Political Science
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Item Globalization and conflicts in Africa: the Nigeria experience(2020) Johnson, I. A.; Salau, J. O.This paper examines the nexus between globalization and conflicts in Africa with Nigeria as a case study. Globalization through neoliberal economic policy is contradictory to the sustenance of social cohesion in developing countries. It is argued that the phenomenal growth of conflicts in Nigeria was attributed to the decay in state institutions and economic crisis of late 1980s and 1990s. With the adoption of neo-liberal economic policy, the Nigerian state was weak and incapable of providing social Services to majority of its citizens. Margmalized groups with unrealized expectations became particularly hostile to the elements of economic liberalization within the state System which they perceived to be responsible for thè demolition of state welfare programmes. Alienation from the state made them ripe for participation in violent conflicts. It is observed that the contemporary conflicts in Nigeria are associated with worsening income distribution as a result of market economic reform in developing countries like Nigeria. Also; citizens who were deprived of social means of existence as a result of forces of economic globalization resulted to violent activities such as terrorism, kidnappings, armed banditry and armed robberies. Thus, there was a resentment of different social groups in Nigeria who did not benefit from social Services. The study concludes that Nigeria should re-evaluate all externally induced programmes by weighing their effects on economic development and pursue redistribution of economic and social benefits among various groups with the implementation of a social welfare programmesItem Piracy as threat to Africa’s security and economic development(2018-12) Johnson, I. A.The paper explores the links between piracy, security and economic dilemma in Africa. The phenomenal increase in the activities of pirates in the coastal region of Africa in the 1990s brought out more forcefully the need to address the causes and consequences. The paper argues that the significant dependence of African countries on global trade makes maritime transport a crucial factor in Africa’s economic development. However, the scale and sophistication of piracy on the continent threatens the global flows of goods and services across the world’s shipping lines. Thus, the consequences of African piracy manifest themselves locally and globally. The central argument of this paper is that until there is a proper understanding of the geostrategic importance of Africa’s maritime domain, piracy will continue to pose a threat not only to Africa but also to global security and maritime trade. The argument summits that an effective strategy to combat piracy along the coastal region of Africa will require the international community to trace and address the principal cause of the menaceItem An appraisal of leadership role conception and Nigeria’s foreign policy at the regional level(2018-06) Johnson, I. A.This paper examines leadership role conception within the context of Nigeria 's foreign policy at the regional level. The nature and scope as well as the rational basis of Nigeria 's leadership role in Africa are examined. It argues that leadership role is not only an aspect of Nigeria's dignity as the most populous country in Africa but is also crucial to no{e that there was a tacit international recognition that Nigeria is destined to play a leading role in African affairs. Thus, international legitimacy of Nigeria through independence in 1960 gave the country the responsibility of playing an active role in African affairs. Central to this discourse are: the psychological reasons why Nigeria is supreme in Africa, factors that influence Nigeria 's leadership role in Africa, including the interrogation of selected foreign policies within the context of Nigerian-African diplomacy. Since 1970s, Nigeria's leadership role in regional affairs has been very visible and commendable. However, Nigeria's diplomatic influence in Africa declined in the 1990s as a result of domestic political and economic crisis. In spite of these challenges, no external policy issues has preoccupied Nigeria more than Nigerian African diplomacy. The paper concludes by asserting the need for Nigeria to stabilize its domestic polity in order to continue playing a leading role in regional affairs.Item The politics of renewed quest for a Biafra Republic in Nigeria(Routledge, 2017-10) Johnson, I. A.The quest for a Biafran Republic by the Igbo ethnic group has become a recurring demand in Nigeria since the late 1960s. The agitation has been premised on claims of marginalisation and exclusion of the Igbo people in the Nigerian body politic. In spite of the consistency of the agitation through various Administrations, there was a noticeable lull in such demands during the time of President Goodluck Jonathan, only to assume a frightening proportion since the advent of the Administration of President Muhammadu Buhari. This article locates the factors in the outcomes of the 2015 general elections: the question of inclusion and representation; the unfinished nature of the Nigerian civil war; economic challenges, miscalculation both on the part of the Igbo people and indiscretion in the initial appointments made by President Muhammadu Buhari. The article recommends political restructuring of Nigeria as one of the ways to address secessionist tendenciesItem The significance of failed election in 1993 for Nigeria’s democratic development(2017-08) Johnson, I. A.Election plays a vital role in a system of representative democracy. In Nigeria, the history of elections has been a chequered one. From 1964,1979 to 1983 elections in Nigeria, experience shows that the country failed to conduct credible elections which will move the country to a higher rung on the democratization ladder. Thus, successive elections in Nigeria lacked the essential ingredients of democratic electoral processes. However, the June 12 1993 Presidential election remains a watershed in the history of elections in the country. The election was adjudged the most peaceful, and the freest in Nigeria’s post-independence political history. The results of the election were not released by the military government with no justifiable reason. All domestic pressures to make the military allow the winner, M.K.O. Abiola assumed presidential office proved abortive. The 1993 presidential election explains the important roles of individuals, civil society organizations, opposition parties, and foreign countries in terminating authoritarian regime in Nigeria. The paper posits that the June 12 1993 presidential election was very significant for three obvious reasons. First, it allowed Nigeria to slightly conform to the global norm of democracy. Secondly, Nigeria became an encouragement for other countries in Africa in returning to democratic rule. Thirdly, Nigerians were more enlightened to reject any government coming ”to power through military coup. Arising from the foregoing, the paper concludes with some recommendations on how to consolidate democracy in NigeriaItem Leadership, legitimacy and peacebuilding in Nigeria(2015-05) Johnson, I. A.While there exist several studies devoted to evaluating the leadership question in Nigeria, there is still a lot of ground to cover on the issue of leadership, legitimacy and peace building. This paper argues that the prevalence of internal conflicts, the attendant insecurity and political instability have been obstacles to peace and development in Nigeria. Central to the discourse is that the situation that exists in many parts of the country today where crimes, kidnapping, violent conflicts and other social vices reign supreme, is a challenge to the quality, creativity, and competence of Nigeria’s leadership at all levels. Weak legitimacy has hindered the selection of contested representation within the context of conflict resolution. Thus, the unresolved legitimate representation for peace processes has continued to escalate violent conflicts. Legitimacy is widely recognised as central to peace building. Drawing experience from local governance arrangement from across developed democracies, legitimate community representatives have not only provided basic law, security and effective conflict resolution, but have also helped to solidify inter-communal peace accords at the grassroots level. In spite of this leadership crisis, performance legitimacy can serve as an effective instrument for national peace processes in Nigeria. Hence, the prospect for managing violent conflicts in the interest of peace building and sustainable development is inherent in the application of legitimacy performanceItem The politics of resource allocation and control in Nigeria(2014) Johnson, I. A.Over the past four decades, revenue allocation and resource control has been a controversial issue in Nigeria body politics. The distribution of power between the central government and the constituent units, and the appropriate modalities for the distribution of natural resources remain highly contentious issues in Nigeria. This paper examines oil as a source of power and wealth within the context of Nigeria’s federalism. The prevailing concept of federalism in Nigeria today falls short of expectation in both definition and practice. The paper argues that the centralization of power structure by the military distorted Nigeria’s federalism. The increased fiscal centralization has made the centre very attractive. The concentration phenomenon has promoted unhealthy competition with each region attempting to have effective control of the government at the centre: Thus, the agitation for resource control in Nigeria is also part of the politics of resource allocation. The paper concludes that federalism is the most suited system of governance in Nigeria and there is the need to place emphasis on a constitutional reform in the struggle for resource control and revenue allocation in NigeriaItem Economic liberalisation policies and inter-ethnic conflicts in Delta State, Nigeria(2015-09) Johnson, I. A.This paper examines economic liberalisation policies (privatisation, currency devaluation, removal of state subsidies on education, health and petroleum products, and public sector rationalisation) with a view to explaining their influences on inter-ethnic conflicts in Delta State of Nigeria. Economic liberalisation policies are contradictory to the sustenance of social cohesion in Delta State. State economic policies that undermined the marginalised groups had been externally imposed. The intensification of inter-ethnic conflicts in Delta State was attributed to the decay in state institutions and economic crisis of late 1980s and 1990s. Ethnic mobilisation rose as the capacity and strength of institutions of the state eroded and was no longer able to provide citizens with either physical or economic security. Government spending on social services such as education, health and housing in Warri metropolis in the last twenty years decreased, provoking competition and struggle for resources as well as inter-ethnic violence among the Ijaw, Itsekiri and Urhobo. Marginalised groups with unrealized expectations became particularly hostile to elements of economic liberalisation within the state system which they perceived to be responsible for the erosion of state welfare programme. Alienation from the state encouraged participation in ethnic movements. Economic liberalisation policies have aggravated inter-ethnic conflicts in Delta State because they reduced the welfare role of the state and intensified competition for scarce resources under economic crisis. However, a reformation of the Nigerian state in the direction of social welfarism will reduce the phenomenal growth of inter-ethnic conflicts in Delta State of NigeriaItem Internal security operations and human rights abuses in Nigeria: issues and challenges(2014) Johnson, I. A.The most outstanding challenge to the Nigerian state since the beginning of the twenty- first century is probably the proliferation of internal conflicts. This is primarily because they impede the growth of democracy and threaten national security. In order to maintain peace and security, the military is given a constitutional role in managing internal conflicts through internal security operations when the police is overwhelmed. However, the military at times misuse the constitutional powers by violating the rights of the civilian population. This paper examines the connection between internal security operations and human rights abuses in Nigeria. The major direction is to provide a deeper understanding of the constitutional role of the military in the management of internal conflicts, while also looking at the challenges and the prospects for non-violation of human rights of civilian population. The paper concludes with some recommendations on how the military can be involved in internal security operations without violating citizens’ human rightsItem THE ADVOCACY ROLE OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS BASED NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISATIONS IN COMBATING DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN LAGOS STATE, NIGERIA 1999-2007(2013-06) OLATUBOSUN, O.ODomestic violence affects about 81% of Nigerian females. Despite being a signatory to several international conventions on the protection of women against domestic violence, the Nigerian State has not made adequate institutional provisions to protect women against domestic violence particularly in the private sphere. However, Women’s Right Based Non-governmental Organizations (WRBNGOs) in Nigeria have endeavoured to establish the political linkage between the private and public spheres in order to sensitize relevant State institutions to the victim’s plight – an issue that has not been adequately studied. This study therefore, examined the role of WRBNGOs in combating domestic violence in Nigeria, with a specific focus on Lagos State. It investigated the WRBNGOs’ domestic violence advocacy with concerned State institutions. In particular, it explored the best practice strategies with which the WRBNGOs responded to the diverse domestic violence experiences of victims. Data were collected using qualitative research methods. Sixty-two victims’ experiential case histories were elicited through in-depth interviews at three WRBNGOs. These were complemented with unobtrusive observation at the Welfare Office (WO) and the Office of the Public Defender (OPD). Key informant-interviews were conducted with 16 legislators, coupled with an opinion survey of 50 civil servants, on issues related to the passage of the Domestic Violence Bill (DVB) in Lagos State. Eight Focus Group Discussions were held: three with victims, three with men and two with police officers. Data were transcribed and clustered into six thematic areas. The WRBNGOs exhibited participant political culture by intensively lobbying the legislators to pass the DVB into law. Initially, the legislators exhibited subject political culture towards the DVB process due to the unpopularity of the sponsor of the bill at that particular point in time. This finding negated the manifest reason of culture which was given by 62.5% of the legislators. Subsequently, after the change of the unpopular legislator, the house passed the bill into law with a two-thirds majority vote. Another key finding of the WRBNGOs’ advocacy with other State institutions suggested that the strategies of mediation, counseling and legal aid adopted by the WO and OPD had short term effects on the lives of the victims. This was in comparison with the best practice strategies of shelter provision, economic empowerment, mediation, counseling and legal aid adopted by the WRBNGOs which had positive long term effects in the lives of the victims. Victims provided with shelter and economic empowerment by the WRBNGOs were much more able to survive their traumatic domestic violence experiences. There is a need for the State to collaborate with the WRBNGOs, to extend the service delivery of the WO, and OPD, to include shelter provision and economic empowerment. The implication of this for the policy and practice of the domestic violence law, is the need for the State to allocate adequate funds and to mobilize concerned institutions to exercise sufficient political will to enforce the law in Lagos State and throughout the federation.