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THE ADVOCACY ROLE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS BASED NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS IN COMBATING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN LAGOS STATE, NIGERIA 1999-2007
(2013-06) OLATUBOSUN, O.O
Domestic violence affects about 81% of Nigerian females. Despite being a signatory to several international conventions on the protection of women against domestic violence, the Nigerian State has not made adequate institutional provisions to protect women against domestic violence particularly in the private sphere. However, Women’s Right Based Non-governmental Organizations (WRBNGOs) in Nigeria have endeavoured to establish the political linkage between the private and public spheres in order to sensitize relevant State institutions to the victim’s plight – an issue that has not been adequately studied. This study therefore, examined the role of WRBNGOs in combating domestic violence in Nigeria, with a specific focus on Lagos State. It investigated the WRBNGOs’ domestic violence advocacy with concerned State institutions. In particular, it explored the best practice strategies with which the WRBNGOs responded to the diverse domestic violence experiences of victims. Data were collected using qualitative research methods. Sixty-two victims’ experiential case histories were elicited through in-depth interviews at three WRBNGOs. These were complemented with unobtrusive observation at the Welfare Office (WO) and the Office of the Public Defender (OPD). Key informant-interviews were conducted with 16 legislators, coupled with an opinion survey of 50 civil servants, on issues related to the passage of the Domestic Violence Bill (DVB) in Lagos State. Eight Focus Group Discussions were held: three with victims, three with men and two with police officers. Data were transcribed and clustered into six thematic areas. The WRBNGOs exhibited participant political culture by intensively lobbying the legislators to pass the DVB into law. Initially, the legislators exhibited subject political culture towards the DVB process due to the unpopularity of the sponsor of the bill at that particular point in time. This finding negated the manifest reason of culture which was given by 62.5% of the legislators. Subsequently, after the change of the unpopular legislator, the house passed the bill into law with a two-thirds majority vote. Another key finding of the WRBNGOs’ advocacy with other State institutions suggested that the strategies of mediation, counseling and legal aid adopted by the WO and OPD had short term effects on the lives of the victims. This was in comparison with the best practice strategies of shelter provision, economic empowerment, mediation, counseling and legal aid adopted by the WRBNGOs which had positive long term effects in the lives of the victims. Victims provided with shelter and economic empowerment by the WRBNGOs were much more able to survive their traumatic domestic violence experiences. There is a need for the State to collaborate with the WRBNGOs, to extend the service delivery of the WO, and OPD, to include shelter provision and economic empowerment. The implication of this for the policy and practice of the domestic violence law, is the need for the State to allocate adequate funds and to mobilize concerned institutions to exercise sufficient political will to enforce the law in Lagos State and throughout the federation.
Africa and the US national security policy in a changing global order
(Ibadan journal of the social sciences, 2009) Aiyede, E. R.
Developments in US policy towards Africa since 9/11, as shown by the establishment of the Africa Command, has been described as marked departures from what existed in the immediate post-Cold War era when Africa was 'neglected'. Africa has been de-marginalized in the US strategic and national security policy because it has become critical to the strategic interest of the US. This paper provides an alternative interpretation of the US national security policy as translated into activities in Africa in the post 9111period. It argues that Africa has never been marginalized nor neglected by the US in its foreign or security policy after the Cold War, although there has been a change in strategy. This becomes obvious when security is not separated from the economy in the analysis of the US national security policy agency towards Africa
The anti-corruption war during the Jonathan presidency
(2014) Aiyede, E. R.
An appraisal of leadership role conception and Nigeria’s foreign policy at the regional level
(2018-06) Johnson, I. A.
This paper examines leadership role conception within the context of Nigeria 's foreign policy at the regional level. The nature and scope as well as the rational basis of Nigeria 's leadership role in Africa are examined. It argues that leadership role is not only an aspect of Nigeria's dignity as the most populous country in Africa but is also crucial to no{e that there was a tacit international recognition that Nigeria is destined to play a leading role in African affairs. Thus, international legitimacy of Nigeria through independence in 1960 gave the country the responsibility of playing an active role in African affairs. Central to this discourse are: the psychological reasons why Nigeria is supreme in Africa, factors that influence Nigeria 's leadership role in Africa, including the interrogation of selected foreign policies within the context of Nigerian-African diplomacy. Since 1970s, Nigeria's leadership role in regional affairs has been very visible and commendable. However, Nigeria's diplomatic influence in Africa declined in the 1990s as a result of domestic political and economic crisis. In spite of these challenges, no external policy issues has preoccupied Nigeria more than Nigerian African diplomacy. The paper concludes by asserting the need for Nigeria to stabilize its domestic polity in order to continue playing a leading role in regional affairs.
The armed forces and security management in Nigeria, 1999 – 2014
(John Archers, 2016) Johnson, I. A.
Beyond developmentality: constructing inclusive freedom and sustainability
(Development in practice, 2010) Aiyede, E. R
Book review
(Development in practice, 2007) Aiyede, E. R.
Borrowed institutions and African exceptionalism: a critique
(African journal of institutions and development, 2010) Aiyede, E. R.
This paper critiques the view that attributes the crisis of the state and governance in Africa to the contradiction between African values and indigenous processes of governance, and borrowed institutions. It argues that engaging political institutions in a detailed comparative manner shows how and why similar institutions borrowed from the West have worked in some developing countries and have been less than successful in others. An engagement with institutional theory from the perspective of Africa should aim to bring African experience to bear on issues rather than merely to show how unworkable they are in Africa.
The case of oil exploitation in Nigeria
(Palgrave Macmillan, 2006) Aiyede, E. R.
Cattle rustling, herdsmen violence and national security in Nigeria
(University of Lagos Press, 2017) Johnson, I. A.
Citizen revolution in Tunisia and regional contagion: lessons for sub-Saharan Africa
(2012) Johnson, I. A.
The citizen revolution in Tunisia played a significant role in the changing pattern of politics in North Africa. This article contends that the paternalistic, autocratic and undemocratic nature of North African leaders was responsible for the poor quality and maldistribution of resources among citizens. The revolution which began in Tunisia with a suicide, spread through the region as experienced in Egypt, Algeria and Libya. Across the region, the revolution was inspired by the same social and economic factors, including high unemployment, poverty, decline in real indicators of development and state repression of the opposition. Using the frustration - aggression theory, the paper posits that relative deprivation is a background factor for citizen revolution. Thus, individuals with high expectations are more likely to become frustrated when experiencing hardship and such feelings can drive individuals to address their grievances. Applied to sub-Saharan Africa, the revolution portends a reoccurrence of such phenomenon. This is because authoritarianism, sit-tight governments, succession crisis, corruption and economic inequalities are common endemic problems in the region. The paper concludes that urgent political and economic reforms within the context of good governance will be an antidote for citizen revolution in the current global order
Citizens' participation in elections in Nigeria: an analysis of the 2011 general elections in Benin City
(Benin journal of social sciences, 2015) Aiyede, E. R.||Igbafe A. A.
Elections are ways by which citizens select their representatives into various elective positions in the state. There are series of activities which citizens take part in; particularly pre-elections activities that facilitate this process of selection. Utilizing the survey method of data gathering, the paper examined the participation of citizens in elections in Nigeria. Using Benin .City as the study area, the research sampled the opinions of citizens regarding their involvement in the 2011 general elections. The study found that citizens' participation in the 2011 elections in Benin City was low. It revealed that political apathy exists among citizens in the political system as the citizens' level of participation in the elections, was restricted to voting alone. The paper also identified some factors that attract and repel citizens as it regards their roles in elections as well as the reasons for political apathy in the 2011 elections in Benin City. The study concludes that citizens' participation in the elections revolves largely around the spectator level.
Civil society efficacy, citizenship and empowerment in Africa
(International society for sector research, 2016) Aiyede, E. R.
This paper contributes to the debate on the limited efficacy of civil society in Africa. It examines the complex interface between notions of civil society and citizenship within the context of the postcolonial state in Africa. It argues that the bifurcated character of citizenship is implicated in the inefficacy of civil society. This is underlined by the limited achievements in social citizenship, aggravated by the economic crisis and neoliberal reforms of the 1980s and 1990s as well as the politics of regime sustenance. Political disengagement, drain on the moral content of public life and diminished collective orientation of citizens, aggravated conflicts within society, thereby, promoting a democratisation of disempowerment and a disorganised civil society.
A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE STRATEGIES OF KENYA AND NIGERIA’S ANTI-CORRUPTION AGENCIES
(2013-05) AYODEJI, G. I.
The adverse effects of corruption on the development of various States have raised global concerns for its control leading to the adoption of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) in 2003. Kenya Anti-corruption Commission (KACC) and Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) are the foremost anti-corruption agencies in both countries. There is paucity of comparative studies devoted to the evaluation of the nexus between the Convention and the strategies of these anti-corruption agencies. The extent to which the Convention has shaped the anti-corruption strategies of these agencies has not been fully explored. This study examined the anti-corruption strategies of KACC in Kenya and EFCC in Nigeria between 2004 and 2008 to determine the extent of implementation and compliance to UNCAC. The study adopted a comparative case-study research design using good governance model. Data were collected from primary and secondary sources through a mix of library and survey research. This involved content review of official journals, international sponsored documents, newspapers, magazines and Internet resources. The survey involved interview of thirty officials purposively selected from both countries supplemented with snowball sampling techniques, nine from the Kenya Anti-corruption Commission (KACC), nine from Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and three officials each from four non-governmental anti-corruption agencies in both countries. The interview focused on compliance and implementation of the convention’s five pillars: prevention, criminalisation, asset recovery and international co-operation and technical/information exchange. Responses from the interviews were recorded, transcribed and content analysed. The emergence of the UNCAC, corruption control in Kenya and Nigeria were patterned along typical unproductive anti-corruption strategies. However, the Convention shaped the KACC and EFCC’s strategies via significant compliance to prevention and criminalisation as reflected in the enactment and emergence of anti-corruption laws and agencies in both countries; namely, Anti-Corruption Economic Crimes Act, Witness Protection Act and Anti-corruption Court in Kenya and Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiatives and Money Laundering Prohibition Act and similar acts . International co-operation in prosecution and asset recovery was visible. Thirty-seven convictions were secured and $5 million in assets and cash recovered by KACC while the EFCC secured three hundred and fifty convictions and recovered assets and cash worth $5 billion between 2004 and 2008. Major differences in the strategies of both agencies included the existence of the Special Anti-Corruption Court and provision for the protection of witnesses in Kenya but absent in Nigeria. The EFCC has prosecutionary power but the KACC can only make recommendations to the Attorney-General. The UNCAC’s partial domestication, inadequate funding, delay in prosecuting suspects and inability to recover stolen assets from proven cases were identified as constraints to both agencies’ anti-corruption strategies. The advent of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption transformed the anti-corruption initiatives in Kenya and Nigeria. However, a more effective corruption control within the framework of UNCAC requires proper domestication and the dismantling of the identified constraints.
A COMPARATIVE APPRAISAL OF THE PRACTICE AND PROCEDURE OF COURT-CONNECTED ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION IN NIGERIA, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND UNITED KINGDOM
(2013-06) ALERO, AKEREDOLU
Court-connected Alternative Dispute Resolution (CCADR) or Multi Door Courthouse (MDC), adopted by two Nigerian States and the Federal Capital Territory, is the integration of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) into the court system to facilitate access to justice. Several studies have examined the operations of the three MDCs in Nigeria, but studies on their practice and procedure in Nigeria compared with those in the United States of America (USA) and the United Kingdom (UK) have not been undertaken. This study, therefore, examined the practice and procedure of existing MDCs in Nigeria, and compared same with those in the USA and UK to identify the inadequacies in Nigerian laws. The study adopted the theory of Access to Justice. The provisions on dispute resolution in the Constitutional Statutes of Nigeria, the USA and the UK were examined. Three High Court laws, three High Court (Civil Procedure) Rules and three practice directions on the procedure for MDCs were examined. Fifty-seven cases (17 Nigerian, 11 American and 29 British) and relevant legal texts on the practice of ADR were purposively selected. These were subjected to interpretive and comparative analyses. The MDCs were introduced into the judiciaries of Lagos and Akwa-Ibom States, and Abuja (as LMDC, AKMDC and AMDC respectively) through the amendment of the existing High Court Laws and Civil Procedure Rules to encourage referral of cases to ADR. This was the same approach adopted in the USA and the UK. Specific ADR Rules and Practice Directions were enacted to support the process; only Lagos had enacted an MDC law which was consistent with the practice in the USA and the UK. The courts’ supervisory procedure varied: LMDC operated as private-public collaboration, and the staff was not affiliated to the State judiciary; the AKMDC and AMDC were integrated with the State judiciary, manned by judiciary staff and subject to the same supervision as that of the regular judicial staff. This was also the predominant procedure in small claims courts in the USA and the UK. The CCADRs in all the countries had trained ADR personnel who conducted the ADR process but also maintained ad hoc ‘accredited’ neutrals. They all recognised pre-trial referrals, and, where not expressly stated in the Rules, allowed referrals after trial had commenced. In all the countries, settlement outcomes were contracts simpliciter which, once endorsed by an ADR judge, became a judgment of the court. The USA and UK practice differed from Nigeria’s in terms of mandatory participation by disputants based on amounts claimed and the annexation to their summary trial courts. The operations of the Multidoor Court house in Lagos and Akwa-Ibom States and the Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria are similar in terms of annexation and voluntariness, but differ in respect of their engagements of neutrals. They all diverge from the practice in the USA and the UK with regard to non-voluntariness of participation. For better access to justice through MDCs in Nigeria, there must be automatic referrals to ADR.
Constitutional and institutional basis of inter governmental relations (IGR) in Nigeria
(Programme on ethnic and federal studies, 2004) Egwaikhide, F. 0.; Aiyede, E. R.; Benjamin, S. A; Dlakwa, H. D; Ikelegbe, A.
Constraints and strategies for the management of conflicts in Africa
(2008) Idowu, J.
The end of the Cold War instigated a new approach into the operation of world politics, with the promotion of peace and security\ This assumption is however different n the continent of Africa, because conflicts in this period have been volatile and protracted’ While some scholars analysed causes of conflict in Africa as a result of internal wranglings, other viewed it from the standpoint of modernization: In spite of these divergent opinions, conflicts in Africa did not only destabilize the operation of the political system but also make sustainable development a difficult task. The discursion starts with the analysis of the nature, causes and consequences of the conflict. In response to the negative consequences of such conflicts, this paper examines the constraints to the management of conflict in Africa and suggests the relevant strategies to employ in managing the conflicts. The paper concludes that for any meaningful peace and sustainable development to be attained in Africa, nation-building, justice and good governance should be brought to the center stage of continental politics and international relations
Corruption perception studies and anti-corruption in Nigeria
(Journal of culture, politics and innovation, 2016) Aiyede, E. R.
Perception studies of corruption have proliferated in the last decade. However, there is a lingering controversy over the proper us of the outputs from such studies to benefit anti-corruption efforts. Against this backdrop, these paper reviews the theoretical context of the perception studies of corruption and their justifications. It examined key perception studies of corruption at the global, regional and national levels in relation to Nigeria and discusses key issues associated with them. These include controversies around the definition of corruption, methodological issues such as the reliability of the perception approach to the study of corruption, possibilities of cross country comparisons, the connections between global, regional and local anticorruption studies and the issue of how such studies and rankings reflect power relations. The paper argues that perception studies will be significant and effective to the extent that elites and government officials continue to take the opinion and perception of citizens and other stakeholders seriously.
The cost of the 2011 general elections in Nigeria
(Journal of African elections, 2012) Aiyede, E. R; Aregbeyan, O.
This article examines the cost of the 2011 general elections in Nigeria in real and financial terms. It reviews the regulatory framework for financing the elections and attempts to estimate the costs, drawing on figures and reports published by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and reports relating to the financial activities of political parties, candidates and other politicians. It estimates the cost to have been about N566.2-billion,1 representing about 2% of the gross domestic product. This figure does not include party and campaign financing. The article explores other, nonmonetary, costs, including the loss of life and property in the violence that followed the elections, and concludes that the cost of the elections was too high for the sustenance of democracy. Hopeful that future elections will cost less, it offers suggestions about ways of reducing costs without impinging on the integrity of elections
Decentralizing public sector collective bargaining and the contradictions of federal practice in Nigeria
(African study monographs, 2002) Aiyede, E. R.
Economic reforms and the quest for efficiency in public administration call for the decentralization of collective bargaining and wages in the public sector in Nigeria. But the effort to decentralize has translated into both a protracted industrial relations crisis and intergovernmental conflict. This situation is traced to the failed effort at institutionalizing collective bargaining and the consolidation of the unified wage structure in the public sector by the resort to ad hoc wages commissions. The distorted fiscal federalism and intergovernmental relations under the military in Nigeria complicated the situation, such that resolving the federal question has become critical to returning stability to Nigeria’s industrial relations system.