Political Science

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UNDERDEVELOPMENT AND COLLECTIVE SELF-RELIANCE IN THE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY OF WEST AFRICAN STATES
(1988-08) ABUTUDU, M. I. M.
The formation of ECOWAS is usually seen as a-decisive attempt to reorient the economies of West Africa inward in a framework of collective self-reliance. While the absence of the necessary political will is usually identified as the basic constraint to the effective take off of the organization, there is usually no attempt to situate the difficulties in mustering this political will in the concrete situation of underdevelopment and dependence, that is, the structural conditions under which policies of integration are formulated and are expected to operate. On an equally crucial note, the issue of how adopted integration measures affect, or may affect the goal of breaking out of underdevelopment and dependence is either neglected or treated in abstraction. study focuses on the impact of the structures and processes of underdevelopment, exemplified in the external orientation of the-economies of West Africa, on the creation of ECOWAS and the community's choice, elaboration and implementation of concrete measures of intergration. The general character of West African states lies essentially in their incorporation into the world economy as peripheral states and therefore, a common orientation to foreign trade, aid and investments as the fundamental basis of accumulation and social reproduction. However, the conditioning impact which this singular process of incorporation has on each member state is mediated by certain factors such as resource endowment, special external ties and the peculiar manifestation of the post-colonial state. In this context, the character of national accumulation and social reproduction contain objective specificities which imply peculiar patterns of impact and expectations from incorporation into the world economy. At both the singular and specific levels of incorporation, integration and the measures that chart its motion have opportunity costs for member states. These opportunity costs are based on the impact, actual or potential, of joint measures on the accumulation and reproduction process. It is therefore argued that the explanation for support or resistance to policies of integration must be sought in their impact on the accumulation and reproduction of the economy and state. This, in reality, implies that member states evaluate integration measures in terms of their implications for external expectations and specific foreign ties. In line with this, we argue that a fundamental facilitating factor in the formation of ECOWAS was the common orientation to certain external ties and expectation from such ties, forged among West African states through British entry into the EEC in 1973- in effect, the partial merging of the two preferential zones that had hitherto bifurcated West Africa. This common orientation underlines much of the distributive policies of ECOWAS, which have been largely predicated on the aid provisions of the Lome Conventions. As the externally induced economic crises of the eighties took their toll, the common orientation has also become visible in the attempt to create an ECOWAS common currency whose stability may be anchored on an EEC guarantee, The opportunity costs arising from the common orientation to foreign trade are well exhibited in the general tendency to resist the community trade liberalization programme during economic crisis. As a logical outcome of the crisis of peripheral accumulation, protectionism has become a ready tool for member states which feel that trade liberalization in ECOWAS endangers domestic prospects of accumulation. At the specific level of incorporation, integration measures indicate different structures of opportunity costs for member states. Trade liberalization and a common payments system are actively supported by some states and actively resisted by others. The rules of originating products accord with the dominant interests in some states as indicated in their indigenization and nationalization policies whereas in others where the dominant interests in the state are expressed through the conspicious absence of such policies, the rules of origin threaten to undermine accumulation.
A review of policy on public sector wage administration and collective bargaining in Nigeria
(The nigerian journal of economics and social studies, 2000) Aiyede, E. R.
"The study examines policy sector wage administration and collective bargaining against the persistent industrial relations crisis that attends public sector wage adjustment in Nigeria. Politicization of wage adjustment in the 1970s by periodic wage commissions has been complicated by the attempt to harmonize wages across the public sector. The Latter virtually choked up collective bargaining machineries in the public sector. This paper calls for the decentralization of wages and collective bargaining in order to free the collective bargaining machineries and the streamlining of supportive institutions for wage administration. Strengthening democracy and the rule of Law in Nigeria will provide room for the crystallization of the rules and regulations that govern wage administration in Nigeria."
Federalism, decentralisation and the liberalisation of business environment in Nigeria
(Development policy centre, 2001) Aiyede, E. R.
"This study examines how federal restructuring and decentralisation can be tailored towards the creation of an enabling environment for business in Nigeria. It does this by making a comparative assessment of the business environment in Nigetia; exploring the character of federalism and decentralisation programmes in Nigeria. It also examines the implications of these for governance and the business environment in Nigeria while suggesting decentralisation reforms required to enhance government efficiency and effectiveness as well as improving the business environment. The study noted that decentralization programmes in Nigeria began from the colonial era but have largely taken the form of spatial deconcentration. As a result, they have had the effect of increasing central control and reducing opportunities for citizen participation, and stultified creativity. The restraint in devolving power is attributable to the effort at regime sustenance in the face of limited state legitimacy, the problem of fragile national unity and the prevalence of military dictatorship with its centralizing tendencies. Territorial fragmentation and internal boundary adjustments have resulted in a proliferation of states and local governments; but such levels of government have been without local power that can attract and stimulate participation. Spatial deconcentration has resulted in a bloated states sector, with minimal private sector development, and a suppression of innovative and entrepreneurial energy. Dependence of sub-national units on oil revenue from the centre has been one of the major reasons fur the failure to diversify the economic base of the country. The competition that had characterised inter-state relations under the three and four-region Systems in which derivation was a significant factor of horizontal revenue sharing gave way to political struggles for federation funds. Thus, local spending became completely separated from local resources in the name of even development across the country. The centralisation of resources control and the adoption of a general revenue allocation formula provided no incentive for competitiveness among the various sub-national governments. Decentralisation reforms have become imperative but need to be done democratically. There should be wide spread consultation and negotiation to reach consensus on an ideological base for the envisaged decentralization programme. There should also be very clear institutional arrangement for managing the process, realistic and clear-cut distribution of powers and functions among the various governments based on the principle of subsidiarity with clearly spelt out institutions of horizontal and vertical accountability. The programme should be informed by a more practicalconcern about economic competitiveness, such that the country will be restructured into competing governmental units, providing room for public/private partnership in productive activities at the lower levels, such that would enable the exploration and development of economic potentials of the various states. The current general revenue sharing formula should be reconsidered with a view to promoting competition hand in hand with the drive for equity and accountability. Caution should be taken during the process to avoid fanning the embers of centrifugal forces. Nigeria should borrow ideas from successful decentralisation efforts in other lands. "
Decentralizing public sector collective bargaining and the contradictions of federal practice in Nigeria
(African study monographs, 2002) Aiyede, E. R.
Economic reforms and the quest for efficiency in public administration call for the decentralization of collective bargaining and wages in the public sector in Nigeria. But the effort to decentralize has translated into both a protracted industrial relations crisis and intergovernmental conflict. This situation is traced to the failed effort at institutionalizing collective bargaining and the consolidation of the unified wage structure in the public sector by the resort to ad hoc wages commissions. The distorted fiscal federalism and intergovernmental relations under the military in Nigeria complicated the situation, such that resolving the federal question has become critical to returning stability to Nigeria’s industrial relations system.
Public service ethics in Nigeria’s local government system
(Book point ltd., 2003) Aiyede, E. R.
This paper attempts to explain the ethical crisis in local government in Nigeria by' examining the structural and nonnative ethical content of local government reforms. It argued that, although efforts were made to integrate public service ethics into the reforms, ethics programmes were unsystematic and were for a long time very limited. Moreover, key actors did not demonstrate serious commitment to them. The reason for the lack of commitment is attributed to the instrumental use of corruption for regime sustenance that shot through Nigeria's politics of distributive federalism, which came to its own in the last two decades. This has destroyed the idea of public service and generated strong forces within local government angling for a share of the "national cake." Popular accountability has been undermined by the disjunction of the location of expenditure from the sources of local government revenue.
The dynamics of civil society and the democratization process in Nigeria
(Canadian journal of african studies, 2003) Aiyede, E. R.
This article is the output of a fellowship at the Tran regional Center for Democratic Studies (TCDS), New School University, New York. I am grateful to the TCDS and Professor Andrew Arato, the commentator at the TCDS Conference where the first draft was presented, to Professor Akin Mabogunje of the Development Policy Centre, and to the two anonymous reviewers of the Canadian Journal of African Studies for their useful comments on the manuscript.
Readings in development policy and capacity building in Nigeria
(Development policy centre, 2003) Aiyede, E. R.; Alayande, B.; Mabawonku, A.
Institutionalising integrity in the Nigerian public service
(International review of politics and development, 2003) Aiyede, E. R.
Studies on corruption and ethics in Nigeria were initially dominated by a theory of cultural determinism. A new orthodoxy underlined by neo-Iiberal ideas regarding the role of the state in resource allocation has gradually become dominant since the 1990s. But the latter feeds on the basic premises of cultural determinism. Rejecting both perspectives, this paper argues that corruption as a universal phenomenon, straddling both public and private sector organisations, is better addressed from the view point of the competing sources of ethical decision making for individuals in the public service. This provides direction for a realistic ethics programme towards institutionalizing integrity in the Nigerian public service.
United we stand: labour unions and human rights NGOS in the democratisation process in Nigeria
(Development in practice, 2004) Aiyede, E. R.
Human rights NGOs were the vanguard of the struggle for democratisation in Nigeria, but they had to forge alliances with labour unions and other groups to galvanise this process effectively. This paper explores the alliances between labour unions and NGOs in the struggle against military dictatorship in Nigeria to analyse how horizontal relationships have fared in exchanges within civil society. It argues that the exigencies of sustained political struggle throw up conflicts over issues of participation, accountability, and egalitarianism that in turn promote social capital within civil society by mitigating hierarchically structured and asymmetrical patterns of exchange among its members.
Constitutional and institutional basis of inter governmental relations (IGR) in Nigeria
(Programme on ethnic and federal studies, 2004) Egwaikhide, F. 0.; Aiyede, E. R.; Benjamin, S. A; Dlakwa, H. D; Ikelegbe, A.
Electoral governance and women's political leadership in Nigeria
(IDASA, 2005) Aiyede, E. R.
Leadership and the pro-democracy movement
(Ibadan university press, 2005) Aiyede, E. R.
Electoral governance and women's political leadership in Nigeria
(IDASA, 2005) Aiyede, E. R.
Tax assignments, revenue sharing and political reform: Nigeria in comparative perspective
(Nigerian political science association, 2005) Aiyede, E. R.
Intergovernmental relations and the strengthening of the Nigerian federation
(Programme on ethnic and federal studies, 2005) Aiyede, E. R.
Executive-legislature relations in Nigeria’s emerging presidential democracy
(UNILA G journal of politics, 2005) Aiyede, E. R.
This paper investigates the recurrent executive-legislature face offs in Nigeria in the Fourth Republic. It examines the underlining issues and strategies adopted by each arm in pursuit of its interests and how these strategies fuel and intensify the conflicts, noting the opportunities and challenges for reducing the tendency towards government immobilism. It argues that three factors have been critical to the relentless acrimony between the legislature and the executive. The first is the relative underdevelopment of the legislature in terms of institutional processes, role perception and rules of conduct. The second is the incoherence of the ruling People's Democratic Party (PDP) that rendered it incapable of enforcing discipline among its members in government. The third is the hangover from militarism, which reflects in the strategies adopted by both parties.
The case of oil exploitation in Nigeria
(Palgrave Macmillan, 2006) Aiyede, E. R.
Electoral laws and the 2007 general elections in Nigeria
(Journal of African elections, 2007) Aiyede, E. R.
Credible elections are a salient indicator of democratic consolidation and the principal institutionalised means of forming and changing democratic governments. A central determinant of the success of any election is the institutions which structure the behaviour of participants and the choices available to them, hence their belief in pay-offs to individuals and groups. The guiding principles and regulations of the 2007 general elections in Nigeria are to be found in the 1999 Constitution and in the Electoral Act 2006. These documents not only set out the rules, the enactment of the Electoral Act usually signals the beginning of the electoral contest. The Constitution and the Act together make elaborate provision for voter registration, party and candidate registration, campaign financing and regulation, election observation, ballot design, polling stations, voting, counting, and tabulation, election management bodies, and dispute settlement authorities. This paper reviews critically the constitutional provisions on elections and the Electoral Act 2006 in the context of the challenges of achieving credible elections in Nigeria.
Book review
(Development in practice, 2007) Aiyede, E. R.
Constraints and strategies for the management of conflicts in Africa
(2008) Idowu, J.
The end of the Cold War instigated a new approach into the operation of world politics, with the promotion of peace and security\ This assumption is however different n the continent of Africa, because conflicts in this period have been volatile and protracted’ While some scholars analysed causes of conflict in Africa as a result of internal wranglings, other viewed it from the standpoint of modernization: In spite of these divergent opinions, conflicts in Africa did not only destabilize the operation of the political system but also make sustainable development a difficult task. The discursion starts with the analysis of the nature, causes and consequences of the conflict. In response to the negative consequences of such conflicts, this paper examines the constraints to the management of conflict in Africa and suggests the relevant strategies to employ in managing the conflicts. The paper concludes that for any meaningful peace and sustainable development to be attained in Africa, nation-building, justice and good governance should be brought to the center stage of continental politics and international relations