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CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AND THE MARINE OF NIGERIA 1841 - 1891
(1958-07) ADE-AJAYI, J. F.
It is the contribution of various missionary societies in shifting the frontier of European influences from the coast where it had remained after three centuries of European trade connections into the interior of Nigeria in the half century before the establishment of British rule in the country that is the subject of this thesis. For, in their anxiety to deepen and widen Christian European influences in the country, the missionaries were laying the social and economic foundations of Nigeria, particularly Southern Nigeria. Struck by the high rate of European mortality in West Africa, and haunted by the memory that Christianity had once been introduced into West Africa and had been wiped out, the missionaries were anxious to leave a permanent mark on the country that the eventual withdrawal of European missionaries, whether sudden or gradual, could not efface. They wished to raise a large indigenous clergy, they wished to introduce not only the Bible but also the art to read and the art to make the Bible, in short, something of the technological civilisation of contemporary Europe. Central to this programme was the creation of a Middle Class of mission-educated Africans. The emigrants returning from Sierra Leone, Cuba and Brazil provided the nucleus of such a class with them, the missionaries embarked on a programme of practical education in trades and industry. They tried to gather the emigrants together in particular centres round the Mission House, in little mission villages to which Individual converts from the old town, physically or spiritually, attached themselves. This new society it was hoped would grow and replace the antiquated ways of the old town. Things did not always work out as the missionaries planned. Their resources were inadequate. They were dependent on traders whose objectives were different from theirs. The society of the old town did not crumble as readily as was expected. The missionaries saw the power of the African rulers on the coast passing to the consul and the traders, not to the educated Africans whom the traders and some of the missionaries on the spot as well regarded as rivals. Nevertheless, a class of Africa was rising, as clergymen in the church, agents of European firms or independent merchants on their own. The most notable of them was Crowther who was made a Bishop and who used an all- African staff to establish churches on the Niger. But just as such Africans, were beginning to be given responsibility and, among other things, were proceeding to make the Church less of an alien community in society, the new wave of European interest in the country made European change their attitude to Africans, and the old policy of advancing educated Africans was overturned, Even Bishop Crowther was ousted from his post and with his resignation in 1891, this period of missionary work came to an end.
POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE PALWO 1400-1911
(1973) ADEFUYE, A. I.
The Palwo are a branch of the Lwo who settled on the northern part of Bunyoro-Kitara kingdom. Their history is essentially that of rivalry between two ethnic groups, the Lwo and the Bantu, vying for supremacy in the empire of Bunyoro-Kitara, Originating from the Sudan, the Lwo settled in the hitherto exclusively Bantu inhabited empire, overthrew the ruling dynasty, and set up a new one. While intermarrying with the majority Bantu population, the Lwo kings ensured that only sons born to them by their Lwo wives (full-blooded Lwo) succeeded them. It was an attempt by the Lwo to make the throne their exclusive preserve. When one of the Lwo kings found himself compelled by circumstances to bypass convention and chose one of his children born by a Bantu woman to succeed him, the Lwo protested. They attempted to undermine the authority of this Bantu king who had no other alternative than to wage a war to 'crush the rebellion'. Henceforth children bom by Bantu women ascended the throne. The period of the rule of the Lwo appeared to have ended. While taking refuge from the war which crushed their rebellion, a good number of the Lwo left Bunyoro-Kitara and established their hegemony in the neighbouring areas. But some of them later came back and with the coming of more Lwo from the Sudan and Northern Uganda, the Lwo population in Bunyoro-Kitara a century after their rebellion was back to nearly what it was before the war. But the memory of their clash with the Bantu king was not forgotten by the Lwo. To them, it was humiliating to be deprived of a throne which for centuries had been occupied by their own people. Taking the Northern extreme of present day Bunyoro district as their base, the Lwo directed their activities for the following two centuries towards regaining their lost privileged position in Bunyoro-Kitara empire. However, in spite of their success in undermining the authority of some Bantu kings and launching series of military attacks on them, in spite of their economic boom caused by the activities of foreign traders, and which the Lwo attempted to turn into military advantage, they never succeeded in winning back the throne of Bunyoro-Kitara. Kabalega, a Bantu king, permanently converted them into an insignificant minority in the empire.
A HISTORY OF WESTERN EDUCATION AMONG THE KIKUYU, 1898-1952
(1978-01) ADEBOLA, A. S.
The response of most Kikuyu to Western education was initially negative. This was due In part to the nature of their Indigenous system of education which was intimately related to their political, social and economic set-up, and partly due to their reaction against the initial impact of colonialism on their society. This attitude was abandoned largely as a re stilt of the First World War when colonial demands became intensified and many people were forced to leave their homes to work as carriers. Their experience of meeting others, in camps and during journeys, from societies so such different from their own, suddenly opened up a new world of experience that the indigenous educational precepts could not fully explain or cater for. Their hope after the war that the missionaries would assist then to obtain an education which would enable then to play roles other than serving the white settlers as labourers did not materialise, neither was the government anxious to take over responsibility for African education from the mission societies. This in turn forced the Kikuyu to look for alternative means of securing a type of education which would not be preoccupied with either vocational training or proselytization. The ‘independent’ schools which became widespread in Kikuyu from the 1920s; the 'Githunguri Scheme’; the willingness of the people during the Second World War to devote a substantial amount of money they got through the war to education; the dispute between the AIM and their Kikuyu adherents in Muranga district which led to the establishment of yet another independent educational body; and the rejection of the Beecher Commission on African Education, which in turn led to the closure of all the schools that would not accept its recommendations; were all part of the efforts of the Kikuyu to make their education relevant to the needs of their society.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION IN EKITILAND, 1915 - 1951
(1995-07) ADELOYE, T. S.
The thesis focuses attention on the development of British Administration in Ekitiland from 1915-1951, It discusses the British occupation of Ekiti- land and analyses the efforts made by the British to consolidate their administration through the creation of a centralised political authority. It examines the administrative structures evolved and observes that the Ekiti Oba were generally used as Instruments of British Administration, It is shown that under the new political dispensation, the Oba virtually became ciphers in the hands of British Administrative Officers. It is argued that some of the responsibilities assigned to the Oba eroded their traditional power, authority, status and prestige. The thesis also examines the efforts made at creating a central Administration in Ekitiland between 1920 and 1936, The attendant problems of this political experiment are discussed. In particular, the political agitations for secession, autonomy and other political reforms by some communities such as Ado-Ekiti, Akure, Igbara-Odo, Ilawe, Osi etc between 1938 and 1946 are discussed, It argues that these agitations not only threatened political Integration in Ekitiland but also contributed largely to the failure of central Administration put in place by the Colonial Government. The re-organisation efforts made by the British to re-invigorate their tottery administration in Ekitiland between 1946 and 1951 are analysed. The new political dispensation, which was a shift from a rigid centralisation of political authority that was unpalatable to Ekiti Oba to that of loose centralised Administration which allowed them (the Oba) to retain their sovereignty, succeeded to a large extent up to 1951. The economic dimension of British Administration in Ekitiland during the study period is also examined. While contending that British Administration was largely exploitative and resulted in a monumental disruption of the pre-colonial economic structure of the Ekiti society, it identifies certain sectors where the British Administration achieved some measure of development. The study concludes that though the British Administration tried to consolidate itself in Ekitiland, their initial objective of rigid political centralisation that would have brought Ekiti Kingdoms under one central authority was not realised. Furthermore, it observes that British Administration was a mixed blessing to the people of Ekltiland. The Ekiti accepted some of the changes considered beneficial to their society while rejecting those they considered detrimental to their well-being. The thesis has complemented the existing studies on British Administration in Nigeria in general and has also revealed the abysmal failure of British attempt to create a Central Administration in a society which was hitherto apparently segmentary.
No way out: the trafficking of women in Nigeria
(2003) Olaniyi, R.
Nationalist Movement in a Multi-Ethnic Community of Sabongari Kano
(Gidan Makama Museum, 2003) Olaniyi, R.
‘Pay Back Time’: Ethno-religious Violence in Nigeria, 1999-2004.
(The Ford Foundation, 2005) Olaniyi, R.
Depuis le retour a un regime civil en 1999, la translocation du genocide reciproque sous forme de violence ethno-religieuse a ravage des communautes au Nigeria. Les hostilites et I’intolerance sont en augmentation, et les attaques de represailles se multiplient. Cette periode a connu /’agitation de la jeunesse, la resurgence de milices ethniques, religieuses et politiques, d’armees privees ainsi que de mercenaires recrutes dans les pays voisins usant d’armes sophistiquees pour un carnage massif. Entre 1999 et 2004, plus de 1000 affrontements communaux ont eu lieu faisant plus de 50 000 morts, et plus d’un million de citoyens interieurement deplaces, et des milliards de Nairas perdus par les victimes et par l’economic locale. Les points traditionnels de violence ont continue de faire I’objet de carnage regulier, tandis que des zones qui etaient jusque la relativement paisibles se sont transformees en champs de bataille, comme on I’a constate dans I’Etat du Plateau. Cet article soutient que la translocation de la violence ethno-religieuse a mis en lumiere la fragilite de la Nation nigeriane, la faiblesse du constitutionalisme tel qu’il se rapporte au principe de citoyennete et la militarisation accrue des identites ethno-religieuses. II conclut que la spirale de violence ethno-religieuse etait caracterisee par un debordement des conflits mais une telle violence avait des questions saillantes, notamment le contrdle des ressources, la dichotomie indigene/ colonisateur, un espace politique contracts, l’exclusion sociale et les reponses a la recession economique.
Child Labour and Nigeria’s Informal Economy since the 1990s
(Humanities Publishers, 2005) Olaniyi, R.
Approaching the study of the Yoruba Diaspora in Northern Nigeria
(University of Rochester Press, 2006) Olaniyi, R.
Urban Violence in Kano, 1999-2001: The Yoruba Experience
(Institute of African Studies,, 2006) Olaniyi, R. O.
Hausa-Yoruba Relations 1500-1800: A Historical Perspective
(Government College University Faisalabad, 2007) Olaniyi, R. O.
From a revisionist perspective, this paper demonstrates that the history of Old Oyo empire and Hausa-city states were closely interwoven especially in commercial interaction, cultural exchange, the propagation of Islam and state building processes. The paper argues that the articles of trade suggest that beyond the movement of goods and peoples in both societies, an enormous degree of diplomacy and politics existed to facilitate the process of exchange. The relationship between Old Oyo and Hausa-city states was closely linked to the political economy of the states especially slave trade, export and import of horses, cowries and firearms. It is then argued that the relationship was more complex and mutually reinforcing. Contrary to widespread accounts, there is no material to show that the term Yoruba was originally used by the Hausa to describe the people of Oyo-ile. There is every possibility that the people of Oyo ile whose language was Yoruba described themselves as such. The first reference to the term Yoruba could be found in the work of the famous Songhay scholar, Ahmad Baba Al-Timbukti.
The Pan-African Nation: Oil and the Spectacle of Culture in Nigeria
(The University of Chicago Press, 2008) Olaniyi, R.
Diaspora is Not Like Home a Social And Economic History of Yoruba in Kano, 1912-1999
(LINCOM GmbH, 2008) Olaniyi, R.
Yoruba migration to Kano was shaped both by social and economic reality of the British colonial rule and trajectories of the post-colonial state. In Kano, the wider opportunity for the advancement of commercial frontier attracted generations of Yoruba traders, artisans, entrepreneurs and professionals. This book articulates the historical process that led to the evolution as well as the consolidation of the Yoruba commercial diaspora in Kano. Three interconnected themes: migration, entrepreneurship and intergroup relations in a commercial diaspora were systematically pursued in this work. All through the trajectory, the book has reconstructed the historical metamorphosis of the Yoruba trading diaspora chronologically from colonial period to the post-colonial era and, by extension, part of the commercial history of modern Kano. In 1912, Yoruba commerce in Kano entered a- new phase from the socio-cultural bases already established in the pre-colonial economy. Linder the British rule, Yoruba identity in Kano was dramatically transformed to become “non-natives” or “strangers." The British used diverse measures including stereotype, criminalisation and ethnic segregation to control Yoruba migration to Kano. Resentment and criminalisation were used to segregate and exclude the Yoruba from the mainstream Kano society. In this respect.- ethnic relations were mediated by colonial encounter. Colonialism challenged the migrants’ identity and self-understanding. The r transformative effects of this challenge redefined inter-ethnic relations to produce new imbalances, crystallisation of communal identities and social cohesion. As such, inter-ethnic rivalry sustained the British rule and remained pervasive in the post-colonial context. The intriguing feature of ethnic segregation as model of state structure and development provided stimulus for diaspora identity. Despite the control measures, the groundnut export and urbanisation processes in Kano influenced the greater proportion of Yoruba migration within the framework of kinship linkages. But Yoruba traders encountered structural disadvantages in the commodity trade. Commercially, Yoruba women were among the active traders whose entrepreneurial activities linked the rural markets with the urban economy and stimulated income and distribution of Kano made goods. From 1985 and up to 1999, a downward trend was recorded in Yoruba enterprise in Kano due to economic contraction and urban crises. The methodology for this study was primarily empirical in approach: In-depth oral interviews, research visits to neighbourhoods, fact finding surveys made on individuals, organisations and institutions as data sources in an interactive manner. The emphasis on field experience and broader interviews across ethnic, occupational and gender categories facilitated the validation of data collected and interpretation ensured that the analysis was a product of communal reflections. In this study, it has been found that ethnicity was fundamental in social and economic networks through which commerce was undertaken. The overriding value of Yoruba ethnic identity in Kano was the creation of a socio-economic community that allocated productive resources in the employment of labour, capital mobilisation, entrepreneurship and social security. The recreation and reorganisation of ethnic associations were largely influenced by successful entrepreneurs who played significant leadership roles. However, social functions restricted entrepreneurial investment in commercial activities. The study has examined the survival strategy employed by the Yoruba in combating incorporation and exclusion prism that curtailed, challenged or encouraged their commercial activities. As a trading community, the Yoruba used their flexible identity, professional skills and religions (both Christianity and Islam) for commercial success. The special skills of the entrepreneurs and complimentary commercial roles of artisans had led to the transfer of technical skills, improved craft industry, urban development, stimulated income and growth of markets, and tho over increasing urban population that provided the much needed skilled labour tor tho expanding industries. Yoruba enterprise generated labour supply, provided employment and above all, contributed to the process of capital accumulation Indeed, the special skills and complementary commercial roles of the Yoruba Christians constituted an invaluable asset to their acceptance among the Muslim host community Many of the Yoruba Muslim migrant households have been complotely absorbed into the cultural and religious values of Kano. Closely connected to this, is the fact that, many of the unassimllatod younger gemmation of tho Muslim Yoruba Migrants developed a plural identity As n consequence, tho commercial diaspora produced a hybrid generation namely; the Kano Yoruba, who had a stronger sentiment for the hosl community. Empirically, the two ethnic groups (Hausa and Yoruba) still retain many of tho loan words borrowed from each other’s languages for Islamic, commercial, equestrian and sundry matters. These extensive social network and marital linkages had facilitated ethnic harmony and hospitality. A remarkable aspect of this study is the discussion on tho ambivalent Hausa and Yoruba relations namely: economic competition on one hand and cultural constraints of identity on the other hand. Yoruba commercial activities in Kano have occasioned stress and suspicion generated considerably by economic competition. Some of the riots in Kano from 1953 to 1999 were caused by socio-political problems with devastating consequences on Kano economy most especially, state of insecurity of investment, tho fear of looting, wanton destruction of lives and economic gains, and tho exodus of migrant artisans and entrepreneurs. Some of the Yoruba experienced economic dislocation. Hence, they liquidated their businesses and or relocated to their places of origin or other commercial cities in Nigeria. The study concludes that Yoruba enterprise in Kano contributed to the transmission of technical skills among different communities and the transformation of modern Kano as a commercial metropolis in Nigeria. Without family connections and support network in a competitive context, Yoruba diaspora became ethnically assertive in terms of associational life. Thus, in the process, diaspora identity restricted the prospect of integration of the migrants into the host community.
Review of Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement ofBlack Americans From the Civil War to World War II.
(Kennesaw State University Press, 2008) Olaniyi, R.
Review of The Nupe and the Origins and Evolution of the Yoruba
(2008) Olaniyi, R.
Nigerian Immigrants and Xenophobic Violence in South Africa
(Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, 2009) Olaniyi, R.
The author argues that in many parts of Africa identity-politics and "nativist" narratives link migration to crime by making mobility a contentious political issue. This study exemplifies this by examining the experiences and adaptation of Nigerian migrants in South Africa and the confrontation with xenophobic violence this frequently involves. In South Africa, stereotypic reproduction represents the past in the present within the context of nation- building and contradictions of "African Renaissance "Despite the leading roles Nigeria and South Africa are playing in African politics and business, the xenophobia against African immigrants undermines the prospect of regional and continental development.
Economic Crises and Child Trafficking in Nigeria: A Comparative Analysis of the 1930s and 1990s
(2009) Olaniyi, R.
“We Asked for Workers but Human Beings Came”: A Critical Assessment of Policies on Immigration and Human Trafficking in the European Union
(cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009) Olaniyi, R.
Globalization has transformed migratory flows, immigration policies, and citizenship. This chapter examines the intractable challenges of migration and human trafficking from a new perspective: the politics of immigration characterized by restriction of entry, containment, and selection. It argues that globalization and the new immigration policies ensure that only an elite group of highly-skilled migrants enter the European Union (EU) while the poor are encouraged to stay in their own countries. At the same time, there is growing demand for cheap (skilled and unskilled) labor in catering, hotel, and seasonal employment through the back door which provides a market for human traffickers and allows unscrupulous employers to pay low wages. The chapter examines these developments as well as new employment legislations targeted at those who give jobs to those without papers.
Marginality and Crisis Globalization and Identity in Contemporary Africa
(Lexington Books, 2010) Adebayo, A. G.; Adesina, O. C.; Olaniyi, R. O.
Mapping the activities of Faith-Based Organisations in Development in Nigeria
(2010) Odumosu, O.; Alonge, S.; Olaniyi, R.
This paper is an outcome of the Religions and Development Research Programme in Nigeria. The rationale for this study is that the nature, scale and activities of faith- based organisations (FBOs) are poorly understood and documented in Nigeria. The aim of the study was, thus, to undertake a mapping exercise of the nature, scale and activities of FBOs in development in Nigeria. The objectives are: (a) To increase awareness of the nature and scale of faith-based contributions to development in Nigeria, (b) To provide the necessary background and contextual information for further studies under other components of the RaD research programme, helping those involved to prepare detailed research proposals and to select geographical locations, faith traditions and FBOs for further study. The methodological approach included the review of documented evidence and structured interviews. The study is of a qualitative character seeking to identify nature, scale, location and activities of faith-based organisations through in-depth interviews with representatives of umbrella organisations and key informants from faith groups. The survey revealed that the number of registered and active FBOs is limited in Nigeria. However, the active ones can be found in almost all the states of the federation, or at the least, in every geopolitical zone of the country. It also revealed that a high proportion of religious organisations provide some human services. Most of the FBOs mobilise and rely on deeply engaged volunteers rather than paid staff, thus delivering services more efficiently than other providers. The key advantage of FBOs is that they have better access to volunteers, which could be used to expand their role in delivering social services. The faith-based organisations also have the advantage that they are located in communities where services are needed. They are also involved in informal networks (e.g., cooperating, coordinating, and working together with other organisations). These increase their delivery of human services. FBOs often have a direct impact on social institutions, such as schools, which socialise people and change values over time. In addition, their jurisdiction often includes a number of areas such as morality, beliefs about the spiritual bases of disease, rules of family life and sexual activity. FBOs are also very active in practical areas of poverty reduction, providing income-generating programmes for members. The paper concludes that, generally, little research has been done on specific operational issues affecting FBOs activities in development. There is need for case studies to specifically examine FBO programmes and their impact, and here longitudinal studies could greatly contribute to the study of an effort primarily oriented toward a long-term horizon. There is also the need to find out if faith-based organisations bring distinctive advantages to community development. The issued could be readily addressed by comparing faith-based and secular organisations active in community development.