ilprin, He dealt in traditional cloths (aso bkfe) and he eventually arrived at Igb^ti where there ?rere many weavers of traditional cloths» Alongside his trade, he propagated 1» Interview with the ,jamäea . Ki?i, August 1975» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence» 2» Interview with the ,iamgca» Igb^ti, August 1975» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5 8 o Islam and it was from among the weavers of traditional cloths that the first set of converts came, Among them were the following people: Salami Oguntpna of Agbpdp quarter, §anusi Agbopla of Oloro quarter, Gbadampsi Adeypmi of Abosanto quarter and Saliu of Alagbaa quarter,, Islam reached Igboho A through Hausaland and Ilprin» One of the notable Muslim missionaries in the town was A\lüfa Ya„ He and his son, Buremp,arrived in the town very early during the period of Qyp-Igboho in the sixteenth Century, Buremp brought the Qur 3än to Igboho, and during his stay in Igboho he had the following sons: Kuranga, Dogo, Suberu and All. Added to -these Muslims were the earliest converts such as Asani of Iya quarter, Abudu of Ajila Compound, Sanni of Molaba quarter, Aliyu of Boni quarter and Abanda-Waki of Mpdpkp Compound, The introduction of Islam into $aki 2 was said to be due to the efforts of one Idindi (a Dahomean) called Saliu 1 . Interview with the ,jamäca . Igboho, August 1975■ See Bibliography: Oral Evidence» 20 Interview with the jamäca, ?aki, August 1975o See Bibliography: Oral Evidenceo UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 59 (the first Imam and of $aki), On his arrival at ?aki,he settled at Asunnara quarter» He arrived at $aki with the following items: The Qur^Sn, prayer skin, kettle, slate and rosary» He came in the Company of four of his Q,ur:>än Students„ He and his students propagated Islam from one end of ßaki to the other; and as a result of their missionary and teaching activities, they were able to convert the following people: Sadiku of Oke-Oro quarter,, He was the first Muslim convert who later became the Balögun Imple» Others were: Abudu Arogunte of Imple f^ alääfia quarter (formerly called Abudu quarter), Musa of Onikeke quarter, Abiba of Isalp Qla and Ampdu Adeppun of Agbpdp quarter» So far, it has been made clear that largely, in consequence of the proximity of Qyp and its districts to the Muslim North, a good deal of Islam in the period before the fall of the Old Qyp was based in the area» i» For further details concerning how proximity to the Muslim North influenced the influx of Islam into Nigeria as a whole, see Al-Ilüri A.A„ al-isläm fl nai.iiriya wa ■ cUthmän ibn Füdi. Cairo, 1953» et passim UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 60 The early Muslim communities in Qyp and ite districts were composed of Yoruba and non-Yoruba such as Idindi, Molawa, Molaba, Hausa, Bornu and Tapa Muslims, In these diverse communities, mahy of the Hausa were,in fact>slaves, 1 obtained through war and trade 2 and were expected not merely to carry out domestic functions but also to take care of the horses. 3 There were some free born» Those who had sound knowledge of Islam and Arabic were, however, held in high esteem in the society 1» See Johnson, S» The History of the Yorubas. 193-Upp» See particularly, Lander, R. and John: Journal of an Expedition to Explore the Course and Termination of the Niger: with a narrative of a voyage down that ” river,2 vols», London, 1838 and Adams, J. Remarks on the Country extending from Cape Palmas to the River " Congo. 2l-2pp‘ 2» See Arnet, E»J„, The rise of the Sokoto Fulani. Kano 1922, i6p„ See also Adams, J. Remarks on the Country extending from Cape Palmas to the Rivê r Congo. London, 1 8 3 2, 80p. nSlaves on the Hausa Nation are brought to Ardrah, the Eyeo (European reference to Qyp) trader and then sold». „1 3o See Ajayi, J.F. Ade» "Narrative of Samuel Ajayi Crowther"» Africa Remembered, 299p»,f»n» 20» He stresses the mili'tary importänce of their role as stablemen» Johnsoniin his b00k;(The History of the Yorubas. 193p»), adds that they were^employeäT as ” barbers, rope makers, and cow-herds" (cattle-rearers)» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY for their learning, piety and ability to prepare powerful, effective and efficacious amulets» It was these learned men who conducted teaching, led prayers in the capacity of Imams and helped to nurture the infant religious life of the Muslim community» In spite of their low or?at best^middling social Position, some of the well versed mälams feit bold enough to launch attack against erring political heads» The earliest Muslims organised themselves under their Imams» in some towns in Qyp and its districts, particularly, in Igboho and Qyp, some active role was performed by the Phrhkbyi in the Organisation of the nascent Muslim Community» The active role of the Phräkbyi in the leader­ ship of the early Muslim community may have been due to his Position as the "TOLL COLLECTOR" 2 which exposed him 1 » See above ■? 39-UlPP« 2» In some Yoruba towns, this was the chief function of the Päräkbyi q»v». Blair, J»H» Intelligence Report Abpokuta91938'° * For a different interpretation, see AOggibroim,o soB.« A.I o.5"D0-e1v9e5l0o'pl m(eMn.tA. .o fI bLaodacna.l Government in /meant officer running errands, Thus1 96h6e) . br92e-a5kpsp . He believes it /the the word into two: Phrh Ikoyi. meaning "Go often to Ikoyi"» Here, while" I agree with Agiri as I have agreed with some of my informants in Phrhkbyi's lineage in the area, that the title originally meant the officer running errands, however, I find it difficult to UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 62 to and invested him with some authority over strangers and long distance traders. He continued to exercise this active role until his leadership was later superseded by that of the ImSm»1 1»6« Islamic Stagnation, 1o61 Conflicts with the traditional society, The existence in the society of the Muslim communities was bound to create some tension, This was easily the case subscribe to the view that his activity by then was limited to only Ikoyi, This is evidently not the case, The first Phrhkbyi, Yesufu Alanamu, was a Muslim, He was a strong and brave uncle of Atiba and stayed in the king's palace most of his time. He reached Qyp from Ilprin very early and particularly before the fall of the Old Qypo According to my informants, he ran errands for the Alähfin, and was charged with the responsibility of collecting market tolls, He functioned in this capacity in almost all places included in the Empire and not only in Ikoyi as evidences have shown, Thus, I suggest that instead of breaking the word Phrhkbyi into two, as Agiri has done in his thesis, the word could be broken into three in order to appreciate fully, the nature andj|magnitude of̂ the role of Phrhkbyi within the Empire, Pährb-ko— el£.yii or Pbbrb-ko-eyi. raeaning, "Go often-to meet-this„ This is an Interpretation that does not limit the role of Pbrbkbyl to just one town but as many as were contained in the Old Qyp Empire, That this title was later associated or confused with leadership of Muslim communities might be an evidence of respect for Yesufu Alanamu, the first Pärbkbyl, one of the earliest Muslims in Qy? and its districts, 1« While the Imam should be somebody well informed with UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 63 when Muslims became over-zealous in the cause of their faith or were engaged in organised iconoclasma For example, in Igboho, trouble broke out shortly before the regard to Islam and Arabic, Phrhkbyl may just be a common Muslim» His erstwhile supremacy in the Muslim Community in the area was based on his early Con­ nection with Islam and not on his knowledge of Islam and Arabic and he enjoyed this only until the Muslims wtehreem aibnl pe ratyoe rsse»c ureH owleevaerrn,e d tMheu slpiomsst wihso stciolull d relceoagd- nthies eMdu sin the area and can be regarded today as and the lriomlse’ osfp okthees maInm ami n int hejt hpca lMaucsel»i m FCoorm mtuhnei tmye, ansieneg F,I, Im5m. 196fo And originally in the area, while the natives were usually the Phrhkbyi, the foreign learned Muslims were usually the Imams» However, very much later, the Muslim converts in the area sent their sons to Ilprin, Ibadan, Lagos and Ayetoro, in Q,yp North, which later became a very important Islamic stronghold, for Arabic and Islamic education» It was not until this time of quest for knowledge by the Muslim sons of the area that they had natives as Imams» The present ImSms in Ispyin and Ikoyi are natives» See below, Appendix IIIj 552-3pp. 1» In the earliest period of Islam in the area, while the Alähfin granted Islam some religious freedom, those conservative followers of the traditional religion, especially those who earned their living through the practice of the religion, were a stunch source of Opposition» The people in this category were: the priests (Yoruba abprfe or babaläwo) , traditional drum- mmers such as bhtä drummers (bätd. was a special drum for Shngö), and the carvers of the paraphernalia of the traditional religion» They reali'sed a . * huge sum of money each time the traditional festival was celebrated» Thus, for fear of being thrown out of job, they attacked Muslim missionaries and converts arenldi gaidovni«s edT htehey rceomnvaeirntesd utno cornevliinncqeudi,s hu nIssluabmm,i sas ifvoer,eign UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 64 collapse of the Old Qyp 4 between the Muslim communi4ty of the town and the followers of the traditional religion, especially those who earned their daily bread by the active practice of the religion. There was a time in the town when a Muslim group, organised through Älüfa Ya, pulled down the shrines and destroyed the paraphernalia of the traditional religion. This was regarded as an act of vandalism and desecration. In consequence, the Muslim converts in the town were ruthlessly persecuted by the provoked and conservative followers of the traditional religion. One Alüfa Gidi was marked for an organised iconoclasm in the town. In Qyp, the Capital, and some other towns in the area, A% lüfa Kokewukobere together with aggressive and highly conservative. And up tili today in the area, there is a burning rift between the Muslim community and the surviving followers of the traditional religion. See below, Appendix II, 545-7pp. HerejjQaki, in Qyp North^is the best example. There is at present a conflict between the Muslim community and the devotees of Egüngdn. It is interesting to note that the conflict has developed into litigation and the case is now pending in the high court in Qyp. See also Appendix II, 545-7PP, 1. Interview with the ,jamä*-a of Igboho, August, 1975 = See the Bibliography: Oral Evidence. UNIVER ITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 65 his retinue was persecuted as a result of their ardent approach to the religion and the practice of ioonoclasm» The priests of ßängö, the Mpgbh, were said to feature prominently in this attack, The Islamic ferment which was going on at the time was also very significant, The area, and especially the metropolitan town, Qyp, witnessed a fairly intensive amount of Muslim evangelisation and reformist preaching» In Qyp, there were "no less than five holy men, two or three of whom were Arab Emirs who spread the dogmas of their faith amongst the inhabitants, publicly teaching their children to read the Quraän"0 ̂ Two of these active Muslim preachers were particularly notable» The first was an Arab, Muhammad ibn Haja Gumso 2 who stayed right o in the palace of the Alääfin. More notable was the second Muslim, al-Sülih, 5 otherwise known as Alimih. 9 O O especially in Qyp. He travelled extensively in this area, 1» Lander, R0 Records - Vol» 1, 279p« 2» Ibid. See also, Clapperton, H» Journal of a Second Expedition into the Inferior of Africa from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo. London, 1929, 230p» He describes Ibn Gumso^whom he met in Sokotosas "an influential and trusted official”. Last makes no mention of him: q.v., Last Mo Sokoto Caliphate. Longmans, 1968. 3. Sbeiel sAdh'mlaldu rbi.n »Abi-Bakr Ta^IIf Akhbär al-qurun min Umara He may v/ell have been so called because of his reputation for Islamic and Arabic knowledge and piety. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6 6 particularly to Qyp, Ispyin and ßaki« He stayed in Qyp and its' districts for some years. 2 If he did not preach Islamic reform, he so moved and taught in the areathat he was very much reverred for his piety and Schacht supposes that the name is derived from al- Azim, q»Va, Schacht, J„ "Islam in Northern Nigeria," Studia Islamiea. viii, 1957» But he gives no other basis for this supposition than in N.orthern Nigeria that the letter Z is pronounced as an emphatic Lo 1 . Ibido This document only mentions his having been to Ikoyio But oral evidences are in support of the fact that Alimi made an ubiquitous missionary activity in Qyp and its districtsa (Interview with the present Aldhfin of Qyp, Qba Lamidi Adeypmi III and Qyp Muslim community, December, 1973, March 1974, August 1975 and November 1975). 2.o Ahmad Abi Bakr, Ta&lif Akhbär al-qurun min Umara,». He spent one year at Ikoyi. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 67 learning, According to some tradition, he was driven out of Qyp by the Alähfin -1 but he continued his travel in the northern part of the Empire, The intensive and reformist Islamic activity caused considerable concern and aggravated the hidden tension between the Muslims and the traditional authorities in the Old Qyp* Lander was informed every- where between 1825 and 1826 that so intensive and successful was the Muslim activity that the followers of /rtehlei gtiroand itwieornea lmore than alarmed. Consequently, they went?all in a bodyj to their monarch threatening him with the loss of his Empire if he persisted in tolerating the religious principles broached by mSlams, 2 The upshot of the Islamic ferment in the area was 1. Interview with the present Alääfin and other aged courtiers in Qyp, December, 1973» The present Alähfin stated what was a fairly populär belief, It has not been easy to determine which Alähfin this was (see below, Appendix IV,556-560pp, for the list of the Alääfin). It may have been either Abipdun or Aole, since the expulsion took place before the 1797 rebellion of Afpnja against Aole; q,v, Akinjogbin, IoA. "A Chronology of Yoruba History" in Odü, 2, Lander, R. Journal of an Expedition,.. 277*-9pp° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6 8 violent. The Alääfin massacred such of the malams as could be gathered into the palace- Only Ihn Gumso raanaged to escape naked to Sokoto. 2 This gory Situation generated terror in the minds of the Muslims and rendered them embittered against the entire traditional set-up, But they only had to be painstaking and wait for a favourable turn of event, 1 o62 Imperial crl:;es: Apart from the Opposition staged by the followers of the traditional religion, there were some other forces in the Old Oyp Empire militating against Islam and which almost shattered the religion to extinction in the area, 1 . Lander, R, Journal of an Expedition... 277-9PP« 2, Ibid^ Ibn Gumso informed Lander that he owed his life to one of the wives of the Aläafin, who planned his escape. The name of the particular wife (olori)is not known and is not given by both Ibn Gumso and Lander, That this wife planned his escape could be a result cf his s-ta-tus in end its districts as a Muslim medieine-man who practised divination and pmriespsiaorneadr ye fwfoircka ciaonuds waasm ulgertesa tliyn paadtdriotniiosne dt o byh ist he people. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 69 These forces are stated below: 1.621 The attack of Apomu The first in the series of crlses in the Old Qyp Empire was the rumpus between Old Qyp and Apomu which can be dated back as 1793= 4 This timejAlähfin Aole (1805-1811) attacked Apomu, a town in the present Ifp Division, 2 and consequently broke his coronation oath, The rampage that ensued after this attack adversely affected both the Old Qyp and the Status of Islam in the area. 1 o622 Afon.ia's rebellion and the fall of the Old Qyo Empire , The politico-constitutional rumpus in the Old Qyp soon reached a climax with the rebellion of governor Afpnja. 3 1. See Gbadampsi, The Growth of Islam..,. 18p. 2. See above, map 1 on i(a)p. 3= Concerning Afpnja’s rebellion, see the following: Forde Daryll P.M. Kaberry, West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century. 39-i4+pp, ; Ajayi, J.F. Ade. and Crowder (eds.) History of West Africa. Volume 2, 129- l66pp. In Ajayi's article, *’The Aftermath of the fall of the Old Qyp," he maintains the thesis, contrary to the view of some writers, that Islam had not yet become a major factor in Yoruba affairs, and was not responsible for the collapse of the Kingdom, This could be true because, as already noted, the revolt wwaass, laotreirg,i naalsl ya, reas uplotl itoif cAof-cponnjsat’is tuatliloinaanlc e ownie,t h AIlti mi, whom Ajayi describes as "the most respected and most UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 70 The events involved in. this revolt are too well known to require more than the brief narration necessary here for the elucidation of the history of Islam in Qyp and its districts in the second half of the nineteenth Century. In the eighteenth Century, Qyp reached the apogee of its strength, and in the second half was one of the most powerful and wealthy Kingdoms in Africa.-1 After this period, Qyp began to witness a period of decline. The fall of the Old Qyp with the resulting movement of populations, wars and political rivalries among successor States, dominated the history of the Yoruba people in the nineteenth Century before the establishment of British rule. The crisis was so tense that it had significant consequences for the people of Qyp and its districts and Yorubaland at large. feared Muslim priest" , that the revolt began to have some religious undertone. See also Atanda, J.A. The New Qyp Empire. 28-1+Upp. ; Ayandele, E.A. The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria. 10, UOpp. 1. Forde, Daryll and P.M* Kaberry, West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century, 39p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 71 While the Qyp Empire was in the arena of politico- constitutional throesjgovernor Afpnja, the Arp-$nh Kakahfb, rebelled against the authority of the Alähfin in about 1797« The rebellion was signallea by the tribute which he withheld to Qyp and the arbitrary snatch of independence. 2 Düring this time, his forces were in no way significant in terms of military acumen and numerical strength. These forces were stationed at Ilprin, 3 his home town, which he made the base of his rebellious 1. This was within the "first phase of Afpnöa's revolt", to use Akinjogbin's phrase, q.v. Akinjogbin's I.A., "The Prelude to the Yoruba Civil Wars of the 19th Century", Odü, 1 (new series), 2, January, 1965» 2. Johnson, S. The History of the Yorubas, 193p° He was not alone here. Opele, the Balp of Gbogun withheld tribute as well. q.v. ibid. The people of Gbogun were later attacked by the people of Qyp in a war called Gbogun war. (Interview with the present Päräkbyi, Qyp, Alhajl Apiru), December, 1973; November, 1975» 3. The city and district of Ilprin lay to the south-east of Old Qyp. See Johnson, H.A.S,, The Pulani Empire of Sokoto. Ibadan, 1967, lUlp» See above, map 1 , on 1(a)p. ' UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 72 operations. Important for our work here was the way the rebel cast about for support to strengthen his forces,at leaste numerically, He badly needed a force that could match those of his overlord, Alääfin, if he was to maintain» intact, the independence he had arbitrarily granted Ilprin, More crucial, however, was the advancing force of Ojo Agunbambaru, a son of Bapprun Gaha, A He moved in from Ibariba with a formidable army and set off for Ilprin„ 2 Afpnja was driven by this army to a crucial and subtle Situation, He needed all resources to equip his army in terms of skill and number and he endeavoured to force all alliance with the Muslims and the Hausa, mostly slaves, in the Old Qyp Empire, In this respect, he won the support of al-Sälih Alimi a man who was familiär with Qyp 1 . Johnson, S ,, The Hlstory of the Yorubas. 94p» 2, Johnson infers that Ojo opposed Afpnja because the latter's father was "one of those who swelled" Oyabi's army for the over-throw of his father5the Bapprun Gäha", If this inference of Johnson was correct, then Ojo was not fighting for the Alääfin out of total and pure allegiance to Alähfin but partly out of sentiment and in a bid to take revenge on Afpnja who rose against his father some time earlier, Be that as it may, Ojo’s army emerged to subdue Afpnja’s army, It is true that Bapprun Gaha left an indelible black mark behind in the history of the Old Qyp Empire, He was believed to be UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 73 and its districts and was well known and respected among the people in this area. The alliance of Afpnja and al-Sälih, to use the words of Gbadampsi, "i i t'was a master-stroke of considerable significanceo1' At least in the interim, he successfully withstood the Alähfin’s forces which were under the leadership of Ojo Agunbambaru. 2 More important, however, especially for our work, was that the alliance produced and emphasised a crucial change in the original character a callous and ferocious prime minister who had an ignominous deatho The following Yoruba saying is apposite here: Eni bä layä kö s£*kh Bl o bä ränti ikü Gähh So b^tä» (He who is brave, let him commit wicked acts, If you remember the death of Gähä, Teil the truth). 1. See Gbadampsi, G„0«, The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba. 22p. 2. See Johnson, S., The Historv of the Yorubas. 194p UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 7b of the rebellion. The originally political crisis continued but was now integrated with religion« Thus>the original politico-constitutional rampage became diluted with Islamic ferment and the agitation of the time- ■i As religion became an issue in the rumpus, local Muslims, 2 from the point of view of religion, threw in their lot with Afpnja and Alimi against the Alähfin- Earlier, a reference was made to the fact that the leading Yoruba warriors believed in the potency and efficacy of Muslim amulets* 3 In consequence, they frequently patronised Muslim priests, amulet-makers and diviners» There were prominent wealthy traders among the Yoruba Muslims and they were important concerning trade 1 1, The first Phräkbyl of Qyp, Yesufu Alanamu, as will be seen later in this work, organised this type of Islamic ferment during Atiba's bid to regain the erstwhile subject-towns which had granted themselves arbitrary independence„ 2„ Muslim slaves were encouraged to revolt and join the rebellion»as freemen»in a special task force called the ,jamäca. See Johnson, S., The History of the YorubasT 193-ü, 197-9pPo, and Ajayi, J»F,Ade. and Michael Crowder (eds,), History of West Africa, Vol. 2, lU3p. 3. See above, U8r-9pp„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 75 in horses. Most significant of all were the Muslim Hausa slaves recruited for their skills in the care of horses and without whom the size of the Calvary could not be sustained. Afpnja was able to recruit all the three groups to aid his rebellion. *1 They trooped into. Ilprin from the nearby towns and villages and settled at Oke-Suna quarter, constituting a sizeable Muslim force for Afpnja. Alimi was the most respected and most feared Muslim priest. Afpnja's own celebrated military valour, allied with Alimi’s famous magic powers, 2 made the rebellious army virtually invincible. Later, a wealthy Yoruba Muslim trader joined Afpnja probably for personal rather than any religious reasons. But the leading Yoruba Muslims, as a minority group, stuck together and when Solagberu settled at Oke-Suna he was able to win the support of fellow Yoruba Muslims. Thus>we have a Muslim force, under Solagberu, which formed part of the entire 1. Ajayi, J.F. Ade., and Michael Crowder, History of West Africa. Vol. 2, lU3p» 2. Ajayi and Crowder, ibid. . lU3p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 76 jjamâ a of Alimi, As time went on, Alimi invited down to Ilprin his twö sohs^Abdul SalSm and Shitta, He did this on the insistence of Afpnja, his host, A Later, when the Opposition against ilprin became increasingly terrible, Ilprin solicited and won the military support of the Sokoto Jiha_ d fighters, 2 it was largely through this two- fold Muslim support, internal and external, that Afpnja was able to execute hie rebellion, making himself and his followers at Ilprin free from the overlordship of the Alähfin. The suocess of Afpnja* however, was transient, It was his aspiration to establish his own political authority 1. Interview with the present Alähfin of Qyp, Qba Lamidi Adeypmi III and the present Pärhkbyi, Alhaji Apiru, See the Bibliography: Oral Evidence, 2. Lander, R,, Journal of ExpeditIons,,., 96-7pp. Por example, Qyp sought the aid of a ̂ Tfanjia1', q.v. Johnson, S», The History of the Yorubas, 20ip. Tradition varies concerning who ’secured the support of the Sokoto JihSd fighters, Alimi or his son , «Abdul Saläm, Probably they both did at various points in time» one thing we know for sure is that «Abdul Saläm was the first emlr , a faot which signifies that he seoured heip and authority from Sokoto, Last has it that «Abdul Salam communicated Sokoto as to the legality of castra- tion and received a fatwa on this in 1829; q<■ v . Last M. Sokoto Calinhate, 29p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 77 at Ilprin and probably beyond to the territories of the Alähfin; but no less ambitious were, to use the phrase of Gbadampsi, "the victory-flushed ,jamäca of Alimi"0 The .iamäfca of Alirai struggled seriously for political hegemony» Thus, the erstwhile union of the religious zealots was strained» Afpnja soon discovered that he was no longer in control of the Situation in Ilprin, The loyalty of the .iamaca became increasingly channelled towards Alimi» They behaved with indiscipline and committed excesses which estranged the non-Muslim friends of Afpnja who were seeking power within the traditional Qyp System but were confronted with an Islamic community at Ilprin with a new ideology challenging the very foundations of that systenn He refuoed to embrace Islam or even to relinquish the paraphernalia of the traditional religion» ■i Afpnja was regarded a käfir, an unbeliever or infidel,who was not qualified to poseess the allegiance of the Muslims» He tried to force the ,jamäca to Submission but they turned against him and destroyed him» 2 1» Ajayi and Crowder, History of West Africa. Vol» 2, lU3p. 2» See Johnson, S», The History of the Yorubas; see also Bakr, Ahmad Abi; Taplif Akhbar»» » It is very hard to agree with H»A»S» Johnson that Afpnja assuredly UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 78 The fall of Afpnja did not immediately ensure the supremacy of the Sokoto forces under Alimi and his two sons. The local Muslim forces which, under the leader­ ship of Solagberu, had championed Afpnja's cause were still considerable, and could draw on reinforcements more readily than the Jihäd fighters from Sokoto. After the fall of Afpnja, the local forces began to resent the growing power and raids of the Sokoto forces, Equally odious were the religious puritans within the followership of Alimi who ridiculed the Muslim followers of Solagberu for the bidca present in their practice of Islam. •1 This internal religio-political rumpus soon bürst out and the two sides resorted to war, In the ensuing battle, the Sokoto Jihäd fighters proved stronger and victorious. They killed Solagberu and firmly established their political hegemony in Ilprin. Alimi died soon after the death of Afpnja» embraced Islam, Yoruba and Ilprin sources, according to Gbadampsi, in his thesie.(The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba) prove otherwise. The concensus is that he died an adherent of the traditional religion. See Johnson:H.A.S.The Fulani Empire of Sokoto. lül -3p p ° 1. Bid^ is an Arabic word which literally means,"innova- tionff, For further details on bid*^. see E.I. Articles on bid^a» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 79 It was his son who took the initiative in thrashing Solagberu who had tried to assert Yoruba Muslim control» Prom Ilprin., the Muslim force3under tAbdul Salärn* launched a series of wars not only against the Qyp Empire but also against th« surrounding areas. The militancy of the Ilprin Jihäd reached its zenith in Yorubaland when, sometime between 1821 and l830»Alahfin Oluewu was made to come over to Ilprin to perform the ceremony known as "tap- ping the Koran”1 in order to become a true Muslim» This was done by Ilprin to assert its political supremacy over its former overlord, the Alähfin. It was cAbdul SalSm who succeeded in keeping Ilprin independent and with the support of his brother attempted to expand Ilprin power and Muslim influence in Yorubaland» He eventually won the blessing of Sokoto Caliphate and becam• e• the f- i- r—s t. emir» 2 Ilprin fchus developed from a rebellious province of Qyp into a frontier post of Pulani Jihad. The first obvious effect of this rebellion was the establishment of Ilprin as a Muslim citadel or in the words 1» See Johnson, S», The History of the Yoruba. 258-9PP» This implies conversion to Islam, 2, Ajayi and Crowder, History of Islam in West Africa» Vol» 2, iU4p- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 8 0 of Gbadampsi, 'Muslim stronghold'- Ilprin was- formerly a small village and, in the course of the revolt, attraoted a large number of Muslims from outside and inside the Qyp Empire. The Muslim group later became the -dominant power in Ilprin. The restored monarchy at Old Qyp wae unabl* to regeln the loyalty of the rebellioue chiefs even in the face of the ffulani menace from Ilprin.1 : On their part>the Fulani, by the prooees of "dlvide. and rulew, made general reconciliation impossible* Thay presented Islam, not as a radical force subverting the Yoruba way of life, but as the new enlightenment that the leaders could use in their new state-building operatxons# Several not only became allied with Ilprin but were also attracted to Islam. Notable among these was Prince Atiba who spent time at Ilprin thinking, it is said, of learning 1 . Johnson, S., The History of the Yorubas. 217-219PP« Herman-Hodge, H.B. Gazetteer of Ilprin Province. London, 1929, quoted by Ajayi in Ajayi and Crowder Hriesfterosr y? ionf pWaerstti cAulfarri,ctao. VEolle.d uw2e, wlahhrp .i n wHehriec hA jAalydih fin Oluewu and leading members of both the Qyp and the Ibariba army perished. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY wisdom from the Muslims before he realised that Pulani wisdom was useless to him. Meanwhile, large numbers of people were deserting the Capital and the surrounding to revive the former glories of the monarchy, They also went south to seek refuge in Ilprin or eise to flee southwards. Several of the war leaders went to find new homes and new ambitions to the south» Atiba A himself, ambitious to resuscitate the erstwhile glories of the monarchy, also went south to a village called Agp-Qja near his mother’s home. There, initially as a friend and ally of Ilprin, he organised a task force like the .jama*̂ and established some authority over the Epo district» When Alähfin Oluewu died in war in about 1835» Atiba sought the support of the rising generation of war chiefs and the Qyp pUba\ to get himself appointed Alähfin so as to make a new1 2 1. Interview with the present Aldhfin, Qba Lamidi Adey^mi, December 1973» 2. In Ajayi and Crowder, History of West Africa. Vol, 2, T1h*+e5 pc.,o rArjeacyt i focralml si s "t"hteh e QyQpy p MeMsels'i*", wifhthi'ce h Qyips Mtihes i"c,ouncil of elders<. This means "the Qyp who know the correct answer"„ See Johnson, S„, The History of the Yorubas. 70p„ and Atanda, J„A, The New Qyp Empire. 1&. 19. 21. 2U, 1+Opp. et passim. The name T'Misin|r Has no linguistic connotation in Yoruba language. They were regarded by Johnson as "the first dass of noblemen UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 8 2a Start at Agp-Qja. -I And-in fact?after some Interregnum which followed the death of Oluewu and the eventual desertlon of the Old Qyp, Atiba, the son of Abipdun, was appointed the new Alähfin in about 1837» 2 Later, we shall take up his reign in connection with the resurgence of Islam in Qyp and its districts in the period between 1837 and 1859=» 1 o 63 Population movements and Muslims and their religion» The fall of the Old Qyp produced a serious and complex population movements» The emergence of Ilprin as an independent non-province town to be reckoned with politically had meant the evacuation of Muslim leaders consisting of the most noble and most honourable councillors of the state»' In Qyp tili today, they are the king-makers and they are seven in number with the following hierarchical order: The Qsprun, Agba- akin, Samu, Alapinni, Lagunna, Akinniku and Apipa» 1» Agp-Qja is the Present or New Qyp» See below, map 3 on 82(a)p. 2» See Atanda, J.A. The New Ovo Empire. UOp» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 82(a) Ma~p 5; VUocättOn of New Qy? UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 83 from the rest of Yorubaland including Qyp and its districts. The Integration of a religious issue into the originally Imperial conflict encouraged a signifieant nuniber of ardent Muslims from the area and other aheas in Yorubaland to flee and join, at Ilprin, the forces of both Alimi and Solagberu in an attempt to send the Alahfin to his knees» Those Muslims who came from Qyp and its districts included Hausa and Fulani, some of whom were in servile position» ■1 Most of the Muslims had fled famous towns such as Igboho, Igbpti, Kipi in Qyp North and Ikoyi in Qyp South, 2 Several other towns and villages were There were many Hausa slaves in Qyp, and Yorubaland in general,- such as to call forth a protest, From Muhammad Bello^in his "Infäq-al-Maisür", these are better presumed, with some degree of justification and correctness, to be Muslims«, Johnson, So (The History_ of the Yorubas, 193-Upp.) and Lander (Journal* l'U3ffo) suggest-. that the opportunity for looking and securing booty and of earning their freedom might have induced the Hausa dornestics to rise against their mtahisst erasr guamnedn tr alils y hirgohulndy ptlhae usMiubsllei m* s ati n thIel prsianm»e tiTmheo.»ugh we should not lose sight of the Muslim religious zeal which dominated the first decade of the nineteenth Century,. This was the zeal which generated the in- tense Muslim activity (See above ,70-72pp.) and which made Yoruba free-born Muslims rally round the same Standard as the Hausa slaves» See Ajayi and Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa. Vol. 2, lU3p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 8k destroyed and evacuated, According to Ajayi, over fifty thousand people were involved in the whole exercise in the Empire» But as the area was directly affected by the war, one can postulate that majority of the evacuees came from Qyp and its districts» Some of the dispersed Muslims and others took asylum in Ilprin or in towns and villages that came under Ilprin hegemony» Others began to live in hill top settlements in the Upper Ogun area or in the major towns of Ibarapa and Epo, Southern provinces of the Old Qyp Kingdom, which could be defended against the attack of Ilprin» These included Ispyin and Oke-Iho» Some people found a new lease of life among neighbouring Yoruba people like the ?gbado, ?gba, Ifp, Ijpbu, Iöppa and Ekiti» The dispersal of the people in this area was so widespread that Ajayi described the Situation as QYQ DIASPORA.^ We have seen how the fall of the Old Qyp forcibly generated what Ajayi refers to as Qyp diaspora» The fall, 1, See Ajayi and Crowder (eds.), History of West Africa. Vol» 2, li+5p. 2o It>id» , li|7p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 85 coupled with the consequent diaspora, produced a depletion in the statusquo of the Muslims not only in terms of the numerical strength of the Muslims but also in terms of Islamic and Arabic knowledge, This was sinrply so because the fleeing of the persecuted Muslims necessarily included a lot of the more ardent and knowledgeable ones. The loss was almost permanent because the dispersed Muslims settled down in tbeir new abode, which,as previously noted, passed into the hands of new overlords» Moreover, as religion became an issue in the rebellionsthe over-zealous Muslims and the Jihäd fighters constituted*inevitably^an extremely serious and fundamental challenge to the political supremacy of Qyp. Added to this is the fact that the success of the rebellion encouraged the Muslims to use their new eitadel of Ilprin as the base from where they launched incessant wars and raids against various towns in Qyp and its districts. The more such successful raids there were, the more the Muslims and Hausa slaves were instigated to rise in 1, Oral tradition collected at Qyp, particularly at Phrhkbyi's quarter and Ahfin, Ispyin, Igboho, Qepptpri and Igbpti» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 86 rebellion and flee to Ilprin» The Situation created a deep and painful sore in the minds of the surviving adherents of the traditional religion and thus they were ready to take revenge» They opposed and feil upon the Muslims, local and alien, in order to uphold the dis- integrating power of the Alähfin, the royal preponderance of Qyp and the desecrated traditional heritage left behindby their ancestors» The reaction was wide- spread and protracted» *1 It was due largely to the fear of Ilprin, a fear which echoed down to the late 1820s and beyond. 2 The flight of the Muslims in Qyp and its districts to Ilprin as well as their persecution at the hands of the conservative followers of the traditional religion were concurrent» The two developments crip- pled Islam,both in size and stature>in Qyp and its districts» 1. Lander, R» Records »»». Vol» 1, 277-279PP» Lander observed that"in some cities they were roughly handled by the people"» 2» Ibid». the Alähfin in 1826 appealed to Lander to free him from his over powerful Muslim subjects» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 87 Some Muslims, including the first Pärhkbyi, and others from the royal house worshipped secretly and wäre able to surmount the problems that were generated. by b-oth the collapse of the Old Qyp Empire and the resultant political assertion of Ilprin. There were some Hausa mälams in places like Qyp,2 Is^yin and $aki. But these Muslims had to battle with a problem more dimensional than that emanating from the numerical and intellectual depletion of their ranks. Hemmed in their localities, and deprived of some -their leaders, they failed to summon the necessary courage to sustain their faith» Purthermore, a thick cloud of suspicion was cast over the Muslims by the non-Muslim Yoruba, especially the adherents of the traditional religion who earned their living through an active 1 » Interview with the present Phrhkbyi, Alhaji A?iru, a desCendant of the first Pärhkbyi, December 1973, November, 1975* 2„ In Qyp>Clapperton noted that he "was given an account of the religion by a native of Bornu, a Muhammedan, and a slave of the Caboceer of Jannah"» q.v.. Clapperton, H. Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo. 51P° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 88 practice of the traditional religion, The adherents of the traditional religion involved in this persecuting exercise were found in and around the Capital city, Qyp«.4 The Muslims were suspected as secret collaborators with Ilprin or as being subversive of the established order, 2 They were also held responsible for the raids and devastations in the area and Yorubaland at large, Thus they were under "irksome restraint and the preaching and teaching of Islam to children of the inhabitants were suffered only on the pain of death,^ 1o Lsatnadteerd, thRa.t 'R etcheo rdmsä la,m,.s Vwoelr,e "1l, oo2k79e-d2 8u0ppopn. wiLtahn dteher greatest suspicion", 2, Richard and John Lander,.«, Journal,,. . Vol, 1, 68p, He, for example, notes that irthe very prevalent notion was that the fellatahs are spies from Sokoto, 3. Lander, R, and j.; Journal, Vol.1 , 138p. U. Gbadampsi, G.O., The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba, q,v,. Lander R. and J. Journal.,,., Vol. 280p. ' ' ' ' ' 9 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 89 Indeed, the tendency was to restrict the operations, enthusiasm and the äynamism and^above all/the zeal of the Muslims within Qyp and its districts. Another effect emanating from the rebellion was that Muslim establishments feil alongside the towns that were sacked, deserted and destroyed. As towns like Igboho, Ikoyi and Qyp feil or were deserted, 2 the Muslim communities in the towns feil or were scattered. Faced with security problems, they fled to nearby areas which could afford protection» Where there was favourable atmosphere, they forged new settlements» By 1836, then, the picture of Islam among the people of Qyp and its districts was largely a sombre one, showing considerable depletion and disarray. In truth, Islam in the area^after the fall of the Old Qyp Empire*7 1» Lander and Clapperton record the stories of woe and devastation caused by the rebellion; q»v.. Lander, Journal of Expedition. 96-7pp« Clapperton, Journal of Expedition, 201+p» 2. Por details about ̂ ^collapse of these towns, see Johnson, S., The History of the Yorubas. chapters 7 to ll+o UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 90 in l835»endeavoured to recreate itself, outgrow strong, almost invincible local discrimination, recover and re- organise itself and*above alljbuild its stature and strength, Concerning the resurgence of Islam in the area, Islam had four avenues open to it, First, there was the basic Yoruba attitude of religious toleration which finde its finest expression in the sociological and religious view of the people that the Yoruba pba was "the father of all"o This might also be the product of Yoruba*s concept of God’s universality, They use the title 'pba* for God and earthly king» The importance of the 'Universal God' in the religious view of the Yoruba is well expressed by the words of Idowu in his article "The Religion of the Yoruba" in a magazine called Gangano In this article, Idowu says: "In the religion of the Yoruba, God is the p_rius of all things"» Islam seized this belief and used it during the period of its resurgence in Qyp and its districtSo 1, The Yoruba pba is usually the patron of all the religions embraced by his subjects., His approach to religion is necessarily syncretistic» Christians, Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion converge in his palace to discuss issues that may bring progress and stability. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 91 Secondly, we must not lose sight of the fact that religion is basic to the existence of the Yoruba« •l » Thus the people of Qyp and its districts could not with­ hold, for long, the religious vacuum gonerated by iconoclasm which resulted from the rebellion of the early nineteenth Century« It was this vacuum that Islam carefully filled and here^it reaped a fine reward« Thirdly, the depletion which Islam suffered in the area was, to some extent, an immense accession to Ilprin, an accession from which Islam in this area, and Yorubaland at large, was later to gain immense support once Ilprin itself got settled and became well established« The same Ilprin which had been so richly fed by the Yoruba and Hausa Muslims became, inspite of its Charge of political masters, a nourishing source for the regeneration of Islam in Qyp and its districts, and in Yorubaland as a whole. 1. With regard to the importance of religion among the Yorubajldowu declares in his book, Olödümarfe. 5p„• "the key note of their life is their ̂ religion« In all things they are religious., Religion forms the founda- tion and the all-governing principle of life for them« As far as they are concerned, the full responsibility of all the affairs of life belongs to the Deity; their own part in the matter is to do as they are ordered through the priests and diviners whom they believe to UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 9 2 Lastly, the very disruption into which the Muslims of Qyp and its districts were forcibly thrown was later to prove advantageous, As will be seen later in this work, the fleeing Muslim refugees from the sacked towns in the area, and Yorubaland at large, became, as it were, agents of Islamic dissemination in their new places of abode. The period of the rebellion in the Old Qyp can be regarded a milestone in the history of the origin and development of Islam in Qyp and its districts. A second phase began in 1837 when Alähfin Atiba began a work of political resurgence in New Qyp •i and Islam began to be resuscitated. be the Interpreters of the will of the Deity. Through all the circumstances of life, through all its ehanging scenes, its joys and troubles, it is the Deity who is in control". 1. Concerning the political Status of New Qyp during the days of the Old Qyp Empire, see above, 8l-2pp. During the days of the Old Qyp Empire, it was called Äg$ Qjh meaning "Market camp", With the occupation of Ag$ Qjh by Atiba and his entourage after the fall of the Old Qyp in about 1837, Agp Qja was renamed Äg£ d’Qyp, meaning "Ag0 has become Qyp". It is also known as Qyo tuntun (the new Qyp») or Qyp t'bni (the prrueisne nsti ncQey pt)h. e Tfhael l siotf e thoef EOmlpdi rQey.p tTohwen heaxsi lleadi Anl äihnf in, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 93 CHAPTER two 2.0 THE PERIOD OF ISLAMIC RESURGENCE AMD ' CONSOLIDATION. 1837-1Ö9^~ ~ 2.1 The oeriod of Islamic resurgence. 1837-1859. 2.11 New Urbanisation and the Status of Islam. The first two decades of the nineteenth Century witnessed the disruption and depletion of the ranks of the Muslims in Qyp and:its districts and in Yorubaland at large. The Situation was so tense that all around the hopes of resuscitation seemed blurred. The greater part of the area was in considerable disarray and confusion as a result of the Chain of wars which ravaged towns and villages. There was the belief that the root cause of these troubles could be traced to the Adeniran Adey^mi II (1945-1956) visited the site during his reign with some town officers and courtiers in 1946. He was said to come back with the Observation that the site, since the fall of the Old Qyp, has remained in utter desolation and has become the abode of mysterious spirits. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 9k Muslims and their religion» Furthermore, the Muslims in this area of Yorubaland were suspected as collaborators / of Ilprin and Afpnja. However, despite these militating factors, the status of Islam was improved. The southward advance of the Ilprin into Qyp and its districts.and Yorubaland at large.»incurred a decisive set-back. It was halted in löi+O when the militant Ibadan routed its forces at Opogbo. 2 Prom this time on, Ibadan constituted an 1. It will be recalled here that, according to Ajayi, Islam was not responsible for the fall of the Old Qyp Empire. Instead, he maintains the thesis that the sudden collapse of the Qyp monarchy and widespread rebellion wereaculmination of a decp-rooted and long-standing struggle for power between the Alähfin and various groups of supporters on the one hand and lineage chiefs, provincial rulers and military leaders on the other. This .• view can be corroborated by the revolt of Bapprun öfiha, who later incurred an ignominous death, and that of Governor Afpnja. See Ajayi and Crowder (eds.) History of West Africa. Vol. 2, 1U1-3PP» See above, 69-71pp. 2. Johnson, S., The History of the Yorubas. 285-9pp. See also Awe, Bplanle, The Rise of Ibadan... as a Yoruba Power in the Nineteenth Century. D.Phil. “ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 95 invincible problem for Ilprin. It steadily repelled Ilprin and kept it at bay. Ilprin found a way out of the predicament by channelling its military endeavours to Ekitiland, yet it was to meet Ibadan there. The suppression of Ilprin by more powerful forces such as those of Ibadan meant that Islam was ceasing to constitute a threat to Qyp and its districts. Islam could settle and work towards achieving a recognised position. The two major features in the period between 1837 and 1895, con- cerning the history of Islam in the area, were how Islam v;as resuscitatcd andh^owe ciotnstructed* itself out of the bewilderment and predicament of the previous decades, and how it eventually established itself in the area» The resurgence of Islam was the major feature of the period between 1837 and 1859» This was naturally preceded by political rehabilitation which was mainly the work of Prince Atiba and his supporterso The political rehabilitation involved the settlement of mass of people cast adrift by the incessant wars and raids of the previous deeade. This involved two main processes» Firstly, it involved the Integration of the refugees into UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 96 towns in which they had been allowed to take shelter and protection, This was the case in places such as Kipi, Igbpti, Igboho, Qppptpri, Tede, Aha, Oke-Iho and Iganna in Qyp North, It was also the case in Awp, Ispyin and Ikoyi in Qyp South, Secondly, the rehabilitation project involved the resettlement of Qyp and the founding of new towns such as Akinmprin, Ilpra and Fiditi in Qyp south, 2 It is pertinent to recall, at this juncture, that immediately after the fall of the Old Qyp, Prince Atiba, ambitious to revive the erstwhile glories of the monarchy, went south to a village called Agp-Qja, near his mother’s home. 3 He was later made the Alähfink in this place,12 1, See above, map 1 on l(a)p, 2, Ibid,. interview with the present Alääfin of Qyp, December31973o 3» See above, 81-* 2pp, After an interregnum which followed the death of Alähfin Oluewu and the eventual desertion of the Old Qyp, Atiba, the son of Abipdun, was appointed the new Alääfin in about 1837» He recovered as much as possible of the royal property. He enlarged the new Capital by entreating and forcing the people of the neighbouring towns to come and settle with him in the new Capital, See Johnson, The History of the Yoruba, 279-28ipp, See also Qyp Divisional records file ÖD, 352, List of all the Old ruined villages near Qyp whose people are now settled in Qyp town is in "Alafin (Alä&fin) to the District Officer, Qyp, 22 December 1936; see also Forde,D. and, P-M, Kaberry (eds„) West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century. U5p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 97 There and then he took over his new settlement and renamed it Qyp, He invited the Old Qyp aristocracy and surrounding villagers to swell the population, and he endeavoured to regenerate the monarchical set-up of the adminlstration of Old Qyp» As new towns sprang up/the older ones were expanded, Each town tried to become as large and powerful as possible, often destroying the surrounding villages so as to gather large populations together at one defensible spot, By the 1850s, when missionaries were visiting and describing Yoruba towns, the populations of towns such as New Qyp, Ispyin, Qaki, and Igboho and others in the area were usually reported as ranging from twenty to over sixty thousand.21 2 1, See Johnson, op,cito 27i+-28i|.pp, See also Alähfin of Qyp: Qba Adeypmi, Lamidi Qlayiwpla III, O.yo Chieftainc.v Institution and Modernism. Ibadan jSketch Publishing Company, 1975, 13-17pp» 2, See Ajayi and Crowder (eds,), History of West Africa Vol, 2, See also Missionary Evidence summarised in" Mabogunjp, A,L, "Urbanisation in Nigeria’1. Economic Development and Cultural Change. Chicago 13 (1+) : 2+13— Ü W 7 July, 1965» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 98 In the work of political rehabilitation, the Alähfin enjoyed the support of the Phrhkbyi 4 and that of some of the surviving towns in Qyp and its districts, Most of the towns here were ancient, Some of them, such as ?aki, Igboho, Kipi, Ispyin, Ikoyi5contained the remnant of the citizens of the ancient Qyp and the members of the royal family, and so preferred to be placed under the direct control of the new Alähfin, 2 With time, the new 12 1. The Päräkbyl helped Atiba considerably during the latter’s endeavour to recreate the lost identity of the Old Qyp» He helped the latter in many wars such as the following: Owu, Lasinmi, Kanla, Gbodo, Pole and Igaga« See Johnson, S= The History of the Yorubas. 197-222pp, The Phräkbyi had a good knowledge of native medicine which helped him during the wars, His name was Yesufu but he received the nickname "Aldnämü" as a result of his military virtuosity, The virtuo- sity is well explained by the following praise-names: Yäsüfü Alän&mü, ö gefbn rebi i.ih Pärhkb.vi vh kan Qkan sä lo«, (Ydsüfü Alänhmü, One who flogs and captures, One who rides buffalo to the war, Phrbkbyi kills one, One runs away), More important, with regard to the part played by Pbrhkbyi this time, was the Islamic ferment which he undertook each time a town was defeated» This helped the rehabilitation of Islam during this time, 2, Johnson, S,, The History of the Yorubas. 282p, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 99 Alähfin, Atiba, regained the allegiance of the rest of the ancient towns and villages in Qyp and its districts, The work of political rehabilitation oovered almost a decade0 Its problems, both internal and external, were to perpetüate trouble for the newly resettled and founded towns mentioned above. •i But as this process went under- way, Islam regenerated itself and even began to play a significant role in the solution of the problems of general rehabilitation. !j>aki, one of the ancient towns in Qyp and its districts, maintained a stable Position amidst the debris and boulders of the first two decades of the nine- teenth Centutry. This is not to say that it was not affected at all by the various wars and intrigues which ravaged the area during this period but the fact is that, the wara and intrigues did not doom $aki to extinction. It functioned as a haven of refuge for many refugees from the war of the previous 1. These new towns were founded during: the leng reî r» of Alääfin Atiba, circa. 1837-1859’ See above, 96p, See also map 1, on i(a)p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 100 decade. The refugees swelled its population considerably. Among the diverse refugee population in Qaki were sorae Muslims who subsequently joined the very few Muslims who had been left in the town to organise the infant Muslim Community, This time, the Qaki Community was built up during the reign of Alääfin Oluewu, 2 The community comprised local Muslims such as hA lüfa Asump Ismaila, 3 his father and a host of others mentioned earlier in this work.^ Numbered among this community were immigrant23 1 1, Refugees fled to Qaki from towns such as Old Qyp, Kipi, $pp?tpri, Iganna, Ofiki, Okaka, Agp-Arp, Irawo Owode, Aha, Tede;all in Qyp North, Refugees also came from Ispyin and Ikoyi in Qyp South, 2, Interview at Qaki with the Chief Imam, Lawani and his .iamä^a. August 10, 1975, See Bibliography: Oral Evidence, 3, Ibid, According to the Chief Imam and his ,iamä % . Älüfa Asump was Pmp p.j<$ mg.jp (that is, he was born /the e Muslim and was named iriliuslim v/ay on the eighth day), See above, 57-9PP, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 101 Muslims from the neighbouring towns and villages that were forced to leave their places of abode for safe places in consequence of the wars of the previous decade. Prom Old Qyp town (Qypp '16) came people like Mpmp1 and his retinue* while Alüfa Yesufu fled from Kipi. p Alüfa Mumuni of Okaka 3 and the entire members of his family came from Gbangba whence they had been driven by the Dahomey wars. Some immigrant Muslims such as Alüfa Suta, an Idindi, and his retinue were refugees from Dahomey area. Though these Muslims were small in number and of diverse origins, they constituted a Muslim community in $aki„ The young community of Muslims had its open 1. Mpmp held the post of Sarumi in Old Qyp« When he arrived at ßaki, the ruling Okere of $aki erected for him and his retinue a house at Aganmu quarter of the town* He later became the Balogun Imple in the town. (interview with the Chief Imäm and Jamä^a, ßaki, August^1975» See Bibliography: Oral EvidenceJ. 2. iü.üfa Suta settled at Losi Street in Saki. This remains tili today as the quarter of the family of the immigrant. (Interview with the Chief Imäm and .jamä-a. $aki (ibld). 3. The ancient towns Ofiki, Qkaka and Agp-Arp originally belonged to one town, Ofiki. Separation came with the Dahomey wars. And since then^there had been three separate towns? Ofiki, Okaka, Agp-Arp,instead of the original town * Ofiki, (Interview with the elders in each of the towns in August, 1975- See Bibliography: Oral Evidence). See above9map 1 on 1(a)p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY congregational prayers in a small fenced sandy enclosure called ̂v». (\ i Many other Muslim refugees came to $aki from other parts of Yorubaland and they helped, in a large measure, to organise and establish the Muslim Community in that town» In some cases»in Qyp and its districts in the period between 1837 and 1859, the Muslim refugees were integrated into the established Muslim community already existing in the town. The ancient town of Ispyin is illustrative of this point» In Isin fact«had long been islamised in their former domicile,^ J^mba-ile or Ahoro- 123 1, Some refugees from ^p^t^ri in Qyp North took refuge in $aki during this time, (Interview with the tradi- tional elders in ?and the present Pär&kbyi of Qyp, Alhaji A§iru, March 197h, November 1975. Later in the twentieth Century, both Alähfin Lav/ani Agogo Ija (1905-1911) and Alä&fin Adeniran Adey^mi II, the father of the present Alähfin (19h5-6)>strove to improve the condition of the Muslims and the central mosque, The conversion of Lav/ani Agogo-Ija to Islam was a landmark in the history of Islam in Qyp and its districts in the twentieth Century, He tried to prevent Christianity and Western values to rob Islam of its vigour and cream* He did this in cash and kindjbut his step towards Islamic theocracy in this area was checked by the ardent and conservative followers of the traditional religion, Alähfin Adeniran Adey^mi followed his footsteps in this casejbut he too was not allowed to establish Islamic theocracy in the area, Interview with the present Alähfin, see also Gbadampsi, G.O, The Growth of Islam in Yorubaland. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 110(a) Plate 1; The central mosque, Qythe Muslims in the villages were not large enough to to build a central mosque and to appoint Chief Imams«. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY i i 2 returning freed slaves were indeed Anglican Christians. The Sponsors of their liberation were white missionaries who saw the hope of Christianising West Africa in the return of these slaves not only to Liberia and Freetown but also from the latter to other parts of West African Coast. -i Thus the white missionaries appealed to and eventually prevailed on the British government to effect the abolition of slave trade and the return of the black slaves to their various domiciles in West Africa. Thfc project was made easy by the thriving oceanic trade that grew as these immigrant colonies expanded. Partly in consequence of the promotion of the return-movement, and partly as a result of the flourishing Coastal trade, the liberated Africans returned to Yorubaland. 1 1. See Gbadampsi, G.0.s The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba, i+5p» Concerning the abolition of slave trade, it is pertinent to recall and praise the dynamic efforts of William Wilberforce. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ro Some of the vA ku^s 1 in Sierra-Leone were Muslims. p Among them were those who had embraced Islam even before their capture and exportation as slaves. Some of them who survived the arduous experience overseas clearly remembered their domiciles in Yorubaland and were anxious to go home. While they were still in Sierra-Leone, there was great anxiety amongst them to retum to Yorubaland. Crowther, who hailed from Osoogun, a district of Oyo, was aware of this anxiety. Applications were received from every direction, from the Muslims and followers of the traditional religionjto be employed as labourers and 1 . The Yoruba .emancipated slaves in Sierra-Leone were called tlie "AKUS" by the virtue of their manners of greeting such as the following: B e k u , oo ku» the mann er of greetings by the Yoruba elders;‘B ku ile". or E küule the Yoruba manner of greetings ön a retum-joumey; B ku aaro "Good moming" , E ku ksan. "Good aftemoon" I E ku ale, "Good evening; E ku odün, e ku lyedun. "Happ$ new year". Examples cari be ‘ riultiplied in this case. The "Akus", however, bYoerluobnag.e d tSoe e tKheo elvlaer:i ouPso lysgulbo-tetthan iAcf rgircoaunpas, Co.fM .tSh.e, 1856 and Ajayi, J.P. Ade., The Christian Missions in Nigeria. 1840-1891. 25p. This manner of greetings "E e ku, E kil continues tili today in Yorubaland especially in 9Y9 and Egba areas. 2. Pyffe, C., A History of Sierra-Leone, Oxford, 1962, 187-215, 228pp. et. passim; Peterson, J.E. A Study UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY servants in Badagry,, -1 The urge and anxiety to return to Yorubaland could he a result of their wish to be free from the problems, political and otherwise, which bombaraed them in Sierra- Leone» According to Fyffe, their interaction with the others in Sierra-Leone was not an enjoyable one; 2 and they must have feit almost ostracised not only by the zealous evangelists but also by the high-handed white administrators» The two groups were less concerned about the Akü Muslims than about the nuclear community that was to act as the agents for the propagation of Christianity and dissemination of Western values» In this milieu, the Akü Muslims kept closely to themselves at their two main centressFouroh Bay and Foulal Town. h When the opportunity to return to Yorubaland set in, in the Dynamics of Liberated African Society, 1807-1870 (Ph.D. North Western, 1963, 293-7PP.Two of the most distinguished Aku Muslims in Sierra-Leone were Muijammad Sanusi and Savage who were leaders of̂ reform. Bassir affirms with reference to modern times that the Aktis in Sierra-Leone are mostly Muslims; q,y. Bassir, 0. "Marriage Rites among the Aku in Freetown" in Africa, 2l+, July, 195U. See also Proudfoot, L. "The Fourah Bay Disputes An Aku Faction Fight in East Freetown", Sierra-Leono Bulletin of Religion, 1*, 2 December 1962. Ajayi in his book, Christian Missions in Nigeria, holds that many of these Akus embraced Christianity, and some retained their traditional religion, See page 2$ of this book. See also C.M.S. CA2/03lß, Crowther*s Journal especially the Journal for the Quarter Ending March 2$, 18U5* Fyffe, C., A History of Sierra-Leone, 186p. Ibid. These two groups of Aku Muslims were reported to have been distinct. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 1 5 they were quite understandably anxious to avail them- selves of this. Earlier, 1t has been pointed out that the Sponsors of the exodus of the slaves frora the house of bondage overseas were Christians and Christian missionarieso They were lukewarm concerning the idea of encouraging the return of the Akü Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion. They feared the conservatism and the ardour of the two groups concerning the question of Submission to Christianity« The missionaries "were to make the country good first".^ Thus they employed every available possibility to forestall the Muslim sehemes as much as possible. There were stories of victimisation which some people, among whom was the Duke of Wellington, brought back about the batch of Sierra-Leonean emigrants in Badagry. 2 However, it is worth noting that, while the Christian hesitation was said to centre around both the Akti Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion,* 1 This is obvious in their manners ofv dressing. See, Fyffe, C., op.cit.. 34p. Up tili today, the Aku Muslims in Sierra-Leone keep closely to thetnselves. For further details, see Proudfoot, L. "Mosque Building and Tribal Separation in Freetown" in Africa, 29, 4, 1959 Ccmpare Ihe original bgb6ni cult in Ife during the period of Oreluere and Odüduwa. See Idowu, Olbdumare. chapter 3, 24p. 1 . C.M.S. CA2/0316, Crowther's Journal for the Quarter ending March 25, 1845. 2. See Gbadamosi, G .0 ., The Growth of Islam in Yorubaland, 4ßp« UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY it was*no doubtjdirected particularly to the latter whom the Christians were fond of describing as "pagans". In any event, thfe Aku Muslitns were not tied to the apron string of Christianiiy and Christian missionaries. Thehe were amongst thetn sotoe militant leaders who, throügk thick and thin, translated the hope and aspirations of this mass exodus to a reality, Shitta Bay -j and Muhammad Savage organised their own groups for the return, Muhammad Savage, the headman of the Aku Muslims at Fourah Bay, brought ships, and at least fifty of his own people sailed back home in a group» 2 Some made private arrangements* In consequence of both private and group efforts, the home-yearning Aku Muslims entered Yorubaland and found it to be their homeland from where they had been taken as slaves, In the coast of Nigeria, especially in Badagry, there were a consider- able number of these Muslims, some of them5according to Crowther*s testimony, possessing copies of the Arabic21 1. CoM.S, CA2/03l6o Crowther13 Journal.=, ■> 2. Fyffe, C., A History of Sierra-Leone. 228p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 117 Bible 1 given them by the overzealous and ambitious Christian missionaries in Sierra-Leone» 2 Another group was led by Salu Shitta» 3 He had gathered his faraily together with his one year old son and left Waterloo in 1831 for Fourah Bay in Sierra-Leone»^- Here, the older Shitta was raade the Chief Iraäm of the Muslim community of the town. In ISi+i-t-, he decided to leave Sierra-Leone for Nigeria in a bid to join the Aku Muslims» Thus he led a group of about fifty of his 1 - C»M,S» CA2/0316, Crowther's Journal for the Quarter ending September, 25, 1814-5° Some of these were said to teil Crowther, in a proud manner, that if they, the Sierra-Leone Muslims, could not read the Arabic Bible none could except people from the East, that is, people from the birth-place of Islam, Arabia and the places long islamised» 2, C«M.3° CA2/0316, Crowther's Journal for the Quarter ending June 25, 185U. See also his Journal for the Quarter ending September 25, 1814-5° 3° This is the father of Shitta Bay who built the famous mas.iTd in Lagos» See Gbadampsi, G.O» , The Qrowth of Islam».°. Chapter 3» See also Losi, J.B» History of Lagos. Lagos. 191U - article on "Shitta"; Euba, Titilpla» "Shitta Bay and the Lagos Muslim Community, 1850-1895 (Parts I and II)" in N»J,I». Ile-Ifp, Volo 2, No»1 , 21-31PP», July 1971 - January 197U and Vol» 2, No»2», 7-lßpp» June 1972 to June 197^° h« Lagos Weekly Hecord, May 19, 189h. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 118 followers, with their families, to Badagry in 184U»1 It was>in fact, a happy reunion with the rest of the deported Akü Muslims and Badagry became a diffuse centre from where the Akü Muslims dispersed to the hinterland of Nigeria» Lagos also served as a significant deporting centre during the colossal exodus» This was naturally so for it served as the headquarters and the chief port of the country» Here, there were two distinet groups - the Sierra-Leonean group and the Brazillian group» The former was commonly known as the Sär<5 Muslims» 2 Thus, Lagos, like Badagry, became a diffuse centre for the dispersal of the Akü Muslims to the other parts of Yorubaland, fai* and near» And as slave-raiding, slavery and slave-trade reigned supreme in Qyp and its districts before the abolition of slave-trade, one can naturally expect that the emigrants included a eonsiderable number 1» Lagos Weekly Record, May 19, 189h» 2» Särö is a borrowed word in Yoruba language. It is the abridged form of the word Sierra-Leone» It is a neologism» Compare the Yoruba ?/ords;_ "Ghnnä" coined from the word^Ghana; 'T)$£>ml" from the Dahomey, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 119 of people from the area.13 524 The Brazillian group, 2 better known as Agudä, « came to Lagos a little later than the Akü Muslims, The first group of repatriates was said to have arrived around 1840^ Their number steadily increased from 1237 to 1800 partieularly from 1847 onwards after the guarantee of security and encouragement received from one Tapa 0?odi. 1. Here again, it is pertinent to recall the case of Ajayi, who was captured as a slave in Osoogun in Oyo North but later beoame the first African Bishop wilh the names Bishop Ajayi Crowther. See above, ohapter 2, 50-1 pp. 2. There are evidences about the life of these Muslims in Brazil up tili today. See Johnson, H.H., The Nearo in the World. London 1910, 94-5PP• "These Muslims" he says, "speak a dialect of Yoruba, and have taken part in some slaves' revolts". Ccmpare the plight of the Yoruba in Cuba in Njgerian Magazine - nunbers 36-40, 14-24pp. artiole by Base an, R. \ \ \ 3. According to Gbadamosi, the Yoruba loan-word "Aguda" primarily refers to the Brazillian group. See Gbadamosi, G.O., The Growth of Islam«.. 150p. May I add that the word has various shades of meaning. While it may be difficult to speak away the thesis of Gbadamosi on this word, the populär usage of the word among the Yoruba today isv with refeyence to the Catholic denomination which they call^ l j q A^uda"or "I.io Paadx" 4. N.A.I. CSO 1/1 . Moloney to Holland Bert, July 20, 1887- 5. Ibid. Here^as noted by Gbadamosi, there is a modicum of exaggeration. One could feel like subsoribing to the thesis of Gbadampsi on the ground There were at Ibadan* Atere, Abudu Kadiri Rufayi and Sulemonuo In 1885, Hinderer noted that there were about sixteen Sierra-Leone emigrants in Ibadan; q.v.. C.M.S» CA2/021. See also Hinderer*s Journal, June 30, 1855» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 121 Ispyin, Ikoyi, Oke-Iho, Iganna, Qaki, Igboho, Igbeti and Kipi,1 A significant issue here is the historical significance of the Muslim repatriates for the cause of Islam in Qyp and its districts, Eirst, their re turn to some towns and villages in the area meant the inflation of the Muslim population in each of the towns and villages» The increase in population naturally and immediately generated the necessity for the building of new mosques, expansion of the existing ones and the expansion of the venues of open or festival prayer such aB cidu’ 1 fitr grounds or, more often, the construction of new ones. This was the case in Qyp, Ispyin, Qaki, 1o Interview with the present Alääfin of Qyp, and the present Päräkbyi of Qyp December 1973, March, 197U November 1975 See Bibliography: Oral Evidence, The fact that the towns were urban centres in the heart of Yorubaland and that some of them such as Qtyhpi nka ndt hQata ki thwee re emmiagrrkaentt sc enetarseisl y clooulcda temadkteh emon ea s their original homes» Another favourable factor for the emigrants is the fact that the towns constituted the core of Yorubaland and were well known by the Yoruba in any part of Nigeria» Here again*we see that the location of the towns in this area could not prove an invincible hard-nut for the emigrants comparedto the situations in other obscure areas of Yorubaland especially those areas that did not come under the sovereignty of the Alääfin during the era of the Old Qyp Empire, See Atanda, J.A, The UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 12 2 Igboho, Igb^ti and Ki?i, ■\ Another significant point is the value of the Muslim repatriates to their religious group, This was significantly out of proportion to their number* 2 Among them were traders and artisans such as carpenters, masons, tailors, designers, architects and bakers,-'* New Qyp Empire, chapter 1 „ It is pertinent to note as well that md*ny more of these Muslim repatriates did not rejoin their people in the hinterland but simply remained around the coast especially in Lagos, Badagry and their environs, The two major reasons that can be adduced for this step were » that some could not locate their original homes and £hat some were born abroad and were not used to the lives in the rural areas. 1» Interview with some aged Muslim, the arökins ,and the pba orbadlp in each of the towns, The 'present Aldhfin of pyp was partioularly interviewe! in this connection, See Bibliography; Oral Evidence, 2, This parallels the influence of the Christian repa­ triates; q,v,, Ajayi, JJ.A., The Christian Missions in Nigeria. 5lp» It is worth noting, however, that while their Christian counterparts introduced Christianity, Samuel Ajayi Crowther was an example here, the Muslim repatriates did not introduce Islam into the country» Rather, they helped in revitalising the existing religion* 3o Interview with^ some old Muslims, the arokins, and the gba orWc|al9 in the Muslim concentraTed towns in the area„ See Bibliography: Oral Evidence* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 2 3 Their technical skill was of immense help to the Muslim community. There were instances in Qyp and its districts when the skilled men out of these repatriates undertook the building of mosques in the Muslim concentrated towns and villages. This was especially so in Qyp, Ikoyi, O?oogun, Tede and Qaki.'1 The impact of the Muslim repatriates was, as a matter of fact, feit more quickly in their immediate environment, such as Lagos, Badagry and Ijpbu areas. But a little later, their influence became widespread and the most significant and lasting of this widespread influence was their dissemination and promotion of Western values among the Muslims. They were also purveyors of such Western values as they had been impelled to imbibe during their sojourn overseas. As a result, they emerged, in their home territories, as the vanguard of the reformation and modernisation move­ ment which promoted the cause of Islam in Qyp and its districts in the era of Christianity and British rule. 1. Interview with some aged Muslims, the arokins and the pba or baäl$ in each of these townsTr See- Biblio- graphy: Oral Evidence. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Of special importance is the role they played in transfor&ing the obnoxious, and conservative attitude of the Muslims in this area and Yorubaland at large towards Western education. Muslims all over Yorubaland were initially opposed to Western learning because of its Christian domination and modicum, -j The Muslim repatriates, as a result of their contact with their Western overlords in overseas, strove to improve on the conservative attitude of the Muslims in the area to Western form of learning, They, in a large measure, helped in modernising and up-dating Islam which was 1 1. See below, chapter 3, 190-1, 2lU-233pp° See also Gbadampsi, G,0., The Growth of Islam,,.. and his article,"The Establishment of Western Education among Muslims in Nigeria, 1896-19261' in J.H.S.N, Vol. IV, N0 o1 , December»,1967o UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 2 5 hitherto cloaked in rigidity and legality, In the period between 1837 and 1859, it can be easily seen how Islam in Qyp and its districts was revitalised by two forces from different directions, From the coast, particularly from Badagry and Lagos, there was the group of Muslim repatriates, They were more literate in English or Portuguese than in Arabicj and they were traders and artisans rather than propagators of the religion, From the interior of Yorubaland, 1. It is pertinent to mention here the views of Mbiti conceming the age-long conservatism of Muslims not only in Yorubaland but also in Africa at large., It is his view that; "If Islam is to survive and contribute seriously towards providing direction and guidance to modern Africa*s search for new values, foundations and identities, it must surely not only convert people but be ready itself to be converted by modern man, that is to be 'modernised* and 'updated*. If it fails to be so stretched, or if it is too rigid or legalistic to be bent into the changing shape of our world, then Islam will remain not only a Statistical giant but also a religious anachronism in the new Africa", Thus we see that concerning the plight of the Muslims in Yorubaland today, the Muslim repatriates deserve perpetual praises from their co-religionistso It is worth noting that today5Islam is almost at par with Christianity along the paths of "modernity"„ See Mbiti, JoS. African Religions and Philosonhy. 25Up° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 2 6 especially, the Qyp-speaking areas of Yorubaland, there was the larger group of Muslim refugees» Among these Were:Muslim missionaries,Professional Älüfas and learned men. The two groups put their respective talents and erstwhile experience at the Service of their co- religionists among whom they moved. As these two groups came in, Islam in Qyp and its districts was revived and given new and dynamic vigour and directions. Muslim communities were set up in the area especially in Qyp, Ispyin, Ikoyi, Oke-Iho, Iganna, Agp-Arp, ßaki, §§P?tpri, Igboho and Ki?i, -j 2.13 The influence of the Muslims in the royal courts. The reConstitution of Islam in Qyp and its districts occupied the attention of the Muslims in this area in the first half of the nineteenth Century. In view of the protracted wars of the period, and more importantly, in view of the former disruption and unpopularity of Islam, this rehabilitation was a noteworthy achievement in the history of Islam in the area. As a result of this achievement, the Muslims in the area became recognised by the society. As a matter of fact, they made a 1. See above, map 1 on l(a)p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 2 7 phenomenal impact in the society during this period» Sorae possessed certain merits which qualified them to hold Offices in the traditional theocratic government headed by the traditional pbas and baäl^s» In Qyp, which owed some of its troubles to Islam and Ilprin, Yesufu Alanamu was the Pärhkbyi, and Atiba (who established Agpd’Qyp in 1837 and reigned from 1837 to 1859) was favourably disposed towards Islam, 2 As a 1» See above, 10p» Ooncerning the development of the Office of the Pärhkbyi, see Johnson, S., The History of the Yorubas. 275-7pp. and 280p„ Accordings to Johnson and the present Pärhkbyi of Qyp, Alhaji Apiru, Atiba once owed his life to him» This was not necessarily a consideration for his holding this office but because Atiba and the Phräkbyl, Yesufu Alanamujwere blood relations» (Interview with the present Phrhkbyi of Qyp, Decemberjl973, March>197U and November, 1975» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. 2. Johnson, S», The History of the Yorubas. 277p° It is possible that Atiba did take a Muslim name under Ilprin pressure» While this might be so, we do not know?for sure>the Muslim name» What we know is that he was ubiquitous, rascally and learnt Islam and Arabic in Ilprin ever before the fall of the Old Qyp, Moreover, during the uprising in Qyp, he undertook a temporary sojourn in Ilprin. (Interview with the present Aläafin of Qyp, December, 1973, August, 1975, November,1975)° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 12 B result of Atiba's tight connection with the Phräkbyi, and his ambition to rehabilitate the dispersed subjects of the Alääfin and re-establish the lost sovereignty, he welcomed many raore of the politically talented Muslims to his administration* Of special importance was the Islamie ferment undertaken by the Pärhkbyi in this perioda Through him, many Muslims became influential in the court of the Alähfin, This was the case in other urban centres in the area such as Is^yin, §aki, S£p^t$ri, Igboho, Igb^ti and Ki?i» Moreover, the rulers in each of the towns and villages in Qyp and its districts often invited the leaders of the Muslim community or the towns in general on crucial occasions such as timec-, of revolts, wars, out- break of diseases and drought, They held prayers or rendered such forms of help as were necessary or required by the society» In this case?the Päräkbyi 2 was usually the first to be summoned and it was his duty to summon such Muslim leaders as might be of help in such caseSu The Chief Imäms and the Muslim diviners in each 1 » Of all the big centres of Islam in Qyp and its dis­ tricts, Is^yin had the largest number of Muslim pbaso (Interview with the present As^yin of Is^yin, August? 2c T19h7e5 )O.ffice of the Phrakbyi in other towns in the area sprang from that of the Päräkbyi of Qyp„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 2 9 of the towns in the area were usually held in high esteem in this regard, The Situation in Iganna during this period is true of most of the towns in the area, Here, the first Muslim missionary and diviner, Amuda Yesufu, wielded great influence in the king's court during the reign of Qabiganna Alokolodo as a result of his sound knowledge of magic and medicine, -j In each of the palaees of the pbas in the area were kept such Muslim diviners as could be of help whenever the pbas or the towns incurred unhappy situations, Many of them were found in the palace of the Alääfin Atiba during his work of political rehabilitation, They continueto wield influence in the court of the Alähfin of Qyp 2 tili today. The other Phräkbyis in respective courts of their pbas also enjoyed royal influence. , They were the intermediaries between the Muslim communities and the royal courts, (interview with the Pärhkbyi in each of the Muslim towns in the area, August, 1975)= See Bibliography: Oral Evidence, 1. Interview with some of the descendants of the §abiganna Alokolodo, August,1975= See Biblio­ graphy: Oral Evidence, 2. Interview with the present Alääfin of Qyp, December»1973= See Bibliography: Oral Evidence, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY l3o, 2,14 The role of the itinerant and ubiquitous m&lams, The activities of the itinerant and ubiquitous maläms in the work of rehabilitating Islam in Qyp and its districts were also very significant» The largest and most prominent group of these was that of the Yoruba- speaking mälams from Ilprin or from the neighbouring centres of Islam, They were to be found all over the big centres of Islam in the area, The proximity of the area to Ilprin was a strong reason responsible for their influx into this area, Travelling at their own expense from one town to the other, they preached and taught about Islam, 2 a few of them, such as "White Arabs",21 ̂ 1, See above, map 1 on l(a)p, 2, Many missionaries such as Crowther and Bowen met a number of them during their missionary endeavours in Yorubaland, See particularly Bowen to Taylor, February 28, 1852, Here Bowen describes some of bis own encounter with Ilprin Muslims, 3° See Gbadampsi, G,0,, The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba, 65p, For further details on the role of itinerant and ubiquitous mälkms^see El-MasrI's article on’Islam' in "Religions in Ibadan" in Mabo- gunjp ,A,L, and Bplanle, A. The City of Ibadan.249ff. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY hailed from outside Niger1i3a1. Greater in number were the Hausa and the Fulani groups of raäläms many of whom were to be found in Qyp, Ispyin, Oke-Iho, Iganna, Agp- Axf, Qaki, Igboho, Igbeti and Kisi.1 Düring the process of reconstitution, Islam in Qyp and its districts showed certain remarkable features. First, Islam in the area followed the principles of Islam as laid down by Prophet Muhammad. The Muslims observed the five fundamental pillars of Islam, 2 and believed in the fundamental principles of Islam. Here* the issue of pilgrimage to Mecca need not be over- 1. Igboho, Igbpti and Kipi were, of all the towns in Qyp and its districts, the nearest to the Muslim North, especially Ilprin. Since Ilprin was formerly within Ihe Old Qyp Empire, before its fall, the possibility of having Ilprin Muslims in the big towns of the area before the fall of the Old Qyp may be difficult to deny. 2. The pillars of Islam are as follows: (i) Shahgda (Articles of faith) (ii) Salat (Obligatory ritual prayer) (iii) Fakät (iv) Sawm (Fasting) \v ) rfa.i.i (Pilgrimage to Mecca) For further details about the pillars of Islam, see Gibb, H.A.R. , Mohammedanism. 36, 14-2-Upp. Here, Gibb describes the shahgda as the outline of a credo and maintains that it is so taken by Muslims. See also the QurÄgn, süra IV, V: 133; Rauf, M.A., Islam-Faith and Devotion. Lagos, Islamic Publication Bureau, 197U, UNIVERSITY F IBADAN LIBRARY 1 3 2 emphasised for, except in Lagos, 4 there were a few pilgrims yet in the area and Yorubaland at large. 2.i5The beginnings of Islamic knowledge, Islaraic knowledge in the period between 1837 and 1859 would appear to have been limited to the circles of itinerant mäläms and teachers who had performed the commentary 2 of the Qur’gn or established piazza schools.* 12 12-15pp»; Doi, A.R.I», The Cardinal Princiules of Islam. Lagos, Islamic Publication Bureau,' 197V» 37, l2+l-156pp. ; Abdul, M.O.A,, Islam as a Religion: Paith and Duties Book one, Lagos .""islamic Publication Bureau, WP5, TTl-71pp<. 1. Burton, R„F„, Abeokuta and the Cameroons. London, 1863, Vol. 1 , ’Sf-lOpp. Burton on his visit to Lagos, met and mixed a little with the Muslim community among whom he found "several who had pilgrimaged to Meccah". Many of these had also travelled over land to Tripoli enroute to Mecca. Concerning pilgrimage in Qyp and its districts, it was only in the twenti- eith Century that it received serious attention from the Muslims. Among those who made pilgrimage to M1e95c6c)a. that time was Alähfin Adeniran Adey^mi II (1945- 2. This is the Interpretation of the Qur^än. It is an important Science in its study. It is known as tafslr (exegesis). In Yorubaland)one who engages in the exegesis of the Qur^än is called Onithfüaarü. His function is especially prominent during the period of fasting, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY i '3 3 The depth or quality of their knowledge can scarcely be measured now partly in consequence of the paucity of their own literary productions. These schools were to be found mostly in the large towns such as Qyp, Ispyin, Ayetoro,1 Oke-Iho, $aki, Igboho, Igbpti and Kisi, where there were malams who attracted to themselves pupils from even outside their own towns. At Ispyin?as was reported in 1858, there were large numbers of Muslims who could "read Arabic, and there were schools where it was taught". Some of the Arabic teachers in Ispyin hailed from Bornu. 3 1. Ayetoro, in Oke-Iho district^later became a strong- hold of Islam and Arabic knowledge and its Status was almost at par with Ilprin. There were many foreign maläms there and many of their local Muslims learnt Islam and Arabic in Ibadan and Ilprin. (Interview with the Muslim community, Ayetoro. August-1975» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence). 2. PCe.bMr,Su.a ryC A22/8,0 511,9 58H.ollinghead’s Annual Letter, Ispyin, 3= Gbadampsi, G.O., The Growth of Yoruba, 70p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 15k The dissemination of knowledge was mainly through study at the feet of these learned malams, There were elementary Qur7än schools called I16fe-kgwd where-, of course*the Qursän, which was divided into sixty parts, was memonsed in well drawn out stages, 2 some of them being marked by a party. 2.16 Open-air preaching, Open-air preaching was organised by the malams, both foreign and local, The oniwahsi 3 and the onita- fusiirti*-also played an important role, They undertook many activities in the work of Islamic rehabilitation in Qyp and its districts. In this connection^mälams such as Alüfa Akewugbpru, Alüfa Kokewukobere, Xlüfa Kewulere- were prominent. 1. These parts of the QurÄ5n the Yoruba Muslims call ee^ü and the verses they call haaya° 2. The party referred to here is known among the Yoruba Muslims of Qyp and its districts as w&limb. 3« The word, oniwahs i is from the Arabic word wac z. Compare the word nasiha (Yoruba: nphsih) which^ means ' advic©- ' and*' open komily’ V ’ The onithfüsiirü. is pronounced differently in different places in the area. While in some places he is called Onithfüsiirü. in other places he is called Onltfcftisiirti. It is pertinent to note that UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 135 They undertook the open-air preaching in collaboration with their pupils and others, and made their impact to be feit in Qyp, Is^yin, §aki, Igboho, Igb^ti, Ki$i and other big towns in the area, Their dynamic activities really gave new vigour and directions to both the Muslims and their religion in this period» They helped in the Organisation of the Muslim communities in the area. Some of them became the Chief Imams and supplanted the Phrkkbyis as the leaders of the jamäfa, Other Muslim officers were chosen for the effective revitalisation of Islam in the area» the .iamäca. as well as the persistent followers of the traditional religion, became enlightened further about the religion» This was usually corroborated by the following songs: (i) Bjji'o1 mfbräl e mäa. ik£ ir'umnb.le. X Jlmb l'äsän Kb gb£ nl d<§ hlü.iännh. B i o bä mäa.iV 1 mble «Tg * mble a kirun (i±) Mldw~o8e 't öbod. ik£ä f’ imrbjlTe~sor^ Nitoripd kb dd ’kün re-. (iii) Esin imble. Esln äläfih. Alääfiä fün onisg. Muhammodu Eniti a fi bsin näh rän» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 3 6 An examination of the nature and condition of Islam and the Muslim communities in Qyp and its districts in the period between 1837 and 1859 shows how rauch the latter and the former achieved by way of Organisation and reconstitution. However, despite the achievements of Islam as analysed so far in this work, there is still some modicum of hope that Islam in the area could still develop stronger roots and generate wider tentacles at least before the influx of its rival, (i) (If you are a Muslim, Be a practising Muslim. Here bearing of the name Jimohj Does not lead one to Paradise» (ü) You,who are a Muslim,Do not befriend a kgfir (pagan), Because it is not in the heart of hiß hearts . , (iii) The religion, Islam,The religion, of peace Peace be unto Muhammad, The purveyor of the religion)» Interview with the ,jamaca in each of the big towns in Qyp and its districtsT December, 1973, March, 1974, August, 1975, November, 1975. See Bibliography Oral Evidence» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 3 7 I mean Christianity^into the area, 2.2 The period of Islamic consolidation. 1860-1895» ■ i ■ 1 ■ j ß . tamm ■ ■ — i rn ra . m n» ■ ■ ■ ■ um i ■ i mmxarnr-vmnmm* — ■— a J — im ■ i — » — — ■iftinWi 2o2i I!oag^uo~building pro^ecta. Earlier in this chapter, we have seen how, in the reign of Alääfin Atiba (1837-1859), Islam was getting established in the ancient towns of the area, and in the new towns that were being resettled or founded.*1 The period of Atiba’s political rehabilitation and the Muslim Islamic resurgence was naturally succeeded by the period of Islamic consolidation0 Düring this period 1860-1895, the position of Islam in the area was very well entrenchedo An obvious important manifestation of the entrenchment during this time, and in each of the towns and villages in this area, is seen in the numerical expansion of the Muslim community, Once the Muslims had been allowed to establish, each Muslim community started to entrench and expand its position^ The number of Muslims in each town increased considerably 1. See above>96p* - 2o The successors of Alähfin Atiba were'.Adelu (1859- 1876) and Adeygmi Alowolodu I (1876-1905)» Though they were not reported to embrace Islam but they were said to be favourably disposed towards the religion, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 138 and this was usually seen during festivals such as t~Idu'l-f itr and al * Idu*1-kabir1 23 In tune with this numerical expansion of the community, there was a reasonable increase in the number of mosques built and used by the community. During the reign of Alähfin Atiba (1837-1859), there were three mosques in Qyp: the central mosque o at Oke Afin market, the Phr&kbyi mosque at Päräkbyl quarter and the ra/t iv bi/ mosque at Agunpopo quarter, "5 During the reigns of Ald&fin Adelu and Aldäfin A&eypmi Alowolodu I, there were «»in addition to these three mosquesjno less than ten^ mosques though they were of 1 . There were no reliable statistics on this^but Observation during festivals could teil. 2. See above, plate 1. on nO(a)p. 3. Interview with the .iamäca. Qyp, December 1973; March 1974 and November, 1975» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. 4» Ibid. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 3 9 rustic simplicity, built of mud, palm leaves, palm fronds and grass, This was also the case in the other big towns such as Ispyin, Ikoyi, $aki, Igboho, Igbpti and Kipi, 2 In this period, there was no figure by which to calculate. Only Lagos and a few other towns in the coast had this opportunity, The case of Ispyin, which is fairly well documented amply illustrates the growth of Islam in the area and in the ensuing years after the period between 1837 and 1859 In June 1878, when it was visited by Reverend James Johnson, Ispyin was recorded to have had barely twelve mosques, 3 Some seven years later, Reverend J.B. Wood1 32 1. Düring this time, the use of corrugated iron sheets was unknown in the hinterland of Yorubaland except in the coast especially Lagos. See The Lagos Times. September lU, 1881, Grass, called ’Bere* was ‘irT vogue even for the construction of the palaces of the Aldhfin and the other pbas in the area. About Bere grass festival, see Johnson, S,, The History of the Yorubas. b9, 98pp, See also Atanda, J.A, The New Qyp Empire. 3-k, 25, 27, 198-202pp. 2. WSeeee klCyo lRoencioarld ,R epIort ,Annual, 1887, 1891. The Lagos 896 3. C.M.S, CA2/056, James Johnson to secretary, G.M.S, June 20, 1878, This time, one of the prominent secretaries of the C,M,S» was Reverend Henry Venn, See Ayandele, E,A., The Hissionary Impact on Modern Nigeria. Grimley, J.B. and E,R» ~Gordon, Church Growth in Central and Southern Nigeria. Michigan, 1 9 3 8 , 290, 328pp. liebster, J.B,, The African UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY li+o actually counted seventeen mosques in the town. 1 Despite the frequent fire outbreaks which destroyed mosques, houses and the king's court in the 1880S , the number of mosque in Is^yin still stood, at least, at sixteen in 1893 as Sir Gilbert Carter noted during his visit to the town in that year, 2 During the tenure of Office of Chief Imäm ^gb^rongbe, the ninth Chief Imam of the town, the central mosque was pulled down and rebuilt into a larger one roofed with corrugated iron s h e e t s T h e central mosque rebuilt in each of the big towns in Qyp and its districts was not merely* 123 Churches among the Yoruba, 3-8» 191-2pp. et passim, See also Arjayi. -T.ff. , Christian Missions in Nigeria and his thesis ChristiaiTlfliBSions and the Making of Nigeria 18U1-1899T (Ph.D„ , London, 1950)7 ™See also Ajayi, W, , A History of Yoruba Mission (C.M.S.) 18U3- 1880. (M.Ao Bristol, 1959JT ' 1. C.M.So G3A2/0i+, Wood to Secretary, C.M.S. Annual Report, 1885. 2. C722, 12p. 3. Interview at Is^yin with the Muslim community, August, 1975= See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY :Uii to accommodate the increasing Muslim community but also served as a manifestation of its growing Status in such an originally traditional milieu as the area. This development was not confined to Is^yin but was also evident in other towns and some big villages in the area. In these cases, there are no regulär or very precise statistics. The rebuilding of the central mosque, the construction of more rätibi mosques1 and other Contem­ porary evidences constituted a testimony to this general expansion in the area in the period between 1860 and 1895» 2.22 Muslim associations and their impact on Islam. Another Step towards the project of Islamic consolidation in Qyp and its districts this time was the formation of Muslim associations. This stemmed from the social background 2 of the Yoruba Muslims in this area. 1. The compound mosques were known in the area as rätlbi mosques and the Imams in Charge of the mosques were called ratlbi ImSms. 2 2. See Okediji, F.O. and 0.0. Okediji (eds.), The Sociology of the Yoruba. chapter 7° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY lk-2 There was a proliferation of the associations in each of the big towns in the area. Here is a list of the associations: ?gb£ Alasälatu,1 2?gb£ Owönikökö, ?gb£ Imple, $gb£ Anäbilönigbh, ?gb^ Onip^hld, ?gb£ Arä?pgbäl$, ?gb# Aröwöpayö, ?gb^ B^mpdäöktf, ?gb£ Arik<$ü?plä, ?gb£ Köüldrfe» ?gb0 Aröwötaköü and the like. 2 In Qyp and its 1. There were stories in Agp Arpsin Qyp Northsof how some wives of the followers of the traditional religion voluntarily eloped and married Muslims as a result of the activities of the associations» Düring this period, the activities of members of the associations were exclusively the affairs of men and the members strove greatly in the work of consoli- dating and expanding Islam» Today in the area, the activities of the association have become the affairs Ootfu ,w omQekna.k a, (AIgnpt eArrvpi,e w Twediet,h Athhae? iMnu sQlyipm Ncoormtmhu,n itAiugeuss ti,n 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence)» 2, ?gb0 Owönikc5k6: 'Association of money is that which matters';^?gb| Im$le: "Association of Muslims'; $gb£ Xnäbilönigbh: Association of the Prophet has the time'; ?gb^ Onip^Alä: 'Association of the worker of great thingd (reference to the Prophet) ; ?gb0 Aräppgbälb: 'Association of those who have clothes in abundance'; üjpgbf Aröwöpayä: 'Association of those who have money in abundance'; ?gb£ B^mpdöbkü: 'Association of the young that should not die'; ?gb^ Ariködppld: 'Association of those who rejoice in Arabic'; ?gb^ K^tildrä: 'Association of Arabic is advantageous'; ]j!gb£ Aröwöräkdti: 'Association of those who have money to demand Arabic knowledge'. Proliferation of the associations reached out to the present Century in furtherance of the work of Islamic entrenchment in the area» Among such later associations were: Ansa- rudeen (AUD) , Nuwairudeen (NUD) , Glvasudeen. Sabatudeen UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 143 districts, the associations were very old, probably dating back to the period of Old Qyp and Qyp-Igboho, They were organised very simply under the leadership of one called glwä<,2 The aims and aspirations of the associations were fundamentally alike: to effect contact and unity amongst the Muslim communities anywhere in Qyp and its districts; ?gb£ Im^mü; 'Association of Imams (both Chief and compound Imams)'; $gb£ Alhajis: 'Association of the Alhajis1» ( nterview with the Muslim community in each of the Muslim towns and villages in the area. Decembers1973, March»1974, August, November, 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence)* 1 .> Interview with the.present Phräkbyi and Alähfin of Qyp, December, 1973j?March, 197 For the period of Qyp-Igboho, s4e,e November, 1975«above chapter i,s 39p* 2. The word giwd means the'head'or'secretary» The word was not originally a Yoruba word but a loan-word in Yoruba language» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY to foster mutual help and understanding; to spread and develop Islam through the process of propagation and conversion, In pursuit of these aims, they engaged in series of dynamic activities, They participated fully and actively in whatever social activities any of their members was involved, such as naming ceremony, marriage ceremony, one marking the successful completion of a course and funeral rites* Moreover, the associations normally turned out en masse on the occasions of Muslim festivals, By this mass turn-out, the associations procured colour, glamour and gaiety to their social engagements, The associations were not merely inward looking» They, as groups of able youngmen, often endeavoured to play active part in the religious life of the entire Muslim community, Whenever the central mosque was being rebuilt, or the cid ground was being cleared or extended or when Muslim festival such as the mawlidu* n-nabi (the celebration of the Prophet's birthday) was planned or there was a dire need for labour or money within the Muslim community, it was customary of the associations UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 145 to donate generously towards the progress of Islam and the Muslim community. They did more than enough concerning the physical entrench- ment of Islam in the area in the period between 1860 and 1895* Their dynamic religious activities constituted some sort of cynosure for non- Muslims, who were, as a result, attracted to Islam. As a result of their dynamic activities, the Muslims of Oyo and its districts constituted a religious group to be reckoned with and no one dared talk of ridiculing the Muslims not to think of routing the religion. Their contribution to the cause of Islam was, by no means, small. More will be said about the the associations later in this work. 2.23 The growth of Muslim scholarship: Another important aspect of the consolidation of Islam was the growth of Muslim scholarship. This may be aptly appreciated if one avoids being unduly influenced by the reports of Christian missionaries such as A,F. Foster and James Johnson or those foreign arm-chair investigators and casual traveIlers who were rather fond of depicting Yoruba Muslims as ignorant, superstitious "followers of the false prophet". 2 There was a proliferation of Muslim scholars, and one remarkable feature of this increase was the noticeable number of local Muslim scholars who hailed from^big centres of Islam in Oyo and its districts. In the previous decades, Islamic knowledge had been almost the responsibility of itinerant and ubiquitious foreign malams or the resident aliens. Similarly, leadership of the Muslim community in some towns such as pyp, Saki, Igboho, Igbeti and Kisi was virtually in alien hands. But it was remarkable that among the new sets of scholars there emerged a larger number of local men, who had learnt Arabic and Islam abroad and, on returning home^had set up as preachers and teachers. The scholars, together with others, were eminent as the Muslim educators who raised the Standard of the prevailing 12 1. Interview with the Muslim communities in Oyo* Iseyin, Saki, Igboho and Kisi, August, November, 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. 2. See Gbadamosi, G. 0., The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba. 197p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY IkS Islamic and Arabic knowledge* The case of Ispyin is illustrative of this point. In Ispyin, there were Ispyin scholars such as Alüfa Aliyu,1 Mpnmpdu ?gbpron- gbe, A% lüfa Mpnmpdu of Imale-falafia 2 who, after they had been educated abroad?probably in Ilprin or far cnorth, returned to Ispyin as towers of learningo Many of such scholars also came from Ayetoro, ö district of Oke-Iho, This time, Ayetoro developed into a big centre of Islamic and Arabic learningo The local scholars educated many others>far and wideaand helped to strengthen both the physical and spiritual Status of Islam in the period between 1860 and 1895» More will be said on Muslim education later in this work, 2,2U Further entrenchment of the Muslims in the royal courts. A step further in the work of Islamic entrenchment this time can be seen in the relationship between the 1» Interview with the .1amac'a. Ispyin* August, 1975» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence* 2» Ibido He was believed to be the man of God* Yoruba * Eni Oldrun) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1U7 Muslims and the traditional political rulers» It has already been noted how^in the previous decades, the Muslims could count on some of their co-religionists within the political set-up in towns such as Qyp and Ispyin, In the period, 1860-1895» a most striking feature of the consolidation of Islam was the further entrenchment of Muslims in the political set-up of many of the towns in Qyp and its districts, and the corollary movement towards the inauguration of an Islamic theocratic state.1 A 1. This Was a matter of course in the history of Islam everywhere in the world« See Nasr, S«H. Ideals and Realities of Islam. London, 1966° 97-118pp„ See also Mandudl. aVa «. . Islamic Law and Constitution. Lahore, I960, 2-l0pp„ About Islamic Law generally (Sharlca)» see the following? Schacht, Jo, An Introduction to Islamic Law. Oxford, 196U and his book: The Origins of Muhammadan Jurispru- dence, Oxford, 1967° See also Coulson, N.J., A History of Islamic Law. Edinburgh, I96I1-, 9-6ipp0 , Fyzee, A.A», Outlines of Muhammad Law. Oxford, 1955; Millot, L, Introduction"al l^etude du droit Musulman. Paris, 1953° The Muslim communities in Qyp*s5idl.ts districts strove to influence the various royal houses in the area to replace the original traditional theocracy with Islamic theocracy by working mosques into the courts of the Icings (see above, plate %. on lL_7(a)i) , and by praying for the king and the entire town in the court every Friday shortly before the .jumâ a prayer„ Despite their enaeavours to translate this ambition to a reality, there was no efficacious result„ The followers UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY / 11+8 In Isqyin,up to 1895 there was no Muslim As$yin„ 4 Nevertheless, there is evidence to show how Muslim political influence at Is^yin was feit especially in the eourt of Ap'̂ yin. Even As^yin, Adeypmi Af^miagba- joye, who was believed to have been'a great friend of the Christian Mission obtained the Services of"a very respectable, polite and hospitable elderly Mohammedan of the traditional religion were hostile to it and the British powfcrs who came later in the Century adopted the 1 iridirect rule" System of government on the basis of the traditiofts and customs of the ppople and not on the basis of Islam even thoughjby then^Islam had become well entrenched in the area» bSeoeo:k , AtAatnadnad,a IhohlAd.s, Tthhea t Ne"wt hÖr.ovuo gfhe mtnhier e.’ indlinr etchti's rule System of government, the Alääfin was able to re- establish the Empire" and unlike in the days of the Old Qyp Empire, Alääfin himself was subject to the final authority of the British powers» It was as a result of respect for traditions and cultures of a new cot of people,and mostly for administrative convenience*that the British powers adopted this System of government at the inchoative stage of their occupation of the area and Yorubaland at large,, 1» Adeleke, Wale, Iwd-Itän Ise.yin, Is^yin, 1961+, 7p» 2, CoM„Io, 1892,6o See also Adeleke, Wale, Iwd Ithn Isgyin. 7p - This As^yin^-indeed>gave another prince for Christian instruction but this prince soon quited it all» The As$yin did this in order to satisfy his Christian subjects for»in Yorubaland,as said£ arlier, a king is regarded the patron of all the religions operating in his town„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 11+9 as a teacher to one of his princes." 4 His successor, Adeyanju Ologunebi, though, not a Muslim, was no less pro-Islam and pro-Muslim, The king's priest, by name Noo, 2 and the Aspyin himself joined in the customary Muslim fast of 1881, This Muslim political influence was not limited to just Is^yin, it was the case in the other big centres of Islam in Qyp and its districts, This was naturally so because the Muslims were in the majority in the towns, The pba in each town respected them and tolerated their religion in order to maintain an un- broken and untainted loyalty of his Muslim suhje-cts, This was well expressed in the appearance of the pba on important festival days of the Muslims and the Muslims* visit to the palace on such occasions, The culmination of the political influence of the Muslims is seen, as mentioned earlier in this work, in the erection of mosques in the courts of the Alähfin and the other pbas 1. 1C,8M7»8S. CA2/056, James Johnson, Journal for June 20,, 2. C,M,S, G3A2/02 A,F, Foster, Journal for the Half year ending June 1881, 3. CoMcS, G3A2/01, A.F, Foster: Journal extract for the half year ending; December 1880, See also C.M.S. GA2/Oi+O, Foster to sec, G,M„S, May 11+, 1871+, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY / 1$Ö and the practice of calling on the pbas in theih Courts every Friday, shortly befohe the .iuma«~a prayer tö offen pnayers f'or the pbas, their Various offiöers, the courtiers, and the town as a wholê J Here again, the Situation in Ispyin can be hifentioned, The Reverend Foster, the C,M,S, pastor heäident in Ispyin, often reported that seldom did he Vieit the Aspyin without meeting in his court, either by accident or design, the ImSm (Chief) and bonie MüsliiiiB. V/ithout doubt, the influence of the Miislim community continued to grow at the court and among the chiefs^ evfen though the Aö?yin had not yet formally embraced Islam.. Similarly, development was taking place in other towns like ßaki, Igboho, Igbpti and Ki?i= The Muslim political influence helped^in a large measure, the entrenchment 1» See above, f.n, 1 on lh7p • 2, C„M,S, G3A2o03, A»F, Foster, Journal Extract for the year ending 1883» 3o Bishop Oluwple found^in l89h:»that the ''present king and many of his chiefs are more favourable towards Llohammedanism" (Islam) q.va CoMAE, 189h» 682p, Bishop Oluwple spent a week in Ispyin during his first confirmation tour in 189h. h, Interview with Muslim community in each of the towns above, August, 1973» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 5 1 of Islam in Qyp and its districts, There were stories of how some pbas, princes, princesses and courtiers, became favourably disposed towards Islam or even embraced Isl-am as a result of their having been declared predestined. Muslims by Qrünmilh (Ifä).^ This also enhanced the Status of Islam in this period 2^25 Sufism and its impact on Islam, Another factor which aided the entrenchment of Islam in Qyp and its districts in the period betareen 1860 and 1895 was sufism, 21p 1, It is pertinent to recall here how princese Nana of Ikoyi was predestined a Muslim by Ifä. See above, ldj.i5s-t6rppi,c ts,T hibsu t wwasi densoptr elaidm itiend Y otrou b December 1973, March, August, November., 1975» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. 2» See above, map 1 on i(a)p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 156 from Ki$i, Igbpti, Igboho, $aki, Iganna and Oke-Iho» Thanks also to the efforts of non-indigenous Muslims such as Alüfa Kokewukoberc, Alüfa Kewlere, 'Alüfa Akewugbpru who stationed at 979» and \A lüfa Kabasira1 who came somewhere from the North» Many of the children of Muslims in the big towns went to Ilprin and Lagos in pursuit of Islamic and Arabic education» They subsequentls^ returned to their area as dynamic propaga- tors of Islam in the outlying districto So far was the Situation of Islam and the Muslim communities in Qyp and its districts in the period between 1837 and 1895- Contemporaries were greatly impressed by the development of Islam during the period between 1860 and 1895= Here, the observations of some people and papers on the state of Islam in Yorubaland further in general will throw^light on the ponition of 1, Interview with the jamä^a in Awp, Akinmprin, Ilpra, Fiditi, Sppptpri, Aha, Tede, etc»» August, 1975* See Bibliography; Oral Evidence» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 5 7 Islam in the area in this period as there are no avail- able documents directly containing such observations on this area of Yorubaland, Thus, as early as 1878, James Johnson who exhibited a good deal of interest in Islam, praised the dynamism of the Muslims and their spirit of seif and mutual help; adding that "Muslims have covered the country with mosques (and) their number is very large and steadily increasing". A Moreover, according to Ajayi: "By 1878 the new Qyp was reported to have at least twelve mosques» Koranic schools were spreading» The occasional Islamic scholar from Ilprin or further north, spent a few years with different Islamic communities, teaching the imams, improving their knowledge of Islamic theology, law and traditions, and generally, helping to organise the communities along Islamic lines» Qyp migrants from these centres helped to spread some of this Islamic knowledge and influence to other parts of Yoruba country"» 2 1» C,M,S» CA2/056, Annual Letter of James, Johnson 1973» 2» Ajayi, JoF.A», "The Aftermath of Old Qyp" in History of West Africa, Vol» II» lU7p° See also Mabogunjp, AoL.o, Urbanisation in Nigeria. 9U-5PP»; Gbadampsi, G»0o, The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba. chapters 2 and 3* et passim» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 5 8 The editor of The Lagos Times in 1881 gave a graphic expression to the status of Islam in Yorubaland in the following high sounding words: "Yoruba Mohamme- danism walks, trots, and gallops about with the vigour, nobleness and energy of independent manhoodc" «j Similarly, another newspaper, observed very aptly "silently but eloquently, Mohammedanism is declaring itself a power among us" . As the people of Qyq and its districts vrerc among the first cot of people to cmbrace Islam in Yorubaland, the observations of the people and papers above can be taken to be apt illustrations of the status of Islam in this area of Yorubaland in the nineteenth Century, 1 » The Lagos Times, September 11+, 1881 „ 2c The Lagos Observer, September 3 and 21+, 1887» 3» See Gbadampsi, G=0ä, The Growth of Islam,,.. 8p„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 159 CHARTER THREE 3 o THE EXPANSION OE ISLAM IN OYO AND ITS DJSTRICT3 IJL THE ERA OP CHRISTIANITY ̂ “ " " 1875-1900 3»1 The rise of Christianity in Yorubaland, The Muslim community of Qy-p and its districts, . from the mid-nineteenth Century onwards, like the rest of its communities in West Africa at large, was in a serious transitiono In this period, what distinguished this community from others was that it faced the perplexities and opportunities of modernity as heirs of a unique tradition» The community was characterised by a faith, Islam$and a great past» What happened to tho community and its faith when Christianity gained access into the area is the subject of this chapter, This section of the work will be brief on the history of the penetration of this force into Qyp and its districts since it is no part of this v/ork to recapitulate the history of the influx of Christianity into the area., The points discussed here are those necessary for the elucidation of the history of the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 16 0 expansion of Islam into the area between 1875 and 1900. It is generally believed that Islam gained access into Yorubaland before Christianity and that-to the people^the two religions are entirely new faiths. Here again, the following Yoruba saying is apposite^ lIild£ Xlaa bbdd 1 2f d, 1mble , Fsdn gangqn ni lgbägbd v/pld de - (We met Ifd -1 at home> We met Islam at home * But it was late in the day that Christianity arrived, There is a variant to this song. The variant goes thus: ___la ta ’fd, Ayd la bd 'mble , Osdn gangan nT“J 1 . Ifd or Qrünmild is a divinity in Yoruba traditional pantheon» In the saying above»it Stands to represent Yoruba traditional religion at large. 2, The variant portrays no difference, This also gives us the picture of the successive introduction of the three religions into Yorubaland. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY (We met Ifa in the world, We met Islam in the worid, It wCahsr ilsattiea niitny thcea med ayi nt)h„at The two sayings,taken together,signify the fact that of the three religions practised in Yorubaland, Christian faith is the most recent» Moreover,, it is worth noting that while the towns in the coast of Nigeria had contact with the white men very early, the hinterland of Yorubaland had contact with them very late» Por example, it was only in the second half of the nineteenth Century that white men began to explore Qyp and its districts for the purpose of religious and political expansion« " ; "i- Records show that Christianity gained access into Yorubaland in 18JL|.2 through Badagry, The leader of this missionary effort was the revered Thomas Birch Freeman, the energetic and indefatigable Superintendent of the 1 » Concerning this, see Awolalu, J.o., Sacrifice in the Religion of the Yoruba. 3U6p See also Federal Republic of Nigeria N.Y.C* lectures: "Palm Oil Trade, Missionaries and the Beginning of Britain's informal Empire in Nigeria"» 68p»; Oduypye, Modupp, The Planting^ of Christianity in Yorubaland. 18U2-1888. Ibadan, 19%97’22ff. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 162 Methodist Mission at Cape Coast» Urged hy the pioneering success of the Methodist in Yorubaland, the local Committee of the C.MoS. in Sierra-Leone sent out Reverend Henry Townsend on January 18^3» Both Freeman and Townsend, one after the other, were very warmly received both by the liberated slaves,2 the paramount chief of the 3*lgba, Sod̂ kfj, and his chiefs» The main C.M,S. Mission was led by Reverend C.Ao Gollmer, whose retinue were Townsend and Samuel Ajayi Crowther. Hc arrivcdin Yorubaland in 1845° x The attempt of the missionaries to proceed to Ab^okuta for evangelical purpose was forestalled by the sudden death of $od$k$ and they were constrained by the prevailing oircumstance3 to stay in Badagry improving the life of the nascent Community of Christians there» Concerning the experience of the missionaries, it is recorded that there was no hostility in the overt sense but the hold Of the traditional religion on the people was very firm» 1» Awolalu, J.Oo , Sacrif ice»,. . , 346p» 2. The emancipated Akü slaves who were repatriated from Sierra-Leone are meant here» 3. Awolalu, JoOo Sacrif ice»«,», on. cit. ,3k6p, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 6 3 The persistent followers er the traditionel religion had welcomed Christian missienaries not hecause they wanted Christianity?but because they were v/eak and poor compared to the aaherents of Islaraic religion and they hoped that the missionaries could attract some trade back to the town, From the Statement above, two important things can be aeduced, Firstly, the coast of Nigeria served as a diffuse centre from where Christianity spread to the hinterland of Yorubaland, Secondly5 we know that both the traditional religion and Islam were very deeply entrenched before the influx of Christian missionaries„ At this juncture, it is worth n.tir- th-''- ■'•he people who advocated the introduction of Christianity into Yorubaland were not rembers of the traditional society but the westernised liberated slawes ? who feit 1. Ajayi, JhF, Ade,, Christian Missionn in Nigeria. 3Up» 2, See above, chapter 2, ill~i24pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY that they were missing in Nigeria the sort of Western education and Christian companionship ¥/hich they used to enjoy in Freetown. Moreover, they wanted their people to benefit from the light they had got abroad. In this eonnection the words of Sam. Epelle are apposite; "The slave trade had its favourable repercussions in Nigeria, for with the establishment of British Colonies in the West Indies and Sierra-Leone (Freetown) , Negroes who had imbibed European culture at first hand returned as educational, commercial and government pioneers to enlighten their brethreno"i The missionaries were therefore invited and they came Those who received them with gladness v/ere the ex~slavee and some others who were close to and influenced by them. They v/ere scattered all over the towns and villages in Yorubaland especially Lagos, Badagry and Ab^okuta. The Christian-elaves, who were of Ij^bu origin, however, were not favourably received by their people, for they were 1. Grimley, J.B0 and G.E« Robinson, Central and Southern Nigeria, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY regarded as people who had no regard for tradition, They feit that once the missionaries and their African supporters got in, they would disrupt the traditional beliefs and organisations» This was why the Awujal?, the pba of Ij^bu, "sent messages from time to time to the Ondo, Ijaw, ?gba and Ibadan urging them to drive away the supposed greatest enemies of Yorubaland, the missionaries and their followers, from the country" Wherever the ex-slaves had good footing, Christianity was established, Between I8k3 and 18i|6, Christian stations were established in Badagry and Ab^okuta, And by 1851, after the British had suppressed slave trade in Lagos, the block between Lagos and Abfokuta was Olearedo Missionaries now had unrestrieted movement between Lagos and Ab^okuta in the hinterland, It was also reported that "the fetish priests had taken alarm at Shodek^' eager welcome of Christian missionaries and in their jealpus fear of losing their own power had poisoned hinrh 2 1. See Ayandele, S.A., The Missionary Impact» <> . , 35p« 2o Walker, The Romance of the Black River. C.MoS,, London, 1931» 55p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 166 Mission houses, churches and schools were erected, and the children of the soil were sponsored to read abroad» Sermons were preached and converts were made» The people paid particular attention to Rev, Adayi CroT/ther whose mother was one of the first batch to be baptised in Ab^okuta» On February 55 18U8, "Another account of that first Company of converts was a priestess of Ifä and four of Crowther's own nieces who were baptised at the same time”» •“j But the account added: "Though the people vaguely recognised a supreme God, whom they called Qlyrun1 and to whom, they enlightened Shod ,, 1. See above, 23-̂ 4-pp« UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 170 the Africans in the church» 4 Thus the structure and societal position of the Muslim community afforded it a positive advantage over Christianity in Qyp and its districts. It afforded Islam a colossal opportunity to grow considerably in the area, vis-a-vis Christianity. This growth often Struck the Christian missionaries; and some of them during their evangelistic tours and campaigns, feit how powerful this influence could be in the area« In this regard, the Situation in Is$yin can be cited. This town was often visited by the C„M„S. 2 and Baptist missionaries such as Townsend and Bowen, who were both ambitious and zealous to establish their religion, Christianity, in this area and in fact in Qyp and its districts in general« The evangelical tours made by Bowen to this town were hardly successful chiefly 1. See for example, the contrary views and policies personif ied in Townsend and Henry Venn about the place of the educated African clergy within the set-up of the C.M.S. about the middle of the nineteenth Century« This wrangle led to the removal of Bishop Ajayi Crowther as the Bishop of the Niger Mission in 1890, an event that generated considerable racial acrimony within the Christian Church« It, however, marked the inception of the "purge" of Africans from the Niger, and the triumph of the policy of European control and dominance« For further Information, see Ajayi, J«F0A. Christ Mis­ sions o» . 17U-189PP« 2» The C.M.S» is also known as the Anglican Mission« UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 171 because before the advent of Chris tianity.* Islam was very deeply ingrained and the town had become a strong Muslim centre» When Bowen's messengers arrived at the court of the 9ha of Is^yin, they found no less than about 100 Muslims in attendance, But the 9ha of Is$yin, like most 9bas in Yorubaland, maintained the policy of open-mindedness and apparent support to all religions» This was necessarily so becausej. .as. eaid earlier in this work, to enjoy the allegiance -af all his subjects the 9ha must present himselfjto all -and sundry; as the patron of all the religions in his town, Connivance at any religj.on or religious group could cause disruption, secession and eventual collapse of the reign of such an 9ba„ Thus,concerning the religions in any Yoruba town the pba is on a subtle ground and needs to tread warily» Little or no wonder then that when the 9ba of Is^yin was approached by Townsend in 18 5 6, he had little reservation in granting permission 1 . Bowento Bro» Taylor, December 1851, in correspondence ojj the Missionaries of the^ Sjoujbhern Bap'tist_. Covention, Yoruba Mission. 1850-1890 Tn ~microf'i 1 m in the Lib7 of the University of Ibadan, Ibadan» This correspondence • is later cited as Bowen's correspondence., UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 172 to the solicitous missionary to erect a missionary Station; but when Rev„ G.F. Buhler, on the strength of this perraission, came along in April to establish there he incurred, despite the welcome of the pba, a stiff Opposition from the Muslims, whom he found to be "very angry" when they were told about his arrivalo"* Indeed, before his arrival, they had tried to prevent settling down at Is^yin and "it was, therefore, spread everywhere that we should no more come to Is^yin",^ This stiff Opposition, on the part of the Muslim community in the town, undermined the work and 1 . C„MoS» CA2/02U, Buhler's Journal for the Quarter ending June 25, 1856. 2, CoM,S. C A 2/ 0 6 8 , Maser's Journal for the Quarter ending June 25, 18560 It was noted that t.he Muslims, for example, had cleared away the trees which were used to demarcate the plot given to the Christians, and to have "buried a powerful charm to kill us when we passed over it," 3» CoM,So CA2/068, Maser's Journal'for the Quarter ending June 25, 1856„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 173 any potential success of the missionary: and such was the Situation that in 1858 a resolution was passed by the C»M„S„ in Ab^okuta to abandon the Station at Is^yin» As a result of this abandonment, missionary work in Is$yin and its environe was abandoned for some years» In this milieu, Islam had ample Chance to expand and the Muslim community in the area continued t.o grou in siae and stature day in day out and uninterrupted, The Situation in Is^yin was similar to that in other big centres of Islam in Qyp and its districts such as Ki$i, Igb^ti, 2 Igboho, Saki and Ikoyi„ In each of these towns* the Muslims were vehemently reactionary to the inception of Christianity and were prepared to suppress Christianity and uphold Islam on point of death» Their conservatism accelerated and solidified this reactionary 1» CoM,S, CA2/051» Holinhead to Sec, C»M.S, June 28, 1858=, One opposing voice to this resolution appeared to plead against it, saying that he knew that Is^yin and the people knew him, and that "even the ignorant Mohammedans (sic) desire it", The basis of his sup- plication that the Muslims even his "ignorant" ones want Christian evangelisation is difficult to gain any subscription, if not for its illogicality at least in the face of the practical experience of the Christian evangelist at Is$yin„ 2o See map 1 on l(a)p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 17k measure against Christian missionaries and Christianity» However, the Christian missionaries were able to make some impact in recently islamised towns where there were Just handfuls of Muslims and a veneer of Islam» Among these were towns such as, Piditi, Ilpra, and Akinmprin»1 Towns and quarters where overseas native Christians, I mean the Aku Christians, were mostly concentrated the missionaries enjoyed some degree of support and tolerance» Such Muslim influence and reactionary measure can be easily overloaded and etretched to explain the failure of Christian missionaries to establish Christianity in some towns and villages in Qyp and its districts in the late nineteenth Century» However, without exaggerating the fact, it is worth noting that it was not always that the Muslims successfully exerted their influence to fore- stall Christian missionary enterprise» There were stories of how the Muslims in the big centres of Islam in the area rallied round to exert their influence with Muslim Sierra- Leonean emigrants, the Aku Muslims, with a view to getting Christian missionaries out of the towns and villages» The Muslims called the Christian missionaries intruders UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 175 and hated them and their religion, 3 . 3 The difficulties confronting the early Christian missionaries* and their impact on Christian advance and the expansion of Islam, The first difficulty to eonfront the early Christian missionaries in Qyp and its districts was climatic, The tropical climate constituted one of the odds against which the missionaries had to struggle heroically, Generally, the physical environment played a vital role in Qyp and its districts which lie within the tropics, where the sun is almost overhead throughtout the year, It is the belief of some geographers and African historians that the effeet of the intensity of direct solar radiation in the tropics on the white who had just come from a temperate climate without adequate head protection, has been responsible for the sun- stroke from which they so frequently suffered, This is, however, attributed by some to the effect of ultra-violet radiation and by others to infra-red0 This, any way, has not been proved by medical Science of Western orientation, The climatic Problem gave rise to brevity UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 176 of the Service of most of the missionaries in this period. The Rev» A. Scott Patterson gave the following estimate in his address at the Association Conference (the fore-runner to the Nigerian Baptist Convention) in 1915: 'Düring these 65 years Southern Baptists, in obedience to Christ Commands, have sent about 60 missionaries to the African field... Of the 60 missionaries some 2b have died on the field or after leaving the field from the effects of the climate: 22 have had to leave the field on account of ill-health, due (owing)"' to the climate, and today we have ab out the same number of missionaries» The area is situated at the fringe of the forest zone. Thus two types of Vegetation are available in the area - the open grassland in the interior and the tropical forest at the border. The tropical forest at the border produced an obstacle to European influx. This was a physical obstacle of a different type owing to heavy amount of rainfall. This phenomenon had side effects of natural calamities such as epidemic of insects or fungal pests. The early Christian missionaries in Qyp 1. The word in parenthesis is mine. 2. VGorlo»v es,, LCo.nP.d o, n,T he19 2P+l8a, nt12ipn.g of Chri”stianity in Africa1 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 177 and its districts, like those in any other part of Nigeria, easily feil victims to such diseases on their entry into the tropics and they had to wage constant warfare against them. In 1897, Sir Ronald Ross was said to have made a remarkable achievement in the medical field by his * revolutionär discovery that part of the malaria parasite's cycle is passed in the Anopheles mosquito’» 4 The parasite of sleeping sickness was discovered to be carried by a species of tse-tse-fly. If any one had to control the disease, he must learn to control the insect vector» The influence of malaria was so rampant and its presence dreadful that it decided the fate of the entcrprises undertaken by the early white men, by causing heavy mortality among the Portuguese pioneers, and it was rightly called "the African fever" and earning the West Coast of Africa, the detestable and terrifying description of "The White Man's Grave"» p The role played by malaria in the history of Christianity in Africa and especially South of Nigeria 1. Groves, C«P3, The ^lanting of Christianity.... 2p» 2» Ibid», 12p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 178 was very significant«, The Niger Expedition, justified on Christian principles but equally a heavily sponsored great imperial excursion for the acquisition of British influence in West Africa in the early l8U0s, later proved a devastating failure» The expedition was almost a total disaster» No fewer than 136 of the lk5 Europeans who had taken part were struck with malaria and within a short time, kO had died» A And of 138 Africans who took part, only -\-\ took ill while none died0 This episode added another epithet to the "White Man’s Grave"o The Rio Nun was called "the Gate of the Cemetery", p Thus it was later eoncluded that for reasons of climate and of expense, a large part of the missionary staff had to be Africans» Another natural difficulty that confronted the early Christian missionaries was the unnavigable of the nature of most/African rivers, The Niger and the Benue are characteristically punctuated with large and jagged rocks on both sides and falls or bends at some points» The boats or vessels of early missionaries occasionally 1» Geoffrey, Mo, The Missionaries. 1973, 85p<> 2“ f̂eid.̂ , 85p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 179. faced turbulent waves too, Muhgo Park had lost his life on the Niger, The Niger delta opens to the sea in a multitude of creeks and rivers, Language barriers and custom variatione also presented a problem to the early Christian missionaries, The missionaries were very zealous and enthusiastic to preach and teach Christianity, and if possible to supplant Islam and the age-long traditional religion, But it was unfortunate that the missionaries did not understand and could not speak Yoruba language while the local people did not understand and could not speak Engligh, It was a problem in both ways, and the Situation retarded the potential progress of Christianity for a very long period but created an avenue for Islam to develop wider tentacles, The problem was partially solved with the emergence of native pastorate when Qyp sons and daughters were sent to Mission Schools in places such as Qyp, Lagos, Abpokuta and Topo to be trained as translators, Inter­ preters, Professional teachers and vernacular preachers, Gaining a knowledge of the language and customs of the people occupies a good deal of the time and attention UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 180 of a missionary during his first one-to-three years on the field« Slavery and the slave traffic were araong these factors and were interrclated with other factors« Livingstone wrote, "Naturally it was the divoreing of superfluous wives, and the freeing of slaves that formed the greatest difficulty for the missionaries - it meant nothing less than breaking up a social System developed and fortified by long centuries of custom"« A The practice of slavery in Nigeria was a part of the problem. The capture and sale of slaves for commercial purposes constituted a raore publicised problem« But both were condemned byt^h/eearly missionaries as being unchristian and this posed both a cultural and an economic problem« This was a considerable hinderance to a ready acceptance of the Gospel« Associated with the sljive traffic was constant intertribal war and distrust, though slavery was certainly not the onljr cause of this« The sources of conflict were many« In this connection*the following observations are 1» Ln«idv«i ngst-onpep«, W»P., Mary Slessor of Calabar. New York, 26 7 UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 181 pertinent: "The Fulalas had been victorious in the Eleduwe War (1830) which opened the Yoruba country of Nigeria to I s l a m , T h e Fulalas brought the Koran and the Prophet of the sword,.0 The War of 1830 reduced to dust and ashes many beautiful towns in Yoruba country„ It brought several new kings and Awbaerrrnioo,r s Oltuoy Ypolre ubtao tIobwandsa n,- Kaunmdi A ttiob aI jatioy et,h e Aynoew to Qyp, Jealousies among the Yoruba warriors led the country into inter-tribal combat more bitter and deatructive than the Fulala War",2 For fifty years or more after this war, travelling was often perilous and difficult, In this connection, Duval's Observation is öpposite. "Because the Baptist Mission staff was small and wars were almost constant in the interior, the work at Ogbomp^p had not been visited for a long time, but now on account of some trouble in the church there, Brother Smith towards the end of 1885 made a visit to that city0o„ To get permission to travel and protection in the way for the first twenty five miles he had to pay£5 (present Nigerian MIO)in goods to the Abeokuta chiefs» The rest of the two hundred miles was free with the exception of paying tolls at various points along the roads"3 1, In all probability, the Fulani are meant here, Grimley, , Baptist Missions in Nigeria, 3hp» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 1 8 7 of agents and thus weakened the staff and dealt a strong blow to native confidence in the church. In this Situation, the fact of Islamic adaptability to African values offered. Islam enough opportunity to expand at an alarming rate., Also related to this conflict between Christian ethics, as understood by missionaries, and traditional ethics was the problem that sometimes arose over secret cults, Secret cults were often a sign of influence and Status. Some of their practices were not acceptable to the Christian concept of morality» This made it necessary for some to choose between being a Christian and accepting the honour of belonging to such a cult, Others attempted to live a dual life with inner conflicts. Islam had successfully condemned association with secret societies long before the influx of Christianity. Thus when Christianity came, the issue of secret cults did not constitute any serious threat for Islam. With the problems so far enumerated, Christianity was not able to make a significant impact in most parts of the interior of Nigeria. For a considerable length of time>the Christian missionaries were kept at bay; only the few fearless ones amongst them were able to come to UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 188 the interior to preach Christianity. The problems delayed European contact with Qyp and its districts for a very long time. While towns in the coast of Nigeria such as Lagos and Badagry had contact with the Europeans very early in the eighteenth Century, the people of Qyp and its districts smelt the air of British influence only in the second half of the nine- teenth Century. The Situation created for Islam and the Muslims enough ground to expand. The expaneion of Islam was partially checked by the native pastors trained by the white missionaries. They were part of the people and were used to the situations in the tropics. The Problems that rendered early Christian influence nil in the interior were not so serious for the native pastors. They understood Yoruba very well. Hence they could teach and preach Christianity among their people with relative ease. They had natural immunity against tropical diseases which were hazardous to the nature of the white people. They were not seriously affected by the bitc of tse-tse fly. As a matter of fact, they were at an advantage over their white counter-parts in almost all raeslpeicgtiso uso f litfhee /of the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 189 people. However, the fact of their success should not be over-emphasised, It is worth noting that before the emergence of the native pastors Islam had become well entrenched and the Muslims had become very influential. There were also problems of finance and struggle for hegemony between the native pastors and their white counter-partso In this milieu, Christian missionary activities did not yield any appreciable results where- as Islam continued to expand at an incredible rate. 3oho The challenge of Christianity and the reaction of the "Muslims. As the Christian missionaries saw Muslim communities expand and grow^in influence#they became very envious and concerned, all the more so as their conversions in the fields were, by their own estimates, relatively in- significant compared with those of their Muslim counter-parts. Islam spread in an inverse ratio to Christianity, The Christian missionaries could not make UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 190 any appreciable progress among the Muslims, since they were very reactionary-,7 conservative and seldon potential Christians» This was partieularly true of the C.M.S, and the Baptist which were, today in Qyp and its districts, the oldest and easily the largest and most widely dispersed of the different Christian missionary agencies in Yorubaland at large and Qyp and its districts in particular. It was these two Christian missionary agencies, and especially the C»M»S., that expcefeSe-cl'. most concern about the Muslim position» But it is essential to realise that the hostility constituted by the C,M„S» was regarded by the Muslims as representative of the attitude of all Christians» In 1875, the concern of the Christians about the growth of Muslim influence came to a climax» •i This year, a Christian plan was, through the efforts of Rev» 1, The Christian concern at poor evangelical yield, partieularly among Muslims, was obviously a universal one, affecting areas outside Yorubaland such as other parts of Africa, India, China and Turkey» This general concern was the driving force behind the summons in 1875, of the Edinburgh Conference which discussed the general issue of Christian Missionary work in Muslim areas» A report woafs tphue bplrioscheeedd iinng st hea ndM usrleismol Wuotrilodn,s of1 , 1t9h1is1 , C5o9n-f6e6rpepn»ce See also Stock, E» , History of the C»M,S.» Vol»3, London, 1899, 133ff« UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 191 James Johnson,"^ formulated tc challenge Muslim expansion and position in Yorubaland, a plan that eventually affected the Muslim community of Qyp and its districts, First)there was to be a shift of emphasis in the duties of the local ministers whose role was now to be cast more in the mode of missionaries than of pastors, This would Step up evangelical work by Christian Missions in a country dominated by non-Christians and especially by the conservative and uncompromising Muslims, In addition to increased evangelical venture, there was a greater need, it was feit, for native clergy specially trained, and paiticularly in Arabic language in order to be better equipped to fight and discuss with the Muslims, The Yoruba Muslims in any part of io The Rev„ James Johnson was to have attended the 1875 Edinburgh Conference where it was resolved to have "a special mission of Mohammedans"; and he was appointed as its Superintendent, subject to the supervision of the local finance committee, (q,v, C.MoS, CA2/056, James Johnson to Sec, , C„M„S. Jaiiuary 18, 1877)o Thus the chief agent of the new deal was to be the Rev, James Johnson, Dr, E.A. Ayandele, in his work: ''Biographie of Rev, (later Bishop) James Johnson", has it that J, Johnson was, however, not formally appointed, largely as a result of some politics in the Yoruba Church Mission, Indeed nobody was, But this notwithstanding, he evidently showed interest and enthusiasm in the missionary work among UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 192 Yorubaland, it was argued, were not to be thought of as being "altogether ignorant of the contents of their books"; and consequently it would be helpful to missionary work if sorae local missionaries were knowledgeable in Arabic and could read the Qur^än, This knowledge would give them access to intelligent Muslims«, Proficiency in »and indeed accurate knowledge of this language was vital since the Muslims criticised the current erroneous English translations of the Qur-’än, 2 Por the purpose of getting these trained men, some local clergy should be selected to acquire proficiency in Arabic language, It was expected that *2 Muslims in Yorubaland, He soon detailed out to the secretary of the C,M,S«, what the Yoruba Mission could dojand in fact did, about the Situation, 1» CoMoS, CA2/056, Jo Johnson to Secretary C„M«,S, April 29, 1875» 2- It is the general belief of some scholars that the populär English word, "almsgiving" does not give the accurate meaning of all that is involved in the Arabic word zakat„ Thus they hold that the word ztiaokna,t should be preferred to its English transla- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 193 this measure would assist the local Christian evangelists and controversialists, if not to gain more souls or silence or refute Muslim disputants, at least to earn for the Christian missionary the respect of the Muslimfi As a corollary to the availability of local clergy versed in Arabic, there should be supplies of Arabic-Yoruba texts of Christian religious literature for the Muslim Popula­ tion«2 But the greatest reliance was placed in the literacy provided by the Mission» Literacy had been offered as a handmaid to missionary work among peoples not literate in English» Since the literacy offered to the peoplc the possibility of trade and employment with European firms and so on, converts and the adherents of other religions wanted to be literate in English» The populär clamour for literacy»(mfr<3 ko. mbd kh),-» therefore presented the Christian Missions with what they would have designated a DIVINBLY provided 1» CoM,So CA2/q 56, Jo Johnson to Secretary C„MoS<. April 2 9 , 1 8 7 5 . 2 . C . M . S o C A 2 / 0 5 6 , Jo Johnson to Sec- C»M0S. March 6 , 1876 , UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 19k opportunity for close contact and evangelisation among the people« In the urgent task of intensifying raissionary work, this glorious opportunity was indeed to be fully utilised, As for the Muslims, James Johnson stressed that "our desire is to get as much as we can of our religion into Mohammedan scholars before they leave school" (later referred to by the Muslims in Qy 1-Kitgb" „ 1. It is the rather opprobrious term by which the Yoruba describe ''Christians". Many of the early Christians in Yorubaland were called "creoles". The term is also used for the returned emigrants from Brazilo q«v.. Abraham, R.C. Dictionary of Modern Yoruba. London, 1958, 2. C.M.S. CA2/056, James Johnson to Sec. C.M.S., April 29, 1875» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY bilingual Muslim teachers such as thosc from Ilprin, Hausaland and some trained-abroad local Muslim teachers» In Lagos, for instance, Idris O.A. Animasaun was for some indefinite period in 1896 the teacher in Arabic to a group of European and local clergymen» Classes were held twice or thrice a week., Thus some people like Rev. M»S«. Cole, the Sev, James Johnson, Rev, A.J. Ogunbiyi, Rev» M.T» Ajayi later emerged with some proficiency in Arabic, Thus later, Lagos served, for some period of time, as a diffuse centre from where clergy trained in Arabic reached other parts of Yorubaland for the purpose of teaching and preaching Christianity to the Muslims in the language understood by them„ It was this small number that formed the coterie of Christian lettered men who began and continued the tradition of translating and Publishing a few Christian 1, Animasaun to Blyden, 1896, in correspondence relating to the appointment of Blyden as agent of Native Affair in the Library, University of Ibadan. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 199 tracts specially meant for the Muslims, For example, the Rev. T. A.J. Ogunbiyi produced 1jlshrb Kükürü1, its English Version., 'Tracts for Muhammadane,' and 'Äwpn forfr Qlflrun* containing the Lord's prayer, the 'Ten Commandments' and a few scriptural texts both in Yoruba and Arabic, 4 Others produced similar small pamphlets, such as 'Äwpn Imhle, which contain stories of some Muslim converts and '\t&n Mbmddh. which is a Sketch of the life of Prophet Muhammad, Certainly,the most notable literary production was the Yoruba translation of the Qur>Sn by the Rev, M.S, Gole, which was indeed a feat» These worksjhowever, found little favour with those for whom they were meant, Even the Yoruba Qur^an moved right down to the early part of the present Century "very slowly" among the Muslims, 2 ■), The address of Bishop Oluwple to the third session of the second synod of the Diocese of Western Equato- Sreiasls iAofnr iocfa ,t heM ayS ec1o91n1d, Syinno pdr "ooTc"e *etdhie nPgis ocoef steheo FThWiersdt ern EquatorTal" Africa 2, See the 1906 Synod Report of the Diocese of Western Equatorial Africa, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 200 It is worth noting here that the connivance of the Muslims at the works was, to some extent, in tune with fairly general connivance, even among the Yoruba Christians, of the Yoruba translations prepared by the Christian Missions, The Bible in the local language was, for example, initially neglected just as other translated books and tracts were. Portalthough these translations into the local language were often made only by dint of hard and intelligent work, they still made negligible impression on a people who placed greater value on English and works in English. The neglect of the Muslim tracts, however, had the extra reason that the Muslims regarded them as biased, prejudiced and religiously strategical, As a matter of fact, the books necessarily tended to be so because of their religious rather than literary motivation, Here again?one should not connive at ''conoervatism' as one of the characteristic features of a Yoruba Muslim, A Yoruba Muslim was particular about his religion and not anything that could turn his 1» CoM„S, CA2/056 James Johnson to Sec. C.M.S., January 30 , 1878, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 201 mind away from this faith. His conservative attitude to new developments made hira think that any interest had in the tracts written by Christian clergy could eventually lead to conversion to Christianity. Thus the Muslims adopted the policy of creating a religious gap between theraselves and the votaries of other religions so that Islam might not be jeopardised by external force6. In this Situation,»the Christians could not boast of any immediate success in their use of "spiritual nword" among the Muslims. Ardent evangelical work among Muslims, however, involved more than the production of pamphl^ts or- tracts. It necessarily involved a persuasive policy. Earlier, the conservative attitude of the Iluslims was pointed out To win suc^a/set of people to other faith, the Christian missionaries must have to appeal to the inner conscience of the Muslims and be able to persuade them convincingly to embrace Christianity. They would either let the Muslims see the advantages Christianity has in stock for them or highlight the banes in their continuing patronisation of Islamic faith. It was in the course of this attempted persuasion that keen disputation arose UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 202 with the Muslims on various aspects of ethics and theology. In Qaki, Ispyin, and Qyp of the 1880s for exaraple, some Christian missionaries were reported to have had keen interest in the theological controversies which were occasionally "warm" as was the one on whether the Qur^Hn or the Bible was the Word of God. In this Connection, A»F. Foster can be mentioned. Throughout the period of his stay in Ispyin, he regul-arly carried his evangelism to the Muslims» Regularly did he visit Ijpmba quarter which was the most predominantly Muslim area in Ispyin» ■i There was scarcely any Muslim communal gathering in Ispyin and other big centres of Islam in Qyp and its districts that he did not attend» Prayer and religious meetings were held in the mosque or in the oourt of the pba of Ispyin; and even non-religious gathering to arrange for the reconstruction of a burnt- down mosque. On such occasions, he sought and found an opportunity not only to propagate, in a vehement manner, his Christian faith to them p but also to refute, in like 12 1. C.M.S. G3A?/01, A oF. Foster, Journal Extract for the half Year Ending December 1880, 2. C.M.S» G3A2/01, A.F. Foster, Journal Extract for the half Year Endipg, June 1880, entry for August 15, 1878, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 203 manner, Muslim preachers and admonish the Muslims "to return from their false pronhet (Prophet Muhammad)1 to the true Saviour Jesus Christ", One of such occasions was in the month of Ramadan when the Muslims of Is^yin gathered early in the morning of August 12, at the central mosque in order to recite their tafslr. The Rev, Poster visited the Muslim community there very early in that morning. He narrated this experience: "I was kindly received by the priest 2 and also the others, A stool was offered to me, I sat at the entrance of the mosque»^ We have conversation in religious purposes for about half an hour, the mosque was crowded with people 1 o The words in the bracket are mine, 2, This must have been the ImSm, He is often>but erroneously-»regarded by others as "priest", 3, This must have been the central mosque which was» and is still^at Ij^mba quarter, Is^yin, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 201+ about 100 souls"» A The tafsir was, however, soon begun by the Muslim preacher, still the missionary stayed back, patiently lietening to the exposition of the forty-ninth sura of the Qur an» 2 He heard the preacher as he warned the JÄSäfä against hard and improper treatment of their slaves for such a treatment was against the tenet of Islam, Secondly, he (the preacher) encouraged them to be dynamic in their profession» They should show seriousness of purpose in their profession and present themselves as worthy ambassadors of Prophet Muhammad and the totality of Muslims all the world over; and thirdly, he warned them about using their wives in a rough and indecent manner» They were their strong and immediate Partners and their role as a stable source of succour to 1» C,M„S» G3A2/01, A»F„ Foster, Journal Extract for the Half Year Ending, June 1880, entry for August 15, 1878» 2. The Qur’an is generally the basis of Ramadan religious exercise» The interpretation is of cours'e,.done with the aid of the populär commentary by the Jalalain ( calläma Jalalu'd-̂ dln Muhammad itdiAhmad al-Mahalli and Jalälu'd-dTncAbdu r-Rah0m§n ibnAbl Bakr as-Suyüti)„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 205 man should be appreciatech They were of weak flesh and hence objects of pity„ Therefore, they should be treated accordingly» At the end of this>he found little forum to utter any word and had to leave. But the following morning he was there again, in earnest, to talk with the Muslims on the forty-ninth süra, When granted the opportunity, he endeavoured to rebut the Muslim dis- course, and tried to impress it on them that "they are lost in their falae religion"» These disputations were often occasions which generated a good deal of public interesto There were also occasions when the Rev. Poster visited individual Muslim converts in their respective houses in open places* On such occasions, both secular and religious issues were usually discussed» Such occasions usually brought together many people of different religions and these usually afforded the Christian missionaries the opportunity to pursue their evangelical mission vigorously» Such was the keen interest and excitement of these open-air Christian- Muslim diaolgues that the encounters were sometimes pre-arranged, each side sharing its own full support of UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 206 men and books» -1 The open-air disputations went on almoat every- where, in towns and villages^in front of churches, mosques and private houses - in fact everywhere where any interested and zealous Christian and Muslim converged, There was almost invariably in such places warm argument with Muslim young men on a lot of points including "rühu^l-läh", p and 1 tawhld1 , the doctrine of the unity or oneness of God» It is the belief of Muslims in general that God is one and is without any partner, Prophet Muhammad, though held in great esteem, was no more than a messenger of God (rasülu11-1 ah) , God did not heget *neither was he begotten0 This is the concept of tawhld, It is this Io Interview with Mpgaji Imple, Qyp, Alhaji Sule Shewu (about 45) December 1973, March, 1974, November, 1975* Düring the interview:*he retrospected how, in his child- hood days, he and others used to attend such theological arena» 2, This is the classic question as to whom the prophecy by Christ h x , John 14, verse 16) concerning the "Comforter" (Greek:Paraklete) . "Spirit of God or Truth"(rnhu11-1ah or rühu’l-quds) refers»whether to the Holy Ghost as the Christians maintain, or to Prophet Muhammad as the Muslims do, Today .»it is still a burning issue among Christians and Muslims, 3, The importance of this concept lies in the following UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 207 concept of tawhld that forms the basis of the argument of the Muslims with the Christians on the question of rähu’l-lah. Por the Christians, ruhu11-1 äh was the Holy Spirit of God, the Spirit of Truth promised to the disciples by Jesus Christ before his final ascension into heaven, This "Spirit of Truth” forms a component pari of the Christian Trinity and descended on the apostles on the Day of Pentecosto It was also regarded as the "Spirit of Enlightenment”. Por the Muslims, the enigmatic Mathematics of the Christian concept of Trinity was illogical and un- tenableo It was hazardous to their concept of tawhi&o Thus each time there was open-air disputation between Muslims and Christians, the latter would always maintain that ruhu'1-1äh did not signify the Christian "Spirit of of God or Truth" or the "Holy Ghost" contained in the Muslim saying: Qlflrun kan 16 ye kä sin pfelü bdodo. Dun *nlä "sT ni Aälh, IKTbn lunrif e olraoigwüSnl.ii Mbhmddü, Ojigg rj; si'nTT (Only one God should be worshipped with up rightness, This is 4115h . He has no rival» Prophet Muhammad is His servant He is also His messenger)„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 208 Gospel according to Saint John’ chr.pt ox fourteen but the advent of Prophet Muhammad. On the basis of this argument, they held the view that the chain of prophets had been exhausted with the coming of Prophet Muhammad» hence PropheMtu^h acmomualdd be regarded as the seal of the Prophets meaning that there should be no more prophets after him« The disputation that arose on the issues of rtawhld and rühuvl-läh was so warm that it continued to triclcle down to the present Century, The ränge of these disputation3 sometimes extended beyond simple argumenta on theology to the history and development of the religion and its role in the world. The disputations were conducted not only in the open- air njeetirî p but also anywhere the missionaries could seize opportunity, As a matter of fact, wherever Muslim influence was perceived and encountered, there was the place to direct the full Charge of Christian missionary artillery, The mere mention or sight of fasting Muslims» their amulets, anything bringing to the limelight Muslim influence was a good occasion» There were stories of how Christian evangelists visited and preached to some traditional rulers in the towns in which Islam had been UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 209 well established» Though not Muslims, but as they had known of Muslims in and around their courtsjthese traditionel rulers were reported to have referred, in rather glowing tones, to the favour of celebrated Muslims who were very much alive to their religious activities, Thus the Christian missionary ventures with the traditional rulers did not yield any immediate result, The uncompromising attitude of the traditional rulers in the big centres of Islam such as $aki, is^yin, Ikoyi and Qyp was said to render some Christian missionaries so disgruntled that they started to deride Islamic activities and interaction with the traditional rulers, Earlier in this work, it has been pointed out that the Muslims were able to gain influence in the royal courts as a result of their knowledge of divination and amulet preparation, Many traditional rulers and other Muslims»and non-Muslims> believed in the efficacy of Islamic amulets and patronised the Muslim medicine-men, The feeling of insecurity in the wicked world trickled on, People v/ere eager to know the content of their present and the future» As a result, Muslim medicine-men were besought each time there was an impending doom, Thus in the houses of the traditional UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 210 rulers and others, Islamic amulets were hung in conspicuous places» The Christian evangelists used this avenue to deride Islam and Upgrade Christianity with a view to luring traditional rulers, their subjects - Muslims and non-Muslims - to Christianity» They pointed to those amulets,making it plain that it was by those expensive means that the Muslims deceived non-Muslims. The challenge of the Christian missionaries procured little or no success» Islamic amulets in Yorubaland were not stränge to the Yoruba >for they were both Islamic and Ycruba oriented» The Yoruba regarded Islamic amulets as a mixture of Yoruba and Islamic Systems and regarded them as veiy efficacious as the pure local ones. Despite the opprobrious challenge of the Christian missionaries concerning Islamic amulets, the traditional rulers and others continued to patronise the Muslira medieine-men» This was necessarily so because the Christian missionaries did not have a quick solution to the people*s state of insecurity in the ?/icked world and they had no substitut for the Islamic amulets» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 211 The theological disputations between the Muslims and the Christian missionaries continued and trickled down to the early part of the present Century, However, it is doubtful if these theological disputations won over Muslims to Christianity, Failure v/as to be expected, Winning an argument or a debate was quite a different issue from winning a soul, The experience of the Catholic clergy Rev, Father Baudin and Howley of blessed memory in Qyp in 188h proved this beyond any doubt, «4 In the course of their settlement at Qyp in 188h, they sought out some of their local "friends" one of them being a chief in Alähfin's court and a Muslim, The latter soon introduced some argument by asking the clergymen* "Why do you hate Muhammad?" Their long detailed reply only invited from the chief and the crowd which had begun to throng "a multitude of questions and assertions" which generated further argument and dis- 1. Düring the interview held in December 1973 with some Catholic members of Qyp3 I was told that Alähfin Adeypmi Alowolodu personally requested the Catholic Mission in Lagos to send missionaries to Qyp to check the unlimited expansion of Islam, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 212 eussion ranging from the Yoruba traditional Institution and Islamic tolerated institution of polygamy (polygyny) to theology especially the Status of God and the relation- ship of Jesus Christ, Prophet Muhammad and the angels to God. After the apparently interminable discussion, nthe chief rose up to accompany us out""*, said the clergymeno The clergymen were not able to convince him but left him to his inner conscience. The typical reaction of the Muslims to Christian activities was a re-affirmation of their conviction that Islam is the best religion» At times they became very particularistic by saying tnat Islam was the best of all religions in the worid, being a religion of peace, a religion of Submission to the will of God» They proved this to the Christians that while they hated Prophet Muhammad, they, the Muslims, recognised all prophets, Christian and Muslim, right away from Adam to Prophet Muhammad. This implies that they recognised and respected Christian men of God and prophets such as Adam, Noah, Moses, Samuel, David, John the Baptist, and Jesus Christ. The holy books such as the Bible, the Psalms and the Qur^an were also given their due prominence in the sphere 1. Priestly Ordination. Qyp, 13ff° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 213 of religion, So, the Muslims argued that if they should, on the basis of Islamic tenets, give due regard to Christian values such as are mentioned above, whereas Christians did not regard Islamic values as such, then Islam, without mincing words, was better and more accommodating than the particularistic Christianity, By this^and other arguments;did Muslims fight and defeat Christian missionaries who were not able to achieve any considerable success araongst the Muslims for a long time, Sometimes, however, the reaction of the Muslims was one of aggression, opprobriousness, conservatism, with- drawal and rebuff, The Muslims were admonished by their elders and mälams to avoid all conversation and interaction with the kiriyö (Christians) who were portrayed as Menemies of the Truth", * Even when, in some cases, any enthusiastic Christian preacher wanted to force such a dispute»he was kept off at a pertinent distance either by an attitude of silence or by a reply "such as left him no room to doubt he was not with his Company", p 1. C„M,S, CA^/056, Annual Letter of James Johnson 1875» 2, ibid. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 21k The theological dieputations were, however, only part of the general evangelical work of the Christian missionaries. Normal organised evangelism continued, the Baptist, C,M»S,, Catholic and Methodist missionaries went from house to house preaching Christ and Christianity to those who might care to listen» The foreign missionaries made use of those they were able to train in the seminaries in the Coastal towns such as Lagos, Badagry and in Ab^okuta as Interpreters and translators. The use of tracts, written both in Yoruba and Arabic, continued» And in this connection, Christian endeavour was aided3directly or otherwise jby British rule» Legally, they were promised "complete protection"*"assistance" and "encouragement" in some treaties signed by the British and 1 » Ayandele, E»A., "The Mode of British Expansion in Yoruba land in the second half of the nineteenth Century: The "0Y0 EPISODE" in Odh, 3 , 2, January 1967. He illustrates here his thesis that in Yorubaland, the Christian missionaries were the pathfinders of British influence* the people who "prepared the way for the governor, exploiter and teacher"» (See also his book, The Missionary Impact»,,., chapter 2)«, This is true, no less than the fact that the Government to non-Christian as will be explained further in this chapter, appeared pro-Christian. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 215 local chiefs as was the case in Qyp A in 1888 and 1893 respectively, Occasionally, a few top Government officials would throw in their influence. Moreover, the Christian Missions often tried to take advantage of the British pacification of the country to accelerate and extend the work of evangelism, Such occurred in Qyp and its districts in 1895 2 when Qyp was bombarded by the British, But without official help, they carried on their evangelical activity especially among the Muslims, Evangelical activity was intensified by interested missionaries such as James Johnson, A.F. Poster, I.A. Braithwaite, James Okuppinde and A.W. Smith so that 1 1 . See a copy of the 1888 Treaty with the Alähfin of Qyp in Atanda, J.A., The New Qyp Empire,... Appendix, Section ’A*, 301-2pp. ; and for the events leading to the treaty, See Johnson, S., The History of the Yorubas. 571-6pp, Article 5 of the Treaty with Qyp the unity or oneness of God, Jesus Christ and other Christians, they contended, should have no raore than the Status of servants in relation to God, Prophet Muhammad was not the son of God but His messenger and servant (rasülu*1-1ah) and (̂ bdu 11-läh), On the platform of this beliefjall Muslims were regarded as servants of God, The futility of ardent Christian endeavour among Muslims and the latter’s Opposition and animated reaction were demonstrated best in the event at fj5aki Qyp North, A strong Muslim centre, $aki seemed to the Christian propagandists a promising area for invigorated Christian evangelism. Some Baptist missionaries were reported to have struggled to plant the Gospel there; -I, This is süra al-ikhlis, Qur^än 112: 3 makes this clear statement, The absolute unity or rather one­ ness of Allah (tawhid) is. of course, a fundamental principle of Islam* "See also E„I, Articles on t̂awhid, It is the populär belief that this subject3 * at^awhid^constitutes the essence of Islam as it deals $ith the nature of the living God, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 219 but these were repelled by the overt categorical Statements of the §aki people that "we are already Muslims”» The populär professions made meagre impression on the Christian evangelists; for it was reported that some years laterya new set of Christian missionaries ventured into the town and boldly commenced teaching and preaching» After some successive days of open-air teaching and preaching, they were ejected from the town by the Muslims who feit greatly attacked and insulted» Missionary work there had to be temporarily abandoned» Some years later#the Christian Missions breathed some fresh air of hope about their erstwhile futile efforts in ßaki„ Thus a little later, some enthusiastic C.M»S» missionaries went to $aki to preach to the people» Some modicum of success was achieved among the followers of the traditional religion whom the Christian missionaries gave the opprobrious title - ”Heathens”. 1 » Interview with Muslim .jama^a. $aki, August, 1975» Dtührati ngth et heC hriinstteiravnise wijnt h$eay kim aitnodtaayi nweedr eu necqouuintvaobclael»ly UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 2 0 Muslim reaction, in each of the big centres of Islam in Qyp and its districts where Christian missionary activity was on, was very evidente The Muslims became intolerant and organised a house to house visit of the church attendants and were endeavouring to win them away from Christianityo Discussion, preaching and baptism, no doubt, constituted the chief elements of Christian Propaganda; but possibly5their most potent instrument cf propagation lay in their schools. A In the school, the Christian Missions had an enviable magnet to attract all, especially non-Christians, to the Christian way and Out­ look. At the beginning, the educational charm did not produce any immediate effect among the Yoruba Muslims in Qyp and its districts, This was consequent upon the fact that they were apathetic towards the Christian-spon- 1, Saint Andrew’s College, Qyp was established by the C.MoS. in 1896 for the training of Professional teachers and vernacular evangelists. In 1895, this College was located at 0$ogbo. The College did not plrooodkuecde toP rotfhee sspiroineaslt hotoeda chase rst hebiurt ulatmiamtaetuer s prwohfoe ssion. Por more details about the Training Institute, see Ayandele, E.A., The Missionary I m p a c t , 130, 293-Upp» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 2 1 sored Western education, It has already been noted how, in the early decades of the nineteenth Century, the Muslims in places like Ispyin, Qaki and Ikoyi unanimously wanted no Christian teacher, The reaction of the Muslims towards the Christian-sponsored Western education is buttressed by the Observation of James Johnson, After a tour of the important Yoruba Mission stations and schools, he reported: "The Muhammadans show no desire for the education that may be had at our schools"»1 In general, in the far interior there was little induceraent to seek Christian-sponsored Western education, Traditional contempt for "the people of the Book" lingered on, and the chiefs in Qyp, Ispyin, and $aki preferred to hand over slaves to the missionaries to be 'spoilt* rather than to part with their own children, Time and again, many chiefs complained that education was of no use to them becausejonce educated>their children would run away to Lagos, In subsequent years, as our knowledge of the Qyp and Ispyin situations reveals, the chiefs were to regret that their advertent unkindness to the unprivi- 1. C,M„S, CA2/056 James Johnson to Sec,, C,M,S, January UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 2 2 leged childrenw/htohme y handed over to .,.the Christian Qissionaries resulted in the social advancement of the children, many of whom later became council clerks, ministers of religion and wielders of strong socio-political influence in the independent Nigeria of the present Century» Christian Missions were, to a certain degree, dis- appointed in their schools which could not fulfil completelythe moral and spiritual purpose they expected of them» In a way*they defeated their own ends becau&e the Christianity in their elementary schools could not strike deep roots in the absence of an intellectual development that could match the principles of the new faith» Their converts could not accept the Bible in the simple manner the Christian Mission expected» The masses were not ready for the moral Programme of the missionaries; rather, in effect, together with other agencies, Christian Missions destroyed the high moral ity of the indigenous religion without succewehdiincgh in replacing it with Christian morality, Manifestations^/they did not bargain for were the results of the education they gave» Sexual«morality in Nigeria •*) as a whole began earlier among the so-called Christians UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 223 than among the followers of the traditional religion and Islam and was common among the African Staff, The Mission pupils became arrogant, disrespectful and dis- honest» The Muslims v/ho were opposed to Western education had no cause to regretjbut most of the parents who were favourably disposed towards it regretted that they ever allowed their children to be 'educated* in the Western way. Nor were the school children interested in the vernacular education, the real object of the Mission schools» Outwardly, the pupils conformed to the compulsory routine of worship at school but only wanted English educationo Outside the school, the children neglected the vernacular Bible and Literature, In this milieujIslamjwhich had become securely entrenched before this period;continued to expand almost undisturbed» Surely, the advantages of Western education were 1. Cf» the Situation in ?pe, in the coast where the Commissioner, M=R<, Menendez, and Dr. 0, Johnson took time off in 1895 to speak to the leading and influential Muslims "on the advantages of education and advised them to send their children to school”« About this, see The Annual Reports of Lagos Church Missions, 1895-6, 12-13pp° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 22h described, analysed, quantified and dilated upon to the die-hard Muslims and others. Many Christian evangelists, some of whom were trained in Saint Andrew's College, Qyp, in their own veiled interest, solicited Muslim parents to send their children "to our schools". The C.M.S. trained missionaries from Saint Andrew1s College, Qyp and a host of others were distributed all over the big towns in Qyp and its districts to appeal to the local and Muslim parents to send their children to Mission schools. They used tracts, valuable gifts and health facilities to convince the conservative parents. The Baptist Mission, in addition to the use of schools as a means of propagating Christianityjerected dispensaries, maternity centres and other health centres where local and Muslim patients, male and female, old and young, and pregnant mothers received instructions on Christianity in addition to the basic medical treatment. Anyone v/ho failed to respond favourably to the instructions or one who failed to submit to conversion was reportedly denied 1. C.M.S. CA2/056. James Johnson to Sec., C.M.S. July f2o9,r A1u8g75u=s t S2e6.e also his Annual Letter of 187U, entry UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 225 of medical treatment. In this way, some were won over to Christianity and no wonder that of all Christian Missione in Qyp and its districts today, the Baptist Mission is the most prominent» Since the Muslims remained very adamant, conservative, aggressive, uncompromising and unyielding to Western education^the Christian missionaries continued to use pleadings. It was when the Muslims and others came to realise the glistering advantages of Western education that they began to release their children en masse for Western education» The results of the pleadings of the Christian evangelists to Muslim parents in the second half of the nineteenth Century were, to some extent, productive» Some Muslim children were to be found in Christian schools. This was particularly so in Qyp» Here,, Christianity was fairly well established and there were concentrated Christian schools in which, indeed, some Muslim children were to be found» The evangelists trained at Saint Andrew's College, Qyp between I896 and the end of the nineteenth Century were able, through persuasion, to attract pupils from both the traditional and Muslim folds» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 226 The Catholic Mission, founded in 1884, whose Station was at Qyp also recruited some pupils A from among the local people and the Muslims, They, however, wanted only the English language, 2 The availability of the Muslim children in the Mission schools is significant only in that it indicates some Muslim preparedness to try and receive some Western education at the hands of their Christian Sponsors, This indication is not, how­ ever, to be over-emphasised but should be properly viewed 1, Priestly ordination, Qyp, 13p» : "Evolution of Catho- licism in Qyp 1884 - Education of Qyp sons and daughters". First batch of girls: Flora Ladepe, Labisij- Rosalia Gbenle and Mrs, Kpleosho were sent to Abpokuta Convent for studiee, First batch of boys: Joseph Adefinhan, Eugenio Adeoye, Joseph Erufa, Carlos Jolasun, Joannes Ladokun, Laoalß Baohprun and Bashorun were sent to Lagos, while Francis Fagbemi was sent to Abpokuta, Joseph Goro, Joannes Monje, Antonio 0$o and Emilio-' , Aliheri were sent to Topo, 2, C.MoSo CA^/056 James Johnson’s Annual Letter of 1875> See also his Letter to Sec, C , M , S o January 30, 1878, In their desire for only the English language, the Muslims were one with many others who wanted the Christian bait but were unwilling to get hooked. In short.,the Muslims wanted to enjoy the best of two worlds knowledge of English and fanatico-zealous adherence to their religion, Islam, without submitting to Christian conversion, For both, however, instruction in English and christianisation were found to be inextricably inter laced in that age. There is this difference in the Situation?that the Muslim were particularly being sought after as part of the general plan to combat Muslim progress, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 227 in the context of the persistent attitude of the entire Muslim population. In Is^yin, for exanple, for all the aräour as well as long and permanent stay of the missionaries of both the C„M,S, and 7/esleyan Missions, the Muslims seemed to have yielded little to Christian educational advances» In 1893, when the Governor, Sir Go Carter, visited the townjhe was surprised to find that, inspite of the C,M„S, and Wesleyan activities, there were only six school children» Moreover, the Muslims in Saki, Otu and Ikoyi still actively forbade their children to attend the Christian schools almost as much as the Christian aiissionary struggled to persuade them to send their children to the Christian-sponsored schools» 2 It was really a tug-of-war between the Christians and the Muslims» The tug-of-war subsided only very recently^and in a partial manner not completely» 1. P.P, C7227, 11p. 2, The Annual Reports of the Lagos Church Mission, 1895- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 228 Most Muslim children went to Muslim local or piazza Qur^anic schools organised by the local mölhms For exaraple, among the Muslim children of s-chool age in Ispyin, a far greater percentage preferred the Qur^anic schools„ In the second half of the nineteenth Century,such schools multiplied with bewildering rapidity» Ayetoro, in Qyp North, emerged as a citadel of Ielamic knowledge where many of the Muslims in Qyp and its districts were trained as mäl^ms during this period* In Ispyin, there were said to be about 55 such schools with a population of about 1500« Thus the percentage of Muslim pupils attending the Mission schools 2 was, up to the end of the nineteenth Century, extremely meagre« At a time when the economic and socio-political changes ravaging the Yorubaland as a whole rendered the value of Western education very crucial, the persistence 1» Interview with the Muslim ,iamäca* Ispyin>August$1975o See Bibliography: Oral Evidence * Yoruba versioni Äwpn llg lw£ wa t<$ Aründinldgöta. Äwon Qmo wa 16 wh ni'Tbfe t : "Observe the Sabbath Bay, to keep it holy, as the Lord your God eommanded you* Six days you shall labour, and do all your workj but the seventh day is a sabbath to the Lord your God; in it you shall not do any work, you, or your son, or your daughter, or your manservant, or your maid servant, or your ox, or your ass, or any of your cattle, or the sojourner who is within your gates, that your manservant and your maidservant may rest as well as you". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 3 2 Working on the Sabbath Day was regarded a monstruous sin by the Jews and this issue generated a tense conflict between the Jewe and Jesus Christ in the New Testament era, In Christian schools, the ten commendments received great prominenceo Moreover, it was inculcated in the pupils that there should be no work on Sundays, instead there should be perfect rest as ordained by God«, The embarrassment and confusion for Muslim children who attended Christian-sponsored schools arose from the fact that_>at home and in Qur’anic schools>they were given new values different from what is contained in Deuteronomy chapter 5 Verses 12ff0 For Muslims, there is no injunction in the Qur-än as to this effect, The only injunction which can be cited here is concerning the Friday congregational prayer, In this connection, the Qur*an speaks thus: "0 ye who believeJ Yfhen the call is heard for the prayer of the day of congregation, haste unto remembrance of Allah and leave your trading, That is better for you if ye did but know» And when the prayer is ended, then disperse in the land and seek of Allah*s bounty, and remember Allah much, that ye may be successful, But when they spy some merchandise or pastime they break away to it and leave thee Standing, Say: That which Alläh hath is better than pastime and than merchandise, and AllSh is the best of providers'l (süra 62 verses 9-11)° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 233 The injunctions in this section of the Qur^än give us the picture of the importance of the Friday prayer in Islam, The injunctions here imply that the prayer must, by all means, be observed and that no Muslim should be preventedjby one thing or the otherjfrom observing the obligatory prayer, God is the ultimate source of all things and if this is admitted, then He is the all- suffieient to provide us with all our needs, Thus, Muslims are enjoined not to allow the ephemeral mundane issues constitute a disturbance concerning the observance of the prayer«, The passage quoted above does not imply that the whole of Friday should be lcept devoid of any work, Muslims could work before and after the period earmarked for the prayer, The important thing is the period of the prayer'whereas in the Bible*it is stipulated that the whole of Sunday should be earmarked for complete rest, The Muslim children who attended Christian-sponsored schools were open to two values; the Christian injunctions on the Sabbath and the Islamic injunctions on the observance of Friday congregational prayer, The two injunctions are not similar, Hence t,h^e/Muslim children in the Mission schools could not avoid being rendered all the UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 23h more embarrassed and confounded in the worid of practical religion, There were reports of how some Muslim children attending Christian-sponsored schools reached home during the mid-year break and they refused to go to the market to buy and seil on Sunday when their fathers sent them because of the Christian regard for Sunday already in- stilled into them, 2 Soonjthe Muslims came to realise that a great hazard lurked in the systematic exposure of their children to Christian doctrines and values as a result of their attending the Christian-sponsored schools» Some the Muslim children ii\/Mission schools were put, to use the words of James Johnson, "under Christian guardianship"„■* Muslim children itrh^e/Mission schools like others, were constrained to attend the Mission church Service, Sunday 1» Interview held with Muslim jamäca in the big centres of Islam in Qyp and its districts, December>1973, August,1975 and November, 1975> See Bibliography: Oral Evidence» 2» C,M,S» CA2/056, James Johnson to Sec», C.M.S», July 29, 1875» 3» JCa.Mn.uSa»r y C3A02,/ 05168,78 »James Johnson to Sec», C.M.S., UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 235 schools, and participate in other essentially religious activities which the school planned in collaboration with the Mission, To the Muslims«this was plainly religious indoctrination about which their enthusiasm was completely nil, There was, as a matter of fact, some legal protection afforded to non-Christians against this religious in­ doctrination, Under the Operation of the Education Ordinance of 1887, no child in a government-aided school could receive religious instructions to which the parent or guardian objects, or could be forced to be present when such instructions were given at school, The indication provided by W. Hov/ell, one of the inspectors of the Mission schools, was, however, that only a few Muslims were aware of this legal right or took advantage of it to withdraw their children frora religious classes, p 1. LTehgisi slwaatsu rOer dionna nMcaey N3o0,, 3»l 88p7aos sedI t byw ast hpea Lrotciaclu larly referred to in colonial Report Annual, 1887, Lagos 32p, 2. Proceedings of the C.M,S. 1900-1910, London, 1901, 72p, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 3 6 In this Situation, Christian missionaries reaped some fine reward^at least*for some time before the awareness of the Ordinance on the part of the Muslim parents> Later, how- everjthe greater majority either left the children for all classes in the schools or simply hedged them in with the instruction that they should not attend the Mission schoolso In any event, whatever legal protection might be issued against compulsory attendance of classes for religious instructions in these schools, there was virtually none against the all-pervading Mission schools, The religious tone of the schools might, to some extent, have been appreciated in the light of the time; but it did not make consequent religious exposure leas resentful to tha non-Christian pupils and parents. The Muslim parents and pupils who were cut in this position found the Christian education too much of a mixed grill about which they feit sullen and resentful. The religious indoctrination which the Muslim childrenin ̂theChristian-sponsored schools underwent proved to be only a short Step to utter conversion to UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 237 the Christian faith. Today, many names of former Muslimsjwho were converted at school, can be reeled off to the dismay of the steadfast Muslims. Some of such people were found in Qyp, Is^yin and $aki, The number of Muslim pupils and people who took this line of action was certainly less than that which attended the Mission school. Indeed, it was probably small. But the conversion of Muslim children and people generated, among the Muslims, considerable irritation. Por example, in Lagosjwhen a certain Yoruba Muslim girl, J$mi, aged about 10*wanted to change to the Christian religion on November 15, 1887, this generated a great rampage within the Muslim family. With the girl's instigated insistence on conversion, the issue was only "resolved" by a mutual repudiation of filial relation- ships. 4 Thus, conversion of Muslims to Christianity often aroused passions as Islam, in clean-cut terms, denounces apostasy. 2 Here, it is important to note that it was the 1. The 6th Report of the Lagos Church Missions, 1887, 22p. x‘ It is mentioned in various verses of the Qur*än. See particularly Qur^än, süra 2, v. 217. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 3 8 question of conversion that compelled the Muslims to react as much against Christianity as against Western education which it sponsored» Basically, it was the outraged feeling of the Muslims which;at a time? compelled them to discipline such of their young ones as associated with the Christians.'» It was soon noticed by the Observant Rev» James Johnson that "the young Mohammedans were scolded, flogged and prevented by their elders and priests (sic) from attending Christian schools and churches and even conversing with their Christian friends on religion". The Muslim irritation and reactionary*stand at the conversion or the hope of conversion of their children was contributory to. the solidification of the Muslim attitude» 1» The Muslims, in 1896, were reported to burn down the Anglican Church at Iya Alamu, Qyp> in consequence of the apathy they had for Christianity and Christian- s(pIonntseorrvieedw ewdiutcaht itohne» dhTuhricsh wealsd erresb uoifl tA nvgelriyc amnu cChh ulracthe,r »I ya Alamu, Qyp, December'1973, November, 1975). 2» CoM.S» CA2/056, James Johnson to Sec», C»M»S» September 2k, 1875» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 239 It is worth noting that, though Christian-sponsored education was shunned generally by the Muslims for reasons enumerated above, it will be erroneous to connive at the fact that its acceptance in some places in Qyp and its districts threatened the Status of Islam and the totality of Muslims in the area, This was especially true of Qyp where Christian evangeliswaast iionnt ̂auaaisf iaad result of the opening of Saint Andrew's College, Qyp for the training of Professional teachers and vernacular preachers, ■i and3in l88L>the fact that the Catholic Mission received a formal invitation from the Christian inclined Alähfin Alowolodu I (1875-1905) to check the traditional and Islamic influence in his domain. However, it is interesting to note that despite the intensive Christian missionary activity in Qyp and its districts in the late nineteenth Century, Islam was 1. Records have it that Alähfin Adeypmi Alowolodu I sent two delegates to Lagos to ask the Catholic late Bishop Chaune to send off his missionaries to this country - Qyp» The first batch of Catholic missionaries that came to Qyp reportedly mounted the horses sent by the Aläafin. The first batch of missionaries to come to Qyp were those formerly at Abpokuta Station* (Interview with the present Rev. Pather in Charge of St. Mary's Catholic Church and PSacthhoeolr AE.p ogNoa,n geQry.p). See also Memorandum, 1895, by UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2hO the dominant religion in the area» It spread in an inverse ratio to both Christianity and the traditional religion. While, in the colonial era, the Ijebu shifted to Anglicanism because this was "considered the true religion of the conquerors 4 there was no similar rush to "the religion of the ctohnequerors" in Qyp. Another aspect of^/Christian challenge, which even- tually had negative influence on Christianity but which created ample opportunity for Islam to expand, was the introduction of a completely new set of values. The Christian convert was not only expected to accept a complete new faith but develop a new set of values,or rather a different conscience. It was the time it took to develop this different conscience that caused the protracted delay in .acceptance into the Mission. It was into this spiritual vacuum that Islam stepped, ready to uphold spiritual exercise - the daily prayers 2 - ■■ in ■ i | - T - — - n i ■ ■■ ■ am i m I M - - - T — mi ■ m » » i i n n « h i . m « «mr m mi i— — — — i i — n — « ■ ■ ! > > i 1. See particularly Webster, J.B., The African Churches.... S10eippt.e mbeSre,e 1a9l0s0o, Ni2g1pe.r and Yoruba Notes. Vol. V, No.75. 2. ASbaoluatt. the Islamic daily prayers, see E.I. Articles on* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 21+1 in sharp contrast to the Mission catechumen classes» 4 In point of fact, while the white Christian missionaries could not adapt themselves to the traditional environ- ment to which they ministered, the local Muslim missionaries had a good reward for their activities by the virtue of their adaptation to the traditional milieu to which they were ministering« Little or no wonder then that?up tili today in Qyp and its districts Islam is the dominant religion» The Christian missionaries introduced the System of *one man one wife' (monogamy)^ in place of the age—lang and socio-economic conditioned traditional practice of polygamy (polygyny). Whether right or wrong^almost all the 1 1. In established churches, a catechumen dass is a dass where a minister of Christian religion or ocfl ebragpytmiasnm ,p rfepoarr etsh e sormiet e caofn dicodnaftiersn, ataifotne.r thWeh ilrei.te at hef ulrli-tfel eodfg ebda ptcilsemr,g ymant,h en otr iat ed oaocfo nc, onfciarnm uantdieornt aikse ftohel loswolien g rleoscpaoln siexbpirleistsy ioonfs »'t he^Ibgibsdhowpd»d örNiot eh lüthfea s referring to the rite of baptism and jgböwöl^- lörl bisflbbü»referring to the rite of confirmation, 2o Ayandele, E.A. , The Missionary Impacto... 335p» The practice of *one man one woman* is still held very erucial to Christianity in the Anglican Church. In this Connection, the Reports of the Proceedings of the Annual Synod of the First sessionj7th Synod UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2U2 missionaries of all denominations in Nigeria during the nineteenth Century stood firm in not accepting either husband or wife in a polygynous union as members of the church. Thus, in effect said to the wealthy and influential people in a village, "You cannot be a member of the church" . The missionaries preached this new set of values as part of Christianity, They held the view that Christianity was against the practice of polygyny. Before a convert could gain the status of a full-fledged Christian he must, in addition to the rite of baptism by the Reverend, and the rite of confirmation by the bishop, embrace the practice of 1one man one wife', This new value, monogamy, as introduced by the Christian missionaries, af- forded Islam a safe atmosphere to develop wider tentacles at the expense of Christianity, With regard to the practice of of the Owerri Anglican Diocese Published in Daily Times: The_I.nde:pendent Newspaner, No,2-i, 312, August, 9, 1976, 36p,) can be cited: "The Solution to childlessness or having only female children in a Christian family does not lie in the taking of a second wife but in continued prayer to God with faith for his (sic) grace and mercies". Note also the fol- lowing reports of the reporter, Chigozic Ozim, on the issue, "Anglican Church now frowns at polygamy, it is one man one wife", "The Anglican Church will not tolerate members who take to polygamy, as a solution to childlessness", "The Synod upheld the principle of one man one wife, for better for worse as the basis of the Christian family". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2b3 polygyny, in my own view and unlike other customs and institutions, it (not to be confused with marriage) is unigue in Yoruba society because it bears no religious or "heathenish" tincture» Some have suggested that possibl^fthe missionaries should have used a different approach other than they did on this problem» The Christian missionaries went wrong to have introduced monogamy instead of upholding the age-long African practice of polygyny» In fact, it is the general belief among the Christian writers that the issue of polygyny constituted the present difficulty of the missionary because it was a basic part of the social System» They went wrong in the sense that the practice is more of a culture than religion» In European countries, the socio-economic Situation is conducive to monogamy rather than polygyny; whereas in Africa, and Yorubaland in particular, the socio-economic Situation favours polygyny rather than monogamy» The white Christian missionaries did not bother to study the socio-economic basis of the practice of polygyny in Yorubaland ,and in Qyp and its districts in particular_>before they rushed UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2kk into the conclusion that monogamy should necessarily be one of the features of Christianity in the area. Moreover, it is not a moral issue either, It is this fact, more than anything eise, that explains the best and apparent conviction with which cultural nationalists defended the Institution in the last Century, A close study of the arguments of both the exponents and Opponents of polygyny in Nigeria, and Yorubaland in particular, leaves one with the impression that neither on scriptural«nor on rational^nor on hypothetical basis was the attitude of the Missions defensible, In any event, the Christian missionaries went about in Qyp and its districts to preach monogairy alongside the basic tenets of Christianity, Islam;on the other hand, did not oppose polygyny, and represented Islam with its first real challenge, The Muslim missionaries approved of polygyny with the proviso that a man should not have more than four wives, and all should be treated on the basis of equity according to the principles of Islam, The positive attitude of the Muslim missionaries to polygyny afforded Islam the opportunity to develop wider tentacles among the followers of the traditional religion. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2U5 Islam thus spread rapidly at the expense of the Christianity Christian missionaries regarded Muslims as conservative people who would never yield to Christianity despite their intensive evangelical activity» Refusing to unveil the advantages of Islam, they believed its success was due to the low moral Standard (with specifice reference to A polygyny) which it toleratedo However, secular writers such as E.O, Morel and clergy such as J.F. Schon, T.J. Botren, and Canon Isaac Taylor, along with Blyden, were prepared to admit to its potency - especially its COMMENDABLE ADAPTATION TO AFRICAN LIFE, A few admitted that its moral System was different but equal to that offered by Christianity, Others patronisingly feit that it was lower, but the highest to which Africans could aspire, In any event, at the initial stage of Christianity in Qyp and its districts, no substantial progress was made, whereas Islam spread with bewildering rapidity» A Statistical record 2 in the first two decades io See Webster, J.B., The African Churches_a_._._. 9 9p» 2„ Ibid.» 98p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY of the present Century is a testimony to this effect, TABLE -1 RATIO OF CHRISTIANS TO MUSLIMS IN IBADAN. 0Y0 ANDOGBOMOSO IN V/ESTERN NIGERIA PROM 1900-1920' CHRISTIANS MUSLIMS RATIO PROTESTANT ROMAN CATHOLIC 2 3 , 0 0 0 1 ,0 0 0 1 0 6 , 0 0 0 1 : k A general survey of the Christian challenge to Islam in the period up-to 1900 shows, indeed, that, as James Johnson put it, the "V/aters were troubled" , " 1 But, evidently3Islam had, by and large, held its own both in the preponderant and new centres of Islam in Yorubaland 2 and Qyp and its districts in particular, Islam, in its spread and growth among the Yoruba of Qyp upon and its districts, had become solidly based^and anchored in Yoruba social and organisational structure» It had 1. C.L1.S. CA2/056. Annual Letter of James Johnson, 1875. He possibly meant that the Muslims were roused, or shaken out of all complacency. 2„ Cf. also the futility of the Christian endeavour among UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2hl gained appreciable support from the people of note in the nineteenth Century Yoruba society - the affluent, the elders, the chiefs and the pbas. Having this sound Status in the society, Islam in the area did not yield ground or accept inducement to make it succumb easily to another System of faith, Largely because of their strong Status in the community, the Muslims often displayed considerable pride and confidence in their profesed faith. Compact and well backed, they held that they had a religion, a System of faith*that was self-sufficient and which should not be relinquished. It was a Christian missionary who bore an eloquent testimony to this: "As elsewhere, so in Abpokuta, he (that is, the Mohammedan) Claims to be in possession of the last, best and truest revelation of God's will given to man. 1 Muslims elsewhere. Right up to 1914, Groves notes that for all the exertions of various Christian bodies in North Africa, "Sound conversions" to Christianity werei nf eAwf.r icGar. oVvoels., C.1 , Pn.,8 fTfhe. ; PVloaln.t i3n,g Loofn dCohnr,i s1t9i5a5n,ity I6l-2pp. See also Stock, E ., History of the C,M.3. 454ff.; Vol. 3, 512-536pp. ; and'Vol. k, 115, 12Upp = Stock«>in these works^reviews the invigorated challenge /the Soufd atnh.e C.M.S, among/Muslims in North Africa and the 1. Niger and Yoruba Notes 1894, No.l, Vol. 1, 30-2pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 248 The Muslims,consequently, tended not only to look down upon the persistent followersA of the traditional religion büt also to ho! superior to the Christians» 2 On occasions, as Rev. C. Gollmer found to his surprise, this Muslim sense of superiority induced them to seek his conversion,and that of other European Christiansyto Islam» 3 The eonfident belief of the Muslims made the Situation in Qyp and its districts fall in line with what appears to have been a general experience that Islam was unyielding to another rival System,^- although there were certain local factors which made this particularly so in the area» The persistent growth of Islam in the area had 1» Cf» the memorable words of the ubiquitous Alüfa Kokewukobere who dismissed the followers of the traditional religion as "fegbin" (filth)» (Inter- ^the View with the ,iamara in/ big centres of Islam in Qyp and its districts, December <*1973, March 1974» August, November, 1975)» 2» Ibid» 3o Report of the Select Committee on Africa of 1865. JfarlTarnentary Papers, 412, 41^-0^' 241, 248pp») » To the Christian missionary Gollmer, "Mussulmans (sic)are our decided enemies’1 - as he declared to the same parliamentary committee» 4» Ibid» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2b9 various effects on the Christian Challengers, Some held the view that Christian evangelism would be more profit­ able if shifted to the areas which were relatively recently islamised A such as Fiditi, Ilpra, Akinmprin and the rural districts in general. 2 Many more, however, were undaunted; people like M.T.E. Ajayi, A.W. Smith, and Bishop Tugwell continued to advocate open confrontation with Islam. Right down to 1908 and 1911, the Rev. A.W. 1. Niger and Yoruba Notes. 1896, No. 25, Vol. III, July l89o, 6 pY This document carries a report of the meeting of the Anglican clergy in Ibadan in 1896= 2. See map 1 on l(a)p. 3. The 1902 Conference of the Diocese of Western Equatorial Africa was, to a large extent, dominated by a concern about the growth of Islam in Yorubaland. In a powerful episcopal address, Bishop Tugwell focussed attention on this issue, which, to him, was " a matter of great anxiety, of profound regret, sorrow and humiliation", The same tone was taken by M.T.E. Ajayi and others in their speeches. Por all this, see Report of the ?/estern Equatorial Africa Diocesan Conference»Lagos;1902. London, 1903. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 5 0 Smith and S. M. Abipdun easily succeeded in persuading the C.M.S. Diocesan Conferences to pass the motion that "the rapid growth of Muhammedanism in Yorubaland calls for serious consideration and prompt action on the part of the churcho" " 1 Some clergy tried to explain off the futility of their missionary endeavour among the Muslims by a recourse to certain theories which discredited Islamic faith. Indeed, in the attempt to project their religion and counter the advance of Islam, many of the Christian evangelists went out of their way to discredit the other religion of which they had, at best, an imperfect knowledge. Thus, we are made to know that the "Yoruba Muslim priests maintained themselves by deceits and charm making"; their religion was the "greatest obstacle to the progress of civilisation and to all that 1 0 Report of the Proceedings of the Third Session of The PirsT S.vnod of the Diocese of Western Equatorial Af rica ~190o?{tet'eteri lQOfi")See also C«M0S, Proce­ edings 1909. London, 1910 , 29-30pp. 2. C.M.S, CA2/028, Annual Letter of D. Coker, Deceraber 2 , 1877. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 5 1 is pure, holy and noble in no organised UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 255 and has been the subject of many addresses", In 1896, the C.M.S, Conference in Lagos also noted the attraction exerted on Christians by the Yoruba Muslim "system of priesthood, its method of maintaining it and its self- propagating power", 2 But, possibly, what impressed the Christians most about Islam in Qyp and its districts, and Yorubaland at large, was its "AFRICANNESS", In a sharp contrast to the Christianity in their midst, they apprecinted that Islam was less intolerant of African customs (polygyny in particular), It, to some extent, allowed polygyny and made use of local airs, Islam in Qyp and its districts made no serioUs attempt to uproot the traditional religion in its entirety with a view to establishing Islam per se. I mean Islam in its pristine and unalloyed form*but to integrate Islam with the traditional religion by way of the common law of io 6C.H10S870 6CA2/056, James Johnson to Sec,, C,M,S, March, , 2, Resume of the C,M„S, Conference, 1896 in Lagos Stan- tdhaer d,C onMfaerrcehn cb,e p18r9o6b,a blyB y me"aitnst tshyes(tÄeml üoffa sp)riesthood1̂ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 256 reciprocity and graduality. Thus, in the area one can speak of Islam in Yorubaland different from Islam in Arabia in some respectsjwhereas the Christian missionaries endeavoured to introduce and establish in the area Christianity as taught, preached and practised in its original home abroad. There was no recognition and tolerance for the age-old, traditional background of the people. In this Situation, Islam continued to expand at the expense of Christianity. Islam made no serious attack on the traditional African society; nor did it manifest any desire to establish, as the Christian converts were wont to do, an "Imperium in Tmperio".'1 It lived more closely than Christianity with the followers of the traditional religion whom it tactfully sought to convert. 2 The tolerance or preservation of certain African customs and practices, had, as a matter of fact, gingered some people to declare Islam as the "Religion 1. See Church Missionary Gleaner, 1898, People looking for protection against established authority, according to Bishop Oluwple, sought out the Mission and offered themselves for protection. 2. C.MoS. CA2/056, James Johnson to Sec. C.M.S., March 6 , 1876. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 5 7 of Africa"» In 1893, the editor of The Lagos Weekly Record struck this point» He reported the speech which the Reverend I. Oluwple made in England, the essence of which has since been echoed by others in other parts of Yorubalando The editor prefaced his Statement with a profuse, if superfluous, apology for being "caught singing the praises of Islam5' and pleaded that he was compelled to speak the truth» He agreed with the Reverend Oluwple that with reference to Yorubaland Islam had become indigenous».. ? it has allied itself to ; and become a part ofjand a power in Africa," 2 The three aspects of Islam in Qyp and its districts which impressed the Christians in the area - its Organisation, spirit of self-help, and Africanness - were, up to a point, rosily conceived? forsthe Muslims in the area had received some nurture from outside the area especially from Ilprin, the post-old Qyp Empire stronghold 1. The Rev« I. Oluwple, the assistant Bishop of Western Equatorial Africa, made the speech at Exeter Hall which he anded with an impassioned appeal for foreign missionaries "to occupy the Yoruba country where a considerable number of the people are Moslems (sic) and several of the crowned heads and princes of the royal blood are devotees of Islam"; q.v., "Our Islamlc Prospects" , in The LagoB 'Weekly Record. August 26, 1893 = 2, The Lagos Weekl.v Record, August 26, 1893= The indigeni- •sation of Islam in Africa is also well appreciated by UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 258 of Islam, and Nupeland, Besides, it was Arabic, a non- Yoruba language , that was the language of worship (prayer) and scholarship«, However, these reservations couldjand did not^vitiate the essential truth, As the Christians appreciated these aspects of Islam -,they started to formulate their ideas about how their church could be organised, They were aesertive about African ability to propagate and direct the faith of his choice, Also,.they affirmed the need for reservation of essentially African and religious customs within that faith; and also stressed the need to be rid of racism and the clergy„ They endeavoured to stimulate the others in their group to a ready acceptance of the enviable aspects of Islam, The ideas were potentially catalytic within the church in Qyp and its districts, Of course, it can be veritably said that the events within the church Stretching from the last decades of the nineteenth Century to the early many others. See particularly Trimingham, J. S., A History of Islam 232p. et passim. Morel, E.D., Nigeria, its Peoples and Its Problems London, 1912, pp.214ff. Blyden, Christianity, Islam and the Negro . Race. 2nd tehde., Lond on 1888, 35p.1 Conceming^slamic Status of Ilorin, see above, chapter \ , 9i-2pp; chapter 2, 130p, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 259 part of the present Century were causative of the internal ferment which later produced the emergence of the African Church Movement*1 But this is an essentially "Church-centric" view, taking meagre account of the entire Yoruba society of Qyp and its districts>and Yorubaland at 1arge3and of the inter- course in that society of various groups and ideas° The contributory role of Islam to the emergence of African Church Movement, through the channel of the keen and rosy Christian appreciation of certain aspects of Islamic religion in Yorubaland, is yet to be more fully appreciated» The spurring agents in this regard were particularly the Christian leaders such as Adayl 1 . Christian historians such as Adayi, Ayandele and Webster have, for example, emphasised the importance of the Crowther’s episode in this respect» For an analysis of these events within the Christian Churches, see particularly: Webster, J.B,, The African Churches among the Yoruba».». i*2-91pp° Turner, African Indenen dent Church, Vol» ̂, Oxford, 1967, 5p°"~ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 6 0 Crowther, 4 James Johnson, 2 Mojola Agbebi 3 and Edward Blyden»^ These people had taken special interest in Islam, and were especially moved by its spread and 1 » Ayandele, E.A» (The Missionary Impact. a.. 1 18p») has drawn attention to 'the""^impetuous and relent- lessooo effort” of Ajayi Growther to push the missionary frontier even northwards to the Muslims on the Niger» But even in Yorubaland, he has taken special interest in evangelism among the Muslims with whom he engaged in disputes after he had given them copies of the Arabic Sible» Stock speaks of Crowther’s plea for shrewd and tactful approach towards non-Christians q,v, Stock, E», History of the Church Mission Society,' Vols, 2, London 1899," h58-9pp» It* is pertinent ’to recall here that Ajayi Crowther was a slave boy who hailed from 0?oogun in in Qyp North but later returned to his home country and became the first African Bishop, 2, For further information about him, see the 2 articles on him by Ayandele, E»A„ , ”An Assessment of James Johnson and his place in in Nigerian History, 187h- 1917" parts I and II in J,H»S»N,, 2, h, December 1963; and 3, 1, De cember' 1961+» 3» Webster, J,B», The African ChurcheSo,». 99p - Ayandele, The Missionary" Impact, 25h-6pp» This rather f iery^Kationalist'* 'was "the ’leader of the Native Baptist Church» h<. The influence of Blyden within the Yoruba Christian community has been analysed» See particularly Ayandele, The_Missionary Impact,,» . 217-219pp» He places his influence within the perspective of that of James Johnson» See also Webster op»cit,. 65-6; 99ff. ‘ — UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 261 growth in Yorubaland, In their various plans to check the growth? they had moved closely with the Muslims and come to cherish this "Africanness" of Islam, Their ideae gained ground within the church, 2 It was not devoid of significance that the Yoruba African Church in Qyp and its districts was developed to bear certain traits observed by the Muslims« 3 1, The Christian gentlemen, obviously all, believed that Christianity was the best form of religion for Africa» Even people like Blyden feit that Islam was only a stage in the religious evolution of Africans towards this ideal, See Blyden to Wikinson, November 17, 1891, published in Lagos Weekly Record, Leoember 3, 1892, " .... 2, Webster, for example, showed how "the Niger Purge" (that is, Crowther's displacement), African Leader­ ship, Blyden and foreign forms loomed large in United Native African Church thinking; q.v, Webster, The African Churches»»„. 69-89pp, 3, Webster, on.cit,. 47, 99-100, 100-1upp. In spite of some prevalent Christian scorn of Islam, as will be pointed out shortly in this section, the African Churches endeavoured to replace Islam as the pre- server of TRADITIONAL VALUES, They thus adopted local airs, individual efforts, polygyny and even what they conceived to be the Islamic mode of pro- pagation: preaching, baptism and teaching» See also, Coleman: JAS«, Nigeria: Background to Nationalismf Berkeley, 1956 f iW-opp. ""^The African Churches" Nigerian Magpzine. 7(a) December,19 6 3» U IVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 262 The African Church attitude was a synthe-sis bolstered by a unique contribution, Mojpla Agbebi and J.Ko Coker believed, like the missionaries, that Yoruba conversion to Islam was a tragedyj but like Blyden, they were impressed with its adaptability, They sought to emulate its methods 4 and believed that the Yoruba could be as effective in proselytising for Christ as for Mohammed (sic) if the apostolic method used by Muslims replaced the society method« The African Church was disturbed by the lowering of moral Standards among converts to Islam and Christianity« One of the attractions, especially for the youth who worried under the multiple restraints of the traditional religion, was the greater moral freedom which the new religions offered« The older and more conservative turned to Islam as the less disruptive and the most likely to uphold the familiär moral structure« 1» See Agbebi, "Our Islamic Prospeets", Lagos Weekly Records. August 26, 1893; Agbebi, "The West African Problem", in Spiller, G. (Compiler), 'Papers on Interrace Relations 347-8pp0 Agbebi in Lagos Stan­ dard, April 16, 1902; Coker, J„K„, The African Church 7-9PP*; ßorinplu, J. to Coker, J.K, August 16, 1905, and Ijaiye Youngnen (abroad) to Coker, J0K. June i+, 1919° Coker papers; Coker SoA» Yoruba News. June UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 263 The African Church eought to replace Islam as the preserver of the traditional structure, of which polygyny constituted the core, Agbebi and Coker believed that where missionary work had been intense and European supervision effective, there Islam developed the fastest, The railway line running frora Lagos to the North divided the Yorubaland into two unequal parts, Located on and to the West of the railway, the missionaries had been at work in the cities of Lagos, Abpokuta, Ibadan, Qyp and Ogbomp^p since the early 1850*s,1 Conversions had been slow and results m<=agre - 90,000 Christians by 1921, West of the railway, where Europeans had been hardest at work for the longest period, Islam had advanced four times 2 as fast as Christianity in Ibadan - 22 and 29; 192h, Concerning the spread of Islam, see Southern Nigeria Civil Service List, London, 1a9t0t9i,t ud3e8, re57s,e m7b3l-ihn,g 1t0h6a,t 1o0f9 ptph°e AFforri caa n mCohduerrcnh es, siene WeTsrti mAinfgrhiacma,. LJo,nSd.o, n,T he1 95C3h,r is~t~i an Ch““ur“c h and Isla”m 1o See Webster, The African Churches,,,97p» 2, See above, Table 1 on 2h6p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 26k Qyp and three times as fast in ^gba, European super- vision meant austere discipline which kept the majority outside the church, prolonged the spiritual vacuum, and created Muslims, African supervision even in the Mission was more lax, brought more people into the church- and forestalled Islam, However, the effect of African supervision, as pointed out earlier, should not be over-emphasised, for despite the growth of African Church Movement in Qyp and its districts Islam had since remained the dominant religion, The challenge posed by Christianity also had significant effect on the history of Islam in Qyp and its districts and Yorubaland at large, By its offer and monopoly of YYestern education, the Christians possessed a strong instrument against the Muslims, Though Islam was able to maintain its ground generally, yet this Christian Iure of letters effected, in the course of time, a loop-hole in the armour of the strong- man, The Muslims, however, benefited from the Christian challenge, It will be recalled that the Muslims were roused to a great defence and propagation of their faiith. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 265 In the course of persistent Christian challenge, they began to gain a considerable acquantanceship with some Christian Literature, especially the Bible and the Psalms of David, This was particularly true of the Muslim mälams who often searched the Christian Scriptures for their argumentative significanc* e,1 This eventually led to the birth of a special dass of mälams called ’AKEÜKEWEE’ who were fairly proficieni- in Arabic and Yoruba, The dass later produced a number of works on Islam and Christianity„ It will be erroneous to connive at the advantage which Muslim attendance of Christian-sponsored soboois had for the totality of Muslims in Qyp and its districts» It had its own good effects on the Muslim 1. mOneen tsr emmoaurnktabelde bfye aat ugroeo d ofn umthbee r o.fc oMuunstleir ma ragpuo-logists was the facile reference to Biblical texts. See for example, C.M.S, G3/A£/01, Journal of Charles Philips from June to August 1887* where a Muslim teacher in Ondo quoted the Old Testament text to support a point. The ubiquitous Älüfa Kokewukobere were reported to do similar thing in some parts of Qyp and its districts during his evangelical tour of Yorubalando UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 6 6 community. Those who were not converted to Christianity constituted an important group among the Muslims in the area. They had learnt about Christianity, at first hand, so to say. In point of fact, and on the basis of the testimony of the Christians, the Muslim pupils showed some knowledge of ChriBtianity, 1 But their significance lay more in the fact that, as people who had gained some degree of V/estern education, they constituted the torch-(light) purveyors of the new civilisation to the other Muslims. Their influence was, in the 1900*s, gathering accretion and was particularly apparent in the next two decades as pioneer founders of various Muslim literary societies such as the A.U.D., N.U.D. and a host of others, These societies were chiefly concerned with the leavening influence of Western education and modernity among the Muslims in Qyp and its districts. 1. See C.MoS, CA2/056, James Johnson to Sec,, C,M„S, July 29, 1875, See also Reports by Rev, (later bishop) A.Wo Howell, the Diocesan Inspector of Lagos Districts Schools, It is said that Muslim pupils often did better than the Christians in Bible Knowledge, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 267 Moreover, the educated Muslims were the new leaders of the Muslims in the area in a good number of waye. They soon gained access to some English literature on Islam by which they came to know more about their religion than when their knowledge of Islam was only gained by learning Arabic the difficult and tortuous way. Edified by this knowledge, they were in a Position, possibly, better than that of the age-old mälams, to enlighten their less privileged associates on the principles of Islam in general» Their leadership was based on literacy in English and Arabic and on the proper grasp of Islam» At this juncture, it will be expedient to note that inspite of the rivalry between the Muslims and the Christians, the socio-religious interaction existing between them, however, was, by and large, kept polite and decent» There were scattered incidents of manifest intolerance which can be attributed to some ardour- and passion on both sides. But these were rare. Normal courtesies were exchanged and if the Muslims remained adamant, conservative and assertive about their religion and faith, the evidence reveals that UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 263 they betrayed no general personal ill-will or fanaticism. The Christian men, clergy disputants, such as there were, often bore testimony to their being heartily welcome by the Muslims, A For example, after a tour of the Yoruba Missions in 1887, W. Allen reported that "the Muhammedans (sic) at Ab^okuta as at Lagos,., appear to be friendly disposed and devoid of that fanatical spirit which characterised them in the Turkish dominions." 2 This report might also be pertinent concerning the interaction between the Christian clergymen and the Muslims in some parts of Qyp and its districts especially in recently islamised places such as Fiditi, Iltpra and Akinmprin3 and a host of other places in the area, 1. C,M.S. CA2/069» Meakin's Half Yearly Report ending March, 1860. See also C „ M. S. 3A2/02, Report on the Yoruba Mission by W. Allen, 1887» 2. C.M.S. G3A/02, Report on the Yoruba Mission by W. Allen, 1887» He often relates hov/ he was offered kolanuts and other gifts by the Muslim leaders and influential men. 3. See map 1 on l(a)p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 269 The general absence of spitefulness which, in point of fact, can be so easily generated by militant and ardent evangelism, was in part due to the display of courtesy and a sense of moderation by both sides; but it was due, in greater degree, to the restraint imposed by Yoruba traditional culture which not only disapproves of extremism but smugly allows religious co-fraternity. «4 The religious co-fraternity, indeed, had its basis in the age-old family solidarity. In Yorubaland, allegiance goes first to family solidarity, then to religious solidarity. The practice springs from the fact that, in the country the former preceded the latter in the history of the Yoruba. Religious dif- ferences were not allowed, in most cases, to disrupt the age-long family solidarity. It is essentially this cultural factor which explains the tolerant and kind 1. Cragg correctly writes that among the Yoruba there is "Inter-religious fraternity"; q.v. Cragg, K., "West African Catechism" in Muslim World XLVIII, 3, July 1958. See also Trimingham, J.S., Islam in West Africa,129. 222p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 7 0 attitude of the chiefs, Muslim or not, and of the common people in their transaction with others» 2 It also goes to explain some peculiar Yoruba socio- religious features: the religious mutual existenoe of the votaries of the local religion, Islam and Christianity under the same roof and within the same family and lineage, 3 and some spirit of co-operation noticeable not only between the votaries of Islam 12*0 1. Daniel Olubi was obliged to comment on "the kind- unse ssa ndo f outrhe rMeloihgaimomne"d anq .vh.e adC 8MC„hSi„e f, C(At2h/e 07A5r,f )D, antioe l Olubi, Journal Extract for the Half Year Ending December 1879 2. Sir Wo Macgregor once wrote that the Yoruba "might serve as a model of politeness to any people in Europe" q,v. Macgregor "Lagos, Ab^okuta and the Alake" in JÖA.S, , 3, 12, July, 190ho 3» Cragg, Ko (in "West African Catechism") ably speaks of "a surprising degree of Muslim-Christian inten— pretation" among the Yoruba« Truly as he says, "different individuals in one family belong to different foitha with. „« mutual respect and tole- rance". See for example, how the Alhaji A«B»I0 Kukpyi, describes how Muslims and Christians are together in his family The Truth» August 1+- 10, 1961. The palaces of the pbas^ in Qyp and its districts constituted in the nineteenth Century, a meet evidence as regards this inter-religious fraterrity, It will be recalled that a traditional pba in Yorubaland is a patron of all religions in his town. Thus, the Yoruba saying: "Qba.o nj gbogbo ^sln - "The kingsof all religions"» Thus in the palace of any Yoruba king, the inter-religious frater- nity is usually a feature» The religious co-existence UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 271 and Christianity -4 but also between Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion» The festival days constitute an immense testimony to the inter- religious fraternity in Yorubaland» So far is the history of the expansion of Islam in the era of Christianity, Right away from the second half of the nineteenth Century to the present time, Christianity had constituted itself as a rival religion, in cut-throat competition with Islam's . to Claim the souls of the people» As a result of the challenge posed by Christianity, the Muslims became more alive to their religious responsibilities, adjusted their conservative attitude and legalistic approach to their religion, Thus, in Qyp and its districts in the is true of some other places in the Western Sudan, as pointed out in other studies, See particularly, Trimingham, J,S. Islam in West Africa: Monteil, V.L, 1̂ slam Noir, Paris, 19^ 4.7 1 *98ff, ” 1, The Lagos Times, October 12, 1881. The paper r"ecords Musiim-Christian co-operation at Bazaar sales, This was the case in some parts of Yoruba- land. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 272 second half of the nineteenth Century, the Muslims made greater progress among the local people than the Christian missionaries» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 273 CHARTER FOUR U.O. THE EXPANSION OF ISLAM IN THE ERA QF BRITISH ~ RULE. 189U-1?Q0 . 1, British occupation of O.vo and its districts. In this section^we shall examine the irapact of British rule on the expansion of Islam in Qyp and its districts in the late nineteenth Century» When discussing the expansion of Islam during the nineteenth century^we have been confronted with increasing Pene­ tration of British power into the Muslim territory. Here again, may I add that the section will be briof, since it is no part of the work to recapitulate the history of the way the area called Qyp and its districts was brought within the web of Western domination and civilisation. Until the last decade of the nineteenth Century, British had no contact with Qyp and its districts» Before this time, the activities of the British were confined to the coast» It will be expedient to recall here the various difficulties1of the early Christian missionaries in Qyp and its districts>and Yorubaland at large^that halted Christian advance. The difficulties 1. See above, 173~189pp UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 271+ did not only constitute a hinderance for the influx of Christianity but also prevented early contact between the British and the people of Qyp and its districts. 1+. 11 Missionary enterprise and the pacification of~Y orub al and. In 1891+, the British began to establish their influence and authority formally in Qyp and its districtso But prior to this time, was a period of informal influence during which the way was paved for the later formal control. A brief examination of the period of informal influence is essential for a proper grasp of the events that succeeded it„ As in other parts of Yorubaland, the process of British influence and expansion in Qyp and its districts owed a lot to the Christian Missions» Christian missionaries first introduced British ways 1» Concerning the role of the missionaries in fostering British influence and expansion in Yorubaland, see Ayandele, E.A» , The Missionary Impact,... chapter 2 and "The Mode of British Expansion in Yorubaland in the second Half of the Nineteenth Century". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 275 of life into Yoruba society, It was they, who largely provided the initial link between the Yoruba chiefs and the British Government, It is in this connection that Ayandele says the following: "Missionaries were the pathfinders of British influence, It was a role they could not have escaped partly because of the political environment in which they found themselves, partly because of their patriotic instincts and partly because it was the logical outcome of their activity", Further, he sayss "The Missionary African or European was the conveyor of British influence in a subtle but sure mannerif01 In the task of fostering British influence in the period just referred to, the missionaries of the Church Missionary Society (C,M,S,) were the foremost, It is pertinent, at this juncture, to point out that the majority of them were of Yoruba origin - Daniel Olubi, Samuel Johnson, Abraham Pa$ina Foster, to mention the most prominent ones, Hence, it will be erroneous to 1, Ayandele, E.A. , The Missionary Impact... ehapter 2> UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 276 hold the view that they consciously advocated that the Alähfin, or any other Yoruba ruler for that matter, should be superseded in authority ’oy the British» But they believed, like their colleagues elsewhere, that the Yoruba society could derive enviable benefits from European civiliaation generally« -1 What is more, their Mission being Anglican, they naturally came to believe that the British civilisation was to be' preferred to any other in Europe. Thus, they earnestly v/ished that British influence be established in their country» The desire of the raissionaries to have British influence established in Qyp and its districts?and other parts of Yorubaland?came at a time when the political milieu in Yorubaland generally required some degree of erternal aid to be peaceful. As has been pointed out earlier, the fall of the Old Qyp Empire had resulted, inter alia, in the struggle for power among a number of Yoruba States» 2 The result was a 1. Atanda, J«, The New Qyp Empire., . U5p° 2» See above, chapter 1, 69-82pp, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 7 7 series of wars, the last of which had broken out in 1878. From the look of things, there appeared to be no possibility of putting the wars to an end through internal arbitration. 2 Yet it was exigent, at least for the Alääfin and his subjects of the Oke Ogun area, to end this war. The Dahomeans started a series of raids on the Oke-Ogun area in 1881. The Alähfin and the Oke-Ogun people could not gather enough force to check the Dahomeans, Only the Ibadan were capable of achieving this feat, But they could not render any help as long as the Kiriji war continued, The problem, then, was where and how to get a peace-maker who would help to bring the Kiriji war to an end, 1 » Atanda, U6p, 2, Reasons for the impossibility are contained in Atanda, J,A,, The Search for Peace in Yorubaland. 1881-1897: Irving and Bonnar Graduate Prize Essay for 1966. 3. For more points on the na tu re of the Dahomean menace, see Atanda, J„A , Dahomean Raids on Oke- 0,gun Towns, 1881-1890: 'An Epis*ode" in 19th Century Yoruba-Dahomey Relations ' , Historia. III, April, 1966, -)-12pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 7 8 It was at this time that the missionaries became the most useful in offering suggestions concerning the ways and means by which the problem could be solved, Shortly after the first of the Dahomean raide in 1881, Abraham Pa$ina Poster, the C,M,S, agent in Is$yin, initiated a move from that town in October, 1881, asking the Alähfin to cohsult the British Lagos Government to help in putting an end to the Kiri^x war, A The Alähfin readily agreed to this Suggestion, He then invited A,F, Poster, and later the Rev, D»0. Olubi and Mr, (later the Rev,) Samuel Johnson, who were the C,M,S, agents in Ibadan, to advise him on how to approach the British Lagos Government, Their advice resulted in the Alähfin's writing to the Lieutenant-Governor, who was then the he ad of the administration in Lagos, soliciting British aid in putting an end to the Kiriji war, 2 The missionaries served as the Alähfin’s clerks in writing the letter 1, C,M.S, G3/A2/02, Journal of A,P, Poster for July- December, 1881, entries for Oetober 3, k, 5 and 7. 2, Por details, see Atanda, J,A., The Search for Peace,,, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY £79 and undertook to send the letter to Lagos. Even when the appeal to the British Lagos Government did not immediately bring the desired result, -j the missionaries continued to urge the Alähfin and other Yoruba rulers to endure in requesting the British Lagos Government to inter- vene so that the war could be brought to an end. The chiefs, anxious for peace, persisted as the missionaries had advised. By 1886, the British Lagos Government found it poesible to intervene. 2 And between that date and 1893» it suceeeded in ending the Yoruba wars.3 1. ARteaansdoan,s Jf.oAr. ,t hTeh ei nSteiaarlc hf afiolru rPee aacree ..c.o.ntained in 2. Perhaps, the most important reason why the British Lagos Government found it possible to intervene confidently in 1886 was the awareness that such Intervention was likely to be succes- sful} for the Rev. J. B. Wood of the C.M.S, had prepared the ground for success by his effxvrts, in 188U and 1883» to *seek a solution to the Problem of ending the war. Details of Wood's efforts are in Atanda, J.A., The Search for Peace»... op.cit, 3» For the details, see Atanda, J.A., The Search for Peace..„. op.cit. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 280 Possibly, to Contemporary history writers, the most significant effect of British Intervention in the Yoruba war3 was that the British brought the wäre to an end, As a result, they proclaimed, chaos gave way to peace, warriors left the caraps for their hömes to live settled lives, families were reunited and the like»*1 In retrospeet, however, the most signifikant effect of British Intervention in the Yoruba wäre was thatythrough this intervention and consequent upon it, British domination was established over Qyp and its districts and the other parts of Yorubaland. It was entrenched by the 1888 and 1893 Treaties2 with the Aldhfin of Qyp respectively* h. 12. British domination of Q.yp and its districts„ The British domination of Qyp and its districts assumed a full swing with the establishment of British authority through the dynamic activities of jingoistic 1. Por example, see The Lagos Weekly Record. 'The Expedition to the Interiorr7 leading article in the isaue of March 25, 1893. 2. See above, f.n. 2 on 215-2l6pp„ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 281 Captain R, Bower, He was appointed the first Resident and Travelling Commissioner at the end of 1893 «1 and eventually he was successful in borabarding Qyp in 1893» And since 1895 to the mid-twentieth Century, the British had assuraed an effective occupation of Qyp and its districts and,in fact,Yorubaland as a whole, With the bombardment of Qyp, in 1895, Captain R„L. Bower was able, in unmistakable terms, to teil the Alääfin that hie duty as Resident and Travelling Commissioner was the establishment of British authority and not nece- ssarily the enhanceraent of the Alähfin’s traditional authority per se ̂ Thus for the first time ever, Qyp and its districts began to experience a policy of Imperium in Tmperio, 'And from 1895 onwards>Qyp and its districts came under the web of Western domination and civilisation. k »2o Islam and British rule« ko21 Islam and the Pax Britannien, Before the establishment of British authority in Atanda, J,A* 52p, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 282 the area, the Muslims had been living under the traditional rule. They were, of course, trying to acquire political power and influenae."1 2 But in the interim, they tolerated traditional rule since it granted them freedom of worship. 2 This experience must have predisposed the Yoruba Muslims in Qyp and its districts to accept British rule which was essentially to them another non-Muslim Government. Events later showed that the Yoruba Muslims in the area and the rest of Yorubaland as a whole not only accepted British rule, ’out were also ready to co- operate with it to settle some problems that plagued their area. Eventually, the relationship that was established between the Muslims and the British Government was essentially one of incredible friendliness and cordiality. On the one hand, the British treated the Muslims with considerable respect, deference and understanding. On the other hand, the Muslims saw in the Government an impartial and helpful 1. See above, chapter 2, lJ+6-151pp„ 2. Ibid* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 283 administration which they respected and with which they were ready to work. An attitude of mutual respect and h.elp was bullt up over the years between 1886 and 1900 At the inchoative stage of the British occupation of Qyp and its districts, the contact between the Muslims and the new rulers was rather rough if not definitely unpleasant» However, this Situation did not last long. The Muslims realised the importance of the Pax Britannica. A the 'Reace of Britain' or the 'Crown Peace’>forged by the British, for the expansion of Islam in the area» With the British occupation of the area^there was general peace. The Yoruba wars that had formerly plagued the area and Yorubaland at large had ceased, Thus, tieevyiucllms now had time to bother aboutth^e.irreligion„ The cessation of the Yoruba wars and the resultant Pax Britannica afforded Islam some air of freedom to expand with little or no hinderance. 1. Cf. The significance of the Pax Romannia.the 'Peace of Rome’jfor the expansion of Christianity in the Graeco-Poman World. Por details about this, see Frend, W.H.O. The Early Church. London 1971, 1ff. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 28k Thus, it will be wise to hold that the Muslims co- operated with the new rulers as a result of the advantage they derived from the Pax Britannica venture - The Pax Britannica in the area continued with little or no inhibition because any threat to the peace of the area was, however, to be averted if possible by the presence of Government policeraen or soldiers or any other step that could preserve the well-being of all and sundry in the area. In this milieu, Islam as a successor to the traditional religion of the people, and as a Scripture religion which was well entrenched before the advent of Christianity»continued to expand almost unrestrained. k. 2.2 Islam and Western education. More momentous events were yet to take place which drew the Muslims and the Government closely together, Firstjthere was the issue of the establishment of Western education among the Muslims in the area. On this issue. the Government was, more than ever before, very helpful to the Muslims and the Muslims were fully appreciative of Government concern and action. This was because the issue was of great significance not only in UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 285 the history of the relationship between the Government and the Muslims in the area and Yorubaland at large, but also in the history of the growth of Islam generally. Thus, it will be pertinent to deal with this issue in some detail. It has already been pointed out how Muslim apathy and Opposition to the Christian-sponsored Western education persisted for a long time, The attitude caught the attention of the Government in a rather indirect way. By 1867?the Government was already Bhowing its deep concern regarding educational development when it started to make available certain amount for the upkeep and education of the children of the emancipated African slaves especially the Aku slaves from Sierra-Leone who had returned to Yorubaland, their original domicile. In 1872, the Government widened the scope of its educational involvement by making some token grants of ten pounds (the present Nigerian twenty naira) each to the three Missionary Societies - the C.M.S., the Baptist and the Weßleyan Methodist, by way of aiding them in their educational Programme. The interest of the Government UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 286 towards education continued and increased as the Government became more and more entrenehed. But it was soon discovered that attendance at these schools v/as not increasing as steadily as could be expectedj it was indeed, far short of the number of children of school-going age,1 A significant event later took place in Lagos which subsequently affected Muslim education not only in Yorubaland but also, in the 7/hole of Nigeria at large. At the instance of the secretary of State for the Colonies, a Committee of the Board of Education was set up in July 1889 to look into the problem of increasing attendance in schools in Lagos. 2 The Committee discovered that it was the Muslims who stood aloof from the Christian- sponsored schools and kept down the number of pupils. It thereupon made some recommendation to the 1 . See Gbadampsi, G.O., The Growth of Islam»... 266p. 2. N.A.I. CSO1/ 1 , Lord Knutsford to Moloney, April 19, 1889° See also M.W. Walsh; The Catholic Contribution to Education in Western Nigeria, 186T-IJ9261 (mTTI ' London, 1950, loo-öpp.; UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2 8 7 Government concerning hcw the Muslima could be made to share in the edueational undertaking. Thus- from 1889, the problem of Muslim atstention from Mission schools in Lagos came to the knowledge of the Govern­ ment. It was recommended, therefore? that the Government should, in a meeting with the mälams and Muslims elders, impress on the Muslims the advantages of rastern education and the insufficiency of Quranic education only. Secondly, Christian-sponsored schools were to be induced by an offer of fifty pounds1 (the present Nigerian one hundred haira) to include Arabic language in their curriculum with a view to making their schools more attractive and useful to the Muslim pupils and parentSc Thirdly, the Muslims should be asked to incorporate into their own schools' curriculum the teaching, inEnglish, of the three R's - äRithmetic, Reading and wRiting, which constituted the basis of Western education in the early period. The recommendations came to mean that the British i. Gbadampsi, G.O. , The Growth of Islam.... 267p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 288 Government was interested in the affairs and progress of the Muslims but jindeed .jthey vre re in a rather superficial manner. The v/ord 'superficial’ is used here because some of the prescriptions were by them- selves implausible, based3as they were^on small knowledge of the local Situation. ?or, there were but a very few people who knew Arabic language and English enough to be useful and acceptable as teachers in either of the Mission or Muslim schools respectively, There was the more elaborate issue as to whether or not both sides, in spite of Government financial aid, would not regard the novel introductions in their sehools? curriculum as devices which would eventually hamper their own religious and educational Programme. In my opinion, it is very likely that the Muslims in Nigeria equated Europeans with Christians in conse- quence of their concern for Western education which the Christian missionaries introduced and was later encouraged and intensified by the Europeans. 1. Kenny, J.P. (Pather)‘v Towards Better Understanding of Muslims and Christians" in N»jJ.,I.„, Ile-Ifp, Vol. 2, No . 1 5lPo July 1971 - January» 1972. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 2€3 Be that aß it may, the recommendations, at least in the interim, were accepted and made the bases of Government policy on Muslim education in Yorubaland and Nigeria at large. The first Governor to execute this policy was Sir CoA, Moloney» He was, without eny tinge of qualm, very much interested in educational work and especially in the Muslim aspect of the problera., On the strength of these recommendations, in the same hope of securing thereby a larger attendance in the schools from among the Muslim population, he offered to the Christian schools special financial inducement- for proficiency in Arabic, He also discussed vith the Muslim leaders and encouraged them to extend the sccps of the curriculum of their schools. 2 From all accounts, his efforts not surprisingly, met with scarcely appreciable success, No Christian school offered or coulü offer Arabic language, 12 1 . Colonial Report Annual I8g2. Lagos, No. 31, 7p* 2. N.A.,1.. CSO1/ 1 , Carter to Knutsford, April 30, 1892. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 290 and the influential Muslims were tired of modifying their traditional school System along the novel lines suggested by the Government. In Qyp and its districts* especially at the close of the nineteenth century^the three suggestions met with little success and the Mission fiehools in the area were not able to make any significant impact on the Muslim population. Since there had yet been little improvement in the issue of making Nigerian Muslims accept Western education^Government concern continued. The succeeding Governor, Sir G.T. Carter?showed special interest in the Muslim community; and on this issue^he accelerated his efforts though, at first, only along the lines laid down by his predecessor. Shortly after his arrival in the colony as Governor, the Lagos Muslims called on him to pay their homage and welcome him to Lagos. The Governor seized this opportune meeting to broach afresh the issue of Muslim accepting Western education and extending their curriculum-"I impressed upon them", he said, "the advantage of being able to secure a Government grant for their schools and the obvious benefits which must accrue to the rising generation from a knowledge of UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY English and the elementary subjeets usually taught in English schools", 4 The meeting only started off yet another series of public meetings with the Muslira coramunity in Lagos on this issue, 2 either to encourage. them to send their children to Christian schools or with the offer of Government financial aid to induce them to re-construct their own schools in lines similar to those on which the Christian schools were operated. 3 But as usual, the suggestions only excited "suspicion and resistance in the minds of Mohammedan priests" The Government persistence and disguisitions with the Muslims in Lagos also reached 'the othöjv.Muslim areas in Yorubaland. Thus, the Mission Schools in Qyp 1. N.A. CSO1/ 1 , Carter to Knutsford, April 30, 1892. 20 Colonial Report Annual 1892, 2 5p. 3. Acting Governor Denton to Marques of Ripon, S1e8p9t2ember, 29, 1893 in Colonial Report Annual,, — - ko ■I*b i■d owm UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 292 and its districts such as the Saint Andrew*s College and the primary school therein contained some handful of Muslims, The Catholic school situated a i A $ o g o , Oke-Ai“in in Qyp also continued some Muslim pupils, However, significant was the fact that the Muslim schools which the Muslims began to establish right from the close of the nineteenth Century onwards made use of some aspects of the three recommendations of the Government, The schools were established by the Ahmadiyya Mission, Anw5rü*l Islam Movement of Nigeria (the former Ahmadiyya Movement of Nigeria) and the A U,D, societies, The parent bodies of the societies operated in Lagos, and the Muslim schools in Qyp and its districts followed the pattern laid down by the Muslim schools in Lagos, Thus, today in Ahmadiyya College, Agege, A,U»D, Grammar School, Isplp and A.U.D, Grammar School, Qaki, the students were taught, in addition to Arabic and Islamic studies, the 3R*s in conformity with the wish of the Government as arrived at by the Committee of the Board of Education in July 1889. UNIVERSITY OF IB DAN LIBRARY 2S3 However, the fact that the Government educational recommendations of 1889 were adopted by the Muslims in Qyp and its districts should not be over-emphasised0 In this connection, it is important to bear in mind that Islamic consciousness and the air of suspicion and resistance lingered on in a good number of Muslim quarters. More significant was the gradual awakening of the Government to the real objeetions of the Muslim community to Western education, Sadly enough, these objections had not been investigated before, and consequently Government policy had failed to supply the expected result, But in the course of the series of Government- Muslira meetings, the Government came to appreciate the Muslim stand more clearly» It was on Sir Gilbert Carter that it first dawned that the core of Muslim apathy was in connection with religion rather than otherwise» Government offer of financial aid, he came to realise and admit, "could not banish their prejudices against the religious question which, in their minds, a knowledge UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 29k of English involved'1 , 4 It was clear that it still seemed to the Muslims that to encourage them to go to Christian- sponsored schools was to ask them to apostatise; and to advise them to initiate the reconstruction of the traditional System of Muslim schools was to generate their fears of bringing their school under the influence of Christian teaching» 2 Government realisation of the Muslim position pre- disposed Carter to modify Government policy» In a despatch^ to London, he stressed his conviction that "the initiative would have to come from the Government» A proper school must be established with competent teachers who should be Mohammedans”» In other worden the Government must take the bold step of establishing a school with Muslim teachers for the Muslims» 1. H»A»Io C501/1» Carter to Knutsford» April 30, 1892» 2» N,A«I» C50i/19 Carter to Knutsford, April, 30, 1892» Encl» 1 : The Report of Mr» Gunter, the Inspector of schools» 3» NAI CSOl/1, Carter to Knutsford, April 30, 1892» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 295 Carter* went ahead with the execution of this major modification of policy. He initiated several discussions with influential Muslim officials and elders and parti- cularly, Muhammad Shitta/'with a view to persuading them to support the placing of at least one Muframmadan school under the Board of Education.fi *4 Details of this scheme were not set out; but it was plain that by being under the Board of Education, such a Muslim school would have to conform to 1887 code, received grants and introduce new subjects, If this was done, Carter was convinced, such a school would serve as a power which>eventually5 would practically induce many of the 50 odd Muslim schools in Lagos to receive Government aid and extend their curriculum in the direction desired. p Government desire was partly met on June 15, 1896 when a Government school was opened. It opened with 1+0 boys and i+6 youngmen^ under the direct ion of the Principal Idris Anima^aun assisted by two teachers 1o NAI CSOi/1, Carter to Denton, June 1 , 1893= 2o Ibid. 3. They were slightly older people* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 296 recruited from Sierra-Leone on a salary of £2.10s. Jt (the present Nigerian M5.00) a month each. In the school, due prominence was given to Arabic and Islamic studies. According to the reports of the School which were compiled by the headmaster, Arabic was taught and translated into Yoruba. Islam was also taught. The pupils, the reports often added, made progress in these subjects. Classes were held only five days in the week, Saturday to Wednesday from > 9»00 a.m. to 1 . 3 0 p.m, for the boys^and for the young men, 11.00 a.m. to 12.30 p.m. There were no classes on Thursday and Friday for obvious religious reason. The opening of the school in June 1 8 9 6 was hailed by the Government at the time as markingy indeed"? a new era in the history of Lagos when the most conservative elements of the Muslim population have concluded to enter into competition with the Christians 1. Blyden to Colonial Secretary, Minute Paper, May 1 1 , I8 9 6 .0. Correspondence: Blyden, see also Lagos Standard June 10, 1 8 9 6 , reporting proceedings of the Legislative Council. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 297 in their efforts to acquire Western leaning»"* The Muslim town of $!p$ in the west which had for lang remained practically adamant to Christian evangeli- sation and their Greek gifts 2 drew up a Petition which it presented to the acting Governor Captain G*C, Denton, on the occasion of the tour of the latter in 9p$ in June 1898„ 3 In that peitionjthe $p$ Muslime, at the inspiration of the influential Buraimp Edu and under the leadership of their Chief ImämcUthmän Audu and Kujaniya, the Muslim Bal$jrequested the Government to establish at a Muslim school, "condueted on similar lines to the one which was established in Lagos in 1896" Denton acted on the Petition and the result of his action was the official opening of a Government- 1. McCallum to Chamberlain, September 22, 1897 encl,», Report by the Colonial Secretary. Denton Colonial Report Annual, 1896* The report went further to describe the opening of the school as uthe most important event connected with education0..M 2. Gbadampsi, G.0>, The Growth of Islam»»,. 211 , 227pp» 3o NAI CSO1 / 1 enclosure in Denton to Chamberlain, June 11, 1898o U» Ibid, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 298 Muslim School in on November 10, 1898 by the Governor in the presence of all Muslims and at least six leading Muslims from Lagos, •4 Given, however, the enthusiasm displayed by both the Government and the local Muslim population at the close of the nineteenth Century?it was to be expected that more of the elementary schools would have been built in the Muslim towns in Yorubaland which had, by 1896, come under the British Government, In September 1897, there arose the issue of establishing* inxthe other parts of Yorubaland, erpecially in Ibadan, a similar Government-Musiim school» Blyden, after consultation with the leading Lagos Muslims, pointed out that welcome as the idea was, no suitable teachers were available. In the circumstances,it was suggested that Ibadan parents be encouraged to send their children to Lagos; 2 or alternatively, more teachers could be recruited from 1. NAI CSO1/ 1 , Acting Governor, Captain G,C, Denton to Chamberlain, November 19, 1898, 2. Blyden, to Colonial Secretary September, 25, 1897 in Corresuondence: Blyden, UNIVERSITY OF I ADAN LIBRARY 2$9 Sierra-Leone. The Governor preferred children to be taught in their own towns where their parents resided A in spite of the Observation of Blyden that there were four children from Ilprin in the Lagos Muslim school. 2 As for recruitment which might have solved the problem? the Governor was silent. As a resultjthe whole issue of having a similar school in Ibadan lapsed. While there is evidence of verbal request from Ijpbu-Ode > which Blyden forwarded in writing to the Governor in April 1899,^ there was no similar request from any of the big centres of Islam in Qyp and its districts in the nineteenth Century. The apathy the Muslims in this area had for Christian-sponsored Gestern education continued almost unabated. Thus, with regard to the expansion of Islam in the area under British rule in the nineteenth Century, one can rightly say that, unlike Islam in Lagos and $pp, Islam in Qyp and its districts until the close of the nineteenth Century was unstretched, 1. McCallum to Colonial Secretary, September 28 1897=. Correspondence: Bl.vden 2. Blyden to Colonial Sec, October 5, 1897, Correspon- dence: Blyden. 3. NAI CSO1/ 1 , Lenton to Chamberlain, April lh, 1899, See also Minute Paper 1936, in NAI, CS026. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 300 too rigid and legalistic to be bent into the changing ahape of the Contemporary worid» In that period, it remained a Statistical giant but a religious anachronism in the new Nigeria» In short, Islam in Qyp and its districts in this period was more or less in its pristine and unalloyed form» A significant change came only in the early paart of the twentieth oentuiy vri.th the establishment of Muslim schools by Muslims societies. They were patterned almost on the Lagos and $pp Government-Muslim schools» At the same time,the onus of responsibility should not be borne entirely by the Muslims in Qyp and its districts» It will be pertinent to note here that, after 1899 no more Government-Muslim schools were established» An obvious explanation was the drying up of the enthusiasm of the Government» 4 The enthusiastic acting Governor, Denton^was superseded in 1899 by the new Governor, Sir W» MacGregor» On settling down to his post, he was chiefly pre-occupied with the problem of local administration. Besides, if indeed the whole purpose of Government effort was to induce the Muslims to embrace Western education, it can be argued that the 1. Gbadampsi, G»0», The Growth of Islam»» ». 288p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 301 way had already been clearly shown. In any case, Blyden himself, the livewire of Muslim educational activity, resigned from his post of Agent of Native Affairs in 1899; and the office, which had given considerable attention to Muslim issues, was replaced by a Council of Native Affairs whose administrative duties were as wide as its compositiono In other words.then, by the beginning of the twentieth Century*Government concern about Muslim education, if not Muslim welfare, in Yorubaland waned at least for a while, becoming mingled with the general administrative concern» No wonder then that Qyp and its districts?- and most parte of Yorubaland* remained untouched by a synthesis of Western and Muslim Systems of education for a considerable length of time» In this Situation, the Muslims in Qyp and its districts gained positive advantage over Christianity for Islam continued to grow in its original context» Unlike those in Lagos and ]3p$, the Muslims in the area, being untouched by Government- sponsored educational values remained very conservative and held the Christians with great suspicion» Any attempt to Iure their children to Christian-sponsored schools was challenged as a way to Iure their children UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 0 2 to Christianity, There were no Government mediating activities as in Lagos and In this way, the Muslims had ample opportunity to develop wider tentacleso The Situation lingered on until the early part of the present Century when the Muslims came to realise the secular benefits which Western education could supply«, So far*we see that the failure to extend this imaginative experiment to Ispyin, Qyp, §aki and other big centres of Islam in the interior would, in part, explain the limited response of these areas to Western education. Serious attempts to synthesise Western and Islamic Systems of education in Qyp and its districts were made by Muslim societies and sects in the present Century. The attempts provided the Muslims with their first practical experience in the management of schools along 7/estern lines. They faced the problems of Organisation, staff, equipment and the like. The Government-Muslim schools in Lagos and ?pp were of considerable help because they served as older sister schools to those in the interior far quite a long time. Many ideas were UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3C3 borrowed from thema While the Government*s role in promoting the cause of Western education among Muslims in the era before 1900 can hardly be gainsaid, it has been pointed out that there was within the Muslim community, in the l890*st the stirrings and ferment which facilitated Government*s effort in the educational field» The internal stirrings had been assisted by the actual demonstrated success of the Government-Muslim Schools» Thus, even though Government’s help eventually stopped, the impulse towards the acguisition of Western education lingered on and it was further Consolidated by the increasing number of educated Muslims who remained Muslims despite their attendance of Christian schools»1 However, it would be erroneous to think that all the Yoruba Muslim Communities had completely abandoned their erstwhile apathy towards Chri3tian-sponsored Western educationo The educated Muslim themselves 1. See above, 220-2h0pp» See also Gbadampsi, G<,0., The Growth of Islam, chapter 5, 228p» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 30k were to experience some uphill task persuading their fellow Muslims to establish their own schools, where Islam and secular subjects could be taughto A few British junior officers occasionally remonstrated with the Muslim elders to reform their piazza schools, To such remonstrations, As F.C, Füller, the Resident in Ibadan reported, "Allah will teach us the right way" - an answer on which he sarcastically commented: " I regret to say that so far their prayer has not been answered", Evidently, the tradition of the past still held a very strong grip over many Muslims in Qyp and its districts and in Yorubaland at large; and evidence abounds to show the popularity of the traditional Muslim schools up tili the present time, 23 Islam and the administrative policies of the British Colonial Q ^ eifnment„ In general, British rule in Qyp and its districts had, to some considerable extent, aided the expansion of Islam in the late nineteenth Century, The traditional 1» Report of the Year, 1900 on that portion of the Lagos Hinterland under the control of the Resident of Ibadan, 27p» / UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 0 5 state of equilibrum which had been established between Islamic and pure Yoruba traditional societies continued throughout the centuriesa The advent of British male loaded the scales very more effectively against the traditional societies than at any other stage of their historya The revolution, which came only at the close of the nineteenth Century, aided both the conso.lidation and the expansion of Islam in Qyp and its districts., The immediate effect of British control was, as pointed out earlier, peace (Pax Britannica) brought to the people who had been living in a perpetual state of insecurity, harassed by wars or the raids of the previous decades. This gave the Muslims the opportunity of generating wider tentacles and improving upon their erstwhile veneer Islam em’craced long ago» Here again, it is worth noting that the new rulers did not take drastic measures when they took up the leadership from the Alähfino Through the policy of ''indirect rule",1 the local and Muslim chiefs 1« The indirect rule'policy was grafted on the common law and tradition of the people „ For details ab out this.»aee Atanda, J„A„ , The New Q.yo Empire.„. . 85-9» 116, 249-253pp° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 0 6 that were already at the heim of affairs in the eourt ■\ were allowed to carry on but were subject to the overall control of and ratification by the new rulers, Thus, the Muslim chiefs were allowed to continue to wield influence in the community and this eventually led to the islamisation of many followers of the traditional religion» Moreover, it is important to note that British rule ended the era of forcible islamisation, 2 if any before, but its effects led to its consolidation or its spread to the traditional quarters, The establishment of British rule in Qyp and its districts gave an impetus to Islamic propagation in two principal ways: through the social revolution brought about by the impact of Western values upon the traditional structures, and through factors which facilitated the work of Islamic agents» The imposition of a new System of rule, the spread of new educational ideas and economic impact weakened the traditional 1» For more details conceming the Muslim influence in the court, see above, chapter 2, 127-9PP« 2» It is popularly held that it was the forcible islamisation in the early part of Islamic propagation in Yorubaland that made the Yoruba give the name UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 0 7 authorities. Religion and society are so tenaciously bound together that any change in social life raeans a weakening of religious authority. The introduction and spread of Western education through the endeavours of Christian agents and British powers respectively displaced the age-old traditional Initiation Systems and this left the youth without defence against the new religions of the Book£ Islam and Christianity. Mundane forces wöakened the power of the traditional religious knowledge and the traditional cults and their agents -especially the priest ( abprfe) -»were often held in derision. The deflection of the youth from the age-old traditional knowledge, the emphasis laid on materialistic values, and the deterioration of the hereditary religious authority, prepared the way for the acceptance of Islam, especially among the common people, whilst the ’new men'?taught in Christian- sponsored schools?were attracted by Christianity. 1 Imfrle to Muslims. The Word ! imble * can be expanded to read : imfr ti o le - ’knowledge that is difficult', Here? the *analysis has no pertinence with the adherents who are normally called Muslims. Thus, it will be proper to give the name * imfrle’ to Islam rather than Muslims on the basis of the" fact that Arabic was, at the initial stage of Islam in UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 308 Secondly, the conditions accompaying British rule such as ordered government, peaceful co- existence between tribes, free markets, freedom of movement and religion, and rapid development of means of communication constituted a great catalyst to the diffusion of Islam right away from the close of the nineteenth Century to the present time. This worked in two ways. On the one hand, young men v/ere attracted to leave their villages to work in urban centres such as $aki, Is^yih, Qyp where they came under the influence of Islam, Many immigrant settlements such as those of the Hausa and Fulani had •. Muslim orientation, On the other hand, the new conditions facilitated the movement of Islamic agents, Thus Muslim preachers could travel from one town to the other,and one village to the other?under the banner of the Pax Britannica Yorubaland used to preach Islam and this language many were reported to find extremely difficult. Moreover, since Islam ie a religion of the Book quite different from the people* s local non- scripture religion?the people might find the religion very difficult, hence the name !im^le> UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 309 to preach Islam» In this situation^Islam secured enough air of freedom to expand» The new orientation given to Qyp and its districts by British rule attracted many Muslim traders from the North -J who contributed greatly to the expansion of l3lam in Qyp and its districts in the nineteenth Century and later. Moreover, the policies of the British Government facilitated the work of contact agents and modified background conditions in such a way that many became more favourably disposed towards Islam. In the early days of the British occupation of the area, government officials showed special consideration for Muslims as people of a higher civilisation and often despised the followers of the traditional religion with opprobrious adjectives such as the following: 2 'primitive’, 12 1. Goncerning the trade routes within the Old Qyp Empire and which continued to be in use after the fall of the Empire, see above, map 2 on 2(a)p. 2. Idowu, E.B», African Traditional Religion ... 109ff. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 310 'savage', 'native', 'pagan', 'heathenish', 'barbaric', ’idolatrous', 'fetish', and 'animistic', At times they referred to them as people without God or people who had been abandoned by the true God» In this connection, the following sayings are pertinent: Diedrich Westermann, * a foreign investigator of African traditional religion says: "The high god is, as a rule, not the sombajlelc t orof ala morsetl ingoi oussi gnciulfti caanncd e isi nof phirma,c tibucta l nerietlihgeiro nf»e arP enooprl el ovaec knnoorw lesdegrev e him, the feeling towards him being, at the highest, that of a dim awe or reverence»" Further, he says: "He is the God of the thoughtful, not of the crowd»" What Westermann is saying, in essence, about the traditional religion of the Africans is seen in his following Statement» "The African God is a deus incertus and a deus remotus: there is always an atmosphere of indefiniteness about him,»»' 2 Baudin? 1» ^X». Idowu, E.B., African Traditional Religion»» . ihUpp» 2» Ibid». lhlpo UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 311 another foreign investigator, says the following on the African concept of God: "The idea they have of God is most unworthy of His Divine Majesty» They represent that God, after having commenced the Organisation of the world, charged Qbatala with the completion and government of it, retired and entered into an eternal rest, occupying Himself only with His own happiness; too great to interest Himself in the affairs of His world, He remains like a negro king, in a sleep of idlenesso" Thesejand other sayings^did the foreign investigators use to deride the Africans and their traditional religion0 The Muslims were given some regard as people of higher civilisation who embraced a scripture religion almost comparable to Christianity and who had almost the same concept of God whom they called Allah. So, the Muslim chiefs found in the court of the pbas were respected.; and thus they were able to wield influence in the society, The regard given to the Muslims by the British officials gave Islam a positive advantage. They eraployedjt/hMeuslims in subordinate administrative positions which brought them into close contact with the outward features of Islam, enhanced the prestige 1 ’ Idowu, £ -B . , African Traditional Religion,.,.,, 1V*P* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 332 of adherence to the favoured religion, and furnished the Islamic agents with facilities for the exercise of Propaganda and various forms of pressure<, Brought, all of a sudden, into contact with Western values and faced with the decay of their age- long traditional religion, many of the followers of the traditional religion feit the need for adherence to a System which would integrale life in a new era of dynamic revolution, but they were not necessarily willing to pay the price which would bridge the gap dividing them from their British rulers, and feit intuitively that Islamic culture corresponded more to their needs, It will be recalled that, in the second half of the nineteenth Century"1 Christianity was introduced into Qyp and its districts» Thus Christianity and Islam were in cut-throat competition to Claim the souls of the followers of the traditional religion» In this case, the successes of Islam were 1 » See above, i67-175ppo UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 313 very striking. Many traditional quarters 1 which were regarded as the impregnable domain of the traditional religion or open to the progress of Christianity had been von over to Islam. The positive advantage which Islam gained over Christianity in such traditional quarters was also due to the Islamic System of adapting its culture to the local milieu which was earlier referred to in this work as the AFRICANNESS2 of Islam. Here again, it is worth remembering that despite the remarkable progress of Islam in Oyo and its districts, hundreds of villages were a mixture of the followers of the traditional religion, Muslims and Christians. The breakup of the traditional religion was apparent every- where in the nineteenth Century, as was the fact that the abandonment of their traditional religious heritage was only partial and that the springff of conduct of those who have joined one or other of the two available universal religions were still that of the old traditional heritage. In short, up tili today in Oyo and its districts either ambivalence or syncretism still forms one of the features of Islam in the area. Festival Inda Yyos rusbtaanlda nad sure testimony of this ambivalonce in Yorubaland as a whole« ^traditional fteosdtaiyv,als are observed not only by the persistent followers of the traditional religion but also by the Christians and the Muslims. So far is the history of the expansion of Islam in the age of Revolution under the influence of British rule*Islam began to spread in Yorubaland after the British occupation and C.H. Robinson wrote of its rapid progress in 1895? "In this contest for the souls of the Yoruba in general the percentage of Christian gains was about 5 per cent of those of Islam." This rate of expansion was popularly held to be attributable /to one or more of these factorss 12 1. In this regardjthe Mogba and the Alapinni quarters,that were cele- brated for the worshzp of Sango and Egungun respectively* were reported to have been won over to Islam. 2. Trimingham, J.S., A History of Islam in West Africa.... 231p. See above, 242-263pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 314 The historical fact of the subjection of the northem Yoruba by the Pulbe, those who became converts acting as agents to their local associates. The geographical location of the Yoruba on the Niger highway in a region where there was no thick forest. The political disunity and inter-tribal wars in Yorubaland in the nineteenth Century. The staleness and fatigue which characterised the Yoruba traditional religion and its insufficiency as a basis for life in the age of revolution when the area had to face the perplexities and opportunities of modemity. The disruption of the equilibrum of the traditional life through the impact of the West Urban Yoruba changes from raw culture to mixed sophisticated culture. The nature of their tradition, economy, density of population, economic specialisation and the vast urban agglomerations which developed independently of British influence as a result of their defensive organisati The hierarchical nature of the Yoruba social and political set-up. The fact that Islam was adaptable to African environment and its suitability to Africa under conditions of marked change. Concerning Islam in Oyo and its districts in the second half of the nineteenth Century,two or more of these factors combined to make Islam in the area strong enough to be able to meet the challenge posed by Western civilisation brought by British rule. In short, up tili today in the area Islam is the dominant religion and continuea to spread and grow amidst itat modern times UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 315 PART TWO: (INSTITUTIONS M D ACCULTURATION) UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 316 CHAPTER FIVE 5.0 HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF ISLAMIC INSTITUTIONS IN OYETAND ITS DISTRICTS IN THE NINE^EENffr CENTOy The three major factors that constituted Islamic institutions in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century were: Muslim organisational set-up, Muslim festivals and Muslim education. Let us look, in turn, at each of the factors in so far as each of them contrihuted to the growth of Islam in the area. 5.1 Muslim Organisation. The influx of Islam into Oyo and its districts did not produce, immediately, a dynamic religious affair from the converts. This was consequent upon the fact that the area was originally a traditional milieu. The foreign Muslims and the indigenous ones, at first, worshipped secretly t in order to avoid the onslaught of the followers of the traditional religion. Thus nominal Islam lingered on for quite a long time in the area. However, the access of Yesufu Alanamu 2 (later Parakoyi) into the Alaafin's court and the favourable disposition of Atiba towards Islam combined to produce a favourable turn of event for the Muslims and their religiorfc231 1. See above, 4ip. 2. See above, 13-I4pp, I08ff. 3. See above, 55-6pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 317 Both Yesufu Alanamu and. prince Atiba belonged to the royal lineage and they helped to save the coterie of Muslims in the area from their initial life of isolation and the antagonistic role of the followers of the traditional religion. As more and more local people were won to Islam a necessity to worship openly arose. Thus the people began to erect rectangular form of mosque known as gNiNi gi>i N in different localities for the purpose of worship. Nearly each family had this; and it was customary this time to find only the members of that family worshipping there. It was a common feature in almost all the villages in the area. In towns every compound had its mosque. The compound mosque was not easy to find since it was generally a room in a house or court and,, or a raised square in the street. In some villages the square had a fence of reeds and shelter on one side to provide shade. It was often very small and was usuaily marked for congregational prayer. Only the Imam (ratibi Imam) could enter the square and the rest ranged themselves behind him. Mosques, this time, were built of mud and thatched roofs. In point of fact, they were of rustic UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 318 simplicity containing just a handful of the faithful. The open air gilgii and the compound mosques helped, in a large measure, the practice and especially the mobility of Islam in Oyo and its districts before the fall of the Old Oyo empire in 1835. There were such venues of worship in Old OycD, Kisi, Igbeti, Igboho, Saki 1 , Ikoyi and Iseyin 2 . Without mosques in these towns Islam would have suffered in the area. A significant thing occured in Old Oyo during the reign of Abiodun Adegoolu whose reign was between 1775 and 1805 3. Though he did not embrace Islam;*he encouraged as many of his sons and subjects as were favourably disposed towards Islam. This might be a result of the influence which his son, prince Atiba, and his cousin, Yesufu Alanamu wielded in the court. During his reign, he gave the Muslims both moral and financial support in their task of erecting213 1. Today in Saki, there are eighty five mosques including the Friday mosque. There is no document in which the statistics can be got. The number here is the result of the counting exercise I undertook in August, 1975 during the field work. 2. See map 1 on l(a)p. 3. See below, Appendix IV, 556-560pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 319 the central mosque -i . It was completed durlng his reign. It was so spacious that it could occupy about three hundred worshippers worshipping at the same time. In all probability it was only in Old Oyo that the central mosque was built while the other towns and villages had gvi igi? i\ and some compound mosques. The mosques were used to the advantage of the Muslimsat least that they helped to entrench the Muslim communities of the area as groups of people to be reckoned with. Islam became dynamically mobile after the fall of the Old Oyo Empire, especially during the era of Islamic resurgence and consolidation. Mosques of different types were multiplied ranging from giigii to the central mosque. In New Oyo.during the reign of Atiba (1837-1859), mosques such as the Parakoyi mosque, the compound mosque at Agunpopo quarter and the central mosque 2 at Oke-Afin were built. Similarly in Iseyin, Mosalasi Alalikimba was built to cope with the demands of the growing Muslim population. The community, however, remained one. It repaired and widened the oldest mosque and used it as the central mosque. It1 2 1. The present Alaafin of Oyo told me when he was interviewe in December, 1973 that Ala affin Adeniran Adeyemi II visite the site of the mosque in Old Oyo during his brief tenure of Office (194-5-6). 2. See above, plate 1 on 110(a)p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 320 served as the seat of the Chief Imam. This was also the Situation in Kisi, Igbeti, Igboho, Saki and Ikoyi during this time. Thus, in towns where Islam was fairly well established, Islam became a mobile phenomenon. The mosques helped to nurture and activate the Muslim community in each of the big towns in Oyo and its districts. Of special importance was how the mosques served as factors of cohesion and unity within the various Muslim communities. It will be recalled that in the early period of Islam in the area, the practice of the religion was curtailed by the anti-Islam attitude of the followers of the traditional religion. But the reign of Atiba ushered in a new era for Islam. His reign generated a dynamic cultic practice of Islam in the area. During this time, Islam settled down to its basic liberal attitudes on religious issues and persecutions were only flitting and sporadic incidents. In the reign of Alaäfin Atiba, the Muslims regarded themselves as SunnT 2. They were sincere Muslims followmg1 2 1. See above, 62-8pp. 2. Immediately after the death of Prophet Muhammad, the Muslim community broke into two. Majority of them were SunnT (ahlu* s-sunna, 'the followers of the sunna') and accepted the"caliphate of the first four Caliphs. Abu Bakr (d634),a:-Umar (d644), cUthman ibn cAffan (d656), apd^ °Ali ibn Abi Talib (d66l) while the second group, the Shl'a ■» ' UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 321 the fundamental principles of Islam. Each compound mosque had its Imam who led the daily prayers except the Friday prayer. Each Friday mosque had its Imäm (Chief Imäm) who led the Friday prayer and read the homily standing on a block of wood. This time, in Oyo and its districts, Friday prayer was not observed ir* villagcs except in the big centres of Islam. The big towns which hac, Friday or central mosques constituted spiritual rallying pointsfor those in the outlying districts. However, once . such villages were able to produce some learned Muslims and were rieh enough to build central mosques chey were allowed to worship in their places under their own Chief Imams. The liturgical set-up of the Muslims in the area so helped the resurgence and consolidation of Islam in th0 area that the followers of the traditional religion were mere than alarmed. In thea nOyld Oyo. the Muslims were not old enough to produce / significant Organisation. This was a product of a later period. In point of fact, it was only in the period of Islamic resurgence and consolidation that the Muslims made serious attemptsto organise themselves. In rejected the calighate of the first three Caliphs and believed that -Ali ibn Abi Tälib was the true C-aliph after Prophet Muhammad. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 322 the Old Oyo, the leadership of Islam rested with the Parak\o yi/ 1. But from 1837 onwards, the leadership of the community rested with the Imam or Chief Imam as he came to be known in a few places in Oyo and its districts. This time, in the area, the leadership of the Imam was important in many regards. First, this was the office which, thanks to the cumulative knowledge of Islamic institufions, came to supplant the earlier leadership of the Pav rav kos yi.' Henceforth, the officv e v of\ t^he Parakoyi remained a comparatively junior one among the Muslim communities of the area. The Parakoyi, instead of his religio-political statusquo became a political officer who served as an intermediary between the Muslim community and the royal house p in each. of the big centres of Islam in the area. 12 1. See above, chapter 1, 6l-2pp. 2. Interview with the present Parakoyi Oyo, Alhaji Asiru. December, 1973, March, 1974, November, 1975. It was th duty of Parakoyi to transact the business that might involve the oba, the town as a whole and the Muslim community in each of the big centres of Islam in the area. This role is well expressed in the Parakoyi1s direct saying; Igee Pa\ raX ko* yif ni lar ti ge aV bo• juft o \a wqn imo' le lgdQQ oba, ijoye ati ilu ni apapq. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 323 By tradition that was being re-constituted in this period, the Office of the Imam was not, as was wont to be the case elsewhere and especially also in the towns during the period of the Old Oyo Empire, a temporary and elective office possessing only the religious significance of leading the various Muslim congregational prayers . The office of the Imam in Oyo and its districtsjfrom 1837 onwards-became a permanent and institutionalised one which had both religious and political significance for *1 (. It was the duty of Pa' rak\o yiS to see to the well-being of the Muslims before the king, chiefs and the town as a whole). This was necessarily so because Islamic knowledge^ was not a prerequisite for the post of the Parakoyi. He was chosen on the basis of the following: long period of conversion and direct ancestry from the first Parakoyi" in each town. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. 1. In this connection, the Friday prayer called yawmu' 1-jumu»a which literally means ' day of gathering' ("See the Qur“än - 62:9-10 and E. I. juma-a; Je.fferv, ed., Islam: Muhammad and his religion, S. A ., 1955J5 lau^l-fitr" prayer and al cfdu/ 1-kaÜTr prayer can be mentioned. While the first i s usually observed in the central mosque, the last two are^usually observed in the open fields kn^wn as yidi in Yorubaland. Note that the Yoruba word?’yidi% is taken from the Arabic word for festival ,cld. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 324 the Muslim community. Holding his Office for life, the Ima_ m -i was the head of the Muslim community. He conducted the traditional congregational prayers and he directed, in conjunction with other titled officers mentioned below, all the affairs of the Muslim community 2. In essence, the Imäm was within the Muslim community of each of the towns in this area what the oba, or baäle' wasjwithin the traditional society. He, however, did not possess any of 12 1. E. I. Articles on ''Imäm''The Hausa word for Imam is Llmä$i. In Yoruba language he is called Lemgmu or Im^mü. 2. The Chief Imäm performed functions such as marriage, burial and naming. He usually featured prominently on festival occasions. On each occasion, he received gifts. Other Imams, compound or lesser Imams, were subordinate to the Chief Imäm and had to obtain his permission in advance to perform marriages, burials and other functions pertaining to the affairs of the Muslim community. For further details on the function of the Imäm, see E. I. article on 'Imäm' and Trimingham J. S. Islam in West Africa. 68ff. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 2 5 the sacerdotal aspects of Yoruba kingship 1. Thus a Chief Imam was checked in any attempt to establish and superimpose an Islamic theocratic state over the time-honoured tradition theocratic state. There was also for the Muslim community some tenuous. but significant^Organisation designed to assist the Imäm in the manipulation of the affairs of the community. At its simplest, this Organisation comprised, in addition to the Office of the the , ,,Imam, those of/Onitafusiiru (or Oni✓ teV fuV siS iX rux) 9 . Like the Office — of the Imam;/these Offices were held for life. To qualify for the Onitafusiiru a candidate was expected to possess considerable knowledge of Islam and other relevant studies. Next were the muezzins 12 1. Here, the active role of the oba in the practice of traditional religion is in mind. The oba was the custodian and guardian of the traditional heritage of the ancestors. It was his duty to guard jealously against any forces that might relegate the traditional heritage to the back-ground. For further details on the sacerdotal aspects of Yoruba kingship, see Balogun, K. Sacred Kingship and Gerontocracy in Old Oyo; et passim. 2. As mentioned earlier in this work, Oni/t av . fvu si/ iru\ is a Yoruba loan-word which,literally means "he who does the Qur3än commentary"v Tafsir means 'commentary' or 'exegesis'. The Onitafusiiru. is the mafassir. See above, chapter 2“ 134p and the glossary, XXVIIIp. 3. In Yorubaland,/muezzin is called ’Ladaani1 or * Dadaani' UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 326 (Arabic; mu'9adhdhin). The Office of the muezzin was voluntary, even in large towns, but he received alms at festivals. He generally led the responses after the Imam, in a loud voice, so that those at a distance could hear. Any adult Muslim could function as the muezzin but those Muslims who possessed some knowledge of Islam and sonorous voice were usually at an advantage. Only mosques in large towns had minarets and the muezzin called the prayer from beside the mosque. With regard to the political role of the Chief Imam, he was helped by the following officers^: the Parakoyi, O ̂tun VI mo' le, \O sVi ImoN le, Balo^g un Im\o le and Moxg aV ji' , They & * 1. See below, plate 3 (RIGHT) on 326(a)p., the^present Parakoyi, Oyo; a descendant of the first Parakoyi, Yesufu Alanamu. There seemed to be one lineage of the Parakoyi in the whole of Oyo and its districts. The three long tribal marks called 'pele1 *V. in Yorubaland are the marks to identify the Parakoyi almost everywhere in Oyo and its districts today. VO. tuyn ^I mVole was another close officer to the qba. It was his’duty to see that the oba was in good condition of health and should report each day, the condition of the Parakoyi". He was thê liaipon officer between the royal lineage and the Parakoyi. In this connection*it is important to note that apart from the basic meaning of the Arabic word Islam, 'Submission*, 'surrender' and 'obedience', the word also means ''peace'in the literal sense. This signifies that one can achieve real peace of body and mind only through Submission and obedience to Allah. Such life of obedience brings peace of the heart and establishes real peace in the society at large. Thus, in Oyo and its districts, peace in the royal household’was taken with utmost concern. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 326(a) PLATE 3: Muslim officers in Oyo: Otun^lmble, Alhaji Sadiku Awayewaserere, a descendant of the first p'tun Imole (left); the present P^r\k8yf. Alhaji Asiru, a descendant'of the 'first Parakbyi (right). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 2 7 were expected to be present in the king's court shortly before the Friday prayer to pray for the pba and the town or village as the case may be. The result of this was that they were able to wield influence in the court and consequently*they helped to entrench Islam in the towns where they were present in the traditional organisational set~up. It was regarded significant for the well-being of the town in general and for the Muslim community in particular. No wonder then that a liaison officer between the royal household and the Muslim community was chosen in the. ninejeenth Century. (Interview with the present Ötun Imole, Oyô , Alhaqi Saka, Awayewaserere, and the present Paraköyi, Oyo, Alhaji Asiru, December, 1973, March, 1974, November, 1975. (_ See Bibliography: Oral Evidence}.. v See above, plate 3 (LEFT) on 326(a)p., t̂he present Ötun Imole, Oyo, a descendant of the first Otun Imple. Mo/g a^ ji/ was the general messeng— er of the ,jamaca. He was expected to have some modicuni of Islamic knowledge because he could be asked to act for the Imam on occasions such as funeral, marriage and naming. (Interview with the ,jama a, Oyo, December, 1973, November, 1975. See Bibliography; Oral Evidence). 1. Interviews with the Chief Imams in various communities at Kisi, Igbeti, Igboho, Saki, Iseyin, Ikoyi, Oyo. December, 1973, March, 1974, August, November, 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 328 While the post of Oni*t Va fNu sii*r Nu was based on Islamic knowledge, there was less regard for this with regard to the other Offices mentioned above. The titles were bestowed mainly for reasons of long period of conversion, age, status, royal influence, piety and total devotion to the welfare of the Muslim community. However, the Baldgun1 2 Imole was expected, in addition, to have courage and strong character. He was expected to serve as a quintessence of all that a courageous Muslim should be in the face of onslaught from any quarters. Concerning this Organisation, the following observations need be made. First, in quite a number of towns, such as Kisi, Igbeti, Igboho, Saki, Iseyin, Ikoyi and Oyq, the top Offices such as those of the Ima_ m and the Oni/t ay f\u si/i / rNu. were, by the unreserved courtesy of the community, still being held by non-natives 2. 1. Balogun, in Oyo military set-up, is an abridged form of Baba ni ogun meäning "Father in war". He was more important than the town oba during wars. Moreover, to be appointed the Balogun, one must possess the virtues mentioned above. 2. The first Chief Imam of Kisi was Alüfa Idindi who hailed from Dahomey. In Igboho, Abu Bakare Adebunmi, the first Chief Imam.was not a native of Igboho, but hailed from Isevin. One Saliuj- an Idindi from Dahomey^was the first Chief Imam and UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 329 In Oyo, up tili today, the post of the Chief Imam is still being held by the Hausa 1. In Kisi, Igbeti, Igboho, Saki, Otu and Iseyin the posts of the Imams were held by learned Muslims from Ilorin, Hausaland, and some parts of Dahomey 2 . In Oyo, a non-Oyo mala\ m, VA lüy fa Kokewukobere was the first Onitafusiirü, and he remained so for many years. He was reported to move the whole area by his preachings which he usually corroborated with Muslim songs. It was not until Ayetoro, a district of Iseyin, emergpd as a strong-hold of Islamic knowledge that local Muslims were trained and succeeded to the Offices of the Inicämsalready dominated by alien learned Muslims. Ayetoro later grew as a diffuse 12 the first Onitafusiiru in Saki. He began his Quranic exegesis in his mosque at Asunnara quarter (the present central mosque in a place now known as Adabo quarter). In Igbeti, one Alufa_Busura from Ilorin started open- air lecture and tafsir. See below, Appendix III and Bibliography: Oral Evidence. 1. Interview with the present Imam of Oyo, the present Aläafin of Oyo and the head of the Hausa community in Oy Alhaji Ibrahim Kano? December, 1973, March, 197A, November, 1975. The Hausa lineage maintained an unbroken succession right away from the nineteenth Century to the present day despite the versatility of the indigenous Muslims with regard to Islamic education during the present Century. See below, the^circumstance responsible for the influx of the Hausa mälams into New Oyo. See also Bibliography: Oral evidence. 2. Interview with ,iaroäca in places mentioned above, August, 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 330 centre from where indigenous mälams spread to other places in Oyo and its districts. Many of the local Muslims in this town acquired Islamic knowledge from Ilorin, far North and Ibadan earlier than those in other parts of Oyo and its districts. Furthermore, the availability of the non-natives or migrated Muslims in the administrative set-up of the Muslims in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century is an overt reflection of how much of the concept of the equality and the universality of the single community of all believers haa been embraced by the Muslim community. At the same time, the incident transiated the meagreness of the indigenous learned men to a large dass of learned Muslims v/ho could properly fill the Offices and perform, in a correct and efficacious manner, the functions attached to the Offices. Secondly, the Muslim institutionalised Organisation in Oyo and its districts in this period was at its inchoative stage. In point of fact, it was from this that 1 1. The Islamic concept of equality and the universality of the Umma is v/ell enshrined in the pillars of Islam such as the pilgrimage to Mecca and the congregational prayers. See above, chapter 2, 131--2pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 3 2 source was borrowed the title of Baldgun1; more importantly, it was the Oyo traditional pattern and rules that surrounded the election and the tenure of these Offices 2 . There shoula be no alarm about this influence. It was consequent upon the fact that the first set of Muslims in Yorubaland at large came from this area 3^and at the initial stage of Islam here, there were not many Muslim malams who could rightly 123 1. About the functional role of the Balogun in the traditional military set-up see f.n. 1 on 13p. This is in tune with the nature of the political development in the new towns of this period q.v., Biobaku S. 0., Egba and their neighbours, 1842-1872, Oxford, 1957, d3p. ex passim. See also his thesis, The Egba State and Its N'eighboürs 1842-1872. (Ph.D. London, 1951). He"maintains the thesis that Oyo titles were borrowed in Abeokuta. It is very hard to subscribe to his thesis as^the oral and Contemporary evidences given by the Oyo arokins (Oyo chroniclersj were against it. The sürviving descendants of the first Pärakoyi maintain, as noted earlier in this work, that New Oyo was the diffuse centre for the post of Parbkoyd in the whole of Yorubaland. See Bibilography Oral Evidence. (Interview with the present P’ärakoyi, Oyo, December, 1973, March, 197d, November, 1975). 2. T̂he nomination op election of^the Chief Imam, the Parakoyi, Otun imole, Osi Imole and Balogun was usually ratified by the ruling oba in each town. However, the election of the Chief Imam's auxiliary officers, an assistant Imam (Yoruba ndibi. ( It is. taken from the t iausa word nä1 ibi) j xaid.bi Imams. Onitafüsiirü, Qniwaasi and muezzin, was the functional role of the Chief Imam and the .jamäca. 3. See Gbadamosi G. 0. The Growth of Islam, 8p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 333 introduce them to Islamic institutions per se. Thus, during the period of Islamic resurgence and consolidation, the Muslim in the area reinforced or established Islam in their places of abode on the basis of their own conventions and erstwhile experiences. In its organised and jealosuly guided form, in the era of Islamic resurgence and consolidation (1837-1895)» the community endeavoured as much as possible to, and did, perform corporate functions. Regardless of whatever quarter ratibi mosques did exist, the Muslims together erected and worshipped at the central mosque (mo'salaasi gbogboogbo). The period oIfs/lcaomniscolidation (1860-1895)in particular«, witnessed some other organisational tentacles which were generated by Islam. Prominent among these were the Muslim associations formed by the community of Muslims in each of 12 1. See above, chapter 2, 109-111 pp about the first set of mosques in Ovo and its districts after the fall of the Old Oyq Empire in 1835. EVen where the central mosque was still of rustic simplicity, as the one in Oyo wdourrsihnig pptehre s reciägmen offr oAm latdhef int oAwtni baan d (i1t8s3 7-o1u8t5l9y)i,n g districts to worship. Today in Oyo there are over 150 mosques including the Friday'mosque. 2. This is a loan-word in Yoruba language. The original Arabic word is musalla. See glossary, XXVIIPP. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 334 the big centres of Islam in Oyo and its districts. In this connection, it is worth remembering that the associations were proliferated and some even date back to the prime days of the Old Oyo Empire. 1 They helped Islamic resurgence and consolidation after the fall of the Old Oyo Empire in 1835» They were organised very simply with their main official being the giwa . Two types of Office converged in him. He was both the President as well as the secretary of the association. This was because, this time, there were not rnany learned Muslims who could direct the thaeffairs of the Muslim community. It was in his house that/meetings of the association were normally held. The meetings were irregulär, dictated mainly by the needs of the community from time to time. the The objectives and the aspirations of/associations were fundamentally uniform: to engender contact and co-operation arnong the Muslim membersf to foster mutual help and understandingJ to expand and develop Islam through the process of propagation and conversion. The aims and 12 1. See above, chapter 2, l42-5pp. 2. Concerning the meaning of giwa in Yoruba language sce above, glossary, XXVp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 335 aspirations of the associations can best be appreciated in ■che light of the condition of Islam during the ensuing years after the reign of Alad'fin Atiba. The Muslims, this time, aimed and aspired aright in this period in order tthoe prevent the religion from being crippled to extinction byZvarious wars of the early decades of the nineteenth Century and the surviving force of the anti-Islam movement of the ardent followers of the traditional religion. In pursuit of their aims and aspirations, they embarked on a series of dynamic activities. They engaged themselves fully and actively in whatever social activities any of their members was involved such as funeral ceremony, ceremony marking the end of a course 1 , marriage ceremony 2 and enthronement of titled Muslims officers 3. Furthermore, it was customary of the association to turn out in multitude on the occasions of 1. It is worth remembering here that the Yoruba refor to /word, this as 'wölimQ'. It is the Arabic/walima which means'banquet', ‘party'. It has reference to'nuptial party' which is known as walimatu31-Lurs. For further details^ 'about ^ this, see Trimingham, J. S. Isljma in West.Africa, 172-3PP v \ 2. The islamic marriage ceremony is Knom as JOgi ln Yorubaland. It also means bride1s dowry. See above, glossary, XXXIUp. 3. See above, 322-330pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 3 6 Muslim festivals. By the colossal appearance, the associations procured colour and gaiety to their social activities and consequently constituted some sort of cynosure for those of their associations who were still loyal to the traditional religion. The associations, in this manner, helped, in an appreciable measure, the consolidation and the expansion tohfe Islam in Oyo and its districts in the second half of/nineteenth Century. Next was the dynamic force constituted by the able young men among the Muslims community in each town or village. They, in a large measure, helped to establish Islam in Oyo and its districts in the period following the reign of Alaaifin Atiba (1837-1859). They were dynamic and *1S. 1. It is worth remembering that in Agq Are3in Oyp North, a good number of the wives of the followers of the traditional religion either eloped to or were seduced by the members of the associations as a result of their dynamic and attractive activities. See above, chapter 2, 142p * Moreover, it is worth remembering that the development of the associations was a reflecti c:_ of the unaerlying social impact of the Yoruba. Yoruba associations are usually identified by the same dresses in which they usually appear on important and public occasions. The Muslims adopted this feature and used it to influence a good number of the wives, even some men, in the area in the nineteenth Century. See Johnson. S. The History of Yorubas, Part 1, 110p. See also Davidsoi Basil: The Africans: An Entry to Cultural History, 91-109pp In this work, Davidson analyses the features of African secret societies in general. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 337 enthusiastic concerning Muslim progress. On festival occasions, and whenever the central mosque was to be built or being rebuilt or when there was need to clear old c Id ground or erect new, the? usually turned out in a massive form to contribute their quota towards the progress of Islam. With regara to financial aid, the associations constituted a ready source of help. However this fact did not preclude other rieh individuals within the Muslim community from financial involvement in connection with the Organisation of the community. The cases of Irawo Owode, Otu, Oke-Iho, Iseyin and New Oyo p illustrated this fact. The central mosque of each of these places was erected this time with the active involvement of the societies in each of the towns. Of special importance was the role of the associations during mawlidu'n-nabX 3 festival celebrated in commemoration of the birth day of Prophet Muhammad. On this day, the associations usually appeared in the same dresses traversing the whole length and breadth of the town and with Muslim songs in praise of Prophet Muhammad. Their activities on 123 1. One of such associations was "ggte Qlowolayemo" - "The Society of he who is rieh is that which the world reckons with". 2. See above, chapter 2, 102-111pp. 3. This is^cafled rnoluSdel e notbhex u in Yorubaland. It is known as pjjo ibi ÄnabTt glossary, XVIIIp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 338 such occasion, had produced the conversion of some followc-rs of the traditional religion in Oyo and its districts. However, the associations were essentially little organised;.social and dynamic groups. They were later to share the social platform with the Muslim educational- oriented societies of the mid-twentieth Century which were better organised but still had identical'socio-religious policies. In conclusion, sufficient it is to say here that, had it not been the emergence of the associations in the area in the nineteenth Century^ Islam would have been crippled by its rival force constituted by the anti-Islam movement of the ardent and over-zealous followers of the traditional religion and would have existed in the area a little more than a veneer. This fact can be best appreciated if readers recall that Oyo and its district constituted a dynamic traditional area before Islam gained access into the area. The ardent Opposition constituted by the anti- Islam movement of the followers of the-traditional religion, right away from the inception of Islam in the area*can also be mentioned in this regard. 5.2 Muslim festivals. Muslim festivals also played a significant and dynamic role concerning the cause of Islam in Oyo and its districts UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 339 after the fall of the Old Oyo in 1835= On festival occasions the associations mentioned above were very prominent. The colour and gaiety which they usually gave to Islam on these occasions helped to entrench Islam in O♦ yo♦ and its districts, Essentially, four main festivals were being observed by the Muslims in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century, namely: odu/n ka/ yo/k/a,y>o■,' ] mXo luyd iv nvo >bi — u\ and the - festivals of the month of Ramad_ an: o / v ' f %• dun itunu XaVa w\e 2 and * * odun ileya .̂ Let us lookjin turn^at each of these festivals with a view to bringing out how the observance of the festivals contributed to the consolidation of Islam in the period between 1860 and 1895. 123 1. This is the first event of the Islamic year which comes up in the tenth of Muharram. It marks the beginning of the Islamic new year.* The Hinra calendar begins from this day. Cohered v/ith this festival, this time of the Islamic year and in some towns in the area, were some traditional practices bordering on those of the purely Yoruba societies. See Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 76p. See also N.A.I. Oyo Prof. 6/15, File No. 0.3/29: "Kayokayo Festival: Mohammedan". 2. This festival is called gid u‘1-fitr in Arabic language. 3. This is called al cId u?l-kabir in Arabic language. It is usually observed by Muslims on the 12th of Dhu;I Hijja- For further details concerning Muslim festivals in general, see E. I. articles on Muslim clds. See also Nadel, S. F. Nupe Religion, London, 197Ö, 239-244pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 340 So far is the list of the Muslim festivals which were celebrated in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century. Now, let us look, at the way each of them was observed and the role each played during the period of Islamic consolidation in the area. During the first event of the Islamic year, which the ^ ^ ^ ^ /j Muslims in the area called'odun kayokayd' , it was customary « of the Muslims to eat plenty of food. During the festival, the two significant events by which the Muslims in the area attracted non-Muslims to the religion were: the excessive eating of all types of meal and the lighting of local torches or confines. The events of the festival usually began right away from the cool of the day tili very late in the evening. During this time, everyone ate all he possibly could and it was the practice also to invite poor people from the Muslim, traditional and 1. Odun kayokayo literally means 'the festival of plenty' or ' the festival in which everybody eats^ to tjie füllest' „ The full form of the word kayokayo is ki" a yo, ki" a yo, meaning 'to be full, to J b e full*. It remains for me to add here that the kayokayo festival is dying out. Today in Oyo and its districts, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 341 Christian religious groups to participate. The involvement of the poor people in the festival, especially the eating aspect, was regarded as a sadaqa, a thing that couid ensure plenty in the ensuing year. It was just that no one raust go empty that night. The kay<5kayo festival was, in terms of its social significance, sirailar A to the ileya festival, including the state procession to the mosque, with all its display of royal splendour and evoking the same festive mood of a large city bent on enjoyment. But the royal display occupied only a brief phase on the morning of the New:-Year5 s Day. However, the enjoyment had a new emphasis on youth and moral licence.the On the eve oi/New Year, the Muslira girls came in little groups while the boys and young men were formed into Companies, each composed of an age-grade association under its leader. In Oyo and its districts, and>in fact, and,in fact, in Yorubaland at large, it is not as prominent as the other festivals mentioned above. It /the is now being given more concern by/Muslim elders thar the Muslim youths. 1. The festival was usually succeeded by the ileya festival. Thus, the feet of the rams killed during the ileya festival were usually preserved and reserved for use during the festival. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 342 in Yorubaland and at large, the social aspect of the festival was much more pronounced than the religious aspect. There was usually a mock battle during the festival. In this connection, the boys thrust and threw the torches2 to one another, age-group fighting age-group, not seriously but keenly and with marked excitement. It needed skill to catch the wildly flying firebanas or to parry those aimed at you. Nor were narrow escapes uncommon, and first-aid treatments for burns constituted a regulär aftermarth of the kayökayo festival. The excitement of the fight, moreover, was matched by the openly erotic excitement provoked by the occasion. The girls would keep to the dark areas in the town, but the youths threw torches in their direction to surprise and terrify them. Though there was plenty of teasing and joking, the language of the ceremonial was never obscene 3.23 1 1. The description here was mainly collected from the field. The word 'battle' has been chosen advisedly. All informants describing the usage emphasised that it was more or less 'like a war' until very recently the mock battle of torches was meant quite seriously. 2. This aspect of the festival is known as namu in the area and Yorubaland at large. 3. The prelude to the kayokayo festival}as discussed abovejwas not always so tarnei UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 343 The permitted aggression of the torch festival is repeated on the next day in a new context, that of kinship. Düring this time, the relationship between one member of the family and the other became more cordial and joking. The institution of joking relationship played a clearly defined part in Yoruba social life. Such joking relationship obtained between grand parents and grand Children, between cross cousins; between a man and his elder brothers' wives; between a man and his uncles' wives or.in short7between one Muslim and the other and between Muslims and non-Muslims. The active partners in this relationship were always young people; older persons ceased to engage in joking relationship or engaged in it only as passive partners. Wherever an active partner in the relationship met his playmatejhe would highly beat him or her with a stick until the victim appeased the assailant with a small gift of money . Boys and young men would visit the home of a playmate, tie his(her) hands and feet with a grass rope, until once more a small ransom was procured. Throughout the kayokayo* festival, this play went on. Everywhere, boys were seen armed with sticks or carrying the grass ropes handy; and^whole bands of them would swagger 1 1. This is similar to the social aspects of the traditional festivals in honour of Egüngun, Ögün, Sango, Orisanla, and Ökebadan in Yorubaland. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 344 along the streets looking for their playmates among the girls and women, shouting at them, brandishing their sticks- and trying to seize them with unequal success. The 'passive1 Partners were allowed to evade the punishment, to retaliate; and even to cheat. Quite a few of the older men-when they were caught by their young assailants;did not usually pay the required ransom, but merely pressed their fingers into the hands of their 'playmates', as though handling over a coin, and escaped by this ruse. The women and girls in the market sat behind their waves with sticks or grass ropes ready in case a playmate tried his extortions on them. In all this, there was no serious note, it was fun, and nothing eise, taken in good part by everyone. In point of fact, the festival usually gave colour and gaiety to Islam wherever it was celebrated in Oyo and its districts. No wonder that non-Muslims in the area could not help joining their Muslim associates each time the festival was celebrated 1* Throughout the play, another motif was also visible. The less active one would often be aided by his friends, and during the festival1 1. According to the ,jamäca in each of the big towns in the area, there had been Tnstances when some embräbed Islam on this occasion. This was particularly so_in Otu, Sepeteri and Saki. (Interview with the ,jamäca in each of the towns August, 1975« See Bibliograpby: Oral Evidences). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 345 youths were seen everywhere walking in pairs and holding hands, two friends facing together the adventures of the day. Thus the torch festival hecame a multiple occasion for many social relationships governing the life of the people: age-grade solidarity, political allegiance, kinship bonds and friendship. Concerning the religious aspect of the festival*as celebrated in Cyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century the following points may be mentioned: The pious among the Muslims fasted for one to three days and some, especially the aged ones*prepared for the festival by short fast -1, ritual washing and a purge to purify the body. The special prayers which usually accompanied the festival were partiöularly important. They were held in all mosques, compound and central, in each of the towns in Oyo and its districts. As the first event of the Islamic year, wörshippers during such festivals offered prayers of thanksgiving to God for the previous blessings received and more were asked for against the ensuing year. During this time, prayers of praise were also said in memory of Prophet Muhammad and his Companions 1 1. They called the fast, aawe arugbo, meaning, 'the fast of the aged’. In Islam, it is regarded supererogatory. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 346 especially the first four Caliphs . The kas yo^ ka/ yo/ ' festival had spread widely in the area and today occurs even in villages where the followers of the traditionel religion are in the majority. The festival in commemoration of the birthday of Prophet Muhammad was very prominent in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century. Most prominent in the celebration of this festival was the association called *Alasalatu . The association comprised able-bodied young men. It had special uniforms and did a lot to give colour and gaiety to Islam during the period of Islamic consolidation in Cyo and its districts. The association attracted both Muslims and non-Muslims. not only by their attiros but also by their religious songs such as the following:- 1. Asalatu f'onse rila, Asalatu f'onse nla, Älaafia f'onse- hla, Eniti o mu esin aselä wa, Ani smu aye, Asalatu f'onse nla.21 1. The first four Caliphs are regarded as the rightly guided Caliphs especially by the Sunnl group of Muslims. For more details about them, see above, 320p. 2. See above, chapter 2, 142p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 347 2. Eyin elebo, %i « * E wa wo 1se Aala, Lodö awon onimole. T mm9 « c 3. VA luV jannVa ni ile^ wa, Alujanna ni ile wa, VE yin tif \ S N \ \ 9 e k\ vv ^ v o ti «e ko se esin, E beru ojo Sa l\u k/i ^ * ♦yamVo, • » * • c E beru Aala, E be\ r\u oms/ e/n 'l a* T -------------------------------------- ^ ------------ 4. Awa lomo Alufa ile iyaläje, * * VA wa lomo \Al\u fa il^e \ Iy/ alsa js e, *■ "i> Enitiy kVo. moV wa, t* Kd" .jade wa wo wa, Ko/ mo^ di Va ri/ yVa njiy\ an, # Bi/ a ba/ lo ta/n, Asalatu salamu, Lailailalahu. 1. (Blessings on the doer of mighty works 1, 1. The name,'the doer of mighty works', in the opinion of the Mpursolpihmest Miunh atmhem ada reias mies annott buctle atrh.e MuIsnl ipmo iwnotu lodf fdaacrte, not oppose the’view that Alläh is an incomparable Doer of mighty works. That Muhammad is meant in the song above. iŝ seen in the following expression': ' E sälamo fun oh"1 se hla which means, ’give praise to the Prophet’. " UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 348 Blossings on the doer of mighty works, Peace unto the doer of mighty works, He who vouchsafed the religion of salvation, Into the world, Blessings unto the doer of mighty works). 2. (You offerers of sacrifice, Come out and watch, Come and witness the work of Allah, Amongst the Muslims). 3. (Al-janna is our home, Paradise is our home, Those of you who are stubborn to religion, Fear the Day of Judgement (al-qiyäma), Revere Allah, Revere the Doer of mighty works). 4 4. (We are the children of Alufa of Iyalaje compound, We are the children of VA l\u fa of V. Iya ̂la ̂j^e compound, One who does not know us, Should come out and see us, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 349 To avoid argument, When we leave, Prayer, peace (as-salat, as-salam), There is no other* G• od^but Alla—h). The Muslim songs and dances constituted some sort of cynosure for many people in the area and especially during the era of Islamic consolidation. The colossal appearance of the members of the prayer group3when they came out, the sensational rhythm and symphony of their songs and dances, and the beauty of their attires, combined to the the influence both^Muslims and/non-Muslims in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century. The populär itunu aawe and ileya festivals promoted the cause of Islam, in a large measure, during the period of Islamic consolidation. The occasions were usually ones of great felicity. They were usually marked by variety of food, clothes, Muslim songs and prayers which were usually conducted in the open. All these combined to produce an influence which was feit in the Muslim and the non-Muslim quarters in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century. On these occasions, towns and villages were usually thronged with animals which were usually eaten by the Muslims and non-Muslims. With regard to the \i tu/ n u ä^ aV we\ festival, the appearance * of the new moon was very significant. This was usually and UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 5 0 the anxiously awaited by the Muslims and/non-Muslims. While the anxiety of the Muslims was consequent upon their mood to see the fast end, that of tthhee non-Muslims was a result of the social significance of/new moon in the area. Its appearance was usually welcome with bursts of firing, beating of drums.in some places, and gtehneeral felicity. All these helped to produce contact between^Muslims and the non-Muslims with the result that some even became attracted to Islam. The two festivals involved prayers on <■ ld grounds which were usually located at the outskirt of the town or village as the case may be. It was here, under the auspices of the Chief Imam and his lieutenants«that prayers and adaresses were given. Important for our purpose here is the fact that, on such festival occasions, the children of non-Muslims usually attended the festival prayers on c id grounds in the same clothes with the children of the Muslims. Moreover, the Muslim associations usually influenced their non-Muslim associates on such occasions. For a full appreciation of the significance of the festivals concerning the consolidation and expansion of Islam in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century, the following points will help our understanding. The Yoruba society of Oyo and its districts^in the nineteenth UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 351 century>was made up mainly of two religious faiths - the traditional religion and Islam. The followers of the two faiths were;the followers of the traditional religion and Muslims respectively. In the same family and under the same roof,there might be people holding diverse religious beliefs. One interesting and notable fact, this time, was that the religious differences did not, in any way, snap the mutual understanding and cordial relationship among the members of the same family or community. When,,for example, the Muslims were celebrating their festivals* every member of the family and well-wishers, not minding their own religious convictions, rallied round and gave support to their Muslim brothers and sisters. They visited their Muslim relations and partook of the animals slaughtered to mark the festival occasion concerned. The Muslim brothers and sisters too usually made sure that they sent pieces of the'animals to their neighbouring non-Muslim friends and relations who received them with joy and thanks and prayed that the next annual festival might be celebrated on a grander scale and by all of them together1. In return, the Muslims also participated 1. There were greetings such as the following: E ku odun, E ku lyedun, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 5 2 in the traditional festivals. They had no qualms aboüt taking part in such festivals . They feit that they belonged first to the group before the religious divisions took place. Aseyi o se amodun o, A o pe ,ju se ti amodun o, To■>m o• to.■ mo * tayataya to• ko« to* ko. Omo tuntun lsa \n t^i lanti, N• iX -Vi wVo yi/ Va modu/n o. (Happy and prosperous new year, We wish you many happy returns of the day, The next festival will be celebrated by all, Together with children, wives and husbands, New bouncing babies, In the ensuing year). 1. Among such fes^iva^Ls wejre the followings festivals in honour of Sango, ögun and Egühgün. Some overzealous Muslims usually ridiculed those of their co-religionists who took part in traditional festivals as käfir and sycretists who should be laid off from the" * Community of the faithful’. Moreover, in point of fact, the product of the interaction among the followers of the traditional religion, Islam and Christianity was syncretism or ambivalence. Be that as it may, this phenomenon has come to stay and has become an invincible part of Islam and Christianity in Yorubaland. As long as kinship solidarity continues to count in Yoruba society, syncretism, as a religious phenomenon, will continue to plague Islam and Christianity in Yorubaland. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 5 3 So, the family tie was stronger than any other ties that might exist in the society. Religious differences did not generate any breach to family solidarity. The interaction helped the consolidation and expansion of Islam in Oyo and its districts in the period between 1860 and 1895. Moreover, it is worth noting that such an interaction the existed not only between/Muslims and the followers of the the traditional religion, but also between/Muslims and the Christians especially when Christianity gained access into the area towards the close of the nineteenth Century -i. However, the impact of such an interaction on the expansion of Islam in the area was less significant than that produced the by the interaction between/Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion. This was so because both Islam and Christianity, being religions based on the Holy Scriptures 2 . the followers of each of the religions thought that their own faith was the best. This was a case of particularity which endured and trickled down to the present Century with the result that in some towns in the area, enmity reigned supreme between the Muslims and the Christians. 12 1. See above, chapter 3, 167-175pp. 2. The bases of Islam and Christianity are the Qur’än and the Bible respectively. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 354 5.3 Muslim education. In the second half of the nineteenth Century, the Muslims in O» yo* and its districts experienced some tinge of Qur'anic education. To have a proper understanding of the historical development of Muslim education in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth centuryjit will he necessary to discuss first the common features 1 about Muslim education in West Africa. Anywhere in the Muslim world;ithe Qur^än serves as the basis for both Islamic law and Muslim education. This is necessarily so because Islam, as a religion, is not merely a creed; it is a way of life, a life to be lived. This was the position of Muslim education in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century. In this area^in the nineteenth Century, Muslim or Islamic education was the same as Qurfanic education. Be that as it may, Muslim education promoted the cause of Islam in the area especially in the period after the fall of the Old Oyo Empire in 1835. 1. See Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa 158ff. Here Trimingham observes that3in addition to the natural atmospheric training of a Muslim child in his environment. there are the narrower, consciously directed, Qur^änic and circumcision schools. See also Babalola, E. 0. Islam in West Africa, Ibadan, 1973. UNIVERS TY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 5 5 Most Qur^anic Schools in the beginning were held in the mosques. Soon after, Muslim education began to move out of the mosque and it came to be carried out mostly in the mälam’s residence. This was the case in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century as we shall see later in this section. A typical Qur=änic school in the Muslim world at large is run in the following waysö The mälam is seated under a tree, or in his parlours or verandah or in his porch surrounded by volumes of the Qur^än and other Islamic works like those on ahädith?especially those of al-Bukhärl and al-Muslim. At some distance to the malam, but near enough to be within the reach cf the teacher's vigil and long cane, are some 10 to 40 pupils who either squat or stand in a semi-circular form round the teacher. With most of their bodies shielded by the broad wooden slates -I they hold proudly before them, they chant different verses of the Qur'In, presenting an impressive confusion that looks, in no small measure, like a re-enactment of the Tower of Babel 2 episode, except that in this case, the pupils are all speaking different words of the same tongue. A Qur^anic1 2 1. These are known as walaa among Yoruba Muslims. 2. See Genesis chapter 11. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 5 6 school is in progress. In some cases, as in many other trades and professions^ the teacher is assisted by one of the pupils who is either the brightest or the oldest or both. As early as the third year of life , Muslim children are expected to start the first stage of Qurränic education. At this stage, the pupils learn only through repetition and by rote the shorter süras of the Qur'~an. Any pleasure derived from the System at this stage lies solely in the choral recitations which often assure a sing-song pattern. The pupils appear to enjoy reciting these verses to themselves in their homes and at play. The method of teaching is basicall^ like this; the teacher leads the individual or group by giving the model of the verse to be learnt and the pupils recite this after him. He does this very many times over until he is satisfied that the pupil or the dass as a whole, as the case 12 1. Opinions of writers vary on the school age of Muslim mcahyil dvraerny. froInm tshiixs toc onenieghctteieonn., TrIin miOynog haamn d siatyss daigsetsricts, ObservationJias showed that while some children began to attend Qurränic school at the age of three, others started very late - All depended on the degree of zealousness each parent had for Islam, See Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 159p. 2. Learning by rote is known generally as ’verbalism' See Farrant, J. S. Principles and practice of Education. London, 1975, 116, 129pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 5 7 may be, has mastered the correct pronunciation. Then the pupil is left on his own to continue repeating this verse until he has thoroughly committed this into memory. This verse is then linked with the previously memorised verses5and in this way the pupil gradually learns by heart the whole süras of the Qur^än. A süra at a time is written - ■ - * ■ — — i. - on his wooden slate which has been scrubbed to smoothness with the help of some coarse-feeling leaves, after which it is painted with white clayey substance. The ink which the teacher uses in writing the süra on the slate is extracted from certain leaves which are boiled until they exude their coloration which becomes thicker and darker the more the leaves are boiled. The Qur~än is divided into 114 süras. Pupils%at what we may call the 'primary or elementary' level of the system^are expected to commit one or two of these süras into memory often beginning with the short süras. Most of the süras in these two parts are those he would most need for his daily prayers 2 . From thisjthe pupil proceeds to the next stage at 1 1. This type of ink is known as tadaä among Yoruba Muslims. /the 2. The teaching of/formula necessary for the observance of the daily prayers began right away from home*and those converted to Islam began the learning of the formula in the feet of the ratibi Imams right away from the day of conversion. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 358 which he learns the Arabic alphabet. This stage 'j last? from about six to ' eighteenth months^ depending again on the capabilities of individual pupils. Once the spelling pattern is properly grasped, the pupils can read off-head any texts written in the Arabic language. This stage is usually the final stage in the acquisition of the reading skills. The teaching of writing begins at different times in different schools. Some pupils begin learning how to write Arabic characters as early as the first stage of the System, Others do not start until much later, say when they are learning alphabet. This is generally a very slow, painstaking1 23 1. This stage, according to Jimoh, is known as 1 A.jitu1 in Ilorin. He does not give us how the name came to be associated with this stage of Qur^anic system. See Jimoh, S. A. A critical appraisal of Islamic Education 39p. 2. Ibid, 39p. 3. Tohfef -hseyasdt emi s ofk nroewnci taimnogn g paYsosraugbeas Mufsrloimm st hea s Qu1ro"läöng eere!. The Yoruba-speaking people of Ilorin also call it, 1ologeere*. See Jimoh, S. A., Ibid 39p. See also Babalola, E. 0. Islam in West Africa. 76p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 359 and rather rigorous process during which the teacher writos the model of a verse on the writing board and the pupil copies this out several times over below the teacher's model. The pens 1 are made mostly from reeds or guinea- corn straws which are carved until they taper off towards the end forming a nib-like shape. This is the point where many people think Qur Jänic education ends. But this is only the end of what we may regard as the elementary level of the system. The next stage involves more than this elementary stage. However; the elementary stage is a stage every Muslim must pass through if he is to be able to pray and perform other religious duties since the s*alät, the birth and death rituals, marriage and other religious ceremonies are usually performed in Arabic. The 'higher' or 'secondary' level of the system has a much more diversified and deeper curriculum. The pupil begins by learning the meanings of the verses he had committed into memory. The teacher does his best to explain the Arabic texts. But this is usually far too deep for the young minds and in many cases, too deep for the 1 1. This type of pen is known as'kalamu* (Arabic qalam) in Yorubaland. Thus the word kalamu is a loan-wörd in the language of the people. This is obviously a product of acculturation. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 360 teacher's also. Apart from knowing the meaning of the verses of the Qur5än, .ie pupil is also introduced to other works such as the Traditions of the Prophet or the 'sunna' of the Prophet. The narration method is largely used and repetition is still employed to the maxiraum. The course of study at this level includes sarf * (grammatical inflexions), nah* w (syntax); mant»iq (logic); h•isäb (arithmetic); al-tjabr waj1-muqäbalah (algebra); al-ma~na wa^I-bayan, (rhetoric and versification); al-fioh (jurisprudence), al-aqä^id (scholastic theology); at-tafslr (commentaries or exegeses on the Qur^än); c-ilmu ̂l-cusiul (treatises on exegesis, and the principles and rules of Interpretation of the laws of Islam); al-ahädlth (the Traditions of the Prophet and commentaries thereon). These are regarded as different branches of learning and it is not often that a teacher attains perfection in all the who is branches. A scholar/famous as being well informed in al-fiqh may be relatively weak in al-hisab. This is why, * at this stage of his education, the Student of the Qur^änic System receives instructions from many mälshns 2 .1 2 1. See Jimoh, S. A. 'A Critical Appraisal of Islamic Education....' 40p. 2. This System is comparable to the Systems in use in the secondary schools and other higher institutions of learning of our days. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 361 At this stage, the Student makes up his mind concerning the area in which he w^hes to specialise. This marks the inception of the university level. Having chosen his area of specialisation, he then proceeds to the university or continues at home learning from well-informed local specialists. By this time, the Student has acquired some considerable proficiency in Arabic and is able to read and understand, and interpret many of the works oft/heearlier writers in his field of specialisation.. At the end of his studies, he receives a certificate 1 empowering him to practise either as a teacher, an Imäm, an alkall (Arabic al-qadi) , as the case may be, depending on his field of specialisatioin. Moreover, a study of the historical evolution of Qur'^änic education in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth * * Century is considered incomplete without considering the philosophy of Qur^änic education in general. In the light2 1 1. Compare the certificates issued to graduands from secondary schools, universities and schools of law in the modern time. 2.«r There was no judiciary system in which the post of al-qädl existed in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century.* This was so because the area was not an Islamic theocratic State. Only the areas of Northern Nigeria that embraced Islam long ago had al-qäglis (Judges). And here, the judges are called Alkalis. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 362 of this Statement, the following points are worth noting. In Qursänic schools, there are no rigidly codified rules, the types of which the pupils in the final formal schools are compelled to conform to. However, there are a few conventionalised ways of demeanour which guide the pupils and the teachers. Although the periods of the classes are vaguely fixed, the teacher does not treat late-coming as a grave offence. He is ready to pardon a late comer if he is convinced that his lateness was as a result of some engagement at home. The teacher himself would declare a holiday if some religious Obligation (such as a burial or marriage ceremony) has to take him away from home. In point of fact, Qur^änic education at the elementary stage is, to use the words of Plato, "a sort of amusement" . The teacher p regards himself as a custodian of the pupils, his duty being primarily to train them to be good citizens (that is, to be good Muslims). The class- room atmosphere is relaxed as ever, but the teacher does not 'spare the rod entirely'. Whenever he comes, he does1 2 1. ~ , "A Critical Appraisal of Islamic 2. The teacher is at a Muslim diviner and a medicine- man. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 363 so with a fatherly levity and caution. It is not done as to portray cruelty but to show an attempt to reform the pupil. When a pupil is absent as a result of ill-health, the teacher usually visits him and sometimes applies some treatment. The relationship between the teacher and the pupil is generally intimate and personal all through. The school week starts on Saturday and ends on Wednesday . There is no bell to call the pupils to school; nor is there a fixed uniform. The exact times the classes begin vary from area to area, and from teacher to teacher. In most parts of Oyo and its districts todayj, there are usually three sessions a day: morning, afternoon and evening. The morning session generally begins about 8.00 a.m. and ends about 10.00 a.m. The afternoon session lasts from 2.00 p.m. to about 4.00 p.m. The third session lasts from about 7.30 p.m. to about 9.00 p.m. When the child is old enough to learn a trade on the Job, the hours of schooling are reduced and the afternoon session is cancelled. 1. This is necessarily so in preparation for the Friday prayer, jumara (Interview with the maläms in the big centres of t'al am in Oyo and its districts, December, 1973, March, 1974, August, November, 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 364 The fees are paid in cash and kind. There is no fixed amount as this varies from teacher to teacher. The the teacher collects the 'fees' from^pupils for writing their new lessons on their wooden boards at the end of the school week. This does not usually amount to more than a few kobo. The teacher also receives some gifts (often in the form of sadaqa) such as grain, meat, cooked foodstuff, cloths or clothes and a praying mat. Offer of gifts is usually a feature of Muslim festivals. Heiping at some onerous activities is considered part of the pupil’s duties to his teacher. Düring the month of Ramadan,the older pupils accompany their teacher to his preaching ground, usually a busy and conspicuous part of the streets in the town or village as the case may be. There, it is their duty to get the place lit and the chairs arranged and to treat the audience to melodious Muslim songs and poems -i in praise of Prophet Muhammad. 1. Examples of such Muslim songs are as follows: 1. E wa gboro, Er* wsf gb*o9ro, O\rVo Aa,l a\ o. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 6 5 2• E va gboro, _* E wa/ * *■ gb, o--r ov, \.O ro\ vA na/bVi, 3. \A nabi\ lonvi gbVa, vE yin kVe fevr i✓, & E panu mo. 4. Mov nV mo/ V s •' v•* ■*.du rasulu laaV, ji _b a/ ni yin :m/, E wa gbo* rofr #, Onis*e n l a . Av na✓b iv5. elesin Va sel\a, VA naX bVi er l•esin Va lVa ax- fi/a \ \A nax b\i V <* l rä/n se^ Aala, VOun ni Vl. y\m ye fusn. 1. (Come and hear word, Come and hear word, The word of (Allah). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 366 2. (Come and hear word, Come and hear word, The word of the Prophet (Muhammad). 3. (The Prophet (Muhammad) is the author of time, You, unbelievers (käfirs), Keep your mouths short. 4. (Muhammad rasül u*l-lah, Praise him, Come and hear word (of), The worker of wonderful acts). 5. (The Prophet of religion of Salvation, The Prophet of religion of peace, The Prophet the Messenger of Allah, It is He who deserves praises)% . , * UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 6 7 In some schools, pupils are expected to go out on Thursday nights to beg for alms . On festival occasions such as the cId u'l-fit*r, al-fcid u*l-kablr and mawlidu*n-nabi (the Prophet*s birthday anniversary), the pupils commonly present some dramatisations based on the life of the Prophet. Both in theme and texture, these 'plays', according to some writersjare very similar to the Roman liturgical plays of the Middle Ages and the Medieval miracle plays that succeeded them. The greatest day in the life of the Muslim student is the day he performs the ’walima* 2 . Initially intended as a modest ceremony at which the Muslim students graduate from school, this has now been integrated into the culture of the people; and in Oyo and its districts, it is now celebrated as one of the activities marking a couple's wedding banquet. However, it still retains its original religious overtone. The 'wallma* can take place once the Muslim has gone through the level designated as the ’primary* 12 1. Interview with the malams in the area. December 1973» March, 1974, August, November 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. 2. q.v. Jimoh, S. A. "A Critical Appraisal.." 41p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 368 or 1elementary' level above. The graduand takes his slate to his teacher who designs it for him. On one side of the slatejhe writes a süra of the Qur'än ‘and on the other, he draws a rectangular figure in which he weaves a number of geometrical patterns, no doubt*also bearing some religious symbolism1. On a fixed day, the graduand, with his decorated slate in his hand, tours the houses of his teacher, his in-laws and his own parents and relatives in an entourage of friends and some relations. At each Station,?he reads the süra written on one side of the slate as thou^h to convince his hearers that he has truly 1completed1 the Qurvän. At the end of the *recitation1 , he'Ms given presents. On this occasion, a ram or cow^bought by the graduand.is usually slaughtered at the teacher1s house. The teacher could keep back as much as half of the slaughtered animal. In addition to this?he (the teacher) is given grain, millet, some money, a turban and a flowery and lavishly embroidered native attire 2 . This is only one (and by far the most elaborate) of the ceremonies that punctuate the pupils course of study *2 1* Jimoh, S. A., "A Critical Appraisal...” 42p. 2. This type of attire is known agba✓ da^ or vo le t\e l Al ̂uVfa in Yorubaland. - ‘ J UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 369 from the first stage through graduation. For instance; after a Student has successfully memorised the first ee✓ su\ 1, he procures a hen or cock for the teacher in form of the graduation present. The teacher sanctifies this before it is shared among the pupils and some other ]»eople in the vicinity. So far are the common features true to Muslim education in almost all parts of the Muslim world. Now, let us quantify and analyse how much of the education the Muslims in Oyo and its districts were able to acquire in the nineteenth Century. There was no full-fledged Islamic education among the coterie of Muslims in Oyo and its districts before the fall of the Old Oyo in 1835. In point of fact, it was in the period of Islamic consolidation, that is, in the 1 1. ETehseu in Yorubaland refers to a sura of the Qur'an."verses the Yoruba call ha£ya Jimoh refers to a sura of the Qur^an as*jsul The words isu and eesu are a reference to one sftra of the Qur^anJThe dialectaX differences notwithstanding. See Jimoh, S. A., "A Critical Appraisal..." 42p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 370 reigns of Al^afin Adelu (1859-1876) and Alaafin Adeyemi Alowolodu I (1876-1905) that some tinge of Muslim education began to take root. The period prior to the reigns of these kings was engaged in the propagation» tendering and resuscitation of Islam in Oyo and its districts;diversified projects too great to allow for any considerable Muslim education» The little that was» was dominated by the settled or foreign Muslims 2. Muslim education in the period between 1859 and 189^ formed an integral part of Islamic development in the area. This may be properly appreciated if one were not unduly influenced by the reports of missionaries such as A. F. Foster and James Johnson or those of the casual traveller or the stay-at-home investigators who were rather fond oi portraying Yoruba Muslims as ignorant and superstitious "followers of the false Prophet" . Such observations must be treated »vith some qualm largely because they came from 123 1. However» in 1786, Landolpher met in the Benin area, some ambassadors from the Inland Kingdom of *les Ayeaux’ (Oyo?) who ’savaient ecrire et calculeren arabe". (Memoires du Capitaine Landolphe). Paris, 1823; ii, 86p. q.v. Biobaku, S. 0. (ed„), Sources of Yoruba History, 1p. 2. See above, chapter 3, 196-240pp. 3. See above, chapter 3, 250-3pp° UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 371 people on ivory towers who were prejudiced and were little or not qualified to pontificate on Muslim education. Althougb initially, the amount of knowledge possessed by the generaiity of the Muslims in the area was limited, the level of their knowledge of Islam and Arabic language increased over the years. This enabled them to attack Christian controversialist and earned/respect from informed quarters* in Oyo and its districts. This increase of knowledge v/as naturally evidently less among the laity than arnong the “clergy" which demonstrated a definitive growth of scholarship. In the period between 1860 and 1895, there was a proliferation of Muslims scholars and one remarkable feature of this was the noticeable number of indigenous scholars amongst them. In the previous decades, scholarship had been almost exclusively monopolised by the itinerant and ubiquitous mam l*ams or the resident "aliens" usually from Ilorin and its environs, far North and Dahomey (Idindi 1anc,„ Similarly, the leadership of the Muslim community in some places was virtually in "alien" hands. But it was remarkable 1. Interview with some mülams in the area. The later Akeükewe group of missionaries emerged from these quarters. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. See also Moloney, Alfred ‘'Notes on Yoruba and the Colony and the Protectorate of Lagos, West Africa", J. R. q, S. V., 12 1890. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 372 that, a little later, there emerged a number of local men who had trained "abroad" in places such as Ilorin, Sokoto, Bornu, and Ibadan. And, on returning home, had set up as preachers and teachers adopting the common features of Qur"anic education as mentioned earlier in this section 1 . A good number of such scholars hailed from Kisi, Igbeti, Igboho, Saki, Ayetoro 2 and Iseyin. The local scholars 3, together with others, were eminent as the Muslim educators who raised the level of the prevailing knowledge of the Muslims in the area. The case of Iseyin had been noted earlier in this work L. Here, there were Iseyin scholars2 134 1. See above, 356-369pp. 2. Here again^it is worth remembering that in the nineteenth Century»Ayetoro, a district of Oke-Iho.emerged as a stronghold of Islam. 3. In Kisi for example, there were local scholars such as Abüdu Baki*and Tijani Yayi who later became the sixth Chief Imäm; there was Asani of Molaba quarter in Igboho. He started tafsir and open-air lecture in Igboho and later became the second Chief Imäm. He was one of the first set of converts in Igboho. Sseceh oblealrosw ,s uAcphp eansd iAxl^uIfIaI ,A5g4b8o-n9gpbpo. anIan ASlaükfia tBhaedrier uw ewrheo local started tafsir in Saki. Interview with the .jamäca in each of the towns mentioned above in August, November, 1975. See Bibliography. Oral Evidence. 4. See above, chapter 2, 132-4, 139-141pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 373 such as Alüfa Aliyu, MgrnQdu Egberongbe and Alufa Monmodu of Imale f'alafia who, after they had been educated abroad, probably in Ilorin or far North, for many years, returned to Iseyin as towers of Muslim education educa^ing many others from far and near. In their role as educators, the local scholars endeavoured as much as possible to raise the general level and tone of religious activity. Under the influence of Momodu Egberongbe and \A lvufa Aliyu in Iseyin, for instance, was initiated that which later became customary: the use of JAL-A LAIN 1 as tafsi- r to the greater edification of the Muslim community. The scholars also helped the various communities in introducing Muslim ceremonies mentioned earlier in this work 2. In Oke-Iho, for instance, it was the fifth Imam, Abudu Rahman Ajani 3, alias Arikewusola, who began the mawlidu ’n-nabi there. This was possibly partly because of the influence which the scholars enjoyed and partly because the Muslim scholars were knowledgeable in the Qur^an, Exegesis, Hadith Literature, Theology, Islamic Law 123 1. This is Yoruba Jalelu or Dalelu. 2. See above, 337-351pp. 3. See below, Appendix III, 552p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 374 (Jurisprudence) and History, in addition to Arabic Grammar and Poetry. The local teachers in Oyo and its districts i:i the nineteenth Century assuraed the characteristics of the Muslim teacher as described earlier in this section -1. The pupils here were not different in behaviour from the pupils described above 2. The local Muslim teachers began their teachings in their houses and later in the houses and mosques together*,using Yoruba as the medium of teaching. There was an obvious proclivity for each local community to appoint the local scholars as the Onitafusiiru$ even as the Imäm wherever possible. In this connection* examples can be multiplied. However, sufficient it is to say here that \A luv fa Aliyu of Iseyin became the Onif 't av fvu si* iyr u\ while Momodu Egberongbe^~Z later became the Chief Imäm of tb« iitivin* It will be useful to emphasise here thatsin spite of the increase and the role of the local scholars, non- indigenous scholars were still very much received and they enjoyed as much respect as their local counterparts. The case of Oyo and Iseyin will probably illustrate this point best. Many non-Yoruba scholars still came and went. They 123 1. See above, 362-3pp. 2. See above, 354-368pp. 3. See below, Appendix III, 552p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 7 5 held open air preachings (wa'-z) and conducted classes which were attended by all, irrespective of their ethnic affinit3r- In Oyo and Iseyin, foreign scholars such as the renowned and ubiquitous Ilo* rin Muslira evangelist, Muh*»ammad Salisu, alias >A■ lu' fa Kokewukobere, \A lus fa Jibril, alias Kafahimta -]? and very Alhaji Muhammad al-Wazir of Bida were/much welcome, loved and respected. They were everywhere welcome and respected by the local Muslims since they functioned in the society as Muslim-divinersjamulet-makers, educators, and preachers who were helping to solve the problems of individual Muslims and raise the level and tone of religious life and knowledge, Others were'Alufa Busura^from Ilqrinywho started open-aih lecture in Igbeti and Saliu 2 , an Idindi from Dahomey* who later became the first Chief Imam of Saki. •<» The presence of the local and ualien'‘ scholars signified emphasis on scholarship and the mutual contribution of wide ränge of scholars. In effect, it marked out Kisi, 1 1. The nickname eraerged from his frequently asking, in Arabic, his audience whether they understood his preach- ing, ka fahimta or mafaqül?. See Gbadamosi, G. 0. The growtH"of Islam among tne Yoruba, 111p. Cf the sayings of teachers in the modern times i!Do you understandi!, ”1 hope you are following me!i; ''Do you get metf, !,I hope it is clear”, ;!Clear,f, "Understood". 2 i See below, Appendix III, 548-9pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 376 Igbeti, Igboho, Saki, Ayetoro, Iseyin, Ikoyi and Oyo as important centres of learning. In the organisational control of the Muslim community, however, the influence cf the "alien" scholars generally seemed to have been giving way to that of indigenous men. The major reason that could be adduced was the fact that the indigenous scholars understood best the local Muslim community in which they lived. In short rthey with the laity belonged to the same cultural miiieu which, in point of fact, formedy in partythe basis of the Organisation of the Muslim community^. Evidently then, there was considerable growth within the Muslim community - growth in numbers, spiritual life and knowledge in the late nineteenth Century. These facts produced certain important changes and tension within the community itself. The growth in Islamic and Arabic knowledge, for example, generated a breach within the community between the literary men whose aspiration was to reform and purify 12 1. This System i ß well ̂ expressed in the Yoruba saying; Omo ina" l&ara'n si * na - meaning, literally, that "it is1the child of fire that is usually sent to fire”. This System can be compared to the Anglican policy of “Vennism" or "Native Pastorate", which Ayandele calls "Ethiopianism" in his book, The Missionary Impact, 177-237pp. 2. See above, 316-338. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 377 the practice of Islam on the one hand, and on the other hand, the more conservative grcup which desired to adhere to the old established-ibut sometimes misleading^ways. Regardless of the lapse of time, the two camps still survive up tili today in the area. The breach was evident in the big centres of Islam such as Kisi, Igbeti, l'gboho, Ayetoro, Oke-i_h o, Iseyin, Ikoyi and Oyo 1. However, such a split between the reformist literary wing and the conservatists did not always end in the victory of either side. In addition to the elementary Qur'änic education in the houses of the local teachors, there was also some education gained from open-air lectures. As the Ramadan approached, there ctarted in'the big centres of Islam, such as Saki, Iseyin and Oyo, the series of customary open-air lectures during which learned Muslims, !Slocal,f and f!alien:5, expounded the Our" an . The exposition was cften done with the aid of the Hadith, the Jalälain, the commentary of the two Jaläls which had become widely revered throughout Yorubaland". Some of the trained abroad indigenous scholars 123 1. Interview with the jamäca in the big centres of Islam in the area. December, T973, March, 1974, August, November, 1975. 2. Interview with the jama^a in each of the towns mentioned above. See ßibliography: Oral Evidence. 3. See Gbadamosi, G. 0. The Growth of Islam, 114p. See also, chapter 3, 203-App. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY s 378 in the area attended some of the open-air meetings organised by the non-indigenous scholars and were evidently struck by the free and sometimes erroneous interpretations which some teachers gave to the Qur^än. Some of them embarked otrh/ ecurrent belief and practice and they insisted that the Qur'än was all adequate and opposed the use of the Hadith and the Jalalain V The doctrine of 'the all-sufficiency of the Qur^än was new to the Muslims in Oyo* and its districts who knew no other important "t■ a'f1 ■*sir ir'•* of the Qur3än than that of the Jalalain. The doctrine was not a thing to be easily ignored. So distinguished was their learning.and so forceful and devastating were their lectures that the doctrine shook both Islam and its followers in the area and eventually split the community into two camps: that of the Qur'̂ än (Alaluküraani) under the leadership of 'trainod - abroad' indigenous scholars and that of the Jalalain (Onijalelu) or opposers of the 'trained-abroad' local scholars.1 * 1. Interview with the Mö/g- a\ ji/ Vi mXole, Oyo. Alhaji Sule Shewu, Pärakoyi Quarter , Oyo. December, 1973, March, 1974, November, 1973- See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 379 More important here, than anything eise, was the way in which Muslim education promoted the cause of Islam in Oyo and its districts in the period between 1860 and 1895. ?■ * To quantify and analyse correctly how far Qur-'änic education had promoted the cause of Islam in the area in this period, we should appreciate the fact that the basic aim of Qur^änic education is to make its recepients good Muslims and in Islam, being a good Muslim is synonymous with being a good Citizen. As the child grows up, he comes to understand the right modes of behaviour and develops, from his teacher’s examples and precepts, the faculty for divorcing 1 bad' from ’good'. Education acts as an agent of stability in the society -|. As the child grows up under the System, he comes gradually to learn to fit himself into his adult roles. The System thus contributes to making Islam what it is - a way of life, and not only a way of life but a particular way of life to be lived. It is not a system where it is possible to believe one thing and act another. 1 1. See Ottaway, A. K. C. Education and Society; lntroduction to the Sociology of Education, London 1970j chap-Hers 3-9. Jimoh nolds the same view. See his article, "A Critical Appraisal of Islamic Education", 43p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 380 The truly educated Muslim must integrate his knowledge with his conduct. In this way, Qurränic education ensures a smooth transition from childhood, through adolescence, to adulthood. The Muslim is never totally "out of his roots*' ~ never, that is, totally denied of that which is^essentiallyv for a healthy development. One of the tacit objectives cf the Qurrünic System of education, as any keen observer may appreciate, is to train the rulers of the community. As mentioned earlier, the Imams and the Onitafusiiru could only assume Office on the basis of their Islamic knowledge. Almost all the aims otfh/eQ ur_' a_nic System were achieved in the big centres of Islam in Oyo and its districts in the second half of the nineteenth Century.largely by the help of the non-indigenous scholars and partly by the help of the ’trained-abroad* indigenous Muslims. In this way, many of the children of the indigenous Muslims in each of the big centres of Islam in the area were brought up in the Islamic way through the system^and thev later emerged as dynamic and ubiauitous propagators of Islam on the platform of organised envangelisation. The "born-to- Islam" groups of Muslims in Oyo and its districts were also contributory to the consolidation of Islam right away from the late nineteenth Century down to the present time. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 381 Qur'änic education witnessed a significant incident in the period between 1895 and 1900. Earlier 1 , mention has been made of the history of the entry of Christian missionary educators and British powers into the area. Their advent gave the Qur^änic System in the area new Orientation and the two Systems together Jimoh describes as "old Wine in a new Skin" 2. The discussion in the foregoing sections 3 represents the nature of Qur'änic education as it was in its unalloyed and unsnapped form. This was the Situation before the influx of the Christian missionaries and British powers. With the advent of the Christian missionaries and the British colonialists 4 came also a big crisis for Muslim 1234 1. See above, chapter 3, 2. Jimoh, S. A. "A Critical Appraisal cf Islamic Education", 45p. 3. See above, 354-380pp. 4. See Ottaway, A. K. C., Education and Society. 60-78pp; Gbadamosi, G. 0., "The Establishment of Western Education among Muslims in Nigeria", J.H.S.N ., I iv, 1, December, 1967; See also Atanda, J. Al frhe New Oyo Empire, 235-87pp; Fafunwa, Babs: The History of Education in Nigeria, London, 1974, Crowder, Michael, West AfricäW uin1dRenrn ; kJoloohnnial Rule, London, 1970,; Education and Cnanging West African Culture» London, 1966, 54-98pp. Burns, A. History of Nigeria., 249-260pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 382 education in Oyo and its districts. The employment of people as clerks raised the question of the development which produced the clerks namely, Western education. It was introduced by the Christian Missions who had established themselves in various parts of Oyo province during the second half of the nineteenth Century . The expansion of Western education took effect only when the Christian Missions themselves had better facilities for expansion 2. For^like its introduction, the dissemination of Western education and proliferation of formal schools were both carried out, in the main, by the Christian Missions. But with the bombardment of Oyo in 1895 %the British powers gained access into the Situation and gave full strength and vigour to the educational policy of the Christian Missions. With the entry otfh/eChristian missionaries and the British powers into Oyo and its districts, the skills given by the traditional Islamic education seemed to be of little or no 123 1. Atanda, J. A. The New Oyo Empire... 235p. See also map 1 on 2. Ibid, 236p. 3. See above, chapter 4, 280-1pp. See also Atanda, J. A. The New Oyo Empire..., 45-85pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 383 help in the modern wcrld of commerce, industry and improved agriculture. The administrative machinery v/as also graduell- hecoming more and more diversified and sophisticated, and this thrust greater demands on the natives as it required slightly different sorts of skills. The change they were being called upon to make was not one requiring the natives to change their Yoruba or Arabic for English. It was also to involve their own way of life as will be pointed out verv soon. The crisis then was - should Muslim education be allowed to continue unaltered, or should it acclamatise to Western influences? In point of fact, in the course of the years^the two things had happened. In Gyo and its dis tri cts ..in the nineteenth Century, education v/as carried on in one type of school. The number of purely private schools run on traditional lines was then very large. The number of such schools v/as estimated to be over 300 in Iseyin town alone. This was so because the Muslims held some reservation about Western education which, to them, had some Christian undertone. The Muslims, this time, wer- 1 1. Result of the census activity -done in Iseyin in August, 1975 during the field work. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 384 hostile to the Christian missionariss and the British powers together vith their educational policies. They called the Christians either kiriyo or kafiri. Any Muslin who committed the mistake of embracing Christianity instead of upholding Islam was regarded a ka✓ f-iV riJ f or m\o na/ fViki whom should be dissociated with. Such a person was no more regarded a member of the faithful, but an apostate. However, the hostile and conservative attitude of the Muslims did not endure for long. In this connection, thanks to the efforts of enlightened Muslims such as the \A kus Muslims 2 from Sierra Leone and the xA gu\da Muslims from Brazil some of whom were part of the Muslim community and who cleverly and patiently enlightened their Muslim associates about the immense advantage associated with Western education'and about the insufficiency of only Qur anic education. As years rolled by, the Muslims the began to learn from the children of/Christian converts who, as a result of Western education, had reached very high and enviable positions. In this way, their wish to see their children in high positions and their belief that 12 1. This is derived from the Arabic word 1munafiqün'. 2. See above, chapter 2, 111-125pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 385 ■cheir children would constitute a stable source of strength and succour for them in the later part of their days on earth combined to produce the Muslims' favourable disposition towards Western education in recent years. In this connection, Islam reaped a fine reward. Had it not been that the Muslims allowed Western education alongsidet^he Qur anic System of education, though relatively small in quality and quantity, Christianity would have stood a constant source of danger to Islam in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century and later. In point of fact, the dynamic involvement of the Muslims in Western education post-dated our period. It was the present Century that witnessed the unreserved and unbiased welcome which the Muslims gave to Western education „ 1 1. In this connection, the following statements made by Dr. 'Kola Folayan, Ondo State Commissioner for Education are apposite. According to him: "Islam is not a religion of ignorance and darkness, as some ignorant people tended to think in the past. Because Islam means knowledge and light. It established schools, mosques and educational institutions, literary and scientific societies in its crusade throughout the ages. Islamic community makes learning easy by providing the students and teachers with food, accommodation, medical and financial assistance. Also I know that Islam makes Provision for all types of education - spiritual or moral, social, scientific or technological". To the Ondo State's branch of the National Joint Moslem (sic) Organisation in Akure, the Commissioner said: "You must give serious pcroonmsoitdienrga tiIosnl amtio c thaen dp Arraacbtiicc alS twuadyise s ansod mtehaants tohfe rer eacloluyl d be more cross fertilisation between Western and oriental forms UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 386 In Oyo and its districts today, and in addition to the traditional schools of Islam, there were two other types of schools in which Qur'änic education is being carried on. First is the rung of 'semi-formal1 institutions which combine elements of both the formal and the informal. In such schools, Arabic and Islamics (but these two only, unfortunately) are now taught intelligently and meaningfully with adequate methods and equipments. There are such schools in almost every Street in Oyo, Iseyin, Saki and Kisi, most of them run by Muslim societies. The schools are housed in seif-contained buildings, and the blackboard, desks and chairs as well as the pupils' uniforms are overt indications of the "marriage of convenience" between the traditional and the formal. The schools are also divided into ’classes' or ’forms' as in ehe formal schools. The period between the 19^0s and now witnessed formal institutions run on Western patterns. In this connecticn, Muslim societies and sects such as the of education for the advancement of knowledge and benefit of humanity,f. The address was delivered on the occasion of the launching of the State’s branch of the National Joint Moslem (sic) Organisation in Äkure. The report of the address is contained in Daily Times, "Merits of Islam speit Out*' Monday« August 16, 1976^ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 387 Ansarudeen, the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (the present Anwaru’l-Islam Movement) and the Ahmadiyya Mission of Nigeria can be mentioned. The step towards Islamic modernism has, in the present Century, saved Islam from the cultural pride posed by Christianity 2 and the mess of existing as a Statistical giant but a religious anachronism in modern Yorubaland. Finally, it has generated an atmosphere in which Islam could develop wider tentacles and grow more wings than those of the nineteenth Century 3 . 123 1. See Ahmadiyya Muslim Mission: A short sketch of the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam; Lagos, 1973. 3^-^2pp; Fisher, H. J. L., Ahmadiyya, Oxford, 1963. 2. The cultural pride of Christianity is an offspring of the age-long racio-technological pride of the white people, the propagators of Christianity in the so-called under-developed nations of the world. 3. The view above can be ascertained by the fact that;. up tili today in Oyo and its districts Islam exists as the dominant rellgion. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 388 CHAPTF.R SIX 6.0 THE INFLUENCE 0F ISLAM UPcST THE TRADITIONAL ---- BACKGROUND OE 'W MÜSLIM ' DOMMUNTtT -̂-- 6.1 Muslim progress and conflicts with the traditional society. The historical background of Islam in Oyo and its districts has been aiscussed; an attempt can now be made to describe not only the nature of the relationship between the nascent Muslim community and the traditional society but also the impact of Islam upon the traditional background of the Muslim community. The growth of Islam in Oyo and its districts had, as a matter of course, been attended by conflicts with the traditional society in the area. Attacks were made on the Muslims as they endeavoured to spread and expand Islam. Even when Islam became fairly well established, the Muslims were attacked whenever they tried to make the public calls to prayer, erect mosques and conduct worship openly 2. However, in the face of these obstacles, the Muslims established their community, practising their faith according to their own understanding, 1. ET.h e I.M usAlritimc lcea llo n toa dphräany. er Seies kalnsoow,n Tasr imaidnhgähna. m JS.e e S. Islam in West Africa. 71, 157pp et passim. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 389 After the period of Islamic entrenchment (1860-1875) , the Muslim community in Qyg and its districts began to grow in size and stature. It was in the course of this growth that the Muslim community witnessed a greater degree of conflicts with the traditional society and these were, in truth, the "CONFLICTS OF GROWTH»2. 1. See above, chapter 2, 136-157pp. 2. One central theme of many Ifa poems, especially the epic poemss is conflict - conflict between Orunmila and his children; conflict between priests of Ifas conflict between supernatural powers and the powers of men; conflict between Yoruba traditional religion and either Islam or Christianity. The most relevant in t̂his tradition of conflict are the poems contained in Otua Meji dealing with the inevitable conflict between Yoruba traditional religion and Islam. According to Wände Abimbola, in his article,»The Literature of the Ifä cult» in Biobaku, S. 0. (ed.), Sources of Yoruba History, »This must have occurred at the“'tTmi* of the latter' s propagation^ in Yorubaland». See also his book - Ijinle Qhun Enu Ifa", Apä" Kinni Glasgow, 1968, 134-8pp., äbd Darämola, 0. and A. ßeje. Awon Asa ati örisa Ile Yoruba., 197ff and the Ifa" poem on the introduction of Islam into Yorpbaland in Appendix. I, J537-\?^%>P» See also Abimbola, W. I.jinlp Qhun Enu Ifa Apa keji. Glasgow, 1969. Some of the poems relating t~ the conflict between Islam and Yoruba traditional religion depict Islam as faith^embraced by former slaves of Ifa who were brought up by Ifa but who later deserted him. Some people are regarded as bearing an irrevocable curse upon their own heads and are therefore doomed to a life-time of trouble. Some poems in this dass depict Muslims as thieves who enter the city gates at night and steal the people's foodstuffs. Other UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 390 The numerical expansion of the Muslim community after the period of resurgence (1837-1859) A naturally produced great anxiety on the part of the votaries of the traditional religion. This was so because, during the period of Islamic consolidation 2, many of the influential persons within the traditional society were won to Islam. Some of them were key people such as the Alokolodo royal family of Iganna in Qyp North, and some other members oft/hreoyal family in places such as §aki and Ikoyi. In Oyo, the die-hard leaders of the traditional religion, especially some of the devotees of Sa\ ngo/, became poems in this category depict Muslims as a leisurely sect who wear grand clothes everyday and look every- where fpr free^gifts. Such grand clothes the Yoruba call Qle tgle~Alufa - meaning "A lazy man follows a Muslim clerict!. They give it this name because such clothes are usually flowing ones and also because Muslims are fond of begging for alms. The poem contained in Appendix II below depicts the violence with which Islam possibly entered Yorubaland^ It teils of the exploits of one AlukaSdi (Arabic al-qä4i) who was so wicked that he reduced the town in whicn ne was living to ruins and destroyed himself in the process. Alukaadi was probably one of the Jihäd fighters who featured prominently in Yorubaland in the nineteenth Century. 1. See above, chapter 2, 93-137pp. 2 . See above, chapter 2, 136-158. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 391 Muslims under the influence of the first P\a ra\ ko ̂yi/, Yesufu Alanamu 1 . Sons of the die-hard leaders of the OrNo -cult were won and converted to Islam 2. Those of the followers of the traditional religion who earned their living by the active practice of the traditional religion were seriousiy embittered against the growth of Islam at the expense of the traditional religion. Such people were the priests 3, the traditional drummers 4jwho usually made heavey amount of money during the traditional festivals in honour of the tutelary divinities, the traditional singers^who sang praise-songs for the divinities^and the kings who were 1. Interview with the Muslim äamaca, pyo^December,; 1973, March, 1974, November, 197b"! See Bidliography% Oral Evidence. 2. Interview with the Muslim iamä':a, Iseyin, August, 1975. See Bibliography: Oral fividence. 3. The priests were the people known as abore ''worshipper of divinity"? babalorisa, bobalöosa, !ffather in divinity (worship)ir. 4. These were the pnibata. They were the drummers of a type of drum called bata. Bata was a populär drum for Sango. (interview with Ayan family and Mogba. Oyo, December, 1973» March, 1974, November, 1W 5J. * ’ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 392 regarded as second-in-command 1 to the divinities. The sculptors of the paraphernalia for the worship of the tutelary divinities did not stand aloof in the attack. Most odious to the followers of the traditional religion was the practice of organised iconoclasm embarked upon by some of the Muslim missionaries, especially those who were overzealous about Islam. Not long, the followers of the traditional religion came to realise that the traditional heritage left by the ancestors was at stäke and every possible means must be employed to salvage the Situation by forestalling the missionary activities of the Muslims. Thteh eMuslims experienced stiff Opposition frora a good number of/traditional quarters and the derated social Position of the converts sometimes insured them and their colleagues against the possible hostile reaction of their fellow traditional religionists. Such protests^as were evinced* were overwhelmed by the acclamations of the larger number of people who flocked to Islam with such prominent people, But this was not always the case. The conversion to Islam 1. Here, it is pertinent to recall the Yoruba expression concerning thevStatus of Yoruba oba. Oba , alage^ekeji öriga, 'King, second in command to the divinities’. See above, chapter 1, 12p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 393 of personalities, more or less well placed and especially the conversion of those who have been more deeply engulfed in the traditional customs occasioned serious, and at times• fatal, conflicts with the traditional society. The stronger the attachment of such people to Islam, the more furious was the reaction of their associates -] who were still loyal to the indigenous religion. The populär view in the local quarters was that the expansion and growth of Islam meant the undermining of the position of the traditional worship and institutions. The conversion of notable people amongst the followers of the traditional religion proved, in many places, to be a constant source of veritable tension and rampage between the Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion. The conflicts often followed high incidences of conversion, especially mass conversion, and organised iconoclasm. 1. Düring the interview with the Muslim community, Oyojin November, 1975, it was related how, for example?during the reign of Alaäfin Adelu (1859- 1876, a certain man from among the Mogba, the priests of Sang6, became a Muslim convert. This sparked off*a new rift that,nevertheless.*did not compel the man to apostatise. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 394 Particularly illustrative here was the experience of VA luv fa Kokewukobere ' l , the Veteran and ubiquitous Muslira preacher. In each of the big centres 2 of Islam in Oyo and its districts, Alufa Kokekukobere- preached both in the mornings and evenings in the course of his stay in the area. He proved to be a versatile preacher, fear- lessly denouncing the persistent followers of the traditional religion and the Ogboni cult as vermin - "egbin lq je1 - and encouraging all to embrace Islam, the religion of peace and the way of salvation and paradise. He composed songs embodying his message. In this way, his fame spread far and wide. Within a very short time, during his stay at Oyo and Iseyin, very many people trooped to him for the ritual ablution (worika) of conversion . His 123 1. IIsnltaemr viien w twhie thar etah,e Dieacmeamcbae ri,n e1a97c3h, oMfa rtchhe, bi1g97 4c,e nAturegsu stof aanndd NDoahvoemmebye ri^n1 97t5h.e CHoem patnoyu reodf htihse wjhuonlieo r ofb roYtohreurb alcaanldl ed Younger Kokewukobere at Abeokuta. See Gbadamosi The Growth of Islam in Yorubaland, 323p. 2. Interview with the jamaca in the big centres of Islam in the area. December, T973, March, 1974 August and November, 1975. See Bibliography. Oral Evidence. 3. This was virtually the ceremony of joining Islam. The new convert was thoroughly bathed, taught the shahäda (the Muslim profession (article) of faith) and £Ee five pillars of Islam. See Arnold: The preaching of Islam, London, 1913. Demombynes, G. Les Institutions Musulmanes, Paris, 1953. The new convert was often "given new or fresh clothes to wear UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 395 success raade the persistent followers of the traditional religion in Oyo and districts, and Yorubaland at large, least comfortable. On several occasions, the devotees of Sango" and the "Oyg-Ogboni1 came down in formal formation to challenge him, his group of assistant preachers, audience and Muslim catechumen. There were no physical conflicts but there were threats and profuse incantations 1. In any event, the Muslims remained steadfast always chanting their shahäda in their usual tune. The vO gbo/ ni and the MogbXa soon gave up the unequal struggle, leaving the Muslim dass undaunted and apparently invigorated. The preacher continued preaching and converting more people from among the followers of the traditional religion. There was also the case of another versatile preacher called Kabasira. He moved all and sundry* 1 and was given a Muslim name (Yoruba: suna from the Arabic word»sunna). Henceforth,she was often guided by a mälam,' compound Imäm or an Alufa. This was really a rebirth or a regeneration of life. 1. kThneo wni ncina nYtoartuiboansl anhder et o arbee mtahgei cYäolr.u ba Tohfeo’ Ywohriubcah bareelieve in the power and efficacy of the 'spoken word'. So, when these are said, they believe that their wish^as contained in the pf^will come to reality. For further details about Yoruba gfo, see Olatunji, 0. The Characteristics of Yoruba'Oral Poetry: Ph.D. jfbadan, 1971., et passim, Trimingham, J. S. Islam in il£st.mA£Sj,.2ä > 7.40 96pp. et. passim UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 3 9 6 in Fiditi by his oratory preachings, miracles, and mass conversions 1 „ His activities in Fiditi so moved the followers of the traditional religion that an appeal was made to the Resident at Oyo. The Resident«who invited him for questioning.>was insulted and he, Kabasira, reportedly disappeared in a miraculous way. As the two preachers, *A lus fa Kokewukobere and s.A l\ufa Kabasira, won over a multitude of people to Islam, they evoked the wrath and passion of the persistent followers of the traditional religion. In Oyo, Av lu\fa Kokewukobere experienced an open confrontation organised by the notable members of the Ogboni cult. Moreover, in Iseyin he was assailea by the oldro^, the members of the Pro cultsas they all saw how he literally depleted their ranks. Furthermore it is clear from the similar experiences of other propagators of Islam such as A ̂lu\fa Kuranga of Iseyin and Arannibanidebe that the open confrontations were not peculiar to both1 2 1. Interview with the Muslim tjamlca, Fiditi, August,? 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evldence. 2. The origin of Iseyin was connected with the deified spirit of ancestor called Pro. Thus the people of Iseyin were usually greeted 1}Ispyin Pro, omo gbedi1', meaning#1 Iseyin of Ord, the child of Ebedi * UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 397 Alvu fa Kokewukobere and VA lufa Kabasira or any single VMuslim community in Oyo and its districts. The conflicts, consequent upon the conversion into Islam of a multitude of the followers of the traditional religion from the traditional ranks, did not necessarily resolve the issue between the two sides. They were followed by more confrontations as the Muslims grew in confidence. In Saki, for example, the Muslims were sorely troubled by the ab\p rxi sa\ fj„ They enjoyed harassing the Muslims-especially their former associates that had been converted - flogging them, Stripping them of their turbans and sometimes even of their dresses, These harassments and confrontations were sometimes tolerated* But sometimes*they were too hard to bear^. Particularly illustrative here was the incidence of the rampage between the Muslims and the aboriga in Saki. On many occasions*the followers of the traditional religion 12 1. Trheel igaiboönr.l s^ Thhee reh ewaedr eo f thteh e voatbaprrii.peas woafs tkhen owtnr adasi tiaobnoarle . 2. Interview with Muslim jamäca in each of the big centras of Islam in Oyo and its districts in December, 1973, March, 1974,'August, November, 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 398 had harassed the Muslims. The pressure was so much that the Muslim Okere of Saki, Oba Ladigbolu Jimoh Monmo, was said to make a firm stand and ordered later that Muslims were no longer to be persecuted 1 . On many occasions?the Muslims had to go to the Okere to lodge Protests abbut their insecurity in the town. The abo\ riV ga\ in Saki went to the extent that the Muslims in the town were hedged in by certain rules. The rules were to be kept by the Muslims even on point of death. The rules were: firstly^ on the occasion of Sango festival, Muslims should not have their lightson in the market places. Secondly, during any traditional festival in the town, Muslims should remove their shoes as a mark of respect for the divinity conceTned and the devotees of that divinity at large. Thirdly, Muslims, on the occasion of any traditional festival, should not meet the devotees of the divinity concerned with their umbrellas on. Fourthly, on traditional festival occasions, Muslims should not peneträte riding bicycles. Lastly, on no account should any Muslim penetrate when the devotees of a divinity congregated celebrating a festival 1. Interview with the Muslim ,̂ amäca Saki, August, 1975» See Bibliography: Oral Evidence.* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY I 399 in honour of their tutelary divinity. The Muslims were said to be making sincere efforts to observe the rules. The Situation became worse when the aboriga connived at the only rule given by the Muslims that when prayers were going on in the mosquejtraditional drumming and singing should stop. The conflict involved here was so serious that it lingered on until it eventually developed into a serious litigation^. It has been pointed out how the conversion of many followers of the traditional religion, especially the notable ones amongst them, generated a considerable threat to the position of the followers of the traditional religion. the But a more dimensional threat to/traditional society lay in the new scale of values which Islam was introducing into the society through its adherents. However, this impact should not be over-emphasised. The changes that ensued from the meeting of cultures5or simply from acculturatiomwere dynamic in nature. Islam and African cultures have a reciprocal influence. As it spread among the people in Oyo and its districts, Islam was conditioned by their 1. Interview with the jamäca ^aki, August, 1975. See the Bibliography: Oral Evidence. The case is pending in Oyo High Court tili today. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 400 outlook and custoras 'l; tut Islam in turn changed these outlook and customs. The adoption of Islam in the area led, in time, to a profound reintegration of the cultural life of the people, What must not be forgotten is that throughout this process Islam, as a religion based on Scripture, that is as a revealed religion, must remain true to type. Many elements were-Ändeed^assimilated.?but the clergy, in some cases, had the to compromise with/irreconcilable practices through force of circumstances awaiting a reformer to mobiiise public opinion against them. The given data of Islam, its dogma and rules, its distinctive apprehension and insight into the totality of existence, cannot theoretically be denatured„ though understanding and practice may modify the direction. The crisis«Islam facedjof losing its true identity was averted by the law books in the hands or memories of the clerics A considerable time-lag elapsed before the Islamic conception of life seeped through; but when it did, the culture evolved into something new, in harmcny with the Islamic ideal, yet 1. Isto ciise tyi n vacroinesse quienn ciet s ouf ndtehriss tafnadcitn gt haatn d epvrearcyt Miuces liomf Islam. Thus we can also talk of Islam of different localities in the world - Islam in Yorubaland, Islam in Nupeland and Islam in Arabia. Here, we mean'Islam as practised in Yorubaland, Nupeland and Arabia. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 401 truly Yoruba. The readjustment of social life to the new ideal, that is, the Oy

I pxo nri/). "The ori's portion or lot". It is usually abbreviated as vI pi/n - "Portion". But sometimes, as a result of the connection between o n/ and 'iS pisn, destiny was loosely designated o n/ , which made vi piyn and or/i synonymous in populär speech of the people. In this connection9they had the saying: Ori/ buru/k u/ ko gbo♦ o* se* - "A bad ori / cannot be rectified with soap (by washing)". What this means strictly is that a bad portion which is already allotted to the ori-cannot be rectified with medicine. Of an unsuccessful person was said, Ori ̂inu/ reV 16/ ba t' \o de je^ - "It is his internal ori that spoils the external one for him", that is, the bad quality of his ori" reflects on his external activities. 1 1, For further details about this belief, see Idowu, E. B. Olddumare, 71ff, 169ff* UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 455 Ori, in its totality, was regarded by the people as an object of worship. There are two reasons for this. First 9 since Tori was rogarded the essence of personality, it must be kept in good condition so that it might be well with the person. Secondly, one must be on good terms with it, so that it might favour one. In Support of the first reason, the people sometimes spoke as if the ori was all that it was necessary to worship. An Odu\ tOs/-,TurgTl , speaks . * in rebuke of Olo/y o\ o/ (. Alaafin) ti o^ f1 ori ̂araa r\e s1 i* l \e ti/ o ̂mbo \i di^ \a doy; su\ gbo/n oriy nii 'gbe tni, Na do/ \* o gbe 'ni; n- \I w\a ti/* s* * xe * gbo / n / *n oni - "After-Life which is the superior of Today (the present)". Whatever was done in the present life, therefore, must be done with the regard to the great future: Nitori Ehin-Iwa l'a se nse oni l'oore - "It is on account of After-Life that we treat Today hospitably (that we make a good use of the present and do not abuse it)". It was held that in After-Life, those who have finished on earth go on living. This belief was prominent UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 460 in the traditional religion of the people before the coming of Islam. On this, Islam made no significant impact. The aged ones among them looked forward with longing or dread in anticipation of what might be awaiting them in the life where they were believed to fare according to their deserts. It was a common occurence to hear the aged saying Mo hre * lê - "I am going Home5' or Ile ti ya - "I am ready for Home" meaning that they are prepared to die and enter into After-Life. When an ageing person was heard talking abstractedly by himself, it was generally believed that he was talking to his associates or relatives who had gone before him . If askedj,he himself would sometimes confirm that. The people said of such aged people that they no longer heard of the things of earth, their discussion being with those on "the other side". In this connection;Islam had little or nothing to contribute 1. In this connection ^he following Yoruba sayings are apposite; Awon„ babau. ni npe mi - ifMy ancestors are invitir.6 me"; Wpn nTTTi^nmaa bo "They say I should come over". Ir.. the belief of the people«the real paradise was the re-union with their deceased kith and kin at the Here-after. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 461 except that it corroborated the conception of a life beyond through the doctrine of judgement which will be discussed soon. Connected with the belief in After-Life were the burial and funeral rites.. They were observed with varying details from place to place. The rites were such as make it plain that the survivors believed strongly that the . v deceased was only making a journey, though a final one, into another life. Immediately a person died, the first rite was to slay a fowl which was called Adie-irana - "The 4 fare-fowl". This was meant to make the road easy and clear for the deceased. When the corpse was laid in state, a yam meal was prepared and a portion of it placed at the 1 1. The following Yoruba saying issappos\te vwith regard atoi etghbee ' p- he"nFoamreen-ofonw lo f isd eantoht: sAodmleet hiinrga nat hakti"i casen boeh unt aken with impunity". This is to say that, for individuals life here on earth is not interminable. Death is a necessary and unavoidable end of man. The following Yoruba saying is also apposite: Aye/ l’ojVa, - . Orun nfle, Ni/' ieX aye/, K\o ^exn i ti/ kyo.n i/ kuS, Aye" loja. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 462 foot of the biert this was food for the deceased. Düring the actual burial, the children and relatives of the deceased gathered round, each of them bringing clothes, fowls or animals. The body was wrapped in all the clothes which were meant for the deceased person's use in the next world. Messages were also sent through the deceased to their own folk who had gone before. The officiant now descended into the grave and performed the rite of slaying a victim, Splitting the kolanuts and placing certain articles, including food and condiments beside the body. The rite was known as Biba oku ya* hun - "Entering into a covenant with the deceased". Several days after the burial, there was another rite known as Fifa eegun oku wo♦1le - "Bringing the spirit of the deceased into the house". By this, it was believed (World is a market, Heaven is home, In the world, No one will avoid the pang of death, World is a market), UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 463 that, the survivors would again be able to have intimate intercourse with the deceased. The rite took place at night when all lights had been put out. As a result of it, a shrine was made in one corner or at the foot of the central wall of the house; this was a specific meeting- place between the deceased and his children. There was also conmunion with the ancestors. It will be recalled that this was a manifestation of an unbroken family relationship between the parent who departed from this earth and the survivors. Death does not write finis with regard to the filial relationship between the deceased ancestors and their children. Rather, the filial intimate relationship was only, as a result of death, translated to the next world. The next question now is, where is it, this After-Life?. The real traditional belief of the people on the matter of After-Life, however, was that there was a definite place, other than this earth, where the deceased used to go. This, they called \Orun, meaning '’Heaven'*, or "paradise", where Olos d uv mar\e and * the OV r\i s\a were believed to have their habitation. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 464 With reference to After-Life, they spoke of two places. The first one was Ibi Rere, Ibl Funfun, Ibi Baba Eni - "Good place", "White place", "Our Father’s place", and the second was Ibi Buburu (Buruku), Ibi Apaadi - "Bad place", "place of postherds" - "This was believed to be a celestial rubbish - heap, like the raidden-heap of every village, where broken pots were thrown; or it may be compared to a kiln where there were charred fragments of pots, hot and dry . The deceased were allocated to either of the two places by the deciding factor of judgement by Olodumare, Oloyrd u\ mar\e was noted for impartial and just judgement 2 . It was their belief that sinners could not evade punishment and that judgement attended every form of sin. They often said of one who suffered devoid of relief, I ̂wVa a re\ 1* o ̂ni 11 2. After the ritual of washing, the corpse should be laid flat on a mat with his or her head oriented towards the 12 1. Baba Adiini means - "Male Patron of deen" or "Male Patron of religion", (Islam). 2. Iya Adiini means - "Female Patron of deen" or "Female Patron of religion, (Islam)". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 466 qibla -j. The corpse, according to tradition, was usually buried inside the house of the deceased or that of the family p. The traditional burial and funeral rites were supplanted by Islamic rituals. The role of the traditional priest was taken over by the Chief Imam and those of his .jamâ a who possessed some knowledge of the QurJan. The practice of slaying a fowl called Adie-Irank - "The fare-fowlM - was discouraged as bordering on sacrifice to the deceased ancestors. It will be recalled that Islam * 1. Qibla is the direction towards Ka'ba when Muslims are praying. 2. The following song is apposite here: Babalawo yio sun'le, A ̂lNu fa yi/o / s\un’ta, I ̂gb\a gbo/ kVo rSi ’bi s'sun. * (A father of the cult will sleep {T > e buriedj in the house, An Alufa will sleep {Te buried.7 outside, A Christian has no where to sleep (be buried). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 467 the discouraged sacrifice to^divinities, spirits and ancestors as incompatible with the principles of Islam. This was replaced by s*adaqa. The practice of offering things such as food, clothes and kolanuts was also discouraged. This was replaced by gifts to the Chief Imam and his jama^a who the came to officiate. And instead of/messages which were usually sent through the deceased to the folk who had gone before, the Chief Imäm and his jama^a adopted the method of praying for the deceased quoting extensively from the relevant portions of the Qur3an. The occasion usually involved giving some warnings to the survivors to be mindful of the Here-after and amend their ways. Remembrance of Prophet Muhammad was also a feature of the prayer. The practice cf entering into covenant relationship with the deceased - "Biba oku ya* hun’Lwas also discouraged. The practice of bringing the spirits of the deceased into the house-’'Fifa eegun oku wo'le’Lhad no place in Islam. It was done by the people for the purpose of worship. This the was regarded by/Muslims as a contradictory practice to their belief in the unity of God. Only Alläh^and He alone^should the be worshipped and not/divinities, spirits or ancestors. The continuous tradition or eternity of the African UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 468 life was snapped, for the possibility of reward and punishment,. of members being consigned to different quarters of purgatory and eventually to heaven or hell, means that families may be separated. In this Connection, everything connected with the belief in the ancestors was discouraged. The cults of Egungun and Pro which were a means of demonstrating, in a concrete way, the belief that those who departed from this earth continue in existence elsewhere and are actively "in touch" with those who are still here was snapped. The Egungun and Pro guilds were regarded as secret societies bordering on idolatory and therefore incompatible with the doctrine of the unity of God. With regard to the venue of After-Life, Islam did not differ too much. The only modification it brought was with regard to terminology. Like the traditionel belieft,/heMuslims believed that there was a definite place other than this earth where the deceased went. The Muslims called it al-janna where Allah and his angels were believed to dwell a life of unending and uninterrupted bliss. 1. MPaanrdaed isAeI JiEsN EY. oruIbn a eAalcüh dacansnea,. the Nuwpoer dA lmiejaensn a "aHnedaven". Note the Yoruba Muslim songs UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 469 Islamic ideals which all people acquired relate to the next life. These were: the examination as to whether one is a Muslim or a follower of the traditional religion, reckoning up of good and bad deeds, Day of Judgement (al-qiyama), and heaven and hell; all of which were basic in the early teachings of Prophet Muhammad. With reference to After-Life, the Muslims also spoke of two places. The first one was Alu.janna, a term which replaced the Yoruba Ibi rere, Ibi Funfun, Ibi Baba Sni - "Good Place","White Place", "Our Father's Place"; and the Yoruba Ibi Buburu (Burukü); Ibi Apaadi - "Bad place", "place of postherds", were replaced by the term Ibi Ina - "Hell of Fire". In this Connection Idowu says: "It seems that the motion of Ibi Ina'- "Hell of Fire" is not originally Yoruba and has been introduced by Islam and Christianity".1 bpopo Moka mo roro, Alujanna ni ilee wa. (Streets of Mecca, very clean Al-.ianna is our home). oInb setrhvias nccea seo,f MIesclcaam,i c thpei llsapri rictaulalle d rPailllgyriinmga gpeo,i nti s folri ketnhee d to al-janna, the Mecca of heaven. ..Cf the Jerusalem of earth and that of heaven in Christianity. Here, both the ije physical and/spiritual sides of Islam and Christianity are in mind. 1. Idowu, E. B. Olodumare, 197p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY A70 This view should not be over-emphasised here. Before the coming of either Islam or Christianity, the Yoruba had the notion of destruction with regard to fire. And it was likely that the Muslims used the medium to introduce Bad Place, Ibi Ina - "Hell of Fire". The Yoruba also had the notion of destruction in hell. However, with regard to the two places, the Yoruba and the Muslims differed only in terminologies and not in the nature of the two. The Yoruba Ibi Rere - "Good Place" or the Muslim Al-janna - "Paradise" or "Good Heaven" was regarded a place with eternal bliss prepared for those whose work on earth was good. And the Yoruba Ibi \A paäd\i - "Bad Place" or the Muslim Ibi Inef - "Hell of Fire" was regarded by the Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion as a place where the wicked people would gnash their teeth, wail and travail eternally like a woman suffering from the pang of childbirth. Each of the two abodes was regarded a celestial rubbish heap, like the midden-heap of every village, where broken pots and other odds and ends were thrown. Concerning the question of judgement and the judge, there were points of similarity. In the beliefs of the traditional people and the Muslims, the deceased were UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 471 allocated to either of the two places by the deciding factor of judgement by Olo/d uV mare\ or All„ah. To the traditional people and the Muslims, God was an impartial Judge. It was the conviction of the Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion that sinners would not go unpunished and that judgement attended every form of sin. Yoruba sayings on those who suffered without relief had been discussed earlier in this section . On the same issue the Muslims had the foliowing sayings; Aalä ma mu wa - "May Alla— h not afflict us"; / Aa/Qwq l a\ loS t\q ef - "He is being afflicted by Allah1", E 6 jewo ese bo ba d! valaarira "You would confess your sins in the Hereafter". The judgement feared most by the votaries of the two religions was the one which was believed to await every person first at the end of life on earth, involving the agony of dying, and then in After-Life when the final verdict of Olodumare or Allah would be pronounced and executed. The Muslims used these to exhort the recently converted Muslims among them. They would quote frightful examples of persons whose ends on earth were tragic in consequence of their bad character. Some of them had appeared to evade the consequences 1. See above, 464-5pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 472 of their actions^ but as the end of their lives drew near they had been visited by certain adversities like wretcheö blindness or losses of favourite children, and had ended finally with miserable deaths 1 and unceremonial burials- There were some of them who had been stung by so much remorse and appalied by the anticipation of what might be awaiting them in the Hereafter that, during their death» throes, they had voluntarily made detailed confessions of their past wickedness 2 . Such were the exhortations and warnings used by the Muslim preachers on the occasions of Friday prayer, c id prayers and open-air lectures. The 12 1. Note the Yoruba saying; Q ku (ku esin - "He died am ignominous death". 2. The witches were noted for such confessional Statements. In this connection;the following Yoruba saying is apposite; A,je naa ka - "The witch made confessional statements". This, in short, is an earthly realisation of the consequence of sin. It also serves as a prefiguration of what would happen to the witch in the Hereafter. Moreover, it is pertinent to notg the following Yoruba saying.. Mb da tjü pe o, ile aye yii ni käluku ti maa gbere Ngse • "XKnow for sure^ that it is in this world, that every- body will reap the consequence of sin)". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 473 Qur^än and Traditions were always used to corroborate the exhortations. In this connectionjlslam reaped a fine reward. Apart from these regulär elements of Islamic eschatology, a further belief concerning the presages of the Day of Judgement or the Last Day, al-qiyäma, surrounding the name Mahdi remains to be mentioned. This belief, by throwing up men who claimed to be the Mahdi, has left its mark on the plane of Islamic history. In the revolutionary milieu of the nineteenth Century, characterised by the formation of Islamic theocratic States, devastating wars, and penetration of Western powers and Christian missionaries, conditions became favourable for such manifestations, but they were limited in scope and effect and did not win the masses. For the last forty years^active manifestations have been almost absent 2*, and though.the Mahdi has not 1. The phenomenon of Mahdi expectation did not constitute a feature of Islam in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century. It might be a feature, though unpopulär, of Islam in the area in the mid-twentieth Century onward when the Ahmadiyya Mission of Nigeria and the Ahmadiyya Movement of Nigeria gained access into the ärea. Concerning the present day Mahdi expectations in the African setting, see Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 229p.; Hodgkin, T. "Mahdisrn, Messianism and Marxlsm in the African Setting", in the University of Ibadan, Library, 1970, (unpublished manuscript). 2. Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 62p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 474 died out it is not an important phenomenon in Islam as practised in Oyo and its districts and West Africa at large. It does not even seem that those who became members of the Ahmadiyya Movement of Nigeria (the present Anwäru'l-Islüm Movement) in Oyo and its districts in the twentienth Century took seriously the belief in Mirza Ghuläm Ahmad al-Qadiäni (d. 1908)^ as the 'Messiah-Mahdi'. This does not mean that the members in this area of Islamic world did not believe in this article of faith 4, but that there was no over-zealousness about it in the area in the nineteenth Century. 6.3 Islam and the political set-up. A remarkable feature of the history of the Muslim community in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century was its relationship withth^epolitical authorities. An important 21*4 1. Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 62p. 2. NOineg eroifa thien pOyroe seins t Amlheamjbie rsA niomfa stahheu nA!h mad(iIynytae rMvoiveewm ve/nitt hof him and other*members of the sect in December 1973» November, 1975. See Bibliography: Oral Evidence). 3- See Gibb, H-.A.R. Mohammedanism, 127p. 4. Guillaume, A. Islam, 127p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 475 consideration in this regard was the attitude to the Muslim community in Oyo and its districts to those of their f e l l o v / M u s l i m s who took up political Offices. The community neither forbade nor encouraged any Muslims to take up such titles within the society, Such Muslims as did become pbas or chiefs in the area did so with little or no reference to the Muslim communityi'. To such Muslim title-holders, the attitude of the community was generally ambivalent or syncretistic. Gn the one hand, the community tended to frown at such Muslim title-holders who inevitably performed the traditional acts of their Offices 2. On the other hand, the Muslim community still approved of whatever Support such Muslira titled-men rendered to Islam 3: support against persecutors 123 1. This point formed part of the reasons why the Muslims were not able to establish an Islamic State de facto in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century7 ' And even today in the arearit is‘traditionel State' rather than'pure Islamic State'. 2. Muslim title holders should come to the palace during the celebration of the festivals in honour of the traditional gods and ancestors. Moreover, during the traditionel coronation of pbas and chiefSjthey were expected to be present and"perform their traditional roles. 3. See above, chapter 2, l46~8pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 476 support in cash or in kind for the building or rebuilding of mosques. Moreover, it will be recalled that in the nineteenth Century, especially during the era of Islamic consolidation (1860-1895),the Muslim community in each of the towns in the area started the practice of praying for the oba, regardless of his original traditional religion 1. and the town in general in the palace of the ruling pba every Friday shortly before the ,jumaca prayer 2. In spite of their support of Islamjand possibly because of the tepid nature of their faith, Muslims holding traditional titles within the traditional society or the so-called "pagan'1 society were hardly ever made officers of the Muslim community. The Muslims recognised and were loyal to the traditional political authorities regardless of their 12 1. Oyo; a case study - Despite the fact that the Alääfin, by virtue of his position in the town, was a traditiona figure, he should not fail to welcome his Muslim subjec each Friday they came to the palace to pray for him. Thus religions constituted some sort of deterence to despotism or tyranny in the traditional politics. 2. See above, chapter 2, 149-150pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY c+ H 477 faith. The attitude is permitted by the Shari"~a 1 as long as such authorities did not proscribe or threaten the practice of Islam. Besides, the general growth of the Muslim community was accompanied also by the growth of its political influence. As a result, it was neither prudent nor possible for the nascent Muslim community to disregard the traditional political set-up. With the political authorities, the Muslim community in Oyo and its districts fostered some relationship on the platform of loyalty to and mutual rrcognition of the traditional political set-up. The most obvious relationship was in connection with the ileyä fes ival. mhe practice became so established in most towns in the area that the political head usually provided the sacrificial animal for the use of the Muslim community at this festival 2. Precisely, how this festival came to be* 2 1 See Gbadamosi, G. 0. The growth of Islam in Yorubaland, 332p. In this connection7 the Ögböni cult’(the cöuncil of elders or a political body appointed to rule the town) was an exception. 2. TIhis was also the case on t/hen this connection?the felttirvaadlist ioinna lh onfoeusrt ivoaf l thoep..c:aQsri^soan^s .such as §ango and Ögun and those in honour of the aricestraT^spirits such as *Egungun1 and Orb can be mentioned. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 478 established may be difficult to determine whether it was originally a paternalistic gesture by the political head, or a symbol of the social recognition of the Muslim community and their religion. Once the practice became entrenched, and customary, it tended to consolidate further the connection between the Muslim community and the rest of the society. The Muslim community in each of the big towns in the area also established the custom of making a courtesy call on the political head during this Important festival. The call took place on a fixed day when the Muslim were formally reoeived at the court. They prayed for the oba, the chiefs, the welfare of the town and exchanged gifts with the political head. The practice had been introduced and developed by the Muslim community over the years. The result today is that in some towns like Oyo, Iseyin, Ikoyi and Saki it has become an established tradition called "Gbagede - oba". On the appointed day, the Alaafin would sit outside his court in full regalia flanked by his eminent court and town officials^ such as the Kud^fu, the Agunpopo, 1 1. Adeyemi, Lamidi Qlayiwola. Oyo Chieftaincy Institution and Modernism, 15p. See also Balogun, 1 !food, tabus, special tutelary divinities to be worshipped and was characterised as all the living descendants of the founder; its members had its land in common. When Islam came, the the Muslims gave new Orientation to the basis of/traditional social structure of the converts. For the Muslim converts, the the lineage was no more the basis of/traditional structure, but the Umma. Every Muslim was expected to pay allegiance to the Umma - the community of Muslims-and no more to the lineage in order to secure the unity which Islam was out to forge among the Muslims irrespective of colour, race or place of origin. The traditional tabus were replaced by the Sharica and the worship of tutelary divinities was replaced by the worship of one God, Allah. The Muslim converts were also discouraged from observing the traditional festivals UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY in honour of the tutelary divinities. Those who joined in the celebration of such festivals were regahded as lax-Muslims and were called kafirs and munafiqs. 6.42 Marriage and divorce, The people of Oyo and its districts considered it a sin to humanity if one should fail to procreate. Thus marriag was accorded great importance in their social set-up. Polygyny -i formed a conspicuous feature of the Institution of marriage in Oyo and its districts. In the area, and Yorubaland at large, the Institution of marriage was a product of the economic, and socio-political circumstances of the indigenous society. Essentially an agrarian society-,there was plenty of land for everybody. Standard of living was more uniform than it is now; there was no social or economic reason to make birth control a 1. While polygyny was a prominent feature of the institution of marriage in the area, it is worthwhile to note that this was, at the same time., restricted by factors such as wealth and physical build. Islam stressed a husband’s duty to support his wife and his tendency to free women from agricultural work„ Consequently. where it had had this effect, polygyny vas largely a luxury, depending on wealth and prestige. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 492 rational proposition. With a very high infantile mortality, there was need for a multitude of wives, to ensure a large number of children, who.in turn;would ensure adequate productivity by the family. On reaching manhood, a child would have his own farm and slaves and thus increase the economic potentiality of the family. Socially, parents were very keen on having a large number of children so that at deathjexpensive and elaborate obsequies, lasting many days, weeks or months might be observed, a custom to which a good deal of importance was attached, as it meant that parents buried in such a manner would occupy a high Position in the world beyond. Moreover, the number of wives a man had corresponded with his social Status and no man, however, wealthy, would be regarded as a social and political figure if he did not add wife to wife. In short, the number of wives one had was a fairly accurate index of wealth and Prestige. This was why it was the obas, baales and chiefs who usually possessed the largest number of wives, some being reported as having over four hundred . Among the people, 1. In this Connection, the following Yoruba saying is apposite; Gbogbo obinrin ni ly^wo” Qba - ''All women are king's wives”. Öba 1oko gbogbo a y d - "The king, the husband of all”. Women /and of all colours, snape / heights are usually found in the court of a Yoruba kingT UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 493 polygyny was regarded a way of being fair co women by providing husbands for all wbir.en» The idea of an unmarried woman which now exists among the Christian elite was nil in the traditional society. There is some truth in the following syllogism by a leading member of the African Church: "The celibate is selfish and lives for himself. The monogamist is better, he serves the other although to the exclusion of all.others. The polygamist (polygynist) is the best, because he lives a life of sacrifice for providing homes for others, more or less comfort, they say, for himself".2 Customary tabus also tended to iustify polygyny. ... Possibly9the stro3 gest case for polygyny was the fact that it guaranteed an incredioly high moral tone in the traditional sociecy. As a general rule,sexual misconduct was almost nil in the traditional society. The rarity of sexual irregulär!"y was net due only to the fear of punishment, in many cases death, by the society for offenders, or the permanent disgrace attached to sexual 12 1. The word in parenthesis is mine. 2. Ajala, Ayo, "African ccamuniom Its aim and objects", The African Church Chronicle. April - June, 1936. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 494 lapses, but the satisfaction of the sexual urge derived from multitude of wives. It may be observed here thatjin the traditional society children were not weaned until after two or three years, and throughout that period, physical coition with the wife was, by custom, forbidden. Moreover, sexual copulation was often forbidden during pregnancy. Customs sought to avoid adultery and Prostitution by providing legitimate alternatives. In such circumstances, plurality of wives was the only way out. The high and enviable sexual morality that prevailed in the traditional society was ups-et by Western civilisation and its conception of monogamy. But with regard to this institution, Islam was very careful to study the reasons behind the institution and the Muslims adapted themselves to the Situation accordingly. Thus polygyny A remained a feature of both the traditional religion and Islam in Oyo and its districts. With the adaptation of Islam to the age-long institution, Islam reaped a fine reward and spread in the area in an inverse 1. Though Islam allows polygyny, but it limits the number of free women taken as wives at any one time to four and that each of them must be treated with utmost equity. Each should be given sufficient food andjif possiblejprovided with separate quarters. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY ^95 ratio to Christ, ianity i. in this milieu, the Christian missionaries enviously regarded the Muslims as worse than '̂pagans'* (followers of the traditional religion) „ They also believed that the success achieved so far among the followers of the traditional religion was due to"the low moral Standard \ (with specific reference to polygamy) which it tolerated . However, at the same time, some among the Christian missionaries such as J. F. Schon, T. J. Bowen and Canon Isaac Taylor and a secular writer called E. D. Morel were prepared to admit the potency of Islam - especially its commendable adaptation to African life. x The advantage which Islam had over Christianity on the issue of polygyny can further be seen in the fact that up tili today3the Institution continues to pose problem fotrh/eChristians because the institution exists as an invincible part of Yoruba culture. Concerning the regulations relating to marriage in Yorubaland at large, it is important to bear in mind that they vary considerably among different localities according 1. Webster, J. B. The African Churches among the Yoruba, VW'--- ----------- --------------- -- 2. Webster, J. B. The African Churches among the Yoruba, yw: 3. Ibid-, 99p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 496 to the tenacity of custom and the strength of Islamic culture towards change. In some casesja modus vivendi is arrived at. In Oyo and its districts, the practice before Islam was that marriage was patrilocal. The girl was offered for sale and the parents dominated the affair. Little or no opportun!ty was given to the girl concerned. In fact, marriage by then was more or less a commercial transaction. With the introduction of Islam, there was a significant transformation. The girl's consent was required before the conclusion of the marriage contract. However, there was still the matrimonial restraint (,jabr) with the utmost rigour. This right in Islam belongs to the father, or in default of him, his eldest, or testamentary guardian. Custom may modify these regulations; thus among the people of Oyo and its districts after the death of the fatherjhis brother, not his eldest son, had the right of jabr. According to Islamic law the future of the divorcee or widow is in her own hands -1, but in the area this might be decided by the family of her deceased husband. The main disparity betweenth/elocal custom of the people and Islamic law is found in the categories of permitted and 1. Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 164p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 497 forbidden. People who embraced Islam long ago like the Kanuri in the North, observe strictly the Islamic categories of forbidden persons and even kafäsa (marriage equality) regulations , but difficulties arise with infant Muslim Community such as the one in Qyo and its districts over questions of affinity. In the area, they considered first cousin marriage to be incestuous, for cousins were regarded as brothers and sisters, but Islam encouraged marriage with both cross and parallel cousins 2. This practice did not gain'ground among the people but was widespread among the old Muslim Community of the North . Islam thus affected rules on exogamous marriage by its preference for in-marriage which did not gain ground among the Muslims in Oyo and its districts. Muslims everywhere in the area married women fromt/hteraditional quarters for the intention was that they should become Muslims. But it was considered forbidden for a Muslim woman to marry a non-Muslim. Such a step was 132 1. Trimingham, J. S. Islam in Ŵ .st (ff^icaT 164p. 2. ^All ibn Abi Talib, the fourth^Caliph and the cousin of Prophet Muhammad, married Fatima, the daughter of the latter. 3. Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 165p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 498 considered no less than apostasy and anybody who attempted this was called a käfir. Concerning marriage contract, the local marriage in the area was chiefly an arrangement between two families and not between two individuals. It was characterised by the payment of a bride-price (Yorubas owo-jyawo, owo o n ; as guarantee of stability and compensation to the wife’s family for the missing of one of its members. When Islam came, the practice was different. The practice introduced by Islam involved two individuals, whilst the purpose of marriage money (Yoruba: owo-iyawo) assumed a different significance. In this connection, Trimingham says, *s»adäq is analogous to sale-price’ *. and the conditions are similar to those attached to sale, for when a woman marries she sells part of her person. The form is the same as any other contract, with offer and acceptance, before witnesses. %Sadäq is legally the property of the wife and there would appear to be grounds for conflict here since its adoption to the exclusion of custom would undermine the social significance of marriage money. However, in Oyo and its districts, the difficulty had been circumvented. The s4tadäq 1. Trimingham, Islam in West Africa, 165. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 499 was introduced into the local bride price System of payment by the bride groem to the bride's relations. Two aspects were significant; removal of the woman to another family and a payment to her for the loss of her virginity. It was not made incumbent ont/hfeuture husband to pay all the bride price at once but the amount must be announced and a minimum sum (in addition to the legal s*adäq) paid; the remainder could be paid at intervals or only at the dissolution of the marriage. There was also the practice of paying a dowry. This was, as a rule, remitted by the future husband to his future wife. Here is the general pattem in the area. When a man wished to contract a consort marriage, he transferred animals, goods, and money (Yoruba: 'idana) to the bride's family. At intervals, he helped such family on farm plots. The bride price involved was usualiy handed over in two parts: the first*when the contract was definiteiy concluded. This was called ikobi. It usualiy went to the mother and the rest. Shortly before the marriage dav, the next item was usualiy paid tc the father and this was known as lsanlelon, This could be paid when the htisband took the possession of the wife. Apart from the bride price, the husband should provide UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 500 his wife with a dowry (Yoruba: ibowo" or idokan) the main portion of which should be sent during the day preceding the consummation; and the rest (articles, of various types, of the wife - e«•ru iyawo; during the following week. The dowry was the wife’s personal property. If she obtained a divorce^the 'bride price' must be returned*, but she retained the dowry. When the husband repudiated his wife^the bride price was generally retained or generally acquired by the wife’s family. ,, So far about the general pattern of the local system of marriage in Oyo and its districts before the advent of Islam. Now, let us examine the Islamic mode of marriage as introduced to the people. At the people’s Islamic marriage (\soyigi),there were three chief features: the traditional bride wealth remitted to the bride*s family (called owo-iyawo or owo'-oriT" - ’betrothal money*); the essential Islamic payment, ̂N from which Muslim marriage derived its name, divorce being termed Si tu^ ySi gNi - *untying or loosening the y\i g\i contract'; and finally, s*adäq, dowry given by husband to wife. A common feature of marriage in the Muslim world is what is known as secondary marriages. First among these is slave-wives. According to Islamic law«a free woman may not UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 501 be taken as a concubine, nor may an owner marry his own slave . Strictly speaking, this law was not adopted by most of the Muslims in Cyo and its districts. They took • * both free women and slaves as wives provided they satisfied their sexual urge as well as their preferential scale of beauty. They were also indiscriminate concerning concubinage. Adherence to such a law could be traced 'to the old community of Muslims in the long-islamised North and not to an infant community of Muslims like the one in Oyo and its districts. With regard to widow inheritance, many people in Yorubaland do not regard marriage as being dissolved by death. Consequently. conflict may arise between local custom and Islamic law when the future of the widow comes to be decided. Islam rules that widows are free to marry whom they please: but local custom may rule that, at marriage the wife has broken with her own family and joined that of her husband, the bride-price being the compensation for her loss to that family. When her husband dies, she continues to belong to his group and return to her family would involve restitution of the bride-price. The brother of the deceased is responsible 1. Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 168p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 502 for her protection and has the duty of raising up children to him, therefore he does not need to marry her. When Islam gained influx into Oyo and its districts, the normal Islamic law was preached but turned down by the local custom of the people so that local System of widow inheritance was adopted by the Muslims in Oyo and its • u districts. Though Islamic pressure was against the custom, but many in the area practised it. They accepted the widow into the brother’s household. This was considered a legal custom, but as a matter of fact, it is illegal according to Islamic law since it involved no fresh contract and no sadäq. Inheritance followed customary rules and no fr complications emerged on the score. The common practice in the Muslim world is that a cleric who already has four wives will waive his Claim to the widow in favour of another brother, or he may divorce one of his wives and have a contract ceremony performed with a token sadäq. This was rare among the Muslims of Oyo and its districts since it was their custom that marriage ceremony can never be repeated. Marriage by gift is found among the Kanuri and Hausa who have introduced it among the Yoruba . A man 1. Trimingham, Islam in West Africa, 170p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 503 wishing to honour a cleric or seek an alliance with an influential person or even get rid of an unmarriageable daughter, Orders his daughter to be prepared and then announces before witnesses the name of the man to whom she is gifted or simply names him Muhammad whatever his real name. Then he sends her over to the man as a form of alms (s adaqa) together with s*adäq. Since it is the * bridegroom who should pay the s# adäq, this form of marriage- is not correct unless he turns it over to his unexpected bride as her dowry. This type of marriage did not win general acceptance among the Muslims of Oyo and its districts, but was adopted by some rieh people among them. The people of Oyo and its districts were converted to Islam within the last hundred years and therefore were little influenced by Islamic marriage regulations. The oba, chiefs and the wealthy, farmers and traders amongst them did not obsqrve the maximum of four wives. Custom and position wholly regulated their marriages, even the Islamic ceremony of offer and acceptance being often omitted, and their legality depended upon the correctness of customary observances. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 504 We shall now examine the impact of Islam on the local marriage ceremonies among the people of Oyo and its districts. In this connection, it is important to bear in mind that there was a fusion of both the traditional and the Islamic ceremonies in the area. The Islamic ceremony could be performed before the custom rites would commence, or vice versa, The ceremonies were celebrated to mark the transference of the bride to the bridegroom's residence. Islamic elements in the rites were: the henna ceremony (Yoruba: laali lile; Arabic: hinna ) bathing of the bride, (Vi \w e \i yya woy) , her veiling, and the waUL__ma (called —wö-l-i-mor by the people of O*.y o» and its districts) feast after which she was taken to the bridegroom's house. They are only mentioned as Islamic elements only because they are traditional in the Islamic circles in most lands. In actual fact, they are not necessarily introduced by Islam: henna usage, for example, reached the Sudan long before Islam. 2 The festivities usually lasted seven days for a Virgin and from one to three for a widow or divorcee. Düring 12 1. Trimingham, Islam in West Africa, 172p. 2. Ibid, 172p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 505 the period, women were usually trilling, drumming, singing and dancing. Then the bride was veiled. The following day, the contract ceremony was performed, at which the vA lVufa announced the terms in the correct Islamic form and led the recitation of the Fätih»a, for which he received a fee (called owoo-faatiha). That night, the practice was also that old women should conduct the bride secretly to the house of the bridegroom (called ile oko iyawo). On such occasionjthe bridegroom was expected to stay off the house for some time until the wife would have settled down. This custom was presumably a means of avoiding dangerous attendant on a transition period. Today, it remains very important especially in the outlying districts. Neither the bridegroom nor the wife should be left alone and the Alufa was employed to supply protective ’medicine'. In Yoruba traditional religion, as well as Islam, pre-marital sexual copulation is considered forbidden. Both Yoruba traditional religion and Islam stress virginity. In Oyo and its districts, these marriage customs were observed only when a woman married for the first time. Special ceremonial was also a feature of the bridegroom's first marriage. If the bride was a widow or divorcee the ceremonies UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 506 were usually simplified, involving little more than contract ceremony and the legal walima in the bride's house. Conqerning the Institution of marriage in Yorubaland at large, one can, on the platform of the submissions so far, conclude that the attitude of the Yoruba Muslim in O* yo» and its districts in the nineteenth Century was not markedly different from that of the illiterate non-Muslim Yoruba. Moreover, the customs governing reciprocal behaviour of both sides of the nuptial relationship, together with members of their kith and kin during and after courtship, were the same for the Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion. One chief disparity was the Substitution of the Muslimp/rfioers t the Ifax (vO , b r.unm xivla) priest for the purpose of ascertaining whether a match was desirable for a girl or not prior to her parents* agreement or disagreemnt. The priest was also brought in to witness and bless the marriage compact. Concerning the impact of Islam on the traditional System of dissolution of marriage, the following points will 1. This is called •fcaläq in Arabic. Technically«it means the repudiation of wife by the husband. However, in Qyo and its districts the repudiation of wife by the husbanci was not common. The common practice was the initiation of divorce by the wife as a result of lack of care^ ill- treatment, polygyny, impotency and childlessness. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 507 help our understanding. Before the coming of Islam, the indigenous people had no ceremony about dissolution of marriage. When a wife was caught in a sexual lapse or any other form of moral laxity, the husband referred the case to the family head, compound head or the high chief. The case wasa^t.times referred to the ruling oba who usually designated his 'aremo (heir-presumptive) to preside over *> the case. When the husband had made up his mind to divorce the erring wife, any of the arbiters present did not usually force the husband contrary to his decision., Though he could be admonished to reconsider the case. Where appeals failed to effect reconciliation, the wife was bound to go out of the man's house immediately with mere words of mouth; "I divorce you". When Islam came, it introduced a measure which helped to safeguard the position and the interest of women and prevent arbitrary expulsion of wives .from their conjugal homes. In this respect, the former role of the family head, compound head or high chief was supplanted by the Imam and the jamäca. With the introduction of Islam, it became difficult for the husband to eject the erring wife anyhow at and^any time and especially by the mere utterance, "I divorce UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 508 you" In Oyo and its districts, before an erring Muslim wife could be finally condemned and ejected from her matrimonial home, she must undergo a period known as * idda during which reconciliation might be effected through the arbitration of the Imam and the ,jamäca. The period of ^idda usually lasted three menstrual months. During this period, she must not be denied of normal care. It was a period earmarked to reform the wife in anticipation of possible forgiveness on the part of the husband. But where reconciliatio could not be effected during the period, the wife must go out of the conjugal home. It is important to bear in mind that in Qyo and its districts, the System helped, in a large measure, to preserve many matrimonial ties that mighty have been shattered as a result of one form of offence or the other. This system was later adversely affected by the policy of "indirect rule**, the adoption of native law and custom by the British, and the establishment of native courts in the colonial period 2 . Today, in the 21 1. For more details about r~idda, see Levy, R. The Social Structure of Islam, Cambridge 1969, 106, 117-8, 122, 191» 335pp. et passim. 2. See above, chapter 4, 273-31 4pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY • 509 area, divorce System among the Muslims has been badly affected by the court - system of divorce. This must be so because the Muslims were not successful in their attempt into to turn the area [_ an Islamic theocratic State. In short, the Muslims in Oyo and its districts were not able to establish an “Imperium in Imperio1’ . 6.43 Naming and circumcision. The Muslims were able to influence the traditional System of naming and circumcision. Events such as name- giving, initiation at puberty, marriage and death were not merely stages in the life of an individual, but were regarded by the people as affecting the pattern of social life, causing the community to take special precautions in the form of traditional rites in order to safeguard its equilibrum. Though Islam was slow to influence the structure and functions of family and kinship relationships, it gave the events a decisive imprint, and its practices relating to them were essential of what the people called “*önaa ti imole1 »'the Muslim way of life', as distinguished from önaa ti ilee wa, 'the traditional way of life'. The UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 510 biending of Islamic usage with local practice produced the usual parallelism. Before the coming of Islam, it was customary for the mother of a new baby to remain indoors until the day of name-giving. Düring this period, she must observe all the tabus connected with the lineage of her husband. If she was married to a husband who hailed from >Ö k\o lineage, she was not expected to eat the bird called ega. Thus the Yoruba saying: vÖ kov won vo gbodov jeran \e gva "Öv k'o must not eat o t , + . the meat of e\ gNa, ”. She could be forbidden to eat food with salt. She could be taking lizard or only vegetables depending on the type of tabus connected with such a lineage. Düring the period between the day of birth and that of name-giving, the baby should be studied if it had any celestial name such as Dada, - "Baby with tuft on his head when born"; Aina - "Baby girl with its umbilical cord coiled round its neck when born”; 0jo - "Baby boy born with its umbilical cord round its neck”; Ige - "Baby who left the mothers1 womb with legs first", Kehinde and Taye - "twin- babies". Every Yoruba name has a character and a significance of its own. No child is given a name without a cause; and UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 511 that cause is not the bare inevitable one that a child must be born before it can receive a name 1. Everyone of the names is almost invariably a sentence, or a clause, on an abbreviation of a sentence, which can be broken into component parts. Besides, the name must teil some clean story, whether it be of the circumstances surrounding the baby’s birth, the state of the parents' or family affairs when it is born, or a remarkable event in the town or the general world into which it is born 2. These common features of Yoruba name — giving ceremony were in vogue in Oyo and its districts before the coming of Islam. The official was always the head of the family usually the grandfather, and in the absence of this, the father of the husband of the wife who was delivered of a baby. It was either of these two who should determine what name or names should be given to the baby.1 2 1. ITnh ist hinsa mec onisn,e ctiino nf,u lln,o teE nltthfe -bf-owla^-otwoi-nagy en-amwebs ;- T(fHaei wwoh.o came to taste the worldt{; ÖlüseyYI '"This name is^in full, Olüwa-se-eyi. - "Godvdia" this'*; Adegoke. The name, in full, is Ade-gun-oke - "Crown ascended the topn. 2. In this connection, note the follpwing names: Abiodun, the full form of which is A-bi-si-odun - "That which was, born on the occasion of the periodical festival; Adelaja - the full form of which is Ade-la-ija - "Ade that settled a dispute". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 512 The day of name-giving varied according to the type of baby born. For male baby, the naming ceremony usually came up on the ninth day, for female baby it was on the seventh day and for twins it was usually held on the eighth day. In some cases, babics were named on the sixth day . On such occasions, materials such as cooked rat, alligator pepper, salt, water, sugar-cane, bitter kola, kolanuts, honey were used to conduct prayer for the baby. Each of them was significant for the life of the baby. They signified things such as longevity, happiness, defeat of enemies andjin short» signified peace and success during the baby's span of life. Apart from the normal or celestial name as the case may be, the child also received a special name called ori/k Vi which could be used to appease him whenever he was 1. The baby who r^cveived its names on the sixth day was known as IFA LQMQ - "The child is a gift". This happened when the baby was believed to be given by a tutelary divinity.v In^this Connections divinities such as Orisa-nla (the Yoruba ajrch-x divinity), Ösun (a riverine divinity) and Orisa-oko (fertility divinity) can be mentioned. iär UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 513 pffended and was weeping -|. After that day» the curfew to which the mother had been subjected to since automatically ceased. 1. In Yorubaland, oriki together with orlle (praise name of a lineage) are usually used as lullaby to send a restless child to sleep. A.iike, okoQ mi, oloö mi, Ara Ila a.jo', Ara inu odi, Qmo Vo sejNo gbo d\a gb\a, Qmp iyalode wele, Qmo agunbi ade", Qmo Qba pinpin Ion esin, Omp XI g-pV laX, Alaya lo ie gbe ’le nla, B ! 66 laya, Koro ni i le omo otjo 1q , Qmo orofo a mo lese b i' ororo, QmQ orofo a mo - lese bi iyawo'» (Ajike, my husband, my lord, Child who hails from VI la/, Child who hails from a walled City, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 514 The customs of circumcision and excision were anterior to the introduction of Islam into Oyo and its districts. Both were practised by the majority of people in the area. These were usually done at the early child-hood>but where performed at puberty5they formed part of the rites of Initiation whose purpose was to bring to birth the complete social individual. With regard to the influence of Islam on local customs of name - giving and circumcision in Oyo and its districts, the following points are important. When Islam came>it combined both the local and the Islamic Systems of name-giving and circumcision. The practice of Child of woman of note, Child who is as regulär as crown, King's child who is well arrayed on a horse, Child of Isola, It is a brave person that can reside in a big house, If you are not brave, 1t. is the eery sound that usually sends away the child of a coward, Child of a decent bird called o ̂ro/ fo/ whose feet are very clean, Child of a decent bird called orofo, whose feet are as clean as those of & bride). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 515 mother keeping indoors -1, until the day of name-giving approached, lingered on but the practice of observing certain local tabus was discontinued. The fact that Yoruba name was significant and illustrative of certain circumstances in the lives of the baby and its parents continued. Thus in addition to Islamic (sunna) names, the baby was given its true name, celestial or secular, and the special name (oriki) was not left out as being unlslamic. However, the role of the grandfather or the father of the husband of the mother in the exercise was taken over by the Chief Imäm and his tjamäca. The chief officiant was the Imäm who, together with the symbolic food items mentioned above, used the Qur’an and the Hadith for the exercise. The Chief Imäm or the Muslim r 1. This was probably adopted to protect the life of the dcahyi.l d Tsho e tYhoartu biat mdio ghntot n outs uadliel y belfioker e a thSei tnuaamtei-ogn iviinng * which a baby dies before it takes name. In this connegtion the followin^ Yoruba saylng is apposite: Al^inikanan^e Qmq tii ku nf ojpo sunä - "A useless baby that usually dies on the name-giving day". UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 516 officer concerned started the work of bringing up the baby in the Muslim way by reciting the Islamic Article of Faith (shahäda - "The confession of Faith") into his ears. In the traditional practice, gifts given to the baby were usually kept by the mother until it grew old. When Islam came} such gifts were usually taken awav as a form of remuneration for the work done by the Chief Imam and his officiating jamaca. This was permitted by the Muslims since their officers were not usually paid officials. They relied on gifts from the jemäca on festival and other jocund occasions. Furthernore, Islam made impact on the day of the ceremony. Instead of the varying days according to the type of baby in the local practice, Islam introduced the system of giving a baby name on the eighth day. The eighth day was the great festival when the baby. regardless of it sex or type, was named. It was believed that it was commendable custorn to give the child a name, shave the hair off its head , give alms to the poor (sadaqa), and 1. Despite Islamic prescriptionr the Yoruba Muslims in Oyo and its districts were constrained to exercise some restraint. They usually waited to examine if a new baby would turn out to be Dada (A baby with tuft or tufts on his head when born). In Yorubaland* the hair of such a baby is shaved only after the necessary sacrifice has been offered. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 517 offer an animals as a sacrifice. In the case of circumcision and excision, it will be recalled that the customs antedated the introduction of Islam to Oyo and its districts. Islam sought to destroy the traditional religious associations with which the rite was closely bound up. These rites were never supernaturalised in Islam "|. They were not mentioned in the Qur-^än and jurists regarded the Hadith material as very weak^. The Risala of Ibn All Zaid, followed by the people in the area and West Africa at large, says that circumcision is obligatory (wajib) and excision (khifäd*)^ commendable. The effect of Islam was to desacralise circumcision. The knowledgeable ones among the Muslims related stories of how Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham) had circumcised himself after receiving a mandate 1234 1. Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Africa, 161p. 2. Ibid, 162p. 3. Ibid, 162p. 4. Ibid, 162p. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 518 from God, and how one of his wives cxcised a Negro concubine of whom he was too fond. Thrcugh such stories?the learned Muslims in Oyo and its districts represented the rites as being ordained by God /a nndot practiso.:’ me re ly because the ancestors did them. The custom was therefore transformed from the traditional milieu into an Islamic purification rite. Usually the Muslim clergyman was not involved , though in some towns in the area he performed the Operation, accompany- ing it with prayer incantation which brought Islam into the erstwhile transition rite. The school in the sacred grove had a deep psychological effect upon the young. Its destruction by Islam, devoid of any Substitution of an equivalent Institution could leave tue youths wfihout guidance und trajnirr as to their place and furction in the society. Although Islam has no real äquivalent, it has the rite of circumcision, initiation into manhood, and the Muslim convert was not subject to the taunt of the "uncircumcised". Where performed at puberty, circumcision embraoed two aspects in that it 1. Up tili today in Oyo and its districts the role of one who circumcises bäbies (Yoruba» oloola) remains very important. The role of the Muslim cie'ric in this regard is not marked at all. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 519 opened the way for both the sexual and social life. It was the rite of circumcision - initiation since it conferred upon the youths adult - Muslim status as shown by the fact that he could join’>in ritual prayer and keep the fast. Moreover, it was regarded as an initiation into the community of Muslims (Umma) and not merely a recognition of change of status in the local community. 6.44 Will and inheritance. Concerning the local practice of will and inheritance, Islam made some impact when it came. It will be recalled that the lineage was the basis 1 of the traditional social structure of the people in the area. The practice in the area was that while the agnatic lineage was maintained, the cognatic descent groups were disregarded. The practice was that personal property went to a man's sons and lineage property (or the use of it) to a man's younger brothers. Women were not accorded any position of honour in the local System. She 1. See above, 489-491. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 520 did not even have complete disposal to her forttheune. She was regarded inferior to man in all aspects of/local life. This was the Situation when Islam reached O* yo* and its districts. With the coming of Islam, the local System was given an Islamic transformation. To start with, the practice of dividing the property by the local people was taken over by the Muslim ,jamaca especially in the Muslim quarters. More important was the liberation effected for women by Islam. A woman's right to own personal possessions is recognised in Islamic law 'l and islamisation has often made a difference of women in this way. They were allowed to inherit from their parents but with the proviso that a woman's own share should be half that of man. 6.45 The Position of women. A step further to liberate women from the age-long traditional Status of inferiority - complex is seen in the attitude of the Muslims to the systern by which women were confined indoors during festivals involving certain rituals 1. O1n7 7pt.h is, see Trimingham, J. S. Islam in West Af-r-i-c-a, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 521 which women were forbidden to see. It was generally believed that women gossiped a good deal and that they were incapable of keeping any secret . As a result of this, they were usually precluded from rituals which required secrecy. On such occasions, only men could come out to participate in the worship; women were kept indoors, Among the festivals in which they were, by custom, prevented from participating actively can be mentioned Orvo 2 and Egungu,n 3 . 1. In this connection the following Yoruba saying is important: Oblnrin 6 ni' gbgongo -- "Female person does not have voTc~ê T5oxt!7 2. In Yorubaland, women are forbidden to see Oro. It is generally believed that if a woman sees’TTro, she will surely die. In this connection the foTTöwing Yoruba sayings are apposite: (i) Awo Egungun l1 2 obinrin le se, * Aw"_ro *G e7l e*de (Egungun in Egbado, Ogun State) L* ob\inrin le mo, B* obinrin ba f1 o,~ju k 1 Oro, Pro a gbe e. (It is in the cult of Egungun that female person can participate, It is the cult of QVe leV de/ that female can know, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 522 If a woman should see Pro, Pro will seize or devour her). (ü) 0 ti b 1 Pro lo, Atinuke ti b} Pro sawo lo, Obinrin o m 1 Pro, Atinuke ti b* Pro sawo lo, Pbiv nrin \o m 1 Pro, Ö ti b' Pro lo. She has followed (been seized by) Pro, Atinuke has followed (been seized by) Pro Female person does not know Pro Atinuke has followed (been seized by) Pro Female person does not know Oro She has followed (been seized by) Pro). 3» With regard to Egungun cult^in Yorubaland, there ape( some women designated r'Ab6luw6dii ”iya Agan- or stIya Ato;t who undergo certain rites*"änd are allowed to go Irr̂ o the groves, and to see the Egüngün dress or undress. Each paramount chief in‘Yorubaland has an Aboiüwodi. In Order to «ecure entry into this special class, a woman who has passed the child-bearing age, hat is / a woman who has attained the age of menopause,s nas to procure .a rat (eku) , fish (e_ja) Sheabutter (Ori), bitter kola (orogbo), snä 1 (igbin), “palmoil (epo pupa), and alligator* pepper (ata^re) to perform a ritual act UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY - 523 When the Oro festival was being celebrated in the area, women were kept indoors and all possible holes and crevices in the walls were blocked lest women be tempted to p.eep and thence be caught by the Or\o. They derived satisfaction in keeping indoors and in preparing enough food for themselves and for the members of their family. Moreover, in some places, there was the exchange, among women, of food thus prepared. The boys ran errands carrying food from one home to the other. When Islam came, the Muslims regarded such treatment as meted out to women on the occasions of Oro and Egungiin festivals as nothing short of enslavement. They would recognise no curfew which was imposed for reasons of traditional worship. Neither did they place any premium on the other traditional and social tabus. But, possibly, the strongest of the new ideas was the setting at nought of all divinities and their appurtenances, regarding Allah as One the only true and real God of the whole universe. which exempts her from coming into harm even when she comes close to the Egungun in any form. There are also women who usually sing the praises of the Egüngun and those who had at birth certain marks generally associated with Egungun. They play conspicu* >us roles during Egungun festTväls. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 524 This was strongly evident in their songs. Marly and populär were the short songs which mocked and derided the dummies to which the followers of the traditional religion prayed for help and protection. To the Muslims, they were not more than helpless and lifeless effigies or phantoms, which, it used to be said, could not even raise their hands or feet in their own defence. In this section, we have seen how the new values introduced by Islam generated conflicts between the Muslims and the followers of the traditional religion. Moreover, we have seen how Islam was able to adapt itself to some traditional beliefs and practices of the people in so far as such beliefs and practices did not conflict with the principles of Islam. Concerning the conflicts sparked off by the introduction of a new set of values, it would be erroneous, however, to view the: relationship between the expanding community of Muslims and the larger traditional society as merely one of a series of conflicts. Arresting as these conflicts were, they were more truly conceived as ripples in the otherwise generally calm and peaceful atmosphere in which both Islam and the traditional religion peacefully co~existed. The phenomenon can be perceived not UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY '. • 525 only in the same town or village but in the same family 1. It is in this context that one can consider what Islam did in the society of Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century. 1. See above, chapter 5, 350-4pp. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY Islam in Oyo and its districts has, behina it, a long history even though its very beginnings are cloaked in a fog of secrecy and ignorance. The materials relevant to this early facet of Islam in the area have so far been very meagre. Before the Jihad, it was possible that the Kingdom of Oyon the most northerly of the Yoruba States, had adopted the practice of writing in Arabic from its islamisea neighbours to the North. But the Arabic records of Oyo, if they existed at all, have not survived. For practicial purposes.the history of the people of Oyo and its districts up to the nineteenth Century is the history of a wholly-non-literate people. The construction of the history of such people in the absence of any kind of written documentation on which conventional history depends, presents obvious problems. Thus it has not been very possible to provide here more than a mere outline of the history and features of Islam in the period before the Jihäd. In the subsequent period, however, the sources available both in written and oral forms are more diverse and considerable. As contained in the footnotes and bibliography, the sources consist of records left by UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 527 literate neighbours of and visitors to the area and Yorubaland at large. To the north of Oyo and its districts, as has been observed, were peoples literate in Arabic, and individuals from these areas certainly visited and lived in Oyo and other Yoruba towns. Yet>,the amount of Contemporary Arabic documentation of Yoruba history so far recovered is negligible. For Contemporary written evidence-we are almost entirely dependent upon European nations - Portuguese, Dutch, French and English - whojfrom the late fifteenth century>established contacts, by sea, with West African Coast which forms the Southern end of Ycrubaland. Here again, it is worth remembering that the knowledge of the Europeans concerning Yorubaland was-for a long time»extremely limited geographically. Some first- hand accounts of the Coastal States are available - of Ijebu from the early sixteenth Century, and of Lagos from the eighteenth Century. But Europeans did not peneträte into the interior and gain first hand knowledge of the other Yoruba States until very late. The earliest substantial first-hand account of the interior is that ofa^Commander, who visited Oyo only in 1826. As the nineteenth Century progressed, the amount of first-hand documentation steadily increased. Important in this process was the penetration of Christian missionaries into UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 528 the interior, initiated by the visit of T. B. Freeman to Abeokuta in 1842, and the establishment of an official British presence in Yorubaland, beginning with the placing of a resident consul at Lagos in 1852. The sources mentioned so far above are largely incidental and indirect. However, within the limits provided by the sources, a bolder attempt can be made to construct the history of the growth of Islam among the people of Oyo and its districts in the second half of the nineteenth Century. The Jihäd and its aftermath obviously constituted a watershed in the history of Islam in Oyo and its districts. In truth, of the States in Yorubaland, the area was the most hit because there resided the Aläafin with whom Afonja was in direct conflict. Rather than enhancing the status of the Muslims in the area, it initially exerted rather tragic effects. It rendered the Muslims in complete disarray and confusion. In truth, the incident threatened the very Position of the Muslims in the area. They mostly came under a sombre Situation and for quite a long time, they could worship only in secret as individuals. The erstwhile freedom of religion became lost in the perplexities generated by the rebellion. Though forcibly shaken, Islam, however, remained unbroken. As the people of Oyo and its districts UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 529 settled down under the leadership of Alaafin Atiba (1837-1859); whose base of Operation was located in New Oyo, the Muslims the ̂ under the auspices of/Parakoyi, Yesufu Alanamu, embarked on a project of rehabilitation, surviving-.to a considerable extent, the tragedy, prejudices, rigours, predicaments, dilemma, homelessness and oppositions of the previous decades. The survival and growth of Islam henceforth constituted a major feature in Oyo and its districts in the middle of the nineteenth Century. In truth, certain erstwhile developments such as crude System of worship and the time-honoured leadership of the Parakoyi gave way and were supplanted by new developments. As noted earlier in this work, the new developments must be so. V/hile the two old developments gave way, other traditions such as adaptation to local conditions and the scheme of indigenisation of Islam were allowed to trickle on. New developments were evident. This is well expressed in the inauguration of the the office of/lmam, a development consequent upon the influx of non-indigenous Muslim scholars into the area. Moreover, it was obvious that the Muslim community was adopting some social traditions while at the same time making its own UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 530 social and political impact. * In the resurgence of Islam in the area, a remarkable role was played by external forces. Frorn outside, Sierra Leone and Brazil in particular, came the sustaining support procured by the overseas Muslims and the various mälams and teachers from Ilorin, and far North*helped to improve on the level of knowledge and worship, and earned for the Muslims considerable respeet. But more significant was the stünch support found within the society itself. The abatement of the threat constituted by Ilorin, the people's attitude of toleration and hospitality regardless of faith, race or colour, the System of inter-marriage, the royal connection which the Parakoyi had and the consequent conversion of the social and political elites in Oyo and its districts combined to work in favour of the Muslims. And the Muslims themselves exhibited a considerable degree of earnestness, adaptability and tact in their endeavours to establish their community. • The Muslim community developed separately in each town in the area, although those in the important large towns tended to wield some influence over those in the rural districts. In all of them, however, certain common traits can be observed as regards their organisational UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 531 setting, beliefs, ideas and cultural identities such as their festivals and education (Quf^nic education). Shortly after its period of recuperation from the wars of the previous decades, the Muslim community of Oyo and its districts received great challenges from the new forces of Christianity and British colonial rule which had some stimulating effects on the position otfh/eMuslims. Christian endeavours not withstanding, Islam, instead of waning to the lowest ebb continued to wax stronger and the Muslims emerged as a body to be reckoned with by the British powers in particular. Above all, they came to accept some Western ideas and values, notably Western education. Here again, we must not lose sight of the part played by overseas Muslims that resided in Oyo and its districts in the era of Islamic resurgence. It is a combination of the new devices in Islam in the area together with the rapid growth of Islam?in size and status,that marked out the turn of the nineteenth Century as the era when Islam in the area reached a high watermark in its social and political development. In the course of its development, Islam had been exerting considerable influence on the rest of the life and history of the people of Oyo and its districts. It UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 532 had widened the scope of its Connections and enriched the content of its culture. Altogether, it had procured an elevating civilisation as an alternative to the :icolonial•' Western civilisation ushered in at this period. The Muslim civilisation was particularly impressive and attractive since it better conserved African values and dignity. Moreover, since the Muslims in the area combined both Islamic and some Western ideas they offered to the society a cultural synthesis richer than anything hitherto available. However, from the beginning of the twentieth Century tili now, the Muslims were to feel the adverse feedback done by the changing scenes of the age. The establishment of the native law and custom under the banner of Lugard's policy of "Indirect Rule" effectively and officaciously inhibited any attempt to introduce Islamic Law or Islamic theocratic state de facto which Islam had presaged. Moreover, the monopoly of Western education, which Christianity had initially enjoyed put the Muslims at some disadvantage in the wake of the new elite. Concerning the disadvantageous position of the Muslims, they have begun to rectify the Situation by forming various literary societies. The most notable UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 533 among them were the Ansarudeen and the Nuwairudeen. There were also the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (modern Anwaru11- Islam Movement) and the Ahmadiyya Mission which were trying to bridge the gap between the Muslims and the Christians in the matter of Western education. The societies and sects emerged in Oyo and its districts in the 1940s. They have constituted a dynamic force actively prosecuting both the reform of Islam as practised in the area and the cause of the Muslims in Yorubaland and Nigeria as a whole. In truth, they have ushered in a new era of Muslim history in the area and their over-all impact today should not escape our apt and correct estimation. Finally, there was an impressive attempt to indigenise Islam in the area and relieve it of its status quo as a foreign or imported religion. Such an attempt was a product of a much - discussed social processs ’culture-contact* or 'acculturation*. While it may be difficult to boast of complete indigenisation of Islam, the stage reached in this project in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century should not be under-estimated. The success of the Muslims in this connection was due to the adaptability of Islam and the Muslim missionaries to UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 534 African life. Such adaptability to the African milieu can best be illusträted by the nature of Islam and the attitude of the Muslims to the Institution of polygyny. It has been noted that such adaptability to African milieu so helped the cause of Islam in the area that missionaries from both the established churches of the nineteenth Century and the- Aföican churches of the present Century became precariously envious of Islam and its propagators. As a matter of fact, this process and the resultant indi-genisation of Islam combined to render it a Statistical giant in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century and later. However, the project of indigenisation of Islam in the area should not be over- emphasised. It should be viewed on the basis of reciprocal relationship. The apt description could be that the traditional religion of the people accommodated Islam and Islam itself accommodated the traditional religion. HowAver; since Islam is a religion based on Scripturo, a Standard religion like either Judaism or Christianity, it discouraged, as much as possible, the Muslim converts from persisting in those aspects of the traditional religion that were incompatible with its principl.es as contained in the Qur"än, Hadith and the law books of the Muslim scholars. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 535 APPENDIX I THE IFA POEM, OTUA MEJI RELATING TO THE INTRODUCTION OF ISLAM INTO YORUBALAND q»v. ABIMBOLA, WÄNDE, I.jinlg ohun Enu Ifa Apa Kê ji: Awon Ifa Nlanla, Glasgow, 1969, 96ff. All thtehat this poem connotes is that Islam is an offshoot ofj/traditional religion. It is difficult to over-emphasise this point, th-us it is better to have it at the fact that Islam reached Yorubalund '«ery early and influenced some votaries of the traditional religion and in this case, the devotees of OV ru/n mi\ l\a who perhaps saw Islam as a better and simpler religion embraced it as an apt change of religious environment-, Th& poem can also be taken to mean one of the ways by whitah the Yoruba give the origins of some cosmological phenomena. Compare the Yoruba myth of the origin of the created order (see above, chapter 5, 419-420). - - Wutuwutu yaaki\ (a rifi eleyii sin awon imöle je nipa keX wu/ u wo%n t ■' i sn dun le* ti e*ni ti s kVo. gbo kewü). Wutuwutu yambele; Ka sure pata pira, Ka fewu alaari fonkun amodi: t» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 536 Lekeelekee, eye imole (awon imole feran aso funfun bi aso ara eye ti nje lekeelekee). Bo ba si lori opoto, A ba so’ri orombö, A maa fi gbogbo ara kewu clewu kiri; A dia fun Orunriöla, Ifa nsunkun öun b romo bi Won ni ebo ni o waa ru, 0 si rü u: Won ni o roku meji oluwere; KoS reja me/j i' abNi wve* gbaV da\; Cbidie meji abedö lukeluke; ♦ * • Ewüre meji, abamu rederede » c» Einla meji to fiwo sosuka Gbogbo rVe n*a a'i. lo*■ * ruv* Igb*a tiX Ovr u/n miv l\a o, ko%. o ̂ bi^, 0 bi Ganmbi (Oruko omo imole) fe ■ * . * I^ gba\ tiz ' o tVu u/n bi,✓, 0 bi Kalitu (Oruko omo imole) Igba ti d tuun bi, 0 bi Daudu, (, Oru✓ ko omo ■ imv ole ni- eyi/• naa.) t * _i Eyi ti/i s somo Vi keyiVn won le» nje lenje UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 537 IkuS ko\ pa wo^n, A\ r\u n ko ̂ se wo/n, sI gb\a ti' c ̂ > won dav v* gba taxn XO ru/n mi^ l\a ko/ won niS* diz 'd aV owo Wo/n mVo on ̂ d\a t 0/ ko, w’ on‘ le. ti, tNe ale,, ✓ b < t • *Wot n m \o -* o / •n t Xe, 0 ko* won ni okarara e/ * bo; Won mXo o/n ha, Nigbä to dojo kan Ni won ba re agbäda babaa won, Wo✓n re/ gVe lVe vi. ya/ a wĉ n; •/»Won wo agbada naa j Wö. n siV we/ gVeNle na/ ax so/r x( bVa 'n tuv txu Won na igi merin sil\e ni/bü-• uvn b, u/ ü✓ (aN wo N N * n imole a ma /a na igi si* le ba✓ y\ * i i/ la/t i fi se mosalaasi. Eyi ni. -a n-• p\e ni/ giign)\ . Won waa ko" si aärin awon igi naa V ' « WoSn Snsenu, wuaewujej * • •» t Woxn n/ foriy i kanleV, Wo«n ndide Wo/n s^i n/'n aNr o/ UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 538 Babaa won s ä nwo won ni t t Won nse bee le£ marunmarun lojoojümo 0/ waSa S rayn tiy Ifay Ti awon awo o ret e* ki fun un, Ko\ ba won ja\. Keekee kinif yii nwo won lara Igba to ya Won wa/ as mu un biiise 0 di wipe Bi ̂enikan ba/ n/s o omo lo/r >uko, V * f f Cb -» "»Awon o / \ \*-**mo< •m*e•t«e►e ta y vi->. iJ os lo s*i bve Bi/ \O * / kü/ ku/ fu✓ n enXikan, <* Wo+ n a rancs* e• pe wo«n. Bneae ni. va won omo na- av a/ se TiS wo/n fi n/d a/ rNa gbogbo Igba ti won dagba tan, T_ i/ aV won nsa\a as bismo, Bee näa ni 'awon omo won nse * w/ * * *Ijo ni won njo, AyXo ni wo/ 03n n/yo, Won ni/ t beev gerg ey Ni awo awo* n ns* e*nu reree pefa. Wutuwutu yaaki, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY •• 539 Wutuwutu yambele; Ka sure pata pira; Ka" fe* wu alaari fo•nkun amodij Lekeelekee eye imole B o ba si lori opoto, t * » A bVa so/r if No romN boX, A ma/a fi gbogbo ara rVe ke/w /u ele/w u' kirij A dia fun Orunmila, 4 IfaA n/s unkuS n oun N o roSmo bi. Wo* n ni o käüki mole* 4 0 jare, Ebo ni o se 0' gboy riyr us ebo y S• . . 0 ru 0y gboy eru \a txü kxe sVu 0 tu, 0 gbo ikarara i E bo ha fu/n un Ire me/ t a laV wa/ nyw a.-<■ \A way nwoyw oyo, Awa nwomo, ^A way n,w ay y .a tubXo ta'n ayey (Wutuwutu yaäki (parody of Arabic sounds by Muslims and non-Muslirns who do not know Arabic) ; UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5Uo Wutuwutü yambele (mimickery of Arabic sounbs by Muslims and non-Muslims who do not know Arabic); To run very swiftly, And use fanciful dress to remove mucus of indisposition Cow Egret (Bubulcus i ibis)s the bird of Muslims, If it flies from fig tree, It rests on orange tree, It goes about with stränge white interlocks; Cast Ifa for Crunmila, Ifa was crying of not having child. He was asked to offer sacrifice, And ho offered it. They asked him to buy two prescribed rats; He was asked to buy two prescribed fish? Two hens with big livers? Two big goats. Two prescribed animals with fearful horns. All he offered. ¥hen OV runm\i l\a would first bear, He borne Ganmbi (c. Muslim name). When next he would bear, He bore Kalitu (a Muslim name; UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 541 When next he would bear, He bcre Daudu (a Muslim name), The last born. They did not die, They were not attacked by diseases. When they grew up, Orunmila taught them the divination Systems by hand (Here the following Systems are ineants Didaobi - 'Casting the Kolanut; Erindinlogun The sixteen")? They mastered it He taught them geomantic System of divination, They mastered it, He taught them how to offer sacrifice, They mastered it, He taught them how to offer sacrifice, They mastered it. One day, They took the flowing garment of their father, They took the head tie of their mother; They wore the flowing garment, They also put on the headtie in a funny way, They laid down four sticks crosswise. They stayed in the middle of the sticks, They were whispering; UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 542 They wcre touching the ground with their hoads, They were rising. They wcre kne&ling, They wcre standing. Their father looked on They were doing these five times daily. He remembered Ifa Which his priests cast for him, He did not fight v/ith thern. Little by little they became addicted tc this thing. Later, They made it a point of duty. It happened That if anyone had n naniing ceremony to perform, These three children would go there. If any one had a funeral ceremony to do, They v/ould send for them. Thus the children bohaved, That they surprised people, Vi/hen they reached the age of maturity, That they too had children, Their children behaved likewise. They bcgan to dance. And tc rejoice; UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 543 They said it was exactly Their priest invoked Ifa" with good mouth. Wutuwutu yaaki (mimickery of Arabic sounds by Muslims and non-Muslims who do not know Arabic); Wutuwutu yambele” (mimickery of Arabic sounds by Muslims and non-Muslims who do not know Arabic), To run very swiftly; And use fanciful dress to remove mucus of indisposition Cow Egret (Bubulcus i ibis) the bird of Muslims, If it flies from fig tree, It rests on orange tree, It goes about with stränge white interlocks; Cast Ifa* for Ov runmi ̂la\, Ifa was crying of not having child. They said hc should worship soil spirit, He did it It was sacrifice he offered. Sacrifice was prescribed for him, He offered it. He heard of the pang of devil, He pacified. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 544 He heard of sacrifice, The sacrifice was accepted It is three-fold favour we want; We are looking for money, We are looking for child; We are looking for the Hereafter. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 545 APPENDIX II THE IFA POEM, OTUA MEJI RELaTING TC THE CONFLICT BETWEEN ISLAM AMD THE Y0RU3A TRADITIONAL RELIGION IN THE EARLY PERIOD OF ISLriM IN YORUBALAND. N.B.; This poem was collected from Mr. Adejare of Beosin Quarter, Oyo, q.v. Biobaku, S. 0. (ed.) Sources of Yoruba History, 58-9pp. I' gbu. nwo-me.j \ e■. e.j \i -■ o sese- g,bye rs u-s/a j.na; A dia fun Alukaadi, Orao Aala Ni ojoojumo ti Alukaadi ba ji A so wi pe' yo un oz pa igba ve\e y^an \ tmA fi b* i so bs a vs i pa igba na, a. koy to'o' dawo du/ro Bo/ ba pa wen ta/n Yoo si gba ogun ilee vron A a ni * igba pere ni ngo pa, Alukaadi; Igba po/r e/ ni ng o/ pa, Aluka/ a, diy1 Di e• dle'• ilü nde* yo4 Ni \a won Zt o \ ku ni✓ iv lu/ ba> mey. /e jVi kez e✓ta Wovn lo oko ala/wo, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 546 VA won leX se-g un Av lukaadi ba„y iV i,? Ni won da ifa” sî * Wo/n ni/ ebo ni ki' *aV won o/ wa a ruS. Won si ru u. Esu lo di agbo Mo lo' di afakan, 0 ni ta lö ru? Ta ni o ru? Won ni gbogbo ara ilu lo ru vA fi VA lu ̂kaa‘ di/ nikan ni \o rSu Ni Esu ba✓ di ate,g -un 0 te lo Alukaadi, Lo/ b*a gba oriS lo■ wos o re (The two-elbows-cannot-lift-you-a-load-to-the-ceiling Cast Ifa/ for Va lu\ ka/a di✓, The son of Allah. Everyday whenever sA l\u ka/a rd i' woke up, He would promise to kill two hundred people >.nd until he finished killing the two hundred He would not rest, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 547 After killing them, He would carry their belongings away His usual song was2 "I will kill only two hundred xA luV. ka/a, di'". 'I will kill only two hundred, A* l\u ka/ as dis ', Little by little the town was becoming desolate Then the remaining inhabitants cf the town Added two cowry-shells to three, And went to a priest of Ifa for divination. Could they possibly conquer VA lu\ ka/a/d is? That was what they cast Ifa" upon: They were asked to make sacrifice, ivnd they made it. Then vE su/ said: It is time, let us go, I said it remains for us to mention to whom we are going. Esu asked who made sacrifice and who did not They said Va llV tx h/e inhabitants of the town made sacrificeexcept Alukaadi who did not. Then Esu turned himself into wind And pursued vA luS kaadiS And relieved him of his head).. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 548 APPENDIX III LIST OTFH^ECHIEF IMaMS IN SOME TOWNS IN QYQ AND ITS DISTRICTS FROM THE NINETEENTH CENTURY TO THE PRESENT DAY I. KISI. *■ 1. Alufa Idindi (an Idindi from Dahomey) 2. Seriki Sango 3. Iya 4. Bello 5. Aliyu of Iyalode Quarter 6. Tijani Yayi of Isale Imole Quarter 7. Jibrila of Tege Quarter 8. Jomoh of Tege Quarter 9. Abdul Kareem of Agoro Quarter, the present Chief Imam. II. IGBETI. ------------------------------------------ -— . . — - 1. Sanni Olajide 2. Sanusi, the present Chief Imam. III. IGBOHO. 1. Abu BakarftAdebunmi (from Iseyin). He settled at Boni Quarter. 2. Asani of Molaba Quarter (The Muslim convert in Igboho). 3. (Years of interregnum) Aminu of Ilorin. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 549 4. Aliyu of Boni Quarter (He hailed from Aiyetoro in Oke-Iho). 5. (i) Musitafa, the son of Abu Bakare Adebunmi, the first Chief Imam. (ii) Ali of Ayetoro Quarter and a descendant of Asani, the second Chief Imäm 6. (i) Salimonu Ajila of Boni Quarter - the present Chief Imäm I. (ii) Lawani Ogunfade of Modeke Quarter - the present Chief Imäm II. N.B.; There are at present, as in Fiditi, two Chief Imäms in Igboho. The Situation cropped up as a result of certain conflict on the location of market. The conflict dates back Ttho e thcea sep erisi ods tiofl l tphee ndfiinfgt.h ChIti efb egImaänm ,a s Muastafa. commercial conflict but was later infused with religious ferment which broke the Muslim community in the town into two camps under the leadership of two Chief Imäms. IV. SEPETERI. 1. Bello of Imäm's Quarter. 2. Gbadamosi 3. "Abdul Ahmad, the present Chief Imäm and son of the second Chief Imäm. V. SAKI. 1. Saliu of Asunnara Quarter (an Idindi, a Dahomean) 2. Amadu of Agbede Quarter. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 550 3. Muss of Isale Onikeke Quarter« 4. Sadiku of Oke-Oro Quarter« 5. Gafata Aliyu Adigboro (a Hausa)« 6. Gbaaamosi (alias Aberesola) of Konki Quarter. 7« Garuba of Isale Onikeke Quarter and son of the third Chief Imam, Musa. 8. Alhaji Lawani lyanda, the present Chief Imam. VI; AHA. 1. Yesufu Ajagbe 2. Sanni Alao 3. Sanni Alabi 4. Sanni Adeleke 5. Alhaji Lawani, the present Chief Imam. VII. TEDS. 1. Sunmonu Onisona of Abandawaki Quarter. 2. Garuba of Imäm's Quarter, Saki Road. 3. Alhaji Abudu Salami, the present Chief Irnim. VIII. AGOARE, 1. Ile-Olawo 2. Alhaji Sulaiman, the present Chief Imam. IX. IRAWO-ILE. 1. Abibu. 2. Lawani Aremu UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 551 3. Alhaji cAbdul Salam, the present Chief Imam. X. IRAWO OWODE. 1. Lawani 2. Alhaji AbD Bakr, the present Chief Imam. XI. OFIKI. 1. Tijani Abegunrin of Sendo Quarter. 2. Tafa of Ojanjan Quarter. 3» Busari (from Iseyin) 4. Asiru, son of Tijani Abegunrin, the first Imam. He hailed from Sobaloju Quarter. 5. Tijani Bolaji, the present Chief Imam. XII. OKAKA. 1. Älüfa Gambari ( a Hausa) 2. Rufai 3. Sanni Ajijolaku 4. Salami Olarewaju of Balogun Quarter 5. Fasasi of Olukosi Quarter 6. Raufu Baba, the present acting Chief Imam. XIII. IGANNA. 1. Yesufu Amuda - the founder of Islam in the place. He hailed from Old Oyo. 2. Seedu, brother of Yesufu Amuda the first Chief Imam. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 552 3. Muritala Ajao 4. Busari Akanji Arowosaiye of Sepeteri Quarter. 5. Alhaji Salawu Moboluwaduro, the present acting Chief Imam. XIV. OKE-IHO. 1. Abrahimo Bibilari 2. Haruna Iyanda 3. Aibu Adisa 4. Sanni 5. Abudu Ramoni Ajani (alias Arikewusola) 6. Yusau (Yisau) Akanbi. 7. Alhaji Muhammad Niala. 8. Alhaji Abudu Karimu Akano, the present Chief Imäm XV. ISEYIN. 1. Momodu of Idiose Quarter 2. Idrisu Momodu 3. Apara of Adabo Quarter 4. Olokun family 5. Daiyero family in Ijemba Quarter 6. Oye in Ijemba Quarter 7. Sule of Oke 01a Quarter 8. Liasu of Ijemba Quarter 9. Momodu Egberongbe of Olokun family 10. Lawani Alalukimba (Alalikimba). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 553 11. Layiwola of Adabo Quarter 12. Busari of Ijemba Quarter 13. Musitafa of Adabo Quarter 14. Saminu of Oke-Cla Quarter 15. Raji Ajirin of Idi Quarter 16. Short Interregnum 17. Jamiu of Olokuta Quarter, the present Chief Imam. XVI. I K O Y I . 1. Sule (a prince) 2. Aliru 3. Alhaji Imoru 4. Alhaji Abudu Baki, the present Chief Imam who claimed to be related to Sule, the first Chief Imam. XVII. 0Y0 (AGP D'QYO). * ' * \ 9 «■ 1. Aliyu Ajokidero 2. Abu Bakare 3. Sule 4. Badaru 5. Silikifuli 6. Asimi 7. Aliyu Odunlami 8. Tukuru 9. Alhaji Oyibi 10. Short Interregnum. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 554 11. Alhaji Mustapha, the present Chief Imam. Note; All the Imams hailed from the Imäm's Quarter of the town. It is pertinent to recall here as well that they were related individually and severally to the learned Hausa Muslims invited to Oyp by Alaäfin Atiba during his reign (1837-1859). XVIII. AWE. 1. Amadu of .Aarin Ago Quarter 2. Aliyu 3. Monmodu Raji 4. Jimoh 5. nbudu Karimu, the present Chief Imäm. XIX; AKINMORIN. 1. Jinadu 2. Alhaji Salami Jinadu, the present Chief Imäm and the son of the first Chief Imäm. XX. ILORA. 1. Salami Folahanmi 2. Alhaji Lasisi Iyanda, the present Chief Imäm. XXI. FIDITI. 1. Sanni 2. Suberu UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY f 555 3. Interregnum 4. Yesufu 5. (i) Alhaji Bamgbade, the present Chief Imam I (ii) Alhaji Jimoh Sanni, the son of Sanni, the first Chief Imam and the present Chief Imam II. Note; The breach here centred around the complaints of the indigenous Muslims that Alhaji Jimoh Sanni was an alien in Fiditi. In truth, as confirmed by the jama :a, his father hailed from Ilorin though he was born at Fiditi during his father*s stay in this place. And since then, the descendants of Sanni have remained there. He was said to be retained as the Chief Imam II as a mark of respoct for his father, Sanni, the founder of Islam and the first Chief Imam in Fiditi. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 556 APPENDIX IV LIST OF THE ALAAFINS OF OYQ FROM THE DAYS OF ~ÖRaNYAN TO ̂ HE~1WSENT "T)aY While the dynastic succession here is mainly based on the work of Johnson (in his book: The History of the Yoruba cited above) the dates are based on the materials found in a Yoruba Newspaper,. Imole Owuro: The Independent Paper Vol. XI, No. 378, 1971; Oba Lamidi ^layiwola Adeyemi III: Oyo Chieftaincy Institution and Modernism cited above. 1• THE FOUNDERS OF OYO AND ITS DISTRICTS: 1. Oranyan: It is the consensus of historians that the period of his reign is not yet known for certain but remains cloaked in timeless prehistory. Sufficient it is to say here that he was the grandson of Oduduwa, the reputed founder and ancestor of Yoruba race whom Johnson describes as mythical personage. 2. Ajuan alias Ajaka, 1042-1077. 3. Sango^ (English Shango) or Olufiran, 1137-1177. Both Johnson and Hodgkin in their books cited above describe him as the fourth King of Yoruba, the son of Oranyan and the brother of Ajaka who was the author of the misfortunes that doomed. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 557 him to destructicn during his reign. 4. Ajaka reigned the second time, 1177. 11 • TH5 PERIOD OF GROWTH, FR0SP5RITY /JSTP DEPRESSION: HISTORICAL AL;jlFINS. 5. Aganju, 1177-1500. 6. Kori, (1300-1357)1this time Kori was a child. His mother Iyayun acted for him as a regent. She wore the crown, and put on tho royal rt-bes 5 and was invested with Ejigba, tho Opa ileke and other royal insignia, and ruled the Kingdom until her son was of age. It was during this reign that Timi was sent to Ede and not in Sang6's reign as was hitherto supposed (See Yoruba Reading Book). 7. Olpaso, 1357-1497 8. Onigbogi, 1497-1512 9. Ofinran , 1497-1512 10. Interregnum, 1512-1534. III. THE ALhaFINS OF 0Y0 IGBOHO OR 0Y0-GB0H0 IN THE SIXTSENTH CENTURY. ” 11. Eguguoju, 1534-1554 12. Orompoto, 1554-1562 13. Ajiboyede, 1562-1570. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 558 14. Abipa or Oba Moro, (the ghost catcher) 1570-1588. IV: A SUCCESSION OF DESPOTIC ;JJD SHORT-LIVED ALAAFINS. 15. Obalokun Agana Erin, 1588-1650 16. Ajagbo, 1650-1658 17. Interregnum 1658-1660 18. Odarawu, 1660 19. Karau, 1660-1665 20. Jayin, 1665-1676 21. Ayibi, 1676-1698 22. Osinyago, 1698. He was a worthless, avaricious and shortlived Alaafin. 23. Ojigi, 1698-1732 24. Gberu, 1732-1738 25. Amuniwaye, 1738-1742 26. Onisile, 1742-1750. V. THE ALaAFINS BETWEEN THE PERIOD OF THE ATROCIOUS BASÖR U5N' ÜlHÄ aN:-D- -P-E-ACE LOVING ALÄaFIN ABaixts degöülü -— “ “ — — — -I-O-D-UN-, 27. Labisi, 1750 28. ixwonbioju or Oduboye, 1750 29. Agboluaje, 1750-1772 30. Majeogbe, 1772-1775 31. Abiodun, alaias Adegoolu 1775-1805 VI. THE ALaAFINS IN THE PERIOD OF REVOLTS. 32. Aole surnamed Arogangan 1805-1811. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 559 33. Adebo 1811. 34. Maku 1811 35. Interregnum 1812-1817« VII. THE iiL/iAFINS FROM THE RISE OF THE FULaNI TO POWER TO THE TIME QI’ THE COLLAPSE CF THE OLD OYO 36. Majeotu - (Note the symbolic reference of the name to the sombre Situation in the Old Cyo Empire during this time), 1817-1818). 37. Amodo 1818 38. Oluewu Kobolape 1818-1835 39. Interregnum 1835-1836. VIII. THE aLa;.FINS FR0P4 THE PERIOD OF ..TIBA'S PROJECT OF POLITICAL REHABILITATION TO THE PRESENT TIME. 40. Atiba, 1837-1859 - It was during his reign that Islamic resurgence went side by side with political rehabilitation. PXa ras ko.. yiS of Oyo, Yesufu Alanamu featured prominently during this time. 41. Adelu, 1859-1875. His reign witnessed some aspects of Islcnmic consolidation. 42. Adeyemi Alowolodu, I, 1875-1905. During his reign Islam had completely survived the predicaments precipitated by the wars of the previous decades and had bocome well established UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 560 in Oyo and its districts. * # 43. Lawani Agogo-Ija, 1905-1911. He was the first Alaafin to embrace Islam. His conversion was a land mark with significant consequence in the history of Islam in Oyo and its districts in the present h *■ Century. 44. Siyanbola Ladigbolu I, 1911-1945. 45. Adeniran Adeyemi II, 1945-1955. He followed the footsteps of his predecessorjLawani Agogo Ija^by submitting to Islamic conversion. He performed the ‘hajj before his abdication which resulted from the political rumpus of 1956. 46. Gbadegesin Ladigbolu, 1956-1970. He was said to promote the cause of Islam in Oyo and its districts, in cash and kind, in his capacity as the pivot on which all his subjects togethcr with their religions revolved. However, there is no record or tradition that he embraced Islam. 47. Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III, 1970 to the present time. He was a Muslim Alaafin, the son of the exiled Alaafin Adeniran ndeyemi II. He had been to Mecca to perform the pilgrimage and was reported to be of immense help to the cause of Islam in his dominion. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 561 APPENDIX V THE TV/ELVE MONTHS OF THE ISLAMIC C;iENDAR 1. Muharram 2. Safar 3. Rabicu'‘ 1-awwal 4. Rabl :u11-äkhar 5. Jamada*1-ulä 6. Jamäda* 1-äkhircä 7. Rajab 8. Shacbän 9. Ramadan 10. Shawwal 11. Dhuvl-qa';da 12. Dhu11-Hijja. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 562 B I B L I O G R A P H Y UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 563 I PRIMaRY sour css Documented Information directly relevant to this topic, "Islam in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century", is meagre; and a good deal of the available historical material is only marginally useful. At this Juncture, it will be expedient to sound a note of warning that any resc-arch worker in this field will, therefore be advised to develop very wide tentacles in his quest for relevant material. A. MISSION RECORDS; Some Christian Missions and missionaries often developed interest and enthusiasm in the spread of Islam in their area of Operation, and the records, Journals and letters of such Missions and missionaries I have found immensely useful for my research. However, it is expedient to note here that caution is very essential with regard to the use of some of these materials as they may be based on one f„o rorfn /Iorn fothrem atoifhoenr . Of these records the ones f^ound relevant and useful are; (i) Church Missionary Society.Yoruba Mission Records These records are particularly valuable for my research work. They are the ones dealing with UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 564 post - 1840 period and are classified into two Groups z (a) Cii2z Yoruba Mission; 1842-1880 (b) G3A2; Yoruba Mission 1880-1914 These are available in microfilm in the University of Ibadan Library. There are also some Mission papers in the National Archives, Ibadan - C.M.S. (Y) 1/5-4/1. These contain a few letters, minutes and reports of some committees. {ii) Wesleyan Mission Recordsz A few of these records are available in N.A.I. where they are classified as W.M.M.S. (iii) Baptist Mission Records. The records of the Mission occasionally found us/ effuolr this work are the Baptist papers, notably Correspondence of the Missionaries of the Southern Baptist Convention; Yoruba Mission, 1850-1890z This is available in microfilm in the University of Ibadan, Library. (iv) Relatively more accessible, however, are the printed missionary records, which often drew upon the written UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 565 records. I used the following records; (a) The Church Missionary Gleaner, 1845-1914. (b) The Church Missionary Intelligencer, 1890-1899« (c) The Proceedings of the Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East, 1908-19"!4. (d) The Niger and Yoruba Notes 1895-1904. (e) The Proceedings of the Synod of the Diocese of Western Edquatorial Africa, 1902-1914. (f) The Annual Report of the Lagos Church Mission, 1894-1917. (g) n report of the Missionary work in Muslim Area published in The Muslim World, 1911. ( v) Catholic Iiission Records; (a) Priestly ordination, Oyo, documented by the Catholic priest, McCOY, OWEN and printed in Ibadan in 1965. The record contains the history of Catholic Mission right away from its inception in the nineteenth Century in Oyo and its districts to the present Century. This record is available in the Catholic Mission House, Oyo. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 566 (b) A Memorandum by Father E. NangQr, 1895. This record contains the history of the influx of Catholic Missionaries into 0y9 and its districts. This is available in the Catholic Mission House, Oyo. (vi) nhmadiyya Muslim Mission Records; A short sketch of the Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam, Lagos, 1973 B. GOVERNMENT RECORDS. (i) Oyo Provincial Papers; These papers are very useful for they contain direct records, kept by the Administrative Officers, of the history of the people of O* yo© and its districts, their traditional religious practices such as vO gboyn i cult, Egu/n gu/n and Orxo festivals, witchcraft and sorcery. Of particular importance is the fact that the records contain the history of the relationship between the Muslim Community and Colonial Government in the second half of the nineteenth Century. Besides, they are as detailed as possible, being contributed to by the officials at the various levels - District, Divisional UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 567 and Provincial. The papers are available at the National Archives, Ibadan, where they are classified as O y o Prof, series. The mcterials used in this work came from various files under Oyo Prof. 1, Oyo. Prof. 1/9, Oyo Prof. 2/2, Oyo Prof. 2/3, Oyo Prof. 4/6. (ii) Chief Secretary*s Office Records; Until British authority and Native Administration were well entrenched in the interior of Lagos, the Colonial Secretary (Later the Chief Secretary) to the Government, Lagos, directly handed the affairs in that area. Thus, in the early years, a numbcr of despatches from this Office to the Colonial Office, London dealt with matter in Oyo and its districts. jjid even after Native Administration assumed a full swing, the Chief Secretary's Office remained final arbiter on matters arising in any locality in the country. Thus, matters on Native Administration which are directly or indirectly relevant to our work abound in the records kept by this office. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 568 These records are classified as 'C.S.O.' series at the National i.rchives, Ibadan. The ones found useful in this category are:- (a) C.SO 1/1 Series: These contain despatches from Lagos to London and vice versa. (b) CSO 1/8 Series; They contain instructions to Governors. (c) CSO 26 Series; They are mainly the Government files. They contain Intelligence Reports in various files. Moreover, they contain Memoranda and Leiters from the Resident's Office Oyo, to the Chief Secretary's Office, Lagos, and vice versa. (iii) Divisional and District Office Records: Although most of the Records dealing with the events in Oyo Province, whether at Provincial, Divisional or District level, are contained in O# yo* Provincial Papers and the Chief Secretary's Office Records, both of which have already been referred to, a few other records are to be found elsewhere. For example, there are such records at the National Archives, Ibadan, catalogued differently from the 'Oyo Prof.', and the 'C.S.O. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5 6 9 Series. There are also such records at some of the Divisional or District Headquarters in the Province. The records of the Divisional or Districts Headquarters are serialised linder ’Oyo Prof. ' and are occasionally useful* In the Local Divisional Offices, some files have proved quite helpful in giving details of local rifts and the background to such. Useful materials in this category of •scattered records’ have been got from the followings Oyo Divisional Office, Oyo. The relevant files are classified as ’O.D.' series. (iv) Court Records; Those used are in the High Court, Oyo. (v) Government Publications and Periodicals; These are available at the National Archive Ibadan or at the Africana Section of the Library of the University of Ibadan, I indicate in parenthesis where I have read them as ’NÄI’ or ’UIL’. British Parliamentary Papers (at the U.I.L.). + C.2982. Papers relating to the occupation of Lagos (1862). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 570 Report from the select Committee on State of British settlements on the Coast of Africa (1865). C4967. Correspondence respecting war between Native tribes in the interior and the negotiations for peace conducted by the Lagos Government. C5144, (Continuation of C4957). Further correspondence relating to the war between native tribes in the interior and the negotiations for peace conducted by the Lagos Government (1887). C7227» Despatch from Sir Gilbert T. Carter providing a general resume of the Lagos Interior expedition (1893). (vi) Annual Reports (at the N.A.I.). Abeil, A. F. Intelligence Report on the I.jebus, Blair, J. H. Intelligence Report, Abeokuta, 1938 Bouill-Jones, T. B. Intelligence Report, I.jebu Ode, 1941. N Mackenzie, Captain J. A. Intelligence Report, I,jeb^'>~ Igbo, 1940. (vii) Annual Reports (Printed, at the N.A.I). Colonial Reports - Annual, Lagos 1880-1902 Colonial Reports - Annual, Southern Nigeria, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 571 1899-1909. Lagos Blue Books, 1897-1908 Lagos Official Handbook, 1897-1898 (viii) Government Gazettes (at the N.A.I.). The Gazettes found relevant to this work are the ones which were published by the Lagos Government between the 1890s and 1905. Lagos Government Gazette, 1903 was particularly useful C: PRIVATE PAPERS (P) (i) Owolabi, E. A. Ogun awon baba wa, Osogbo n.d. (ii) Alaafin Papers, available in the palace of Alaafin. O' ke\ -Av fin, Oyp. These papers contain valuable information on both the secular and religious history of Oyo and its districts. Moreover, they N- lanl.a, Glasgow, W . ABR/HiiM, R. C. Dictionary of Modern Yoruba, London, 1958 ADAMS„ Jo Remarks on The Country Extending From Cape Rn&ias T^r^7'm'^r"CoW6'r'roK3^,~Tg37. aDEYEMI. L. 0. Oyo Chieftaincy Institution and Modernism, Tfeaänrrsv?-;' J ------------- ~ AJAYI, J. F. 'a . and r. s. smith. Yoruba Varfare In The ĴTne’feentPT"Century, Eondon, T 9 6 U :----- — ------ - --- -— TTh9eS 5C7h-r-i-s-t-i-a-n- -M-i-ss“i on In“ Nigeria, Longmans, ---- ------- - and IaN ESPIE (eds.), a Thousand Years of West African HisTör^TTondon, 1972. --------- and MICHAEL CROWDER, (eds.). History of West V/est Afr'i c a Vo lum'e~~Two, London,* 1974*7" ALI, A.Y. The Holy Quran, Beirut, 1968. AL -1LURI, al-Islam fl nai.jiriya wa cUthmän ibn Füdl, Cairo, 1953. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 575 ANTONIUS, G. The Arab Awakening, London, 1938 ---------- The Arab Awakening, London, 1946 ARBERRY. A. J. An Introduction to History of Sufsim, London, m ----------- ----- ---------- ARNET, E. J. The Rise of the Sokoto Fulani, Kano, 1927. ARNOLD, The Preaching of Islam, London, 1913« AROMOLARAN, A. Modern Economic Analysis for 10 1 Level Students, Ibadan, l973. ATANDA. J. A. (ed.) Clarkes Travels and Exploration in Yorubaland" (Tg34-15'58), I'bäHän,"̂ 7 2 . ------------ The New Oyo Empire: Indirect Rule and Change Tn Western Nigeria. 1094-193^-. London, 1973.. ATIYAH, E. The Arabs, Lebanon, 1958. AYANDELE, E. A. The Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria 1542-1914? A Political and Social Analysis, London, 1966. AYER, J. A. The Foundations of Empirical Knowledge, London 196l . BABALOLA, E. 0. Islam in West Africa, Ibadan, 1973. BALOGUN, I.A.B. The Life and Works of cUTHMAN D%N FODIO Lagos, 1975. BASHIR, S. and H. MOHAMMED, Hadith, Lagos, 1974 BIOBAKU, S. 0. The Origin of the Yoruba, Lagos, 1955 ----------- The.. Eeba and..their Nelghbours, Oxford, 1957. (ed.) Sources of Yoruba History, Oxford, W 7 T . UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 576 BLYDEN, Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race, London, 1888. BOER, DE. History of Philosophy in Islam, London, 1970. BOUQUET, A. C. Comparative Religion, London, 1945. BOVIL, E. ¥. The Golden Trade of the Moors, Oxford, 1961 BOWEN, T„ J. AIdnvfeenrtiuorre sö T aAnfdr iMcias,s iofin6a4r9y“ 11LEa7b6,o uCrsh aIrnl eTshweorth, W57T'----------- BROCKEIJVL .NN, C. History of the Islamic Peoples, London, 1 9 6 4 . " ‘ BURN, S. A. History of Nigeria, London, 1955. BURTON, R. F. ABEOKUTA and the Cameroons, Vol, One, London j g u j . -------- — ---------------- -- CLaPPERTON, H . JIonufrenrailo r of6T "s A fSreiccoTnfd“ FSrxomp eTd^iEtEil oJingihntt ooft hBeenin to Soccattoo, London,~"T5i?9T COLEMAN, ü. S. N4ig^er;ia';7 ~Ba5cHk7g-ro-u-nd- -t-o- N-at-i-o-n-al—ism» b i io î COULSON, N. J. A History of Islamic Law. Edinburgh, 1964 CQV/iJJ, D. Modern Literary Arabic, Cambridge, 1970 CRAWFORD, J. R. Witchcraft and Sorcery in Rhodesia, ürf6r'a-'i"9'67:— “ — * CROWDER, M. West Africa under Colonial Rule, London, 1970 DkRIiMOLi . , 0. and A. JE JE. Awon Asa ati Orisa Ile Yoruba, TETTanT^W: 1 “ DAVIDSON, B. The nfricans; An Entry to Cultural History, London, 19b9. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 577 DELANO, I. 0. The Soul of Nigeria, London, 1937 DEMON BYNES, G. I.es Institutions Musulmanes, Paris, 1938 DIJJARIC, G. L ’Etat Mahdiste de Soudan3 Paris, 1899 DOI, a . R. I. The Cardinal Principles of Islam, Lagos. DONIaCH, N. S. (ed.) THE Oxford English ~ Arabic Dictionary ~f current U s ag e , forü, 1972. DUFF, E. C. Gazetteer of Kotangora Province, London, 1920 DUVaL, L. M. Baptist Missions In Nigeria, S. B. C. 1928. ELLIS, A. B. Yoruba Speaking Peoples?Chapman and Hall, 1894 EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E. Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic Among FaFUNVA;, B. TT9h7e4 .History of Education In Nigeria, London, — -------- New perspectives in African Education, Macmillan, T % T . ' " “ F-t.GE, J. D. Introduction to the History of West nfrica, üamBriäge, T95TT FaRRaNT, J. S. Principles and Practice of Education, London, FIELD, M. J. Search For Security, London, 1960 FISHER, H. J. L. Ahmadiyya, Oxford, 1963. ff ------------- - Ahmadiyya, Oxford, 1965. FORDE, D. and P. M. KABERRY (eds.). West African Kingdoms Tn The Nineteentn Century, Oxford, 1971. FREND, W. H. C. The Early Church, London, 1971. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 578 FYFFE, C. n. A History of Sierra Leone), Oxford, 1962. FYZEE, A. A. Outlines of Muhammad Law, Oxford, 1955. GEOFFREY, M. The Missionaries, London, 1973. GIBB, HAR and J. H. Kramers (eds.) Shorter Encyclopaedia of TsTamT" Leiden, 1961. -------------- Studies on the Civilisation of Islam, London T9&2. --------- *— •— Mohammedanism, Oxford, 1969 GRIMLEY, J. B. and GORDON, E. R. Church Growth in Central and-“SöirEHern Nigeria, Michigan, T9b6. GROVES. C. P. VThoel umPel'a"nOtnien,~g Loofn doCnh!r iTs9t9iaTnTity in Africa, GRUNEBi.UM, G. E. V. Muhammadan Festivals, New York, 1951 GUILLuiUME, ... Prophecy and Divination, London, 1938 PLJSfSON, R. and i'JlOMOLARnN, n. A textbook of * 0 1 Level Economics, Ibadan, 1975. HARLEY, G. W. TNoa tiivtes P,,rfarcitciance Meidn ictihen e Mawniot~h“ TrSipbeec iaolf RLiebfeerriean"c,e ‘Cambridge, T99T. HERMON-HODGE, H. B. Gazetteer of Ilorin-Province. London, 1929. HISKETT, M. THE SWORD OF TRUTH; THE LIFE aND TIMES OF THE SHEHU USUMiiN DAN FODIO. London, 1973. HITTI, P. History of the ^rabs, Macmillan, 1963 HODGKIN, T. Nigerian Perspectives, London, 1969 HOUR/.NI, A. K. Syrian and Lebanon, Oxford, 199-6, HÜLL, R. W. African Civilisation before the Batuuree, London,"1971. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 579 IDOWU, E. B. God in Nigerian Belief, London, 1963. ------------ Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief, London. t s s f.-------------- ----------- ------------ African Traditionel Religion; n definition, London*', 1973. JiJMES, E. 0. Comparative Religion, Methuen, 1938. JEFFERY (ed.) Islam: Muhammad And His Religion, U.S.a . T 5 W .---- :----------- ---------- JOHNSON, J. Yoruba Heathenism, London, 1899. JOHNSON, H. H. The Negro in the World, London, 1910 JOHNSON, H. il. S. The F-u-l-a-n-i- -E-mp-i-r-e- of SokoT % T . --------t-o, Ibadan, KIEV, A. Magic, Faith and Healing, London, 1964. KNIGHT, M. M. Morocco as a French Venture, New York, T93TT--- -------------- - -- KOELLE, POLYGLOTT;x Africana, C.M.S. 1856. KRITZECK, J. and W. H. LEVIS (eds.), Islam in Africa, New York, ' \ 9 W l “ LxiNDER, R. and J. Journal of an Expedition to explore the coürse and Termination of the Niger. Vols One and Two,""London," 1838. LAST, M. Sokoto Caliphate, Longman 1968. LAVAL, 0. A. '0' Level Economics of West Africa, Ibadan, m — ------- ■— — ------- LEVY, R. The Social Structure of Islam, Cambridge, 1969 LEWIS, B. The ;xrabs in History, London, 1968. LEWIS, I. M. Islam in Tropical Africa Oxford, 1966. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 580 LIVINGSTONE, W. F. Mary Slessor of Calabar, New York, n .~d. LUCAS, J. 0. The Religion of the Yorubas, London, 1942. Mii.CHICHi.EL, H. A. A. History o_f the nrabs in the Sudan London , 1922*.’"*' M.NDUDI, A. A. Islamic Law and Constitution, Lahore, 1960 MBITI, J. S. African Religions and Philosophy, London e n w : ----- — *----- ---- .--- ---African Religions and Philosophy, London, T97Ö7 " *..... . -------- ,— Concepts of God in i.frica, London, 1970. MELLOR, F. H. Morocco i.wakens, London, 1939 MIDDLETON, J. and WINTER, S. H. Witchcraft and Sorcery in East*~7Trica, London, 1963 MILLOT. Introduct al l'otude du droit Musulman, Paris, MONKHOUSE, F. J. Principles of Physical Geography, London, tw . MONTELL, V. L 1 Islam Noir, Paris, 1964. MOREL, E. D. Nigeria; Its peoples and its Problems, London, T9T2. ... ‘ MORGEN, K. W. ISLAM, the straight path, New York, 1958. NADEL, S. F. Black Byzantium, Oxford, 1942. ---------- - Nupe Religion, London, 1970. NiiSR, S. H. Ideas -nd Realities of Islam, London, 1966. NEAL, J. H. Juju in my Life, London, 1966. NICHOLSON, Studies in Islamic. Mysticism, Cambridge, 1921. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 581 NICHOLSON, The Mystics of Islam, London, 1963. Nlßa, E. A Customs, Culture and Christianity, London, T3537 NIVEN, C. I . A Short History of Nigeria, London, 1957. OBOLI, H. io N. An Outline Geography of West Africa, London, 1WT. ODUYOYE, M The Planting of Christianity in Yorubaland T^2~f^ ;"T ü iig ^ ra'',T9'69:— ---------*— “ The Vocabulary of Yoruba Religious Discourse, T B S ä a S r W f T ‘---- ------ ------------ OJO, G. J. A. Yoruba Palace, London, 1966. OKEDIJI, F. 0. and 0. 0. OKEDIJI (eds.), The Sociology of the Yoruba by N. A. FADIPE, OLIVER, R. and J. D. A. F.\GE, A Short Hi story of Africa, London, 197TT OMOYAJOWO, A. Witches, Ibadan, 1974. OTTAWAY, A. Ko Co EDUCATION and Society; An Introduction to the äociology of Eclucation. London, T97(7:---- ---- ------------- OTTO, R. 0. The Idea of the Holy, London, 1973. OWOLABI, E. Oo A Textbook of Economic History of West Africa, Ibadan, ~T9?2. PAISH, F. r* (ed.) Benham's Economics. PARRINDER, Eo G* African Traditional Religion, London 1954 PICKTHALL, M. M. The Meaning of the Glorious Koran, New York, n.ct. PINNOCK, So G. The Romance of Missions In Nigeria, S.B.C. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY TRIMINGHAM, J. S. The Christian Church and Islam in West Africa, London, 1953. ______________ A Histohy of Islam in West Africa, Oxford. ’ i w . — -— — “ “ ■“ - — — -- -------- Islam in West Africa, Oxford, 1972. VANN, E. J. Meet the Arab, London, 1943. VANSINA, J. Oral Tradition; a Study in Historical Methodology, transl. byWrTght’/Tl’. M. IToütTeSge and Kegan Paul, 1965. VANSINA (ed.) The Historian in Tropical Africa, Oxford. 1964. WALKER, F. D. The Romance of the Black River, London, m r r ----------------------- WARWICK, M. Sorcery in its Social Setting, Manchester, T9557 — --------- Witchcraft and Sorcery, Penguin, 1970. WATT, M. Islamic Surveys; Islamic Philoscphy and Theology, "Edinburgh: i~96~2Y ----------- The Faith and Practice of Al-Ghazäl'i London Tg?rr.-------------— *— *------ -— • WEBSTER, H. Magic; A Sociological Study, London, 1948 WEBSTER, J. B. The j-ifrican Churches among the Yoruba, UxfordT" T564.------------ ----------- WILSON, J„ Education and Changing West nfrican Culture, London, 196b. “ S WILSON, B. Mi.GIC and the Millenium, London, 1973. D. .iRTICLES IN LE..RNED JOURNALS. ABIMBOLA, W. "The- Ruins of Oyo Division" African Notes Vol. ii, 1, October, 1964. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 583 ------------- "The Literature of Ifa Cult” in BIOBAKU, S. 0. (ed.), Sources of Yoruba History, ------- ---------------- ABUJA, J. B. "Korane and Moslem Law Teaching in Hausaland” Nigeria, 37, 1951. AFOLlBI, 0. ''Yoruba Palaces in Transition", Gangan, Ibadan, Issue No. 6 October, 1975. AGBEBI, A. "The West African Problem" in SPILLER, G. Compilero AJaLA, A. "African Communion; Its aims and objectives", The african Church Chronicle April-June, 1936. AJAYI, J. F. a . "How Yoruba was reduced to Writing", ODU 8, October, 1960. — .----- ------ "Political Organisation in West African Towns in the Nineteenth Century. The Lagos Example" n Urbanisation in African Social Change (uainFurgF, 1963)» Paper “ presented ab the Tnaugural Seminar centre of African StüTdies~,~ Minburgh, 19b3. -------------- "Samuel *̂jayi Crowther of Oyo", Africa Remembered in Philip, D. U. (ed.TT "I’b'adan w : — AKINGBALi., T. "Do Witches Really Exist", Spear, Lagos, October, 1975. AKINJOGBIN, I. A. "Dahomey and Yoruba in the Nineteenth Century1' in AJAYI, J. F. A. and I. ESPIE (eds.), A thousand Years of West African History, London, ■T9S5T "The Prelude to the Yoruba Civil V/ars", Odu, 1, 2, January, 1965. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY -------- ------ .— "A Chronology of Yoruba History 1789-181+0", Odu, Vol. II, No. (2), 1966. AKINTOYE, B. “West African Trade before the Coming of the Europeans", History of West Africa Part III, May-July, 197-U- ATANDA, J. A. "Dahomey Raids-; on Oke-Ogun Towns, 1881-18905 An Episode in Nineteenth Century Yoruba-Dahomey Relations", Historia, III, April, 1966. ATANDA, J. A. "The Search for Peace in Yorubaland, 1881-1893"» Irving and Bonnar Graduate Prize. Essay for 1966. AYANDELE, E. A. "An Assessment of James Johnson and his place in Nigerian History 187I+-1917!’. Part I, J.H.S.N. 2, 1+, December, 1963. -------- -----— "An Assessment of James Johnson and his place in Nigerian History 187U-1917". Part II, J.H.S.N., 3, 1, December, I96I+. -------- ------ "The Mode of British Expansion in Yorubaland in the second Half of the Nineteenth Century; The Oyo EPISODE, Odu 3» 2, January, 1967. BALOGUN, I.A.B. "Penetration of Islam into Nigeria" in N.J.I., Ile-Ife, Vol. I, No. 1, June, 1970. -------------- "Penetration of Islam into Nigeria" in N.J.I., Ile-Ife, Vol. I, No. 2, Jan.-June, 1971» BASCOM, W. R. "Yoruba in Cuba", Nigerian Magazine, Nos. 36-4+0. ----------- ---- "The Sanctions of Ifa Divination", Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 715 Part II, 191+1. -------- ----— "Ifa Divination"| Comments on Clarke’s Paper", Man, 1+2, 19U2. •Social Status among the Yoruba", American Anthopogist, Vol. 53, U s October - December, 1951» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 585 ---------- "Urbanisation among the Yoruba", American Journal of Sociology, 60, 5, MarcTT̂ 1955 = ---------- "Urbanism as a Traditional African Pattern”, Sociological Review, 7, 1, July, 1959. BASSIR, 0. Marriage Rites among the Aku in Freetown”, Africa, 24, 3, July, 1954. BEIER, A.U. "Sacred Wood Carvings", Nigerian Magazine Production, July, 1957. BIOBAKU, S. 0. "Ogboni, the Egba Senate” in Proceedings of the C.I.A .0., Ibadan, 1949. ----------- "An Historical Sketch of Egba Traditional Authorities", Africa V. 22, 1952. ----------- "Origins of the Yoruba", Lugard Lectures, Lagos, 1955. BIVAR, A. D. and M. HISKETT, "The Arabic Literature of Nigeria to 1804, a Provisional Account», B.S.O.A.S. XXV, 1962 CRAGG, K. "West African Catechism”, Muslim V/orld XLVIII, 3, July, 1958. DUFF, E. C. Gazetteer of Kot-angora Province, London, 1920. EL-MASRI,F. H., b"yI sLllaomy di,n PI.b adC.a n"M abiong uTnhjee ,C iAt.y Lo,f AIwbea,d anB. (ed.) Cambridge, 1967. GBADAMOSI, G. 0. "The Establishment of Western Education among Muslims in Nigeria”, J.H.S.N, IV, I, December, 196 HERMAN-HODGE. H. R. Gazetteer of Ilorin Province, London m ----------------------- HUNWICK, J. 0. "Islam in West Africa A.D. 1000-1800» in AJAYI, J. F. A. and I. ESPIE, (eds.), A Thousand Years of West African History. tondonT'^TT.----- ----------------- UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 586 “The Nineteenth Century Jihäds“ in AJAYI, J. F. A. and I. ESPIE, (eds.), A Thousand Years of West African History. London, 1972. IDONIBOYE, D. E. “The Concept of Spirit' in Africa Metaphysics", Second Order. An African Journal of Philosophy (ife), Universify of Ife, Press, Vol. II, No. 1, January, 1973. IDOWU, E. B. “The Religion of the Yoruba“, Gangan, Ibadan Issue No. 3, October, 1970. - ---------- “The Challenge cf Witchcraft“ Orita, Ibadan JIoVu/1r.n al Juonfe ,R el1i97g0i.ous Studies, voi ----------- “The Religion of the Yoruba: Our i.ncestral Home“, Gangan, Ibadan, Issue No. 6, October” T975. JIMOH, S. a . :,A Critical Appraisal of Islamic Education with particular reference to the relevant happenings on the Nigerian Scene“, N,J.I. Ile-Ife Vol. 2, No. 1, July 1971 - January, 1972. ‘ KENNY, J. P. “Towards Better Understanding of Muslims and Christians“, N.J.I. Ile-Ife Vol. 2, No. 1. July, 1971 - 1572. KING, L. W. “Divination among the nssyro-Babylonians, ERE. , LADIPO, D. Opera. I"bObaad aKno, S(oO cc(aThsei oKnailn g Pudbild incoatti ohna nNdo)." ,10), 1968. LIOYD, P. G. “The Traditional Political System of the Yoruba“, South Western Journal of Anthropology, 10, 4, Winter, 1954. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 587 LOSI, J. B. ,!Shitta-Bay and the Lagos Muslim Community 1850-1895" Part I, N.J.I., Ile-Ife, Vol..2, No. 1, July, 1971 - J'anuary, 1974. "Shitta-Bay and the Lagos Muslim Community, 1850-1895" Part II, N.J.I. Ile-Ife, Vol. 2, No. 2 June, 1972 - June, 1974." MABOGUNJE, A. L. ''Urbanisation in Nigeria*'. Economic Development and Cultural Change. "Chicago, 13(4), July, 1955. MACGREGOR, "Lagos, Abeokuta and the Alake", J.A.S. 3, 12, July, 1904. MOLONEY, A. "Notes on Yoruba and the Colony and the Protectorate of Lagos, West Africa", J.R.G.S., V. 12, 1890. MORTON-WILLIAMS, P. "The Atinga cult among the South Western Yoruba; A Sociological Analysis of a Witch finding Movement", W .A .I.S. 1952. ----------- "The Egungun Society in South Western Yoruba Kingdom", Proceedings of the Third Annual Conference of the Wes"t Africa Institute of Social- and EconomicHKesearch, Ibadän^ 195b.- ---------- "The Yoruba Ogboni Cult in Oyo" in Forde, D and P. M. KABERRY, (eds.) West African Kingdöms in the Nineteenth Century. Oxford, 1$71. OKUNZUA, G. 0. "Witchery not being ordinary, Witchery cannot be Ordinary", Okunzua1s Practical Wisdom Series, No. 11“ March, 1$72. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 588 OWOADE, j.i. "The States of the Guinea Forest: Pattern and Development", in History of West Africa (1000 - 1800 A.D.) September -"Term’ T574/75T "Trans-Saharan Contact with North ..frica" in History of West Africa (1000-1800 A.D.) September TTr~T57^7757^------------------ ----------------- PRODUFOOT, L. "Mosque Building and Tribal Separation in Freetown", S.B.R. 4, 2, December, 1962. ROSE, J. H. "Divination among the Greeks", ERE. "The Fourah Bay Dispute in Aku Faction Fight in East Freetown", Africa, 29, 4, 1959. SCHACHT, J . "Islam in Northern Nigeria'". Studia Islamica. VIII, 1957. SMITH, H. F. C. "Arabic Manuscript Material relating to the History of the Western Sudan;:, Supplement to Bulletin of News, H.S.M. IV, 2, 1$39 M"aIrsclha,m i19n6.3W.e st Africa'", “Ibada ”n, No. 15, UYO, E. 0. "Witchcraft and Society" in Procecdings at the staff Seminar Papers and Subsequent TH~scussTcns._7Tr~ican Studie s~~I5rvision. FacuTty of’Arts, ÜniversiTy oFTagcs, 1966/67 Session. VERGER, P. Les i.fro Americaines (Momories I.F.a .N.) 27, 1952. Notes Sun Le Cuttee des Orisa et Vodum a Bahia" (Momories I.F.A.N.) 51, 1957,. VA .DEL, L. A. "Divination among the Buddhits of India", ERE. WISSOWA, G. "Divination among the Romans", ERE. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 589 Es THESES ABDUL, M.O.A. "Islam in Ijebu-Ode", (M. A. McGill, 1967). AGIRI, B. A. "The Development of Local Government in Ogbomoso, 1850-1950", (M. A. Ibadan, 1966). AJAYI, J. P. A. "Christian Missions and the Making of Nigeria, 181U-1891", (Ph.D. London, 1958). AJAYI W. "A History of the Yoruba Mission (C.M.S.) 18U3“^880''» (M.A. Bristol, 1959). ATANDA, J. A. "The New Oyo Empires A Study of British Indirect Rule in Oyo Province 189M93U", (Ph.D. Ibadan, 1967). AWE, B. 0. "The Rise of Ibadan as a Yoruba Power in the Nineteenth Century", (D. Phil. Oxford, I96I4). AWOLALU, J. 0. "Sacrifice in the Religion of the Yoruba", (Ph.D. Ibadan, 1971). AYANDELE, E. A. "The Political and Social Implications of Missionary Enterprise in the Evolution of Modern Nigeria 1875-19W» (Ph.D. London, 196U). BALOGUN, K. "Sacred Kingship and Gerontocracy in Old Oyo Empire, A Study of an African Traditional Political System, (Ph.D. Ibadan, 1975). BIOBAKU, S, 0. "The Egba State and Its Neighbours 18U2-1872" (Ph.D. London, 1952). CORDWELL, J. N. "Some Aesthetic Aspects of Yoruba and Benin Cultures", (Ph.D. Northwestern, 1952). PADIPE, N. A. "The Sociology of the Yoruba", (Ph.D. London 19U0). GBADAMOSI, G. 0, "The Growth of Islam among the Yoruba", (Ph.D. Ibadan, 1971.) HERSKOVITS, J. P. "Liberated Africans and the History of Lagos Colony to 1886", (D.Phil, Oxford, i960). HOWEL, E. M. "Nigerian Baptist Leaders and their Contribution", (Doctoral Dissertation, South West Baptist Theological Seminary, 195^). IFEMESIA, C. C. "British Enterprise on the River Niger 1830-1869", (Ph.D. London, 1959). INYANG, P.E.M. "The Provision of Education in Nigeria with reference to the work of the Church Missionary Society, Catholic Mission and the Methodist Missionary Society", (M.A. London, 1958). OLATUNJI, 0. "The Characteristics of Yoruba Oral Poetry", (Ph.D. Ibadan, 1971). 0M0YAJ0W0, J. A. "Cherubim and Seraphim Church in Nigeria", (Ph.D. Ibadan, 1971). PETERSON, J. E. "A Study in the Dynamic of Liberated African Society 1807-1870", (Ph.D. Northwestern, 1963. WALSH, M. J. "The Catholic Contribution to Education in Western Nigeria", (M.A. London, 1951). UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 590 H l 0R:;L evidence The importance of oral evidence, when properly handled, as source material for historical writing has been so much discussed , that the re is no noed to defend this type of source material höre. It is only essential to state, at this juncture, why such a source becomes indispensable to this work. Indeed, it is voritably inevitable in,a work of this nature where written evidence is, by and large, scanty as compared with any work on the Christian missionary activities like the ones undertaken by nfrican historians such as ixjayi and /.yandelo. Moreover, it will be useful to note that the majority \ of the dra--aftmi '»a .n—t» »ii ns — i pe—r so n ■nae in the events which tock place inm-l-mmn- m h i mmmmii Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century were illiterato. In so far as the illiterate majority kept any reccrd cf the events of the period, they did so in their memory. 1. For example, see Vansina, Jan, Oral Tradition; study in Historical Methodology, transTated by Wright, H. M. Jrioutledge and Kegan Paul, 1965» UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 59^ Oral evidence occupies a significant position with regard to the history of Islam in Oyo and its districts in the era of British occupation of the area (1895-1900). And since, as has been rightly argued by Professor Ajayi,*'the Colonial period was not a mythical Situation in which 'a race of gods and heroes' ccmmuned “with naughty mortals” but a real one in which Europeans and Africans dealt with one another as human beingsU' l, then not only the views of the British administrative Officers, but only those of the obas, chiefs and their subjects must find their proper places in a work of this type. In this connection, oral evidence becomes a primary source in finding out the views of these obas, chiefs (Muslim and nön-Muslim) and their subjects. Moreover, I discovered that the Muslims in Oyo and its districts do possess a remarkably high sense of history. In each Yoruba community of Oyo and its districts which I visited, the people cherish a knowledge of their beginnings and development. This has, in a large measure, facilitated the collection of raw historical data. This sense of 1 1. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, 'The Continuity of African Institutions Under Colonialism'. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5 9 2 history explains while there was not only a number of already published local works cn the history of Islam but also a considerable number of manuscripts on this subject. These manuscripts were sometimes prepared in readiness for my interview. I engaged in field work in the course of preparing this work, interviewing as many people - Muslims and non- Muslims, o%bas, chiefs and ccmmoners - as necessary as possible. But for a 'premature1 interview in December 1973» my field work was done in March, 1974; August, November, 1975. I visited a large number of Muslim communities in Oyo and its districts, sometimes more than once, in oder to collect and verify evidence relating to this work . In a letter to them, I always informed them before hand about the purpose and date of my visit. On arrival, there was, more often than not, need ft;.r a further explanation of the purpose of my visit, myself and Sponsors. 1 1. Vansina (ed.), The Historian in Tropical Africa, Oxford, 1964. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 593" My movements and my interviews during the field work wäre greatly facilitated by a tape-recorder and ä camera respectivcly. Both of these were provided by the authorities of both the University of Ibadan and the Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan. In my interviews, either with Muslims or non-Muslims, obas, chiefs or ccmmoners, I have adopted the same method. First•there was a preliminary interview during which I explained tc my prospective informant the purpose of my work, making elaborate Statements on the topic on which I desired information namelys The begännings, expansion and the development of the Muslim in Oyo and its districts in the nineteenth Century, that is fr cm its incepticn to the time of Alaafin Adeyemi ulowolodu I (1875-1905). At this stage, I did not give out specific questions. This was to prevent preconceived answers, as I preferred improptu answers at time of main interview . This preliminary interview was 1. yI opurnegfeerr rgeedn eriamtpiroonp tui n amnsovs/te rso f fotrh e potloiwtnsi caflo rmreearsloyn su.n derThe Oyo did net (and still do not) wish to retrospect the memery of the sovereignty of Oyo, which served as both the political and religious centre in the nineteenth Century Oyo and its districts. Thus, I anticipated the fear* tliat if I revealed at the preliminary stage the full implication of my work tc the Chief Imam and his jamä^a, some of whom, belong to the older generation, theirviews might be influenced by the younger folk who might have heard of my proposed interview befere the date scheduled. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 594 concluded by stipulating a date for the main interview, which in most cases, took place a day or two later. On the appcinted date, I called agnin to conduct the main interview; It is interesting to note that in the majcrity cf cases where the informant was the Chief Imäms the religious head of the Muslim community, his jamäca usually surrounded him at the interview. Sometimes, older than the Chief Imam himself, the ;jam~ ca helped to remind the Chief Imam of points which ho cculd not remember properly. Of course, when the Pav r\a k\o yi*' ■' or the Chief Ima—m gave the account ccrrectly, one heard the sign of acquiscence frcm the .jamäC:a. Within a short time, people relaxed. I listened to the story told me, with very few interruptions. When there was some considerable pause, I threw a few questicns to clarify what had already been said. Otherwise, I managed to lead them on to fresh topics. Open mec-tings with Muslim elders cculd be twice or thrice. Düring the interview, the informants might ask for my erstwhile experience. Soon enough, I found the people enthusiastic and co-cperative particularly as they came to UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 595 know about my academic leanings» my interest in the community and my knowledge of Arabic and Islam. (I was often called malam, i.lufa and Abudu). They were especially interested in tho fact that I belong to the same tribe with them, Yoruba.. This was often followed by J,unofficial,: interviews with individual Muslims and non-Muslims in their private homes. a gccd deal of interesting detail sometirnes emerged here, especially from the women folk who remembered praise- names and other interesting data fairly well. The questions I asked at the iriain interviews varied slightly in wording to suit the particular locality and community. But in content, they were all centred on the following sub-topics:- 1. The relaticnship of the town er village with Oyo% in the days of the Old Oyo Empire, I mean before 1835. 2. The introduction of Islam into each cf the tcwns or villages in Oyo and its districts. 3. The growth of Islam in each of the towns and villages cf Oyo and its districts from its inception to 1835. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 596 4. The fall of the Old Oyo Empire and its effect * •* on Islam. 5. Atiba and the fuunding of New Oyo. 6. pditical and Islamic rehabilitation and oonsolidation in New Oyo and its districts during the reign of Alaafin Atiba. 7. The expansion of Islam in the era of Christianity and British rule. 8. Islamic Institutions; Organisation, Festivals and Education. 9. Traditional beliefs and practices. 10. The impact of Islam cn the traditional beliefs and practices. In addition to these, questions were asked about matters which arose during the course of the interviews. One such matter concerned the relationship between the Muslims and the Christians, the Christians and the followers of the traditional religion. In most cases, I tape-recorded the answers given to my questions by my informants. j.fter the interview, I played back the tape to assure the informants that I had recorded exactly what was said during the interview(s). I later UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 597 wrote out in notes what was rocorded. Thus, I was able, in most cases, to record and quote whore necessary the exact words of my inforraants. In tho latter pericd of my fied work, when the power of the tape reccrder waned, I adopted the method of writing down on the spot. In this case it was not pcssible to write the exact words; but I usually read over to the informant what I put down to ensure that I had his points correct. In most cases, the veracity of the Information is not difficult to establish. As pointed out earlier, the informants usually included the Parakoyi, the Chief Imam and the jamä'oa. Here, the dictum that 'Many heads are / better thari one' is apposite. However, the statement of an informant was not taken as genuine just because he was a Muslim öfficial or a learned Muslim, adequate cross- checking, as for as pcssible, was done. In most cases, the interview was conducted in Yoruba, the mother-tongue of both the interviewer and the informants. However, there were a few, such as the mälams in Muslim Schools, and the secretaries to the obas, who choso to speak in the English language. My informants sometimes included local rhapsodists (arokins, in the court of obas), relations of Muslims and UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 598 others who, by age or Connections, might have some relevant informaticn to give. The chiefs and elders - above 55 were the most helpful. While I generally gave free scope to my informants, there were topics on which I often had to ask for their evidence. They included the various itinerant mälams, their duties (which I tape-recorded), relations with non-Muslims, pilgrimage, fasting, mosques and the like. I sojourned with Muslims for most of the time during my tours of Oyo and its districts. Often, I was a guest with the Chief Imam, or with any other Muslim (officer) as fixed for me by the tjamäca. Based in one town, I visited other neighbouring towns and villages conducting my interviews. In this respect, Oyo, the headquarters of Oyo South, and Saki, the headquarters of Oyo North can be mentioned. Besides official werk, it was, indeed, a very useful and interesting experiencej a . horizon-widening opportunity to move so closely with the Muslim communities of Oyo and its districts, some cf whom I have not hitherto the opportunity to meet. During the field work, there were sometimes some Problems. In this regard, two can be mentioned; First, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 599 there was some problem in fixing dates. This problem of chrcnology, I tried tc solve by making raference to fairly fixer! chronolgies; age-grades; lists of obas (See above, APPENDIX IV, 556-560pp.) and lists of Imams (See above, APPENDIX III, 5^8-555pp.)* Moreover, I often had to Supplement or even correct these by making use of the records in the files of the local administrative Offices. But even by these methods, only appreximate datos could be arrived at. Secondly, it was not always easy tc obtain information about the traditionel background and connecticns of some Muslims, especially the prominent ones amongst them. There is an overt reticence about this. Though gossip and private discussions cbuld be revoaling here, these had severe limitations for historical purposes. However, disputes ameng Muslims often exude a goed deal of material on this aspect, and reports of these, which are available in various government and private records, can be useful. But even hure, there is some obvious need for wariness in handling such matterials. Gener-ally, however, some valid story can be pieced together by a carsful use cf oral and written evidences. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6C0 Below is a select list of the places I visited, the people interviewed and the time they were interviewed. KISI, nugust, 1975. 1. alhaji Abdul Kareem, the Chief Imam of Kisi, of Agoro quarter. 2. Alhaji Raji, the Senior muqaddam of the Tijäniyya order of Teifa quarter. IGBETI, August, 1975. 1. alhaji Sanusi alabi, the Chief Imäm of Igbeti, of Imam's quarter. 2. alhaji Bello Akanni, the Balogun Imole of Igbeti of ;.gc üre quarter. 3. aVl uyfa Salami Ajibowu of Ajibcwu quarter. IGBOHO. August, 1975. 1. Alhaji Salimonu Ajila, the Chief Imam I, of Boni quarter. 2. Alhaji Lawani £)guntade, the Chief Imam II, of Modeke Quarter. 3. alhaji Mustafa Ladoja Oyebimpe, i.re Oke afin Igboho. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY SEPETERI. August, 1975« e * * 1. a 1hajicAbdul Ahmed, the Chief Imam of Sepeteri, f. of Imam Quarter. 2. Alhaji Liasu ^debayo, of Pa\ rSa ko ̂yi^ Quarter. Si JKI, Augu st, 1973. 1. Jilhaji Lawani Iyanda, the Chief Imam of Saki, Imam Quarter. 2. Alhaji Fasasi Takada, Oniwaasi, of Isale 01a Quarter. 3. nlhaji Balogun Monmc, the Balogv—' un Imole of «S aki', Isale-Ola Quarter. b. Alufa Salami Adebisi, the Seriki Imole of Saki, Ogidigbo Quarter. 5. Alhaji Mubasiru, the scn of the Chief Imam. aHA nugust, 1973. 1. ülhaji Lawani, the Chief Imam of Aha, of Imäm Quarter. 2. Bello Oyetunde, a Muslim elder, of Oloko Oba Quarter. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY J 602 TEDE , August, 1976. 1. Avl uV fa*_ Abdul Salam, the Chief Imam of Tede, of Imalefalafia Quarter. \ 2. Alufa Tijani Oladoyin, the Chairman of the Muslim Community of Tede, of Oladoyin Quarter. AGP a RE, nugust, 1975. 1. AlhajicAbdul Salami, the Chief Imam. 2. Mälam cAbdul Yekeen, of Madrasa. Nur Shahäda Islamlya, Ago-Are. 3. Alhaji Lawal, SaV r'uS mi/ 'Ims ole of Ago-Are, of Iya i Mogba Quarter. 4. \A luV fa Mustapha, PSa rSa koS yi/ of Ago-Are, of Akewe Quarter. 5. ^A l|u\ fa Imo, Oni/w ax a\ si^, of Iya Asa Quarter. 6. AV lu\ fa Jamiu, Oni/ wa/a vs iS, of Iya Asa Quarter. IRAWO ILE. August, 1975. 1. Alhaji i-ibudu Salami, the Chief Imäm of Irawo i Ile. 2. Mustapha, Muslim Association Leader. 3. Tijani Agesin, Muslim Association Secretary, of agesin Quarter. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 603 4. Jimoh, Muslim Association leader of Ogboye Quarter. IRiiWO OWODE August, 1973 1. Alhaji Abu Bakr, the Chief Imam of Irawc Owode 2. Alhaji Lasisi, Balogun Adiini of Irawo Owode. 3. nlufa Bello, Otun-Imole of Irawc Owode. 4. . Lawani - the Pa\ r\a kVoyi of Irawo Owode. OFIKI, August, 1975. \ 1. Alufa Tijani Bolaji, the Chief Imäm of Ofikij of Jagun Sendo Quarter. 2. Alufa Mustapha, Muslim Association Leader, of Aluko Quarter. 3. Alufa nlaka Cjeleyo, Muslim Association leader. 4. \A luV,fa Salami Fatoyinbo, Muslim Association leader. 5. S«itu Sulola, Muslim Association leader. 6. Lawani Awujo, Muslim Association leader. OKAKA. August, 1973. 1. VA lXufa Raufu, Baba, the acting Chief Imäm of Okaka. 2. Abudu Kadiri, the Pax rav kvo yi/ of Okaka. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 604 3. Raji Akoredej Muslim Association leader. 4. Amuda Mejiosukiilej Muslim Association leader. 5. Busari Ogundejij Muslim Association leader. 6. Ibrahimo Adeyinka, Muslim Association leader. IGANNA, August. 1975. 1. Alhaji Salawu Moba-Oluwaduro, the acting Chief Imäm and his father, the retired old Chief Imam. 2. A\ luVfa Lasisi, Muslim Association leader, of Kabiye Quarter. 3. Alhaji Aminu, Muslim Association leader. 4. Iya Selia, Muslim Association leader, of Onilu Quarter. 5. Adegbite, Muslim Association leader, of Mo4g a\j i/ xI m\ole Quarter. OKE-IHO, August, 1975. 1. Alhaji Abdu Karimü^i the Chief Imam .'of :0ke-Iho. 2. Mälam Kassem Owonifaari, of Bode Quarter. 3. Alhaji Alawiye, of A. U. D. Primary School, Eyede Oke-Iho. 4. Alhaji Mälam Arowolo, of A.U.D. Primary School, Ayetoro, Oke-Iho. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 5. Alufa Salami Barani, Dadani (Muezzin) and Arowa/ avs i*j of Seriki Quarter. 6, . Av lu•«fa Rasheed Akinsola, Muslim Association leader. 7. Av lu\fa Saka, Muslim Association leader. 8. Alufa Murana, Muslim Association leader. 9. Alhaji Salau Olorunlolowo, Muslim Association leader. ISEYIN, August, 1975. 1. Alhaji Jamiu, the Chief Imam of Iseyin, of Olokuta Quarter. 2. Mal am Raimi j-hmed of Arabic Training Institute Ekure Quarter, Iseyin. t 3. Malaro Waidi Raji of ,.rabic Training Centre, Oluwole Quarter, Iseyin. 4. '"Abdul v/ahabi, Imam A.U.D. Ijemba Quarter, Iseyin 5. Alufa Fasasi, Imam Ahmadiyya Movement in Islam (present Anwarü’l-Isläm Movement) of Lalubi Quarter, Oke-Eyin, Iseyin. v ^ 6. Alufa Salami, of Lalubi quarter, Oke-Eyin, Iseyin. 7. Alhaji Asiru Balogun, the proprietor, N.U.D. Primary School, Iseyin and Arabic Training Centre, Oluwole Quarter, Iseyin. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 8. Alhaji nlaka, proprietor, A.U.D. Primary School Iseyin. 9. Alhaji Mustapha Adeleke, mälam in A.U.D. Primary School, Iseyin. 10. Alhaji Abdulahi, the first Alhaji in Iseyin. 11. Salau, Muslim Association leader, of Agbobamu Quarter, Iseyin. IKOYI, August, 1975. 1. ixlhaji ilbudu Baki, the Chief Imam of Iseyin and the great grand child of the first Chief Imam, AV lu\fa Sule. 2. i.lufa Yusufu, Haibi, the deputy Chief Imam, of Pandoro Quarter, Ikoyi. 3. Alhaji Hanafi, the muqaddam of the Tijaniyya. 4. Mälam Shewu, the leader of the Arabic pupils and students. 5. Alüfa Gani Adebayo, Imam Ahmadiyya Mission. 6. Mälam Ali Ihiwanudini, Muslim ^ssociation leader. O* YQ* (AGO9 D'O*YO) December, 1973, March, 1974, November, 1973. 1. Alhaji Asiru, the Pa\ r\a ko\ yi0* of Oyo, of Pa\ rVa ko\ yi •.* * Quarter, Oyo. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 6C7 • 2. Alhaji Sadiku Akangbe, (alias Awayewaserere), the Otun Imole of Oyo, of Paräkoyi quarter, Oyo 3. A•' lu\ fa Raji, the vO svi I\ mo. le of Oyo, of P.a.. rakvo yi> Quarter, Oyo. 4. Alufa Salami, the Balogun Imole of Oyo, of Oke- Balogun Quarter, Oyo. ■* * , / '\ 5. Alhaji Sule Shewu, the Mogaji Imole of Oyo, of Parakoyi Quarter, Oyo. 6. Alhaji Akintunde, Imam, A.U.D. Oyo, of Parakoyi Quarter, Oyo. 7. AlufacAbdul V/ahabi, Imäm, Ahmadiyya Mission, Oyo of P\a r*a koVyi Quarter, Oyo. 8. Oba Larnidi Olayiwola Adeyemi Keta. The nlaafin of Oyo. 9° Mr. J. a . Erufa, the Secretary to the Ala/ a\fin of Oyo. 10. nlhaji Animasaun, member of a .U.D. Society, Oyo, of Oke-Isokun Quarter, Oyo. 11. Alhaji Karirau, SaV rVu. mif I" m\ole of Oyo, of Oke-Afin Quarter, Oyo. 12. Alhaji /nusa, Public Sermon .Innouncer, of Imam Quarter, Oyo. 13. Alhaji Adisa, an Arabio teacher at Abiodun Atiba High School, Oyo. UNIVERSITY OF BADAN LIBRARY 608 AWE, August, 1975. 1. Alhaji Abudu Karimu, the Chief Imam of Awe, of Aarin-Ago Quarter, Isikan, Awe. 2. Alufa Bello, Alaga, the Chairman of the Muslim Community of Awe, of Onilamole Quarter, Awe. 3. Jimoh (alias Ohilegogoro) Muslim Association leader of Komu Quarter, Awe. 4. Mustapha Kulu, Muslim Association leader, of Asoju Quarter, Awe. 5. Mustapha pupa, Muslim Association quarter, Awe. AKINMORIN, August, 1975. 1. Alhaji Lasisi Iyanda, the Chief Imäm of Akinmorin. 2. Mr. Michael Olarpgha, an aged Muslim apostate (His Muslim name was Sadiku). He was formerly a Muslim before he got converted to Christianity. He is an aged man, about 90 years oldjwith rieh knowledge of the history of Akinmorin in general. He was a sojourner in the house of Jinadu, the first Chief Imam who introduced Islam into Akinmorin. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY 609 ILORa , August, 1975. 1 Alhaji Lasisi Iyanda, the Chief Imam of Ilora, of Ologunmo Quarter, Ilora. 2 Salami Folaranmi, the father of the present Chief Imam of Ilora. He is an aged man with wealth of knowledge concerning the history of Ilora in general. 3 >A lu>. fa Salawu Ajala, Onist \a f\u siy ir^u of Ilora. * 4 ülufa Ibrahim Adekunle, a Muslim elder, of Gbelekale Quarter, Ilora. 5 Malam Amusa, leadcr of a piazza Qur’̂änic School of Olukotun Quarter, Ilora. v v 6 Alufa Karirnu (alias Olore-nile) leader of a piazza Qur"anic School, of i.re-Onilu Quarter, Ilpra. \A luv,7 fa Buraimo, leader of a piazza Our^änic School, of Idiomo Quarter, Ilora. * 8 i.lufa Salami and Lamidi, leaders of Piazza Quranic Schools, all of Balogun Quarter, Ilora. 9 Av lu\ fa Isiaka, leader of a Piazza Qur'_“nie School of Gborun Quarter, Ilora. UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY FIDITI; August, 197,5. 1. Alhaji Bamigbade, the Chief Imäm I of Fiditi. 2. Alhaji Jimoh Sanni* the Chief Imam II. 3. Alhaji Jimoh Mustapha, the Onitafusitru of Fiditi. 4. Alufa cAbdul Azeez, the Muezzin (Dadaani or Ladaani). 5. VA lsufa Gbadamosi, the Chairman Piditi, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY