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Item TRANSFORMATION AND CHALLENGES OF PELUPELU INSTITUTION IN EKITILAND 1900-2000(2015-06) ONIPEDE, K .JThe colonial authorities created the pelupelu (kingship council) in 1900 for administrative purpose of Ekitiland. Existing studies on kingship traditions have focused largely on social and political developments during the colonial and post-colonial period, while the pelupelu, which embodies the people’s tradition and culture, has not attracted scholarly attention. This study, therefore investigated the pelupelu institution, it examined its transformation and challenges from 1900-2000. Historical research design, based on primary and secondary sources of data was adopted for the study. The primary sources included 32 key-informant interviews conducted with 24 kings, four high chiefs and four chief priests. Archival documents such as minutes of meetings, and colonial correspondence, including photographs were sourced from the National Archives in Ibadan. Secondary sources comprised newspapers, journal articles and books on kingship. Data were analysed using descriptive method of historical interpretations. Two types of kingship institution existed in Ekiti society by 1900 namely, elu (priest king) and the olu (crown head). Though, co-equal, and independent of each other, they were constituted as pelupelu by colonial authority in 1900. The taboo of seclusion prior to 1900 refrained the kings from attending pelupelu meeting. In 1913 the Native Authority Ordinance reversed the centralised administration and made the kings independent as president of the native authorities and courts in their respective administrative district. The introduction of tax in 1919 reduced the kings’ economic power but introduced salary based on revenue from their districts. Consequently, the kings were ready to federate and work for the colonial authorities, but the merger destroyed kingship culture and affected their traditional functions. Between 1920 and 1940, pelupelu was reconstituted to play civic roles. Problem of hierarchy and authority to wear crown became the order and dependent on colonial authority, which significantly disrupted the kings’ relationship. Ekiti Superior Native Authority proposed in 1940 fractured pelupelu rank but became functional from August 1944 as a miniature advisory council until 1952, when it was merged with the erroneously labelled Western House of Chiefs. In 1955, Ekiti society was re-organised into eight districts and the kings became unofficial members. From 1960 to 1975, the political elite subjected the kings to democratic principles and classified them in order of seniority; the 1976 Land Use Decree stripped them of their power over land. While their interaction has enabled them to have wider opinion on issues affecting Ekiti society, their structure into hierarchy during the colonial and classification in the post-colonial period created problem of competition, power politics, leadership struggle among the oba and between the traditional and the political elite. The selection of king is at the order of the state government against the tradition and culture of kingship. The colonial authorities took cognisance of cultural basis of development and involved the pelupelu institution in the administration of the Ekiti society. These endangered Ekiti kingship culture but facilitated social development. Government acknowledgement of the diversity of traditions and cultures as basis of development can further assist the government within the framework of national development.Item THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION IN EKITILAND, 1915 - 1951(1995-07) ADELOYE, T. S.The thesis focuses attention on the development of British Administration in Ekitiland from 1915-1951, It discusses the British occupation of Ekiti- land and analyses the efforts made by the British to consolidate their administration through the creation of a centralised political authority. It examines the administrative structures evolved and observes that the Ekiti Oba were generally used as Instruments of British Administration, It is shown that under the new political dispensation, the Oba virtually became ciphers in the hands of British Administrative Officers. It is argued that some of the responsibilities assigned to the Oba eroded their traditional power, authority, status and prestige. The thesis also examines the efforts made at creating a central Administration in Ekitiland between 1920 and 1936, The attendant problems of this political experiment are discussed. In particular, the political agitations for secession, autonomy and other political reforms by some communities such as Ado-Ekiti, Akure, Igbara-Odo, Ilawe, Osi etc between 1938 and 1946 are discussed, It argues that these agitations not only threatened political Integration in Ekitiland but also contributed largely to the failure of central Administration put in place by the Colonial Government. The re-organisation efforts made by the British to re-invigorate their tottery administration in Ekitiland between 1946 and 1951 are analysed. The new political dispensation, which was a shift from a rigid centralisation of political authority that was unpalatable to Ekiti Oba to that of loose centralised Administration which allowed them (the Oba) to retain their sovereignty, succeeded to a large extent up to 1951. The economic dimension of British Administration in Ekitiland during the study period is also examined. While contending that British Administration was largely exploitative and resulted in a monumental disruption of the pre-colonial economic structure of the Ekiti society, it identifies certain sectors where the British Administration achieved some measure of development. The study concludes that though the British Administration tried to consolidate itself in Ekitiland, their initial objective of rigid political centralisation that would have brought Ekiti Kingdoms under one central authority was not realised. Furthermore, it observes that British Administration was a mixed blessing to the people of Ekltiland. The Ekiti accepted some of the changes considered beneficial to their society while rejecting those they considered detrimental to their well-being. The thesis has complemented the existing studies on British Administration in Nigeria in general and has also revealed the abysmal failure of British attempt to create a Central Administration in a society which was hitherto apparently segmentary.Item CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AND THE MARINE OF NIGERIA 1841 - 1891(1958-07) ADE-AJAYI, J. F.It is the contribution of various missionary societies in shifting the frontier of European influences from the coast where it had remained after three centuries of European trade connections into the interior of Nigeria in the half century before the establishment of British rule in the country that is the subject of this thesis. For, in their anxiety to deepen and widen Christian European influences in the country, the missionaries were laying the social and economic foundations of Nigeria, particularly Southern Nigeria. Struck by the high rate of European mortality in West Africa, and haunted by the memory that Christianity had once been introduced into West Africa and had been wiped out, the missionaries were anxious to leave a permanent mark on the country that the eventual withdrawal of European missionaries, whether sudden or gradual, could not efface. They wished to raise a large indigenous clergy, they wished to introduce not only the Bible but also the art to read and the art to make the Bible, in short, something of the technological civilisation of contemporary Europe. Central to this programme was the creation of a Middle Class of mission-educated Africans. The emigrants returning from Sierra Leone, Cuba and Brazil provided the nucleus of such a class with them, the missionaries embarked on a programme of practical education in trades and industry. They tried to gather the emigrants together in particular centres round the Mission House, in little mission villages to which Individual converts from the old town, physically or spiritually, attached themselves. This new society it was hoped would grow and replace the antiquated ways of the old town. Things did not always work out as the missionaries planned. Their resources were inadequate. They were dependent on traders whose objectives were different from theirs. The society of the old town did not crumble as readily as was expected. The missionaries saw the power of the African rulers on the coast passing to the consul and the traders, not to the educated Africans whom the traders and some of the missionaries on the spot as well regarded as rivals. Nevertheless, a class of Africa was rising, as clergymen in the church, agents of European firms or independent merchants on their own. The most notable of them was Crowther who was made a Bishop and who used an all- African staff to establish churches on the Niger. But just as such Africans, were beginning to be given responsibility and, among other things, were proceeding to make the Church less of an alien community in society, the new wave of European interest in the country made European change their attitude to Africans, and the old policy of advancing educated Africans was overturned, Even Bishop Crowther was ousted from his post and with his resignation in 1891, this period of missionary work came to an end.Item POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PALWO 1400-1911(1973) ADEFUYE, A. I.The Palwo are a branch of the Lwo who settled on the northern part of Bunyoro-Kitara kingdom. Their history is essentially that of rivalry between two ethnic groups, the Lwo and the Bantu, vying for supremacy in the empire of Bunyoro-Kitara, Originating from the Sudan, the Lwo settled in the hitherto exclusively Bantu inhabited empire, overthrew the ruling dynasty, and set up a new one. While intermarrying with the majority Bantu population, the Lwo kings ensured that only sons born to them by their Lwo wives (full-blooded Lwo) succeeded them. It was an attempt by the Lwo to make the throne their exclusive preserve. When one of the Lwo kings found himself compelled by circumstances to bypass convention and chose one of his children born by a Bantu woman to succeed him, the Lwo protested. They attempted to undermine the authority of this Bantu king who had no other alternative than to wage a war to 'crush the rebellion'. Henceforth children bom by Bantu women ascended the throne. The period of the rule of the Lwo appeared to have ended. While taking refuge from the war which crushed their rebellion, a good number of the Lwo left Bunyoro-Kitara and established their hegemony in the neighbouring areas. But some of them later came back and with the coming of more Lwo from the Sudan and Northern Uganda, the Lwo population in Bunyoro-Kitara a century after their rebellion was back to nearly what it was before the war. But the memory of their clash with the Bantu king was not forgotten by the Lwo. To them, it was humiliating to be deprived of a throne which for centuries had been occupied by their own people. Taking the Northern extreme of present day Bunyoro district as their base, the Lwo directed their activities for the following two centuries towards regaining their lost privileged position in Bunyoro-Kitara empire. However, in spite of their success in undermining the authority of some Bantu kings and launching series of military attacks on them, in spite of their economic boom caused by the activities of foreign traders, and which the Lwo attempted to turn into military advantage, they never succeeded in winning back the throne of Bunyoro-Kitara. Kabalega, a Bantu king, permanently converted them into an insignificant minority in the empire.Item A HISTORY OF WESTERN EDUCATION AMONG THE KIKUYU, 1898-1952(1978-01) ADEBOLA, A. S.The response of most Kikuyu to Western education was initially negative. This was due In part to the nature of their Indigenous system of education which was intimately related to their political, social and economic set-up, and partly due to their reaction against the initial impact of colonialism on their society. This attitude was abandoned largely as a re stilt of the First World War when colonial demands became intensified and many people were forced to leave their homes to work as carriers. Their experience of meeting others, in camps and during journeys, from societies so such different from their own, suddenly opened up a new world of experience that the indigenous educational precepts could not fully explain or cater for. Their hope after the war that the missionaries would assist then to obtain an education which would enable then to play roles other than serving the white settlers as labourers did not materialise, neither was the government anxious to take over responsibility for African education from the mission societies. This in turn forced the Kikuyu to look for alternative means of securing a type of education which would not be preoccupied with either vocational training or proselytization. The ‘independent’ schools which became widespread in Kikuyu from the 1920s; the 'Githunguri Scheme’; the willingness of the people during the Second World War to devote a substantial amount of money they got through the war to education; the dispute between the AIM and their Kikuyu adherents in Muranga district which led to the establishment of yet another independent educational body; and the rejection of the Beecher Commission on African Education, which in turn led to the closure of all the schools that would not accept its recommendations; were all part of the efforts of the Kikuyu to make their education relevant to the needs of their society.Item HISTORY OF COLONIAL MEDICAL AND HEALTH SERVICES IN IBADAN 1900 – 1960(2014-04) OLUYITAN, J. A.The provision of modern health services was a legacy of colonial administration in Africa. Yet, little attention has been paid to the history of medical and health development in Africa, especially Ibadan, which benefited greatly from the colonial health policy. This study, therefore, examined the changing trends in the growth and development of colonial medical and health services in Ibadan between 1900 and 1960 with a view to highlighting the impact of colonial medicine in the city. Adopting an ethnographic design, the study utilised archival and oral sources. The former was obtained from the National Archives, Ibadan. It included Chief Secretary’s Office Papers, Oyo Provincial Papers, Oyo Divisional Papers, Ibadan Divisional Papers, Yoruba News, 1924 – 1945; Daily Times, 1926 – 1960; Daily Service, 1933 – 1960 and Southern Nigeria Defender, 1944 – 1960. The latter comprised in-depth interviews with 35 people, ages 50 to 95, selected through a snowball approach and purposive sampling. The sample comprised traditional healers (10), Western-trained medical doctors (6), nurses (6) community elders (6), university lecturers (5), and civil servants (2). Data were subjected to historical analysis. Colonial health services in Ibadan evolved in consequence of European health needs. These services were later extended to the local people due to the indispensability of indigenous labour to the running of the colonial state. With the opening of Jericho European Hospital (1900), Oranyan Dispensary (1901), Agodi Dispensary (1920) and Adeoyo Hospital (1927), the elite demonstrated enthusiasm in hospital treatment due to their exposure. A majority of the natives shunned medical amenities because of their negative perception of colonial medicine. Yet, hospital patronage for treatment of infectious diseases such as typhoid fever, yellow fever, guinea worm and non-infectious diseases, like hernia and asthma, increased from 590 (1928) to 12,351 (1945). This development was connected with colonial propaganda on hospital medication. The period also witnessed vaccination campaign against smallpox and introduction of maternal and child health services at Adeoyo, Elekuro, Aremo and Agbongbon which had positive impact on childhood mortality. Equally, building of public latrines (148), incinerators (50), and slaughter slabs (8) were some of the health measures carried out. However, hundreds of people did not have access to these amenities; overcrowding with insufficient beds, shortage of clinical personnel and drugs also characterised hospital services. This situation provoked virulent criticism of the colonial administration by the elite. They demanded more modern health services. Colonial administration partially responded (1946) with a Ten-Year-Medical and Health Development Plan which affected the whole country. This situation became consolidated with the introduction of free medical services by the Western Regional Government (1954). The opening of the University College Hospital (1957) and the inception of Ibadan Government Chest Clinic (1959) further enhanced expansion of health services. Yet, these facilities were largely concentrated in the city of Ibadan. Up till 1960, medical and health services were non-existent in the villages. Colonial medical and health services which evolved between 1900 and 1960 occasioned a fair improvement in the medical condition and health status of the people of Ibadan. Therefore, colonial medicine in Ibadan was, overall, partially effectiveItem The Pan-African Nation: Oil and the Spectacle of Culture in Nigeria(The University of Chicago Press, 2008) Olaniyi, R.Item Resistance to Forced Labour in Colonial Nigeria(Faculty of Arts, University of Ibadan, 2017) Olaniyi, R. O.Until the enactment of the Forced Labour Ordinance of 1933, the employment of forced or compulsory labour for sanitary measures, maintenance of roads, clearing of markets, public works and personal services of chiefs persisted in Nigeria through the manipulation of native' laws and customs by the colonial state. This paper argues that discontent with forced labour brought into play new power relations between the colonial state and the colonial subjects. In defiance of the international convention, forced labour was not regulated by any statute in Nigeria. It was discussed in loose and general terms without any serious attempt to ascertain where and how it persisted. Many native authorities resorted to forced labour in order to balance their budgets but their decreasing power over young men made it difficult over the years. From the 1940s, some able-bodied men refused to perform forced labour, arguing that having paid taxes; they could not be called upon for a communal service or political labour. There were petitions against forced labour. This paper explores the role of Christian missionaries and nationalists in the struggle against forced labour.Item Human Capital Development in Western Region, Nigeria, 1955-1968(University of Ibadan Centre for Sustainable Development, 2016) Olaniyi, R. O.This paper discusses sustained approaches, programmes and strategies for human capital development in the defunct Western Region of Nigeria. Three broad approaches were vigorously pursued, namely, education, technical skills development and agriculture. The most enduring legacy was human capital development through the introduction of free education at the primary school level, which for a long period placed the region among the most highly educated people in Africa. A composite system of secondary education, which provided technical and vocational as well as grammar school, was built up. In fact, education consumed a substantial portion of recurrent and capital expenditure. Within the framework of the Six-Year Development Plan, 1962-1968, Farm Settlement Schemes were established in various parts of the Region for young school leavers in order to boost agricultural production and provide employment opportunities. The paper argues that development plans were indispensable to human capital development.Item Bororo Fulani Pastoralists and Yoruba Farmers’ Conflicts in the Upper Ogun River, Oyo State Nigeria, 1986–2004(SAGE, 2015) Olaniyi, R. O.This article, based on in-depth oral interviews, focuses on the conflicts between Bororo Fulani pastoralists and Yoruba farmers in Saki and Iseyin towns of the Upper Ogun River (Oke-Ogun), Oyo State Nigeria to show the power disparity and competition over land resources. The conflicts that occurred between Bororo Fulani pastoralists and Yoruba farmers are classified as: economic (crop destruction and cattle killing); social (murder, rape, armed banditry, molestation on both sides of the conflict); and communal (large-scale destruction of villages, pastoral settlements and markets). Other conflicts involved access to grazing and water resources and access to markets. These conflicts were products of resource scarcity and broader challenges of power relations between indigenes and settlers/migrants in Nigeria. Ethnicity became more conspicuous among local people as these conflicts intensified. This article discusses the intervention of Yoruba traditional rulers (Oba) and Fulani headman (Ardo) in the formation of peace committees in Iseyin and Saki towns.