Political Science
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Item Religious conflict, sharia question and Nigerian unity(2009-04) Johnson, I. A.One of the noticeable problems in Nigeria’s political history is religious conflict. Religious conflict has threatened the unity of Nigeria, because of the inherent politics played along with it. However, this problem was an age long phenomenon, as old as the emergence of modem Nigeria, with the advent of Christianity and Islam; and the attendant modes of worship and hatred for each other. The complexity of religion has adversely affected inter-group relations in Nigeria. Indeed the use of religion to gain political power is noticed, and has become a do or die affair, especially for attaining other benefits (social and economic) through the state. Today, the Sharia issue has become controversial not essentially because of its religious essence but for its political expediency. This paper explores the effects of religious conflict .and the Sharia issue on Nigerian governmental policies, and examines its impact on socio-economic development. The paper argues that in a pluralistic society like Nigeria, this conflict is inevitable due to the ethno-cultural diversities and the universal claims of the two religions, but the responsibility of government is largely based on how best to manage and resolve these conflicting world views within the polity. The paper concludes that no matter the contradiction of secularism in our constitution, it is still the only alternative measure in resolving religious conflict for the unity of Nigeria within the context of a true federalismItem Constraints and strategies for the management of conflicts in Africa(2008) Idowu, J.The end of the Cold War instigated a new approach into the operation of world politics, with the promotion of peace and security\ This assumption is however different n the continent of Africa, because conflicts in this period have been volatile and protracted’ While some scholars analysed causes of conflict in Africa as a result of internal wranglings, other viewed it from the standpoint of modernization: In spite of these divergent opinions, conflicts in Africa did not only destabilize the operation of the political system but also make sustainable development a difficult task. The discursion starts with the analysis of the nature, causes and consequences of the conflict. In response to the negative consequences of such conflicts, this paper examines the constraints to the management of conflict in Africa and suggests the relevant strategies to employ in managing the conflicts. The paper concludes that for any meaningful peace and sustainable development to be attained in Africa, nation-building, justice and good governance should be brought to the center stage of continental politics and international relationsItem UNDERDEVELOPMENT AND COLLECTIVE SELF-RELIANCE IN THE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY OF WEST AFRICAN STATES(1988-08) ABUTUDU, M. I. M.The formation of ECOWAS is usually seen as a-decisive attempt to reorient the economies of West Africa inward in a framework of collective self-reliance. While the absence of the necessary political will is usually identified as the basic constraint to the effective take off of the organization, there is usually no attempt to situate the difficulties in mustering this political will in the concrete situation of underdevelopment and dependence, that is, the structural conditions under which policies of integration are formulated and are expected to operate. On an equally crucial note, the issue of how adopted integration measures affect, or may affect the goal of breaking out of underdevelopment and dependence is either neglected or treated in abstraction. study focuses on the impact of the structures and processes of underdevelopment, exemplified in the external orientation of the-economies of West Africa, on the creation of ECOWAS and the community's choice, elaboration and implementation of concrete measures of intergration. The general character of West African states lies essentially in their incorporation into the world economy as peripheral states and therefore, a common orientation to foreign trade, aid and investments as the fundamental basis of accumulation and social reproduction. However, the conditioning impact which this singular process of incorporation has on each member state is mediated by certain factors such as resource endowment, special external ties and the peculiar manifestation of the post-colonial state. In this context, the character of national accumulation and social reproduction contain objective specificities which imply peculiar patterns of impact and expectations from incorporation into the world economy. At both the singular and specific levels of incorporation, integration and the measures that chart its motion have opportunity costs for member states. These opportunity costs are based on the impact, actual or potential, of joint measures on the accumulation and reproduction process. It is therefore argued that the explanation for support or resistance to policies of integration must be sought in their impact on the accumulation and reproduction of the economy and state. This, in reality, implies that member states evaluate integration measures in terms of their implications for external expectations and specific foreign ties. In line with this, we argue that a fundamental facilitating factor in the formation of ECOWAS was the common orientation to certain external ties and expectation from such ties, forged among West African states through British entry into the EEC in 1973- in effect, the partial merging of the two preferential zones that had hitherto bifurcated West Africa. This common orientation underlines much of the distributive policies of ECOWAS, which have been largely predicated on the aid provisions of the Lome Conventions. As the externally induced economic crises of the eighties took their toll, the common orientation has also become visible in the attempt to create an ECOWAS common currency whose stability may be anchored on an EEC guarantee, The opportunity costs arising from the common orientation to foreign trade are well exhibited in the general tendency to resist the community trade liberalization programme during economic crisis. As a logical outcome of the crisis of peripheral accumulation, protectionism has become a ready tool for member states which feel that trade liberalization in ECOWAS endangers domestic prospects of accumulation. At the specific level of incorporation, integration measures indicate different structures of opportunity costs for member states. Trade liberalization and a common payments system are actively supported by some states and actively resisted by others. The rules of originating products accord with the dominant interests in some states as indicated in their indigenization and nationalization policies whereas in others where the dominant interests in the state are expressed through the conspicious absence of such policies, the rules of origin threaten to undermine accumulation.Item Federalism, decentralisation and the liberalisation of business environment in Nigeria(Development policy centre, 2001) Aiyede, E. R."This study examines how federal restructuring and decentralisation can be tailored towards the creation of an enabling environment for business in Nigeria. It does this by making a comparative assessment of the business environment in Nigetia; exploring the character of federalism and decentralisation programmes in Nigeria. It also examines the implications of these for governance and the business environment in Nigeria while suggesting decentralisation reforms required to enhance government efficiency and effectiveness as well as improving the business environment. The study noted that decentralization programmes in Nigeria began from the colonial era but have largely taken the form of spatial deconcentration. As a result, they have had the effect of increasing central control and reducing opportunities for citizen participation, and stultified creativity. The restraint in devolving power is attributable to the effort at regime sustenance in the face of limited state legitimacy, the problem of fragile national unity and the prevalence of military dictatorship with its centralizing tendencies. Territorial fragmentation and internal boundary adjustments have resulted in a proliferation of states and local governments; but such levels of government have been without local power that can attract and stimulate participation. Spatial deconcentration has resulted in a bloated states sector, with minimal private sector development, and a suppression of innovative and entrepreneurial energy. Dependence of sub-national units on oil revenue from the centre has been one of the major reasons fur the failure to diversify the economic base of the country. The competition that had characterised inter-state relations under the three and four-region Systems in which derivation was a significant factor of horizontal revenue sharing gave way to political struggles for federation funds. Thus, local spending became completely separated from local resources in the name of even development across the country. The centralisation of resources control and the adoption of a general revenue allocation formula provided no incentive for competitiveness among the various sub-national governments. Decentralisation reforms have become imperative but need to be done democratically. There should be wide spread consultation and negotiation to reach consensus on an ideological base for the envisaged decentralization programme. There should also be very clear institutional arrangement for managing the process, realistic and clear-cut distribution of powers and functions among the various governments based on the principle of subsidiarity with clearly spelt out institutions of horizontal and vertical accountability. The programme should be informed by a more practicalconcern about economic competitiveness, such that the country will be restructured into competing governmental units, providing room for public/private partnership in productive activities at the lower levels, such that would enable the exploration and development of economic potentials of the various states. The current general revenue sharing formula should be reconsidered with a view to promoting competition hand in hand with the drive for equity and accountability. Caution should be taken during the process to avoid fanning the embers of centrifugal forces. Nigeria should borrow ideas from successful decentralisation efforts in other lands. "Item Public service ethics in Nigeria’s local government system(Book point ltd., 2003) Aiyede, E. R.This paper attempts to explain the ethical crisis in local government in Nigeria by' examining the structural and nonnative ethical content of local government reforms. It argued that, although efforts were made to integrate public service ethics into the reforms, ethics programmes were unsystematic and were for a long time very limited. Moreover, key actors did not demonstrate serious commitment to them. The reason for the lack of commitment is attributed to the instrumental use of corruption for regime sustenance that shot through Nigeria's politics of distributive federalism, which came to its own in the last two decades. This has destroyed the idea of public service and generated strong forces within local government angling for a share of the "national cake." Popular accountability has been undermined by the disjunction of the location of expenditure from the sources of local government revenue.Item Electoral governance and women's political leadership in Nigeria(IDASA, 2005) Aiyede, E. R.Item Constitutional and institutional basis of inter governmental relations (IGR) in Nigeria(Programme on ethnic and federal studies, 2004) Egwaikhide, F. 0.; Aiyede, E. R.; Benjamin, S. A; Dlakwa, H. D; Ikelegbe, A.Item Readings in development policy and capacity building in Nigeria(Development policy centre, 2003) Aiyede, E. R.; Alayande, B.; Mabawonku, A.Item The political economy of fiscal federalism and the dilemma of constructing a developmental state in Nigeria(International political science review, 2009) Aiyede, E. R.The relationship between federalism and development needs to be investigated in the context of values of governance and state–society relations, especially citizenship. This helps to uplift the discourse on the African state by situating it within the historiography and political economy of federalism. This article explores the institutional and political foundations of the fundamentally distributive orientation of Nigeria’s fiscal federal system: the values that underlie governance and the character of state–society relations expressed in the demarcation of fiscal federalism from citizenship privileges and duties. It argues that a fragmented citizenship sustains predatory rule, which undermines the developmental content of federalism.Item Africa and the US national security policy in a changing global order(Ibadan journal of the social sciences, 2009) Aiyede, E. R.Developments in US policy towards Africa since 9/11, as shown by the establishment of the Africa Command, has been described as marked departures from what existed in the immediate post-Cold War era when Africa was 'neglected'. Africa has been de-marginalized in the US strategic and national security policy because it has become critical to the strategic interest of the US. This paper provides an alternative interpretation of the US national security policy as translated into activities in Africa in the post 9111period. It argues that Africa has never been marginalized nor neglected by the US in its foreign or security policy after the Cold War, although there has been a change in strategy. This becomes obvious when security is not separated from the economy in the analysis of the US national security policy agency towards Africa
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