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Item Approaching the study of the Yoruba Diaspora in Northern Nigeria(University of Rochester Press, 2006) Olaniyi, R.Item Bororo Fulani Pastoralists and Yoruba Farmers’ Conflicts in the Upper Ogun River, Oyo State Nigeria, 1986–2004(SAGE, 2015) Olaniyi, R. O.This article, based on in-depth oral interviews, focuses on the conflicts between Bororo Fulani pastoralists and Yoruba farmers in Saki and Iseyin towns of the Upper Ogun River (Oke-Ogun), Oyo State Nigeria to show the power disparity and competition over land resources. The conflicts that occurred between Bororo Fulani pastoralists and Yoruba farmers are classified as: economic (crop destruction and cattle killing); social (murder, rape, armed banditry, molestation on both sides of the conflict); and communal (large-scale destruction of villages, pastoral settlements and markets). Other conflicts involved access to grazing and water resources and access to markets. These conflicts were products of resource scarcity and broader challenges of power relations between indigenes and settlers/migrants in Nigeria. Ethnicity became more conspicuous among local people as these conflicts intensified. This article discusses the intervention of Yoruba traditional rulers (Oba) and Fulani headman (Ardo) in the formation of peace committees in Iseyin and Saki towns.Item Child Labour and Nigeria’s Informal Economy since the 1990s(Humanities Publishers, 2005) Olaniyi, R.Item CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AND THE MARINE OF NIGERIA 1841 - 1891(1958-07) ADE-AJAYI, J. F.It is the contribution of various missionary societies in shifting the frontier of European influences from the coast where it had remained after three centuries of European trade connections into the interior of Nigeria in the half century before the establishment of British rule in the country that is the subject of this thesis. For, in their anxiety to deepen and widen Christian European influences in the country, the missionaries were laying the social and economic foundations of Nigeria, particularly Southern Nigeria. Struck by the high rate of European mortality in West Africa, and haunted by the memory that Christianity had once been introduced into West Africa and had been wiped out, the missionaries were anxious to leave a permanent mark on the country that the eventual withdrawal of European missionaries, whether sudden or gradual, could not efface. They wished to raise a large indigenous clergy, they wished to introduce not only the Bible but also the art to read and the art to make the Bible, in short, something of the technological civilisation of contemporary Europe. Central to this programme was the creation of a Middle Class of mission-educated Africans. The emigrants returning from Sierra Leone, Cuba and Brazil provided the nucleus of such a class with them, the missionaries embarked on a programme of practical education in trades and industry. They tried to gather the emigrants together in particular centres round the Mission House, in little mission villages to which Individual converts from the old town, physically or spiritually, attached themselves. This new society it was hoped would grow and replace the antiquated ways of the old town. Things did not always work out as the missionaries planned. Their resources were inadequate. They were dependent on traders whose objectives were different from theirs. The society of the old town did not crumble as readily as was expected. The missionaries saw the power of the African rulers on the coast passing to the consul and the traders, not to the educated Africans whom the traders and some of the missionaries on the spot as well regarded as rivals. Nevertheless, a class of Africa was rising, as clergymen in the church, agents of European firms or independent merchants on their own. The most notable of them was Crowther who was made a Bishop and who used an all- African staff to establish churches on the Niger. But just as such Africans, were beginning to be given responsibility and, among other things, were proceeding to make the Church less of an alien community in society, the new wave of European interest in the country made European change their attitude to Africans, and the old policy of advancing educated Africans was overturned, Even Bishop Crowther was ousted from his post and with his resignation in 1891, this period of missionary work came to an end.Item THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION IN EKITILAND, 1915 - 1951(1995-07) ADELOYE, T. S.The thesis focuses attention on the development of British Administration in Ekitiland from 1915-1951, It discusses the British occupation of Ekiti- land and analyses the efforts made by the British to consolidate their administration through the creation of a centralised political authority. It examines the administrative structures evolved and observes that the Ekiti Oba were generally used as Instruments of British Administration, It is shown that under the new political dispensation, the Oba virtually became ciphers in the hands of British Administrative Officers. It is argued that some of the responsibilities assigned to the Oba eroded their traditional power, authority, status and prestige. The thesis also examines the efforts made at creating a central Administration in Ekitiland between 1920 and 1936, The attendant problems of this political experiment are discussed. In particular, the political agitations for secession, autonomy and other political reforms by some communities such as Ado-Ekiti, Akure, Igbara-Odo, Ilawe, Osi etc between 1938 and 1946 are discussed, It argues that these agitations not only threatened political Integration in Ekitiland but also contributed largely to the failure of central Administration put in place by the Colonial Government. The re-organisation efforts made by the British to re-invigorate their tottery administration in Ekitiland between 1946 and 1951 are analysed. The new political dispensation, which was a shift from a rigid centralisation of political authority that was unpalatable to Ekiti Oba to that of loose centralised Administration which allowed them (the Oba) to retain their sovereignty, succeeded to a large extent up to 1951. The economic dimension of British Administration in Ekitiland during the study period is also examined. While contending that British Administration was largely exploitative and resulted in a monumental disruption of the pre-colonial economic structure of the Ekiti society, it identifies certain sectors where the British Administration achieved some measure of development. The study concludes that though the British Administration tried to consolidate itself in Ekitiland, their initial objective of rigid political centralisation that would have brought Ekiti Kingdoms under one central authority was not realised. Furthermore, it observes that British Administration was a mixed blessing to the people of Ekltiland. The Ekiti accepted some of the changes considered beneficial to their society while rejecting those they considered detrimental to their well-being. The thesis has complemented the existing studies on British Administration in Nigeria in general and has also revealed the abysmal failure of British attempt to create a Central Administration in a society which was hitherto apparently segmentary.Item Diaspora is Not Like Home a Social And Economic History of Yoruba in Kano, 1912-1999(LINCOM GmbH, 2008) Olaniyi, R.Yoruba migration to Kano was shaped both by social and economic reality of the British colonial rule and trajectories of the post-colonial state. In Kano, the wider opportunity for the advancement of commercial frontier attracted generations of Yoruba traders, artisans, entrepreneurs and professionals. This book articulates the historical process that led to the evolution as well as the consolidation of the Yoruba commercial diaspora in Kano. Three interconnected themes: migration, entrepreneurship and intergroup relations in a commercial diaspora were systematically pursued in this work. All through the trajectory, the book has reconstructed the historical metamorphosis of the Yoruba trading diaspora chronologically from colonial period to the post-colonial era and, by extension, part of the commercial history of modern Kano. In 1912, Yoruba commerce in Kano entered a- new phase from the socio-cultural bases already established in the pre-colonial economy. Linder the British rule, Yoruba identity in Kano was dramatically transformed to become “non-natives” or “strangers." The British used diverse measures including stereotype, criminalisation and ethnic segregation to control Yoruba migration to Kano. Resentment and criminalisation were used to segregate and exclude the Yoruba from the mainstream Kano society. In this respect.- ethnic relations were mediated by colonial encounter. Colonialism challenged the migrants’ identity and self-understanding. The r transformative effects of this challenge redefined inter-ethnic relations to produce new imbalances, crystallisation of communal identities and social cohesion. As such, inter-ethnic rivalry sustained the British rule and remained pervasive in the post-colonial context. The intriguing feature of ethnic segregation as model of state structure and development provided stimulus for diaspora identity. Despite the control measures, the groundnut export and urbanisation processes in Kano influenced the greater proportion of Yoruba migration within the framework of kinship linkages. But Yoruba traders encountered structural disadvantages in the commodity trade. Commercially, Yoruba women were among the active traders whose entrepreneurial activities linked the rural markets with the urban economy and stimulated income and distribution of Kano made goods. From 1985 and up to 1999, a downward trend was recorded in Yoruba enterprise in Kano due to economic contraction and urban crises. The methodology for this study was primarily empirical in approach: In-depth oral interviews, research visits to neighbourhoods, fact finding surveys made on individuals, organisations and institutions as data sources in an interactive manner. The emphasis on field experience and broader interviews across ethnic, occupational and gender categories facilitated the validation of data collected and interpretation ensured that the analysis was a product of communal reflections. In this study, it has been found that ethnicity was fundamental in social and economic networks through which commerce was undertaken. The overriding value of Yoruba ethnic identity in Kano was the creation of a socio-economic community that allocated productive resources in the employment of labour, capital mobilisation, entrepreneurship and social security. The recreation and reorganisation of ethnic associations were largely influenced by successful entrepreneurs who played significant leadership roles. However, social functions restricted entrepreneurial investment in commercial activities. The study has examined the survival strategy employed by the Yoruba in combating incorporation and exclusion prism that curtailed, challenged or encouraged their commercial activities. As a trading community, the Yoruba used their flexible identity, professional skills and religions (both Christianity and Islam) for commercial success. The special skills of the entrepreneurs and complimentary commercial roles of artisans had led to the transfer of technical skills, improved craft industry, urban development, stimulated income and growth of markets, and tho over increasing urban population that provided the much needed skilled labour tor tho expanding industries. Yoruba enterprise generated labour supply, provided employment and above all, contributed to the process of capital accumulation Indeed, the special skills and complementary commercial roles of the Yoruba Christians constituted an invaluable asset to their acceptance among the Muslim host community Many of the Yoruba Muslim migrant households have been complotely absorbed into the cultural and religious values of Kano. Closely connected to this, is the fact that, many of the unassimllatod younger gemmation of tho Muslim Yoruba Migrants developed a plural identity As n consequence, tho commercial diaspora produced a hybrid generation namely; the Kano Yoruba, who had a stronger sentiment for the hosl community. Empirically, the two ethnic groups (Hausa and Yoruba) still retain many of tho loan words borrowed from each other’s languages for Islamic, commercial, equestrian and sundry matters. These extensive social network and marital linkages had facilitated ethnic harmony and hospitality. A remarkable aspect of this study is the discussion on tho ambivalent Hausa and Yoruba relations namely: economic competition on one hand and cultural constraints of identity on the other hand. Yoruba commercial activities in Kano have occasioned stress and suspicion generated considerably by economic competition. Some of the riots in Kano from 1953 to 1999 were caused by socio-political problems with devastating consequences on Kano economy most especially, state of insecurity of investment, tho fear of looting, wanton destruction of lives and economic gains, and tho exodus of migrant artisans and entrepreneurs. Some of the Yoruba experienced economic dislocation. Hence, they liquidated their businesses and or relocated to their places of origin or other commercial cities in Nigeria. The study concludes that Yoruba enterprise in Kano contributed to the transmission of technical skills among different communities and the transformation of modern Kano as a commercial metropolis in Nigeria. Without family connections and support network in a competitive context, Yoruba diaspora became ethnically assertive in terms of associational life. Thus, in the process, diaspora identity restricted the prospect of integration of the migrants into the host community.Item The Dynamics of Inter-group Relations in Nigeria Since 1960 Essays in Honour of Obaro Ikime @ 70(Department of History, University of Ibadan, 2012) Ogbogbo, C. B. N.; Olaniyi, R. O.; Muojama, O. G.Item Economic History of Ibadan, 1830-1930(Institute of African Studies, 2015) Olaniyi, R.Item Global Sex Trade and Women Trafficking in Nigeria(Kennesaw State University Press, 2011) Olaniyi, R. O.Academic discourses and policy debates on the phenomenon of women trafficking have focused on the threat of illegal migration, migration management, and the stereotypical linkages between criminality and migration. Such themes neglected the perspectives of trafficking victims and the social context, most especially closed borders and poverty. Obviously, women trafficking constitute one of the anxieties and disruptive effects of globalization. For many women, migration across the polarized economy under the regime of globalization is associated with exploitation, criminalization, and insecurity. This paper argues that trafficking in women reflects inequality on a global scale: transfer of resources from depressed economy to prosperous economy, from the periphery to the core, and from rural to urban areas. There is a thriving market for trafficking in women to Europe for sexual purposes, as economic motivations, organized global syndicates, poverty, and patriarchal pressures have ensured steady supply of women in the global sex industry. Despite the political will, the weakening influence of the Nigerian government in the global economy and international diplomacy, as well as porous borders, undermines its efforts in rolling back women trafficking.Item Hausa-Yoruba Relations 1500-1800: A Historical Perspective(Government College University Faisalabad, 2007) Olaniyi, R. O.From a revisionist perspective, this paper demonstrates that the history of Old Oyo empire and Hausa-city states were closely interwoven especially in commercial interaction, cultural exchange, the propagation of Islam and state building processes. The paper argues that the articles of trade suggest that beyond the movement of goods and peoples in both societies, an enormous degree of diplomacy and politics existed to facilitate the process of exchange. The relationship between Old Oyo and Hausa-city states was closely linked to the political economy of the states especially slave trade, export and import of horses, cowries and firearms. It is then argued that the relationship was more complex and mutually reinforcing. Contrary to widespread accounts, there is no material to show that the term Yoruba was originally used by the Hausa to describe the people of Oyo-ile. There is every possibility that the people of Oyo ile whose language was Yoruba described themselves as such. The first reference to the term Yoruba could be found in the work of the famous Songhay scholar, Ahmad Baba Al-Timbukti.Item Hisbah and Sharia Law Enforcement in Metropolitan Kano(Indiana University Press, 2011) Olaniyi, R. O.The reintroduction of Sharia in the twelve states of northern Nigeria between 1999 and 2000 underscores the salience of Islam in the politics and governmentalities of the region. Popular pressure led to the reintroduction of Sharia in Kano, but its trajectory signified usage for administrative convenience and legitimacy prompted by the challenges of democratic change. The reintroduction of Sharia was a convergence of state Islam and popular Islam. Hisbah was established to enforce a distinctive Islamic government. It tackles the problems of community security in a different way, dedicated to the abolition of the business and consumption of beer, the restriction of sex work, the segregation of the sexes in public spaces, and the policing of a moral order based on Sharia.Item HISTORY OF COLONIAL MEDICAL AND HEALTH SERVICES IN IBADAN 1900 – 1960(2014-04) OLUYITAN, J. A.The provision of modern health services was a legacy of colonial administration in Africa. Yet, little attention has been paid to the history of medical and health development in Africa, especially Ibadan, which benefited greatly from the colonial health policy. This study, therefore, examined the changing trends in the growth and development of colonial medical and health services in Ibadan between 1900 and 1960 with a view to highlighting the impact of colonial medicine in the city. Adopting an ethnographic design, the study utilised archival and oral sources. The former was obtained from the National Archives, Ibadan. It included Chief Secretary’s Office Papers, Oyo Provincial Papers, Oyo Divisional Papers, Ibadan Divisional Papers, Yoruba News, 1924 – 1945; Daily Times, 1926 – 1960; Daily Service, 1933 – 1960 and Southern Nigeria Defender, 1944 – 1960. The latter comprised in-depth interviews with 35 people, ages 50 to 95, selected through a snowball approach and purposive sampling. The sample comprised traditional healers (10), Western-trained medical doctors (6), nurses (6) community elders (6), university lecturers (5), and civil servants (2). Data were subjected to historical analysis. Colonial health services in Ibadan evolved in consequence of European health needs. These services were later extended to the local people due to the indispensability of indigenous labour to the running of the colonial state. With the opening of Jericho European Hospital (1900), Oranyan Dispensary (1901), Agodi Dispensary (1920) and Adeoyo Hospital (1927), the elite demonstrated enthusiasm in hospital treatment due to their exposure. A majority of the natives shunned medical amenities because of their negative perception of colonial medicine. Yet, hospital patronage for treatment of infectious diseases such as typhoid fever, yellow fever, guinea worm and non-infectious diseases, like hernia and asthma, increased from 590 (1928) to 12,351 (1945). This development was connected with colonial propaganda on hospital medication. The period also witnessed vaccination campaign against smallpox and introduction of maternal and child health services at Adeoyo, Elekuro, Aremo and Agbongbon which had positive impact on childhood mortality. Equally, building of public latrines (148), incinerators (50), and slaughter slabs (8) were some of the health measures carried out. However, hundreds of people did not have access to these amenities; overcrowding with insufficient beds, shortage of clinical personnel and drugs also characterised hospital services. This situation provoked virulent criticism of the colonial administration by the elite. They demanded more modern health services. Colonial administration partially responded (1946) with a Ten-Year-Medical and Health Development Plan which affected the whole country. This situation became consolidated with the introduction of free medical services by the Western Regional Government (1954). The opening of the University College Hospital (1957) and the inception of Ibadan Government Chest Clinic (1959) further enhanced expansion of health services. Yet, these facilities were largely concentrated in the city of Ibadan. Up till 1960, medical and health services were non-existent in the villages. Colonial medical and health services which evolved between 1900 and 1960 occasioned a fair improvement in the medical condition and health status of the people of Ibadan. Therefore, colonial medicine in Ibadan was, overall, partially effectiveItem A HISTORY OF WESTERN EDUCATION AMONG THE KIKUYU, 1898-1952(1978-01) ADEBOLA, A. S.The response of most Kikuyu to Western education was initially negative. This was due In part to the nature of their Indigenous system of education which was intimately related to their political, social and economic set-up, and partly due to their reaction against the initial impact of colonialism on their society. This attitude was abandoned largely as a re stilt of the First World War when colonial demands became intensified and many people were forced to leave their homes to work as carriers. Their experience of meeting others, in camps and during journeys, from societies so such different from their own, suddenly opened up a new world of experience that the indigenous educational precepts could not fully explain or cater for. Their hope after the war that the missionaries would assist then to obtain an education which would enable then to play roles other than serving the white settlers as labourers did not materialise, neither was the government anxious to take over responsibility for African education from the mission societies. This in turn forced the Kikuyu to look for alternative means of securing a type of education which would not be preoccupied with either vocational training or proselytization. The ‘independent’ schools which became widespread in Kikuyu from the 1920s; the 'Githunguri Scheme’; the willingness of the people during the Second World War to devote a substantial amount of money they got through the war to education; the dispute between the AIM and their Kikuyu adherents in Muranga district which led to the establishment of yet another independent educational body; and the rejection of the Beecher Commission on African Education, which in turn led to the closure of all the schools that would not accept its recommendations; were all part of the efforts of the Kikuyu to make their education relevant to the needs of their society.Item Human Capital Development in Western Region, Nigeria, 1955-1968(University of Ibadan Centre for Sustainable Development, 2016) Olaniyi, R. O.This paper discusses sustained approaches, programmes and strategies for human capital development in the defunct Western Region of Nigeria. Three broad approaches were vigorously pursued, namely, education, technical skills development and agriculture. The most enduring legacy was human capital development through the introduction of free education at the primary school level, which for a long period placed the region among the most highly educated people in Africa. A composite system of secondary education, which provided technical and vocational as well as grammar school, was built up. In fact, education consumed a substantial portion of recurrent and capital expenditure. Within the framework of the Six-Year Development Plan, 1962-1968, Farm Settlement Schemes were established in various parts of the Region for young school leavers in order to boost agricultural production and provide employment opportunities. The paper argues that development plans were indispensable to human capital development.Item Human Migration, Conflict, Security and Sustainable Development(University of Ibadan Centre for Sustainable Development, 2012) Olaniyi, R.Item Identity and Solidarity in a Yoruba Diaspora: The Egbe Omo Oduduwa in Northern Nigeria, 1948-1966(Department of History, Obafemi Awolowo University, 2013) Olaniyi, R.Item The Lebanese In Ibadan, Nigeria, 1986-2012(2014) Olaniyi, R. O.; Ajayi, O. M.This paper examines the contributions of Lebanese migrants to the economic development of the city of Ibadan, one of the cities in Nigeria with the highest population of Lebanese, from 1986 to 2012. Since 1986, Lebanese migrants diversified into medium and large scale industrial production of several consumer products with diverse impacts on the host society. This study lays emphasis on the major developments involving Lebanese activities in Ibadan with particular reference to their contribution to the process of industrialisation and its impact on the society. Using a descriptive and interpretative framework, the study highlights the social, economic and political forces that aided Lebanese economic success in the period under study. Lebanese social networks in the city were analyzed as a way of assessing their relative importance to the host community. The study demonstrates that their utmost loyalty and preference for their own community perpetuated a resolve to limit their dealings within their ownItem Mapping the activities of Faith-Based Organisations in Development in Nigeria(2010) Odumosu, O.; Alonge, S.; Olaniyi, R.This paper is an outcome of the Religions and Development Research Programme in Nigeria. The rationale for this study is that the nature, scale and activities of faith- based organisations (FBOs) are poorly understood and documented in Nigeria. The aim of the study was, thus, to undertake a mapping exercise of the nature, scale and activities of FBOs in development in Nigeria. The objectives are: (a) To increase awareness of the nature and scale of faith-based contributions to development in Nigeria, (b) To provide the necessary background and contextual information for further studies under other components of the RaD research programme, helping those involved to prepare detailed research proposals and to select geographical locations, faith traditions and FBOs for further study. The methodological approach included the review of documented evidence and structured interviews. The study is of a qualitative character seeking to identify nature, scale, location and activities of faith-based organisations through in-depth interviews with representatives of umbrella organisations and key informants from faith groups. The survey revealed that the number of registered and active FBOs is limited in Nigeria. However, the active ones can be found in almost all the states of the federation, or at the least, in every geopolitical zone of the country. It also revealed that a high proportion of religious organisations provide some human services. Most of the FBOs mobilise and rely on deeply engaged volunteers rather than paid staff, thus delivering services more efficiently than other providers. The key advantage of FBOs is that they have better access to volunteers, which could be used to expand their role in delivering social services. The faith-based organisations also have the advantage that they are located in communities where services are needed. They are also involved in informal networks (e.g., cooperating, coordinating, and working together with other organisations). These increase their delivery of human services. FBOs often have a direct impact on social institutions, such as schools, which socialise people and change values over time. In addition, their jurisdiction often includes a number of areas such as morality, beliefs about the spiritual bases of disease, rules of family life and sexual activity. FBOs are also very active in practical areas of poverty reduction, providing income-generating programmes for members. The paper concludes that, generally, little research has been done on specific operational issues affecting FBOs activities in development. There is need for case studies to specifically examine FBO programmes and their impact, and here longitudinal studies could greatly contribute to the study of an effort primarily oriented toward a long-term horizon. There is also the need to find out if faith-based organisations bring distinctive advantages to community development. The issued could be readily addressed by comparing faith-based and secular organisations active in community development.Item Marginality and Crisis Globalization and Identity in Contemporary Africa(Lexington Books, 2010) Adebayo, A. G.; Adesina, O. C.; Olaniyi, R. O.